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On organising Afem: Lessons I learned on access and privilege, the importance of feeling uncomfortable, and of challenging things we find comfortable
Posted on October 24, 2014 by korynmalius
"I am very sorry to have to say this, Corinne, but from your post, I think you are either incredibly politically naïve or a troll. Either way, I don't think you are a suitable person to be moderating this list." Gail Chester
People try to take away from Afem and its organising something positive. I think positive is not synonymous with constructive. This text is not meant to make you feel comfortable. If your involvement in anarchafeminism is about you feeling like a great person doing great things and congratulating yourself about it, this text is not for you. If your involvement with anarchafeminism is about being challenged, being made uncomfortable, reconsidering what you did or did not do, and trying to improve yourself slowly and with great humility, thinking of the way you still have to go, without great pats on the back of self gratification, welcome, friend.
After St. Imier, French organisations tried to organise an anarchafem conference, but the plan quickly fell through. I contacted T from Afed, to know whether Afed had also given up or if they were still planning something. They answered that C was looking into it, at which point I got in touch with her to know whether I could be involved, but never heard anything back from her.
The main reason I thought it was important that someone like me was involved from the start was because of the situation with the French Anarchist Federation, which I won't detail here, see Afem's communiqué on their exclusion as an organisation for more info. I had translated on behalf of Afed's members a number of documents pertaining to this sordid case of harassment of anarchafeminists within anarchist organisations. When members who talked to me seemed to think things were ready to be brushed under the carpet, I constantly warned them about the French fed's habit of fake apologies, and pretend reform, which has been their modus operandi for as long as I can ascertain.
I was not contacted before the 2013 Anarchist Bookfair, and I was not contacted afterwards. Since the St. Imier idea was to have an international conference though, the French Anarchist Federation was contacted, against all common sense or decency towards French anarchafeminists.
When I finally made it onto the organising email list thanks to friends, not only nothing was said about the French federation history of harassment, but I read that £500 were to be spent on a website, paid in half by Afed and in half by the French fed. During over 10 years as an anarchist militant, it is the first time I hear of a website costing anywhere near as much, and there were no indication of any function it would have that would legitimate the cost. This was also a proposal from members of the organisations which did not detail either what we would get for such a price, or who would get the money (with the horrible argument, well, since we are paying for it, we are deciding that, which goes against everything I believe in in matters of organising). I grew really worried as one of the main abusers in the harassment case is a rather unsuccessful computer programmer who, when he is not spamming anarchafeminists' inboxes and blogs until they can't use them any more, apparently designs websites. I asked details about this again, and again, and again, and again, and again, and was given the silent treatment once more. I actually still have to receive an answer about who was contracted for these £500, but no-one has bothered to alleviate or confirm my fears. This decision was actually abandoned rather than its specifics being made available to the organising committee.
The silent treatment is a technique favoured by bureaucrats of all stripes, and many people will have suffered it from managers: you ask to be treated like a human being, I will not answer your emails and prevent you from doing your job. It is psychologically devastating, despite it bringing us back nostalgically to playground tactics. Of course, for a long time, I doubted myself, thinking I was being paranoid. But a friend from Afed put my mind at ease, saying that C openly said on ACOD that she was intentionally ignoring my requests for information and that it was a jolly good thing to do because I was not a nice person (from what I gathered, I didn't have access to ACOD, not being an Afed member). By the way, it is true, I am not a nice person, I am challenging and obstinate, I rarely give cookies when people do their job satisfactorily, and I usually point it out when they don't, my social skills leave a lot to be desired. Whether this is a reason to exclude me from an anarchafem conference and its organising, that is debatable, see the first paragraph of this article. So I stopped being distressed about not having an answer, and started being distressed at the fact my friends and former comrades were having a great laugh about my distress (meta distress, yay!). From that point on, I cried pretty much every day until I finally "quit" the organising committee.
All was not doom and gloom though, at the same time as this was going on, I was working at making this conference — which was mainly being organised by white, middle-class, cis women — more open to other perspectives by actively engaging with anarchists I knew who were not from that demographic and talking to them, presenting them the project, trying to reassure them that it wouldn't be exclusionary to them, and that they could get involved. Signing people up was possible thanks to a facebook friend who happened to be in charge of signing people up to the mailing list and was not inclined to use this power as a way to filter out people they didn't like (which some might think doesn't deserve special cookies, but given other behaviours witnessed, it really stands out). People who directly sent an email to the address provided on the public information were not as lucky, and were added after weeks or months of delay, or not at all. But, as more diverse people got involved in this, I felt like the problems we had would diminish (and they did).
Getting people who were not from Afed/Solfed involved was important to me, because, as much as I recognise the efforts that these organisations are making in being more inclusive, I also know that they are not perfect and that consequently many (most?) anarchafeminists, especially when they suffer from multiple oppressions, organise outside organisations. However, some people are unable to go beyond the long-standing antipathy between organisational anarchists vs. anarchists deemed "non-organised" (organised in smaller groups, federated in occasional open gatherings rather than yearly private conferences), and the insistence to aim the conference to "organised" anarchists clashed with attempts to address intersectionality practically.
There seemed to be very little care given about who accessed what information and through what connection. There was very little awareness of the power structures of inclusion/exclusion at all.
Dealing with this, I ventured into the world of twitter. I am no twitter fan, I have a private account that is not public and which I have almost never used. But twitter seemed a good way to reach people more fairly (that is, randomly). So I started considering tweets as space, and thought that the first thing for Afem was to establish its intent to be a platform for often silenced and marginalised people. So I followed and retweeted announcements from antifa demonstrations to anti-ableism advice. And something great happened: I saw that some people who rarely considered class struggle were retweeting stuff about the CNT strike in Spain from our account, and that some anarchist groups who rarely considered anything else than the class struggle retweeted stuff from autistic activists too. Every time this happened I felt like this Afem thing was indeed useful.
Of course, twitter comes with arguments. And this did not fail to happen. Being accessible by more people means being accessible to criticisms and call-outs (and that is kinda the point, if you ask me). When people used twitter to express their discontent with Afem's policies or meetings, I did what I have always been told was the right thing to do: listen and reexamine yourself. How do you 'listen' on twitter? I thought that retweeting people who called us out was a first step to acknowledge we were listening. I also emailed their concern to the email list for the whole group to ponder. I thanked them to take the effort to help us improve ourselves and explained what was being done regarding the issue they had raised. I do not regret anything I have done on the twitter account, I think it was right, I think it did give a good image of the conference and attracted some very interesting people into the organising group, and I regret no-one had the confidence to continue when I left and the twitter account was silent, no longer a platform for anyone except a couple of announcements about Afem for Afem by Afem.
I think maybe that is enough for now, I do not feel like documenting the events and my ensuing mental breakdown in much more detail than that, apart from a few points which are of interest:
-unrealistic expectations of "safety" which involuntarily amount to silencing. Since no-one had mentioned the elephant in the room that was the harassment from the French federation, and some people genuinely had no idea. It had to be explained. Again. And again. And again. Because some people were not ready to listen. Someone on the list got triggered by the words "victim" and "perpetrator" and would refuse even for people to use them in emails clearly labelled as containing them. Those two concepts are key to a whole lot of anarchafeminism, and eventually one of them was used on the timetable of the conference itself. This was by far not the worst thing when it comes to things that made fighting the French federation and its defenders hard, but it certainly did not help. Carving out safer spaces for victims of abuse should not make the task of defending other victims of abuse harder, or something is going very wrong.
-complete ignorance of any concept of a safer space or safer proceeding by people who are actually members of groups which have safer spaces policies. When there finally was an attempt to solve the issue of the harassment of some anarchafeminists by the French fed, safety was not even considered. The format offered was "people who care can fight it off on a private discussion thing". Perpetrators and victims alike, no moderation or anything, just a simple free for all where perpetrators could freely continue their harassment (which they had done on the organising email list). It was objected to that that the organising group did not have a SSP at that point. Of course, drafting one was a good idea, but not having one drafted does not mean things should be dealt with completely unsafely either, especially among a group which had explicitly expressed their love for SSPs. As much as it is great to have people able to draft SSPs, and without taking any merit away from them, a policy is only ever just that, and what matters in the end is what happens and is implemented, and while an explicit SSP can help, the absence of one, or the fact that it sadly does not cover a situation, should not be used as an obstacle to the defense of the safety of victims of abuse. Neither should the acceptance of a SSP be any kind of amnesty for behaviours dating back from before this acceptance.
-I do not wish to defend G, who called me a cisphobic troll which caused me to leave the organising group, but it was pretty clear from the minutes of the first organising meeting that her views were that she only wished to organise with cis women, and her transphobic views were shown, and explained at length by her at several points during the organisation of Afem. Accusing her of holding transphobic views is legitimate, accusing her of deceit seems to disregard the fact that if people were indeed "deceived" it could only be because they were ready to look the other way because she is Someone Important (with access to ressources such as a meeting place in London). Someone (me) left the organising group after being called a cisphobic troll by her, and nothing at all was done to hold her accountable for this event (as far as I know, then again, it's a pretty weird event, since, being cis myself, it was really just a general display of cis power without any particular designated victim, but that argument was punctuated by statements like "Or do my feelings not count because I am not trans* or a sex worker?"). It is not really surprising that after this experience, she feels confident in doing what she did.
-the inability of anyone to tell C she was doing anything harmful. From the start, C was the one person in charge, Afem was her conference, and that was not going to be great in terms of democracy, effectiveness, representation of diverse views, or anything that this conference was nominally about. Her attitude was not conducive to anyone else being granted access or confidence to do anything, which would feed her feeling of being the only one who did anything, etc. That's a pretty classic thing in anarchist groups. In my first anarchist group we had a saying: no-one is indispensable. Because it means the group falls apart if they are arrested. Because it is bad for their health. Because it gives them power whether they want it or not. C's refusal to share info also meant she couldn't delegate anything. She would be paranoid of anyone else getting involved as having a hidden agenda (well, apart for G, whose hidden agenda was actually pretty explicitly stated, but no-one cared). She would rather just have meetings between gender oppressed people who are in Afed and Solfed and their international sister organisations than reaching out to anyone who has been sidelined for so long by these organisations (why I am not sure as I have never met anyone in Afed or Solfed who didn't say they were very certainly infiltrated by the police and other unsafe people). If someone called us or her out, she would immediately act defensive, as a way of not listening or discussing the matter at hand. Whether she uses her overcommitment as an excuse for acting in such a Stalinist/neoliberal managerial style or whether she is genuinely overcommitted and cannot do her job satisfactorily, I do not wish to know, and do hope it is the latter, but in any case there is only one solution: for her to take time off and leave some space for others. She has held one mandate or another for the Anarchist federation for way longer than is healthy for anyone who is concerned about informal power distribution anyway and this is causing issues within and outside the federation. No-one must be indispensable or be allowed to make themselves so. For their own good as well, although that is not what I care most about personally.
Was it worth it? Well, the French fed did not get to wash their image by "funding" an anarchafem conference (although, whether it is funding a conference when you get to decide on your own what and who your money will be spent on, that is debatable anyway), the statement which was issued after I left concerning them is mostly the one I had drafted (because no-one else wanted to do it, and it is consequently pretty harsh, which is great). I do not know whether the anarchafeminists who had been harassed by the French fed attended the conference in the end or not, or whether they felt it was safe-ish enough to do so. I did not feel it was safe-ish enough for me to go, but that was mostly because of tiredness from travel and bookfair making me very tense. When I contacted the safer spaces people about my possible attendance they were very friendly and helpful, which makes me hopeful.
In this process, I did meet a number of people who immediately understood my frustration and did not understand how I could be in a situation of fighting for months for something pretty basic. They did help me a lot for immediate care as well as for keeping hopes up about what is possible for the anarchist movement. It also allowed me better to understand power struggles, passive ways of silencing people. There were also a number of groups ready to help with a possible mediation process (from a feminist group in Germany, to the Black Rose federation in the US) so this possibility of support does exist if (when?) a similar situation arises. Was there a way to do this without the ensuing breakdown? I hope so, but I failed to find it, and I hope that next time people will be able to find this magical way, and be effective without going in for an all-out soul-destroying ordeal. But anarchafeminism is pretty sweet, even when it is an all-out soul-destroying ordeal, which is often.
Malatesta and Violence
Posted on November 29, 2013 by korynmalius
If, to win, we have to set up the gallows in the public square, I would prefer to lose.
Errico Malatesta, "Revolutionary Terror", October 1924.
Discussing Malatesta's views on violence can be interesting because of the privileged perspective he had, writing in the 1920s in Italy, during the advent of Fascism. However, it can lead to some misunderstandings. Even if everyone works on the same text, "Anarchy & Violence" (September 1924) they can get quotes which range from its opening line "Anarchy means non-violence" to "anarchist violence is the only violence that can be justified". So it seems necessary to look at this text a bit closer, as a whole rather than as a set of independent quotes, as Malatesta's taste for short, efficient sentences can mask the complexity of his thought. He is not using style to build some artificial unity between opposites, as his text is precisely against what he calls "illogicality or hypocrisy".
Firstly, we need to note that the use of the term "non-violence" can be misleading since, as far as we can ascertain, it does not refer to the doctrine of non-violence, as we can see not only from the fact that it is used conjointly with "non-domination" and "non-imposition", but also from the words Malatesta does use when he refers to what we usual call non-violence: he writes, describing issues alive in the anarchist movement: "There are the partisans of non-resistance or passive resistance, who shrink from violence even where it serves to repel violence, and there are those who admit to the necessity for violence but who are in turn divided as to the nature, scope and boundaries of legitimate violence".
The text opens, as often, with a definition of anarchism. A negative one at first: it is non-violence, it does not tolerate any system of domination, and it is neither Fascism nor democracy ("non-imposition by force of will of one or more over others"). Anarchism's only distinctive characteristic, compared with other doctrines which claim to fight systems of dominations, is its relationship to violence: "what distinguishes the anarchists from all the others is precisely the horror of violence, the desire and the proposal to eliminate violence".
The word "non-violence" no longer appears and Malatesta goes on to explain this shift by talking about being "forced to resist with all possible means", which he illustrates with his first practical example. This example is chiefly interesting because it is truly a terrible one. I speak here as someone with little experience of violence, and I expect a large part of the people reading this today not to be regular street fighters or guerrilla strategists either. Personally, I read his example as if he were the DM of a role-playing game: "You come into conflict with some Dumini-type gangster and he is armed and you are unarmed; he is surrounded by a big gang and you are alone or with just a few companions; he is confident of going unpunished and you fear the eruption on the scene of the carabinieri, who will arrest and maltreat you and throw you into jail for an indefinite time…" As a player, those are all clear hints that you should look for a way out of this situation which does not involve fighting, or it will immediately result in the tragic death (or, at best, imprisonment) of your character. Malatesta, however, happily concludes "Then tell me if you could escape from your predicament by persuading the Dumini-type with good arguments to be just, good and gentle!" Well, I wouldn't normally count on pity from a Fascist assassin, but it seems almost sensible when the alternative is to attack him, his mates and their guns, alone with my bare hands, knowing that even if the commotion attracts the police I'm screwed all the same. Even in Assassin's Creed this does not sound like a wise move.
We can therefore assume that this example is not an illustration of when it could be necessary to use violence. It is an illustration of why, despite their best wishes and their horror of violence, anarchists must take into consideration that they live in a society where some people want to and can kill them with relative ease and impunity. Therefore, we can imagine Malatesta is advocating, or excusing, carrying weapons (which were common, legal or at least widely tolerated in the early 20th century), acting in groups and cop watching: all these things which give anarchists the appearance of a violent organization, as a way to protect themselves from violent situations. He also realizes that this will create the opportunity of unjustifiable acts of violence on the part of anarchists as we will see later.
To Malatesta, the discourse on violence is profoundly hypocritical, even if it comes from the oppressed. For him, "there is no cause to draw distinctions between sides" ("arrogant bullying, injustices, ferocious oppression on one hand, rebellion on the other") "while finding it necessary and right to use force to defend their own liberty, their own interests, their own class, their own country, every faction has, in the name of their own particular code of values, gone on to condemn violence when this is turned against them by others, who seek to defend their freedom, their interests, their class and their country." How does such an accusation of hypocrisy then directly leads to "Yet anarchist violence is the only violence that can be justified, the only violence that is not criminal"?
Once again, the definition is mostly negative: anarchist violence is not violence perpetrated by anarchists in reaction to the insufferable. Although Malatesta seems quite resigned that it should keep happening (as anarchists are persecuted and armed), he does not try to justify it. The violence he deems justifiable on the other hand is a type of violence which has "anarchist characteristics":
It is limited in time and is reactive: it "ceases where the need for defense and liberation ceases".
It is limited in whom it targets: "It is tempered by the awareness that individuals, taken in isolation, are hardly, if at all, responsible for the positions which heredity or environment have bestowed on them".
It is sacred. "It is inspired not by hatred but love, and it is sacred because its goal is the liberation of all and not the substitution of one form of domination with another."
He then proceeds to explain the importance to keep the possibility of violence as a means of action: to fight the rise of fascism. This also can explain the term "sacred" as it denotes the idea that violence can be a duty. He also hints here at who can carry out these acts of violence when he talks about "the mass of the people", something which will be highlighted further in Emma Goldman's writings on violence in the Spanish Revolution.
In this text, Malatesta tries to stir a course which is neither absolute non-violence, nor a comfortable justification of violence. Above all, he seems concerned with the tendency of violence to become institutionalized, and that is why he does not spell out precise circumstances which could be used to judge the actions of everyone, but rather gives some moral cautionary tales against our baser tendencies and presents anarchist violence as insurmountably ambiguous, a violence "inspired not by hatred, but love", which is both a horror and a duty.
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Translation: Georges Fontenis, the itinirary of an adventurist of the libertarian movement, part 1
Georges Fontenis: the itinerary of an adventurist of the libertarian movement – part 1 of 2
« Walking towards anarchy cannot mean renouncing anarchism through setting up a government of so-called anarchists. We need to tend towards what we want by doing what we can. »
in Pensiero e volonta # 4, Roma, February 15 1924
Was there ever a character as sulphurous as Georges Fontenis was in the history of the 20th century French libertarian movement? The man who loves calling himself "Satan", or "the Prince of Darkness", the man who, only a few years back, during an incognito visit to the bookshop of Le Monde Libertaire, handed a check to the shop employee, saying: "From the devil's hand"! Also the man who would see his name used to describe a sort of ideology, in a number of historical articles and books, as a noun "Fontenism" and an adjective "Fontenist".
To evoke Georges Fontenis is no easy task, as an important literature, as diverse as it is passionate, exists on the subject. Many autobiographies and theses by academics, or by militants interested in the history of the movement treat of this character, and often the partisan argument contributes to create a myth about him.
Maurice Joyeux wrote about this in issue n°18 of the anarchist journal La Rue a long article precisely entitled "The Fontenis affair".
As an introduction, he wrote: "For the last 30 years or so, there has been a myth among our people. This is the myth of the Fontenis affair." Myth which is centered on a single man, whose presence among us was relatively short (6 to 8 years at most), and who only exercised his authority for half that time. For the successive militants, Fontenis was the "bad guy", the "werewolf" of children's tales, the "evil one" of the tragedy, the "Antichrist" which frightened off not only one generation, but also the following ones, who did not know him but who evoke him every time an ideological quarrel shakes our movement. The character did not deserve such an "honour" nor such consistency in this "classical" role which all human groups invent to discharge themselves from the weight of their "sins" and blame their own mistakes on "Satan". I find this use of the Fontenis affair among some of our comrades to explain or justify their disagreements ridiculous. Using the "bad one" is nothing more than using the irrational, and philosophy has taught us that only in literature does it take the features of Goethe's Faust when it is actually within us and that is where it must be attacked, instead of giving it a both seducing and anguishing face. And if, to exorcise the demon, we only have to talk about him, as the good fathers say, let's talk about the Fontenis affair!
The thesis of a mythified Georges Fontenis, a sort of scapegoat for all the failures and divisions of an anarchist movement, the alibi of some of his travel companions who reject on a single man a rather cumbersome balance sheet, seems attractive. Because if Fontenis assuredly did play the main role in this play, nothing would have been possible without the blind obedience of his accomplices, nor the worrying passivity and light-heartedness of the militants of an organisation which claimed to be anti-authoritarian. Don't anarchist say that where no-one obeys, no-one commands?
If this episode has such an echo and that the naming of Fontenis still generates among many militants feelings of worry and anger, it might be that it directly refers to a taboo, the taboo on the dangers of authoritarian and bureaucratic behaviours within the libertarian movement.
After this brief consideration, and from different testimonies more or less partial, as well as from the work of historians (academic and militants), let's try, cautiously, to trace back the trajectory of Georges Fontenis.
From his first steps to his first responsibilities
To go back on the life and action of Georges Fontenis is mainly to trace back the complex evolution of the "libertarian communist" sensibility within the French anarchist movement from the aftermath of WW2 to our time.
He was born on April 14th 1920 from socialist and trade unionist parents. In 1936, he approaches the libertarian movement during the strikes of June and the Spanish Revolution. During a meeting on Spain organised in Noisy-le-Sec, he meets his first anarchist militants. He joins, soon after, a group of young libertarians who organise in Noisy and joins the Anarchist Union (UA). During the war, he becomes a primary school teacher, manages to avoid forced labour and joins the CGT and Ecole émancipée. This will allow him to take part in the commissions in charge of the purification of the National Education in 1945. In L'Ecole émancipée, he meets the anarchist militante Solange Drumont, who introduces him to the provisory administrative commission, in charge of the reconstruction of the anarchist movement and the organisation of a national congress. Immediately integrated into the commission, he is designed to organise communication among the young militants and becomes a member of the East Paris group. On October 6 and 7 1945 the congress of the libertarian movement takes place, and on December 12 the founding congress of the Anarchist Federation (AF) is held. Georges Fontenis contributes to the creation of the Federation of the libertarian youth and becomes its secretary at its founding congress. He is also in charge of making up the theoretical courses addressed to young new members. The AF quickly develops while Le Libertaire, now a weekly magazine, is printed by tens of thousands issues and is highly ranked among newspaper sales.
On September 13, 14 and 15 1946 the second congress of the AF is held in Dijon, where the pre-war divisions reappear and the conflict between factions gains in intensity. When the congress has trouble agree on a new secretary, Fontenis is, against all odds, proposed as new general secretary. As a new and irreproachable man, his youth, his status as a teacher, and the fact he is not part of any sides which are fighting each other quickly allows a large and unhoped for consensus: at 26 years old, he becomes the general secretary of the young AF and the publishing director of Le Libertaire. The same congress also decides on the creation of a self-defense committee. Kept secret, it was supposed to fight police, Stalinist or fascist infiltrations and intoxications and prepare the clandestine struggle in case of a totalitarian coup or a third world war. This commission will be during its entire existence under the responsibility of Fontenis, whether he is re-appointed as general secretary or not.
In 1947, Fontenis is re-appointed as general secretary after the third yearly congress held in Angers. He is then on unpaid leave from the National Education and can give himself full time to the AF and Le Libertaire, of which he becomes the permanent redaction secretary.
Georges Fontenis joins the young and energetic French CNT (CNT-f) and becomes the secretary of its education branch. In 1950, he leaves a declining CNT-f in crisis, and, still a member of L'école émancipée, he joins the National Education Federation (FEN).
The fourth congress held in 1948 in Lyon names him once again general secretary, this congress also decides on the creation of La Revue anarchiste, of which Fontenis is also responsible.
The same year, he takes part in an assassination attempt against Franco with some Spanish anarchists in exile. His role is limited to signing the buying certificate of a Norécrin tourism plane, which will be transformed into a bomber and flown by three Spanish militants, including the famous "general without god or master" Antonio Ortiz. The attempt fails by not much: at the moment they should drop the bombs stolen from a Luftwaffe deposit onto Franco's house in the St Sebastien bay, two, then four, then 6 planes show up and force the Norécrin to flee. The attempt will not be renewed, Fontenis will later be questioned on this affair by the anti-terrorist police, who decided to drop the case.
The OPB and the infiltration of the AF
During the summer 1949 is held near Cannes, in a youth hostel managed by José and Renée Salamé, a "training session" grouping several libertarian communist militants and whose debates lead to the necessity of constituting a secret fraction. The Organisation Pensée-Bataille, named after a book by Camillo Berneri, is created in January 1950. The OPB is a clandestine organisation within the AF, it is based, according to Fontenis, on the "necessity of a highly structured organisation, joining ideological unity, tactical unity and class nature" in the aim of "ending the domination within the AF of the individualising and synthesist currents which made immobility and confusion prevail".To do so, they need to fight and get rid of those who are deemed "muddy", "wank", "purists", "verbose", "liberals" in order to "transform anarchist movements as much as possible in the way of efficient and serious organisations defending a coherent doctrinal corpus" (OPB statutes). Alexandre Skirda, in his book Individual Autonomy and Collective Strength: Anarchist Organization from Proudhon to our times [Facing the enemy, AK Press] will claim that the self-defense committee, deviating from its original mission and using the secrecy around its functioning, constituted the birthplace of the OPB.
Fontenis becomes, since its creation and until its dissolution, its bureau secretary, also called "responsible of the plan". People can join the OPB by co-optation, after an enquiry into the militant's past and on a proposal of two godfathers. Its members are held to secrecy and the strictest obedience, with the OPB bureau verifying the strict application of orders, its statutes even precise astonishingly: "any active, suspended, excluded or resigned member must keep an absolute secret about the OPB and its members. Any failure to do so leads to the adequate judiciary measures by the OPB, which can go as far as killing in the case of a denunciation endangering the militants' safety"!
The OPB quickly infiltrates every responsibility seat in the AF, every meeting, every congress is prepared beforehand and the OPB's decisions systematically become the AF's decisions.
The fifth congress in Paris in 1950 installs voting within the organisation on a one militant = one vote basis, replacing the vote by group, but positions remain indicative and do not concern the opposing groups. Fontenis remains the general secretary of the federation.
During the sixth congress in Lille, Fontenis claims he no longer wants to be nominated as secretary general after 5 years of consecutive mandates. Under the pretense of leaving space for the young, he proposes André Moine, a fellow East Paris and OPB member, who is nominated without problem. Actually, Fontenis is not giving up anything since, by the Lille congress, the OPB is fully operational and has placed and imposed its partisans in 8 of the 9 secretarial seats, while the responsibility for the peasant, worker and Libertaire reading committees are also held by OPB members.
In May 1952, Fontenis asked to meet with Maurice Joyeux, a member of the most numerous group of the AF, the Louise Michel group (Paris 18th arrondissement). The meeting, set in an alleyway of the Buttes-Chaumont, worthy of an old spy movie, was aimed at, without disclosing the existence of the OPB, test the attitude of Joyeux and the inevitable Louise-Michel group before the next congress. Fontenis wanted to offer Joyeux some sort of double-leadership of the AF: the intellectual leadership would be Fontenis, the worker leadership would be Joyeux's. His refusal was going to, without him knowing, force Fontenis and the OPB to get rid of Joyeux and the Louise-Michel group.
In June 1952, at the Bordeaux congress, Fontenis and the OPB profit from the division to obtain a majority at each vote on every post and responsibility, while a "resolution on orientation and tactic, prepared by the OPB and amended til the last minute" of clear libertarian communist inspiration, is adopted. In October, a first schism among the opponents happens: exclusions are pronounced against Joyeux, Aristide and Paul Lapeyre, Fayolle, Arru, Vincey, etc. These militants then regroup within L'Entente Anarchiste, "an organ aimed at making contact, without any exclusivism, between federations, groups and individuals who identify as anarchists". In its first issue, Raymond Beaulaton wrote: "The post-war anarchist unity was quickly broken. Two years ago, at the Paris congress, the system of consultation by vote was installed. In two years, this unity was broken."
From 1952 to 1953, Fontenis writes in Le Libertaire a long series of articles under the title "Essential issues", while, since the dismissal of Maurice Joyeux, he now also writes the paper's editorials.
The creation of the FCL
The Paris congress on May 23, 24 and 25 1953 saw the end of the AF take over operation and the consecration of the OPB and its leader, Georges Fontenis. The last groups which refused to submit to the OPB's political line are excluded (Asnières, Louise-Michel and Bordeaux). The AF becomes the Libertarian Communist Federation (FCL) by a majority vote of 71 mandates against 61 (the other names proposed being "Anarchist Communist Party" and "Libertarian Communist Party"!). From then on, members have to publicly defend the congress resolutions, even if they voted against them. The FCL thus reaps the fruit of the whole efforts of reconstruction of the anarchist movement since the Liberation: the newspaper, the shop on the Valmy quay and the treasury. The title of Le Libertaire, which becomes "the organ of the Libertarian Communist Federation" is now printed in red instead of black, symbolizing the rupture with the "old" anarchist movement.
In reality, the FCL only groups 16 groups and around 130 to 160 militants placed under the control of the OPB. Rapidly, the "collegial" character of the OPB is replaced by the authority of one, its commissary to the plan, Goerges Fontenis. The first tensions, which others will call rivalries, appear within the libertarian communist camp, including from the Kronstadt group, who protest the authoritarian excesses and the "Fontenist deviation". In March 1953, they are excluded from the OPB (out of the 17 founding members of the OPB, only 6 are still members in 1954, including 3 people who are still the 3 same members of the bureau). The Kronstadt group published, in August 1954, an 82-page memorandum publicly denouncing, for the first time in detail, the existence of the secret group OPB as well as the Leninist orientation of the FCL. It will be excluded in turn of the FCL in March 1955.
Between anarchism and Leninism
Early may 1953, a compilation of the Fontenis articles published under the title "essential issues" is edited under the title Manifesto of Libertarian Communism. A barely modified version of this text will be adopted by the congress of the FCL a few days later as a "Declaration of principles" of the new organisation which will consecrate the new orientation of the FCL: "The specific organisation of the militants of libertarian communism considers itself the vanguard, the conscious and acting minority expressing in its ideology and action the aspirations of the proletariat…"
Jean Maîtron, in its History of the anarchist movement in France speaks, about Fontenis' Manifesto of Libertarian Communism, of an "attempt at synthesis between anarchism and leninism". Roland Biard, in his History of the anarchist movement, 1945-1975 writes about the Manifesto: "this text, under the platformist pretenses was actually an apology of vanguardism and contained a clearly Leninist orientation". Alexandre Skirda, in his book already mentioned, questioned the aim of said Manifesto, in order to know whether it was aimed at the anarchist movement in order to bolchevise it, or if it wished to reach the worker militants, friends and resigned from the French Communist Party, in order to "anarchize" them. Which seems to be confirmed by the FCL strategy which, in january 1954, published a Worker's programme, denounced by the Kronstadt group as a "pale copy" of the programme of demands of the CGT. This tendency to model itself on the French CP and the CGT became a constant leitmotiv.
This orientation is accentuated by Fontenis' attitude who, as soon as november 1953, does not bother to hide his real views: "The libertarian communist doctrine is more accurately based on dialectic materialism than marxism's political positions." He also starts to take part in the Marxist magazine and collective Socialisme ou Barbarie, close to the council communists, with an article "Participation in trade unions" in the october 1954 issue.
In june 1954, a short-lived Libertarian Communist Internationale holds its first and last congress in Paris. Three countries are represented (France, Italy and Spain, as well as a few observers) but only one organisation, the FCL.
The issue of the creation of a new "Popular Front" or "Workers' Front" is raised. In may 1955, along this line, Le Libertaire gives some space to André Marty, MP and leader of the French CP who has recently been excluded. In the same way, the FCL takes part, in july 1956, in a common meeting with the Communist MP René Bellanger and Le Libertaire publishes a "Call for front unity of the revolutionaries" with signatories from the FCL and the different Trotskyist currents.
The decline of the FCL
The militants and groups excluded from the AF quickly react: from december 25 to 27 1953 a congress is held in Paris, with 56 groups in attendance. It organises the reconstruction of the new AF (since the name has been abandoned by the FCL) and starts a newspaper: Le Monde Libertaire, the first issue of which appears in october 1954.
The FCL, which seized the AF treasury, headquarters and bookshop, and, above all the weekly Libertaire, survived until 1956 when it took part in the parliamentary elections of january. As soon as February 1955, the issue of taking part in elections is raised. A motion asking the following question: "Since the electoral battle has become a form of the social struggle, could we not envision this issue as an issue of tactic linked to circumstances and the realities of the social struggle?" is passed unanimously. In the April Internal Bulletin, a nine-page article signed F. (Fonténis?) and titled "For revolutionary practicism" claims: "We can take part in electoral struggles – we would then occupy not the role of law-makers, but of agitators. We see in this a form of agitation we should not leave aside." The debate started and the May congress accepted the participation in elections with a rather large majority (only the Mâcon and Grenoble groups opposed it and left the FCL). With the parliamentary elections of January 2, 1956, the FCL presents 10 candidates, including Fonténis and André Marty. Le Libertaire was titled "The FCL enters the struggle" while Maurice Joyeux, in Le Monde Libertaire replies with a strongly-worded "The FCL enters shit"! In the end, the libertarian communist list got 2219 votes, that is, around 0.5% of valid votes while the electoral adventure cost a lot: on January 19, Le Libertaire mentioned that "the FCL owes over a million for the costs of the electoral campaign".
A few militants of the Kronstadt group, excluded by the FCL, create the Noir et Rouge group and magazine in November 1955. They will create along with the Mâcon and Grenoble group, the Anarchist Groups of Revolutionary Action (GAAR). These same groups, and a few others, will join back the AF in 1961 as an organised faction, the Union of Anarchist Communist Groups (UGAC). "The aim of the UGAC is no longer to eliminate, like Fonténis, other factions by secret bureaucratic manouvring, but to lead, to constitute an active nucleus which should replace them in theory as in action" (Rolland, Le Monde libertaire, October 1962). Despite a rather laudable initial drive, their manoeuvres to access responsibilities as well as their publishing of a secret bulletin rekindle bad memories and quickly create tensions. Maurice Laisant denounced "an UGAC which acts as an external organisation which only joins to infiltrate and take over the AF". Deemed a "Leninist-style fraction" by Joyeux, the UGAC, recognising their failure, left the AF in 1964.
The last important campaign of the FCL, which no doubt precipitated its end, was its unconditional support to Algerian independentists. In a kind of glorious last stand, the FCL throws itself entirely into the struggle, and goes from trials to Le Libertaire being searched, to militants getting arrested, including Pierre Morain, who will be imprisoned. Militants from the FCL will act as suitcase carriers for Messali Hadj's MNA and Ahmed Ben Bella's FLN (who will become the first president of the independent Algerian state). Between october and december 1956, Fontenis receives no less than 10 court decisions for complicity of public insults and diverse label against the police, the army and the state, inciting the military to disobey… He totals already 19 months of jailtime and 900.000 Fr. in fines. Le Libertaire, exhausted by the almost systematic searches and the fines, and having lost a major part of its readership, stops being published in jJuly 1956. The FCL is put to sleep never to wake up. A few militants, including Fontenis, go underground. In July 1958, anti-terrorist forces puts an end to his flight and, after a few weeks in a military camp, he is provisionally liberated before benefiting from an amnesty decree from the General de Gaulle about every crime concerning the Algerian War.
With the combined effects of the departures and exclusions of groups and militants who disagreed with the authoritarian and Leninist and vanguardist excesses, or, on the other hand, who were attracted to Trotskyism, of the disaffection caused by the pitiful electoral episode, and of the repression following the support to Algerian nationalist struggles, the adventure of the FCL ends.
Julien (group of Rouen)
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Dating tips for cis straight anarchist men
Posted on September 29, 2013 by korynmalius
1. Don't date fellow anarchists.
There are many reasons why this is a bad idea. But if you like strong, feminist women, there are a lot of them out there, they might be more career-oriented than revolution-oriented, but deal with it.
Most women have a very special set of experiences linked to becoming anarchists. You are a young teenage girl, and you discover anarchism. You become very excited with it: why didn't people tell you about it before? It's all you were thinking, but better expressed. You start talking about it to people around you passionately. That's the age you discover that a lot of men don't give a shit about what you're saying, they just like that you are talking to them. If you were advocating fascism, their attention would be exactly the same. You get the same impression when you're leafletting. People talk to you not because they care about your politics, but because it's the first time in weeks they talk to a woman who is not at work serving them or part of their family. It is sad, but also little to do with you.
Now, being comrades is a bond of trust I place much value in. And when you find one comrade that seems to be interested in the same stuff you are, and that you like doing actions together and it's all great fun, it is extremely disappointing to then discover that really your 'comrade' was feeling all this as a budding romance, and that if you had been into other actions and mocking what you did, he would have scorned the same stuff he did enjoy with you. It's just not a comfortable place to be.
2. Don't talk shop in your free time.
If you do date an anarchist woman (or to some extent any woman), you've got to understand it is not okay to use the fact that she allocates you a larger part of her time to drill your important views on an issue into her. It is intellectual intimidation. If a discussion on an issue is coming up, and you have differing views on the subject try discussing it as much as possible in a larger group. And only alone together as long as both people are enjoying discussing it. Don't bring it up and keep it up until she caves in and decides that yeah, sure, she'll support your position. This is not a healthy way of spreading the word. Also, don't feel betrayed when she pretends to agree to shut you up, then persists with her heresy at broader meetings.
3. Talk about your man problems to other men.
"Men don't talk about their feelings"? Yes, they do, at length, and it's a pain. It's not that your partner does not care about your man feelings: the way you worked in the mines since age 10, learnt all the stiff-upper-lip nonsense growing up on the estate, had to strangle your kitten because it peed on a picture of the Pope, and had to give up your dreams of being a professional harpist after two lessons because your neighbour once mocked you. Well, yes we care in as much as we care about you, but the whole dramatisation around it is just ridiculous. You know, the whole "o no, I never talk about my feelings" five drinks later, sobbing on your lap about his entire lifestory. Accept it, you're as self-absorbed as the rest of us.
I take my examples out of the worst working class coming of age litterature to stress the fact the "pressure to really be working-class" which sometimes exists among some anarchists really does not help. You want to be pro-feminist? Talk about your daddy issues with your dad, your men issues with other men, etc. Don't dump it all on your partner because she's safe.
4. Talking about your feelings is not always great.
So, you love feminism, so you think men should be less manly and open up about their feelings. All the fucking time. Tip: women also find it really hard to express what they are feeling. And they don't care about your feelings all that much. The good thing about having a partner that often asks you how you are feeling, it's that if she doesn't, you know it's because she is not wondering. Women are not free shrinks. You are not being a wonderful deconstructed man, you're invading her space and her time and taking all her emotional and mental energy for your own selfish ends.
Let women lead the conversation! Why do men say that they are too manly to discuss feelings when actually they really aren't? Because they don't want to discuss it right now. A lot of behaviours can be explained as a way of deciding what is discussed when. Men are terribly good at that. However, your partner might have a different emotional calendar, and she might just want drinks and sex the night you decide to reconnect with your inner child, and want to discuss feelings and relationships the day you want to be all macho. She might even want to discuss feelings: with other people present! Even other men! Because the couple is toxic.
5. Don't lead the conversation, don't lead the relationship either.
You like her and you want her to know it, because you're in touch with your feelings. Good for you. But don't suggest to meet: her time and her space are sacred. Don't be like "can I come round with the cookies I just made", be like "hypothetically, if I made cookies, when would be convenient if you wished to have some, and would you like to eat them with me around, and if so where would you like this eating of cookies to take place". Don't impose things, even if they are good things that she likes like cookies. When you tell her about a concert she would like, just tell her about it. If she decides to go, she might invite you to go with her. Don't be like "I have given you this information that is relevant to your interests, therefore if you want to go you have to go on a date with me!"
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Anarchism and Fetishism
Fetishism is ascribing magical powers to an object. In Marx, it is used about money, commodities, work, etc. Money is the most common example: it only has power because we believe it has power, but we cannot free ourselves from it by refusing to believe in it in our society.
People often write about the Left being fetishistic, about having shied away from theory towards magical rituals. To name a few that you can read about: demonstration fetishism, picket line and union fetishism, Occupy, activism, class struggle fetishism, riots, fire and broken glass fetishism, fetishism in numbers, policy fetishism (and Safer space fetishism), Marx fetishism, standing in front of shops for full communism… Anything can be fetishised or be described as fetishism.
Opponents also ascribe such magical powers to the manifestations of the Left (belief that unions will bring about the collapse of the economy, that demonstrations will bring about the collapse of civilisation). However, Left fetishism can be more delusional than real. Whereas money can't really be challenged, union authority can be ignored without much consequences in many cases. This leads to the label 'fetishism' being ascribed to anything which does not work, when it can actually stem from flawed theory, or bad execution.
Anarchism is supposed to keep away from fetishism through rational examination and the adequation of means and ends. We cannot fight alienation with alienated means, and all that. In practice, anarchists do subscribe to a lot of fetishistic attitudes. Sometimes they stem from Left fetishism: the idea that the Left will actually achieve something that we can somehow stir and make into our way to emancipation. Some anarchists think that fetishism can be empowering, or helpful, or at least completely inocuous.
If accusing someone of fetishism is seen as such an insult, it is very much because of the more usual term of sexual fetishism and the stigma related to it. Sexual metaphors are often used to describe fetishistic political attitudes "it makes them hard" "they have wet dreams about it" "they wank over it". It is one of the rare occasion where sex negativity is wildly accepted by anarchists.


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Deep green foliage that can be used in salads and stir-fry. The edible flowers can be used in drinks and garnish. Adds excellent colour to the winter garden. Annual. H:1m W:80cm. 12cm, 17cm.
Light green very deeply dentated leaves. Used in salads, soups and stews. Annual. H:80cm W:50cm. 12cm, 17cm.
White stems with flat deep green glossy leaves. Ideal for winter cuisine. Annual. H:20cm W:15cm. 12cm, 17cm.
Large textured, frileed, red leaves with a distinct, fairly hot mustard flavor. Great for warm winter cuisine. The flowers are edible and can be used in salads or as garnish. Annual. H:60cm W:40cm. 12cm, 17cm.
Large textured reddish green leaves with a distinct, fairly hot mustard flavor. Great for warm winter cuisine. The flowers are edible and can be used in salads or as garnish. Annual. H:60cm W:40cm. 12cm, 17cm.
Decorative plant with deep green ovate leaves. Makes a great addition to winter salads. A gross feeder, so water and fertilize well. Available from autumn. Annual. H:20cm W:20cm. 12cm, 17cm.
Oval, grey green slightly hairy leaves with clusters of small white flowers in summer. The leaves have a strong chilli flavor.Ground cover. H:20cm W:spread.
Oval, dark green, hairy, highly aromatic leaves with clusters of small mauve flowers in summer. Strong flavor, used with meat and vegetables. Attracts butterflies. Ground cover. H:10cm W:spread. 12cm, 17cm.
Oval, cream and green, hairy, aromatic leaves with clusters of small pink flowers in summer. Strong flavor, used with meat and vegetables. Great ground cover for contrast planting. Ground cover. H:10cm W:spread. 12cm, 17cm.
Striking golden foliage that add interest and colour to the herb garden. Ideal for container gardening or as a contrast plant. Strong Oregano flavor. Ground cover. H:30cm W:30cm. 12cm, 17cm.
Oval, cream and green, hairy, aromatic leaves with clusters tiny of small pink flowers in summer. Strong flavor, used with meat and vegetables. Great ground cover for contrast planting. Ground cover. H:10cm W:spread. 12cm, 17cm.
The deeply indented green leaves are pungently aromatic when crushed, releasing lemon scented plant oils that deter even the most determined mosquito. Shrub. H:60cm W:50cm. 12cm, 17cm.
The sweet rose fragrance released from the deep green leaves when crushed is unsurpassed. The oil is used in aromatherapy. Great to flavor puddings, cakes and drinks. Shrub. H:30cm W:30cm. 12cm, 17cm.
Small perennial shrub. The leaves a have wonderfully strong passion fruit fragrance. Bears golden yellow daisies most of the year especially in winter. Companion plant to repel nematodes in the soil. A spray from the leaves can be used to repel white fly on tomatoes and Mexican bean bug on beans. Frost hardy. Shrub. H:1.5m W:1m. 12cm, 17cm.
A form of celery that looks like parsley but tastes like celery. The leaves can be picked all year round to add to salads and stews. Replace every two years. Annual. H: 30cm W:20cm. 12cm, 17cm.
Also known a Gotu Kola. A slender creeping ground cover with yellow-green round shaped leaves, similar to a violet leaf. The leaves can be added to fresh salads although somewhat bitter. Medicinal. Ground cover. H:25cm W:spread. 12cm, 17cm.
The crisp, bright green bell shaped fruits from this plant are the best in a whole range of sweet peppers. Used in salads and a variety of hot dishes. Annual. H:80cm W:50cm.
Finely serrated, indented, light green leaves and masses of white daisy flowers in summer. The dried flowers can be used as an insect repellent to deter flies and mosquitoes. Pyrethrum is used in many natural insecticides. Shrub. H:30cm W:30cm. 12cm, 17cm.
Large palmate deep green leaves with fleshy red stalks and tall spikes of cream flowers in early spring. Only the stems can be eaten – the leaves are POISONOUS. Perennial. H:60cm W:60cm. 12cm, 17cm.
Green leafy plant. The leaves have a peppery taste and add interest to sandwiches and fresh salads. Likes rich well composted, friable soil and needs plenty of water. Grows best in winter. Annual. H:50cm W:30cm. 12cm, 17cm.
Small aromatic shrub with small spiky dark green leaves and blue flowers. Hardy, prefers chalky well drained soil. The leaves are used in Mediterranean cuisine. Companion plant with Sage. Medicinal. Shrub. H:80cm W:80cm. 12cm, 17cm.
Small aromatic shrub with small spiky dark green leaves and blue flowers. The leaves are borne on long upright, straight stems. Hardy, prefers chalky well drained soil. The leaves are used in Mediterranean cuisine. The stems can be stripped of leaves and used as skewers for kebabs and sosaties. Shrub. H:1.2m W:80cm. 12cm, 17cm.
A herbaceous, drought resistant low growing shrub with aromatic needle-like thin grey leaves and blue flowers in summer and autumn. The leaves add great flavour to mutton, poultry, fish and egg dishes. Shrub. H:80cm W:60cm. 12cm, 17cm.
Uniquely trailing growth habit with masses of blue flowers. Ideal for landscaping against embankments, in containers to cascade over the side and in hanging baskets. Ground cover. H:30cm W:spread. 12cm, 17cm.
Bearing white flowers on striking silver-green foliage. Use in the same way as ordinary Rosemary. Ground cover. H:80cm W:80cm. 12cm, 17cm.
Small aromatic shrub with small spiky dark green leaves and pink flowers. Extremely hardy, prefers chalky well drained soil. The leaves are used in Mediterranean cuisine. Companion plant with Sage. Good cut flower. Shrub. H:80cm W:60cm. 12cm, 17cm.
Hardy, shrub with blue-green feathery leaves and yellow flowers. The whole plant repels cats and insects. Care must be taken when working with Rue as the juice from the stem. Shrub. H:60cm W:50cm. 12cm, 17cm.


text:
Ambedkar – A national leader or leader of Dalits only?
Ambedkar's role in national politics
Ambedkar was not the undisputed leader of Dalits only, he was the leader of the whole nation. The whole nation honours him and remembers him as 'the Father of the Constitution of India'. After Independence in 1947, when the Constitution of Independent India was being framed, Bhimrao Ambedkar, because of his hard work, expertise in legal matters and intelligence, was nominated as the chairman of the drafting committee of Constituent Assemble. Rajendra Prasad, the first President of India was the chairman of the Constituent Assembly. The joint efforts of Dr. Ambedkar and other national leaders like Nehru, Patel, Rajaji, Rajendra Prasad etc. have given to independent India a wonderful Constitution.
Babasaheb Ambedkar was misunderstood more by Dalit leaders of the day, who use his name frequently to justify their claims. He desired for not just political empowerment of Dalits, but also for social democracy in India. He did not approve the idea of revolution, which his followers advocate today. He advised to adopt constitutional methods to bring about change in independent India. He thought that methods of revolution and violence "are nothing but the Grammar of Anarchy and the sooner they are abandoned, the better for us."
Doyen of Contemporary Dalit Politics
He sincerely wished for upliftment of Dalit people, but never wanted a glorified status for himself. But his followers of Ambedkar have given a glorified status to Dr. Ambedkar. Many powerful leaders – Paswans, Manjhis and Mayawatis have emerged in present day political world, who have created their own power elite and centres. They have benefitted from their caste identity in elections. Their caste status has helped them in consolidating Dalit vote-banks. But their politics revolves around self-aggrandizement. They have hardly succeeded in bringing any change in the social or political status of submerged people or bring in social equality. Their focus is on imprisoning the poor masses forever in the trap of reservations/quota politics, which can not produce many Dalit leaders or intellectuals.
Educational background of Dr. Ambedkar
Ambedkar had received best possible education throughout his student career in India as well as abroad, at Columbia University in New York, which was available to any other person belonging to any higher caste's student at that time. Belonging to Mahar community (listed in Scheduled Castes community) had never put any hurdle throughout his student life in getting admission in school or college whether in India or abroad or in furthering his social status (he was married to a lady belonging to Brahmin community) or political career, or attaining positions of power.
Ambedkar's school's education
His father and grandfather being the employees of the British Army ensured a good education for Bhimrao Ambedkar. He continued his studies and passed his Matriculation examination from Bombay University. Bhim joined the Elphinstone High School and later on the Elphinstone College for further education – one of the best schools in all of India.
With the help of a monthly scholarship given by Maharaja Gaekwad of Baroda, Bhimrao ('Rao' is added to names in Maharashtra as a sign of respect) passed his B.A. in 1912.In 1912, he graduated in Political Science and Economics from Bombay University and got a job in Baroda.
In 1913, Maharaja of Baroda awarded scholarship to Bhim Rao Ambedkar for further studies at the world-famous Columbia University, New York. It was with a condition that he would serve Baroda state for ten years on finishing his studies. The freedom and equality he experienced in America made a very strong impression on Bhimrao. There he attained a degree in Master of Arts and a Doctorate in Philosophy from Columbia University in 1916 for his thesis "National Dividend for India: A Historical and Analytical Study." The Maharaja of Baroda appointed Dr. Ambedkar as his political secretary.
Start of Dr. Ambedkar's political career
In 1917 Bhimrao Ambedkar returned to Bombay. In 1918, he became a lecturer at Sydenham College in Bombay. There, he got the reputation as a brilliant teacher and scholar. With the help of Shahu Maharaj of Kolhapur, he started a fortnightly newspaper, the "Mooknayak" (Dumb Hero) on January 31, 1920. That was the start of his political career.
Studying in London School of Economics
In 1920, after accumulating sufficient funds, Ambedkar went back to London to complete his studies in Economics at London School of Economics. He also enrolled to study as a Barrister at Gray's Inn and became a barrister-at- law. In 1923, Bhimrao returned to India with a Doctorate in Economics from the LSE – he was perhaps the first Indian to have a Doctorate from this world-famous institution.
Ambedkar's journey in political arena
Founded 'Bahishkrit Hitkaraini Sabha'
After coming back to India, in July 1924, he founded the Bahishkrit Hitkaraini Sabha (Outcastes Welfare Association). The aim of the Sabha was to uplift the downtrodden socially and politically and bring them to the level of the others in the Indian society. Now he was well equipped as a leader of the Dalit community.
Babasaheb represented the leader of 'untouchables'
In 1930, when a Round Table Conference was held by the British Government in London to decide the future of India, Babasaheb represented the 'untouchables'. He said there: -The Depressed Classes of India also join in the demand for replacing the British Government by a Government of the people and by the people… Our wrongs have remained as open sores and have not been righted although 150 years of British rule have rolled away. Of what good is such a Government to anybody?" Gandhiji appreciated that.
Co-operating with Simon Commission
Later on, he made the controversial decision to co-operate with the all-British Simon Commission. The Congress decided to boycott the Commission and drafted its own version of a constitution for free India. Ambedkar attended all the three Round Table Conferences in London and forcefully argued for the welfare of "untouchables".
'Communal Award' in Poona Pact raised controversy
A separate electorate was announced for the depressed classes under Ramsay McDonald 'Communal Award'. The famous Poona Pact replaced the separate electorate demand with special concessions like reserved seats in the regional legislative assemblies and Central Council of States.
Birth of "Independent Labor Party"
Dr. B.R. Ambedkar set up the "Independent Labor Party" in August 1936 to contest the elections in the Bombay province. He and many candidates of his party were elected to the Bombay Legislative Assembly.
Strongly opposed the title 'Harijans' for untouchables
In 1937, a Bill was introduced to abolish the "khoti" system of land tenure in the Konkan region, the serfdom of agricultural tenants and the Mahar "watan" system of working for the Government as slaves. A clause of an agrarian bill referred to the depressed classes as "Harijans," or people of God. Bhimrao was strongly opposed to this title for the untouchables. But the Indian National Congress succeeded in introducing the term Harijan. During the Second World War, Babasaheb was appointed Labour Minister by the Viceroy.
All-India Scheduled Castes Federation
The All-India Scheduled Castes Federation was formed in 1942 to unite all 'untouchables' into one united political party.
First Law Minister of Independent India
In 1947, when India became independent, Babasaheb Ambedkar became First Law Minister of Independent India in Nehru's cabinet. He was elected as a Member of the Constituent Assembly from Bengal. The Constituent Assembly made him chairman of the committee appointed to draft the constitution for the world's largest democracy.
Relinquished position of Law Minister
In October 1948, Dr. Ambedkar submitted the Hindu Code Bill to the Constituent Assembly in an attempt to codify the Hindu law. The Bill caused great divisions even in the Congress party. Consideration for the bill was postponed to September 1951. When the Bill was taken up it was truncated. A dejected Ambedkar relinquished his position as Law Minister.
Ambedkar and his beliefs
Anathema against Hinduism
Babasahib propagated vehemently against Hinduism. He regarded Hinduism and caste system as "great obstacles to Hindu Unity". … "My self-respect can not assimilate Hinduism…The religion that does not recognize you as human beings…is not worthy to be called a religion." He used to say – "Hinduism has given us (untouchables) only insults, misery, and humiliation." … "We have not been able to secure the barest of human rights… I am born a Hindu. I couldn't help it, but I solemnly assure you that I will not die a Hindu."
In favour of 'conversions'
Therefore in 1935 at Yeola, Babasaheb for the first time that Babasaheb suggested to his people – for they were only known as 'untouchables' within the fold of Hinduism. opt for conversions for his people – for they were only known as 'untouchables' within the fold of Hinduism. He stressed the importance of conversion from Hinduism About a month before his death (December 6, 1956), on 0ctober 14, 1956 he embraced Buddhism along with many of his followers.
Views on Reservation
According to Ambedkar, "Where a majority of population is denied its share in actual power, there exists no democracy." … "Reservation is not aimed at economic uplift or alleviation of poverty. But it is a provision made for the entry of certain castes, which have so far been outside the administration. Hence the need for their adequate representation in State Services. Adequacy should be judged not by their presence in the lower rung of the services, but their entry into the higher echelons, the corridor of power."
On loyalty
He was clear from the very beginning of his political career that "Attempt to uplift my community rather than to win Swaraj for the nation is my goal." …… "I will leave no doubt in the minds of the people of this country that I have another loyalty, to which I am bound and which I can never for-sake. The loyalty is to the community of the untouchables; in which I am born, to which I belong and which I hope, I shall never desert. And I say this…. as strongly as I possibly can that whenever there is any conflict of interests between the country and the untouchables, so far as I am concerned, the untouchable interests will take precedence over the interests of the country. I am not going to support a tyranny of the majority, simply because it happens to speak in the name of the country…. As between the country and myself, the country will have precedence, as between the country and the depressed classes, the depressed classes will have precedence."
On democratic values
"Democracy is not merely a form of Government. It is primarily a mode of associated living, of conjoint communicated experience. It is essentially an attitude of respect and reverence towards fellow men." … "In an ideal society, there should be many interests consciously communicated and shared."
Ambedkar and Reservation Policy
During Constituent Assembly Debates, Ambedkar advocated the policy of Reservation. But later on, as a socialist and humanist, who had the long-range interests of untouchables at heart, had developed doubts about advisability and efficacy of Reservation Policy. Chowdhary Charan Singh said, "Ambedkar himself declared in a speech sometime before his death that the provision of Reservation in service should not extend beyond 1960/61."
Ambedkar's realization of worthlessness of 'Reservations'
Pr. Balraj Madhok had also pointed out that later in life, Ambedkar realized that SC and ST would not be able to stand on their own feet, so long as they depended on the crutches of Reservation. "Reservation," Dr. Ambedkar said, "Encouraged backwardness, inefficiency and lack of competitive merit among them barring a few stray cases." Therefore, when he launched the Republican Party of India, he incorporated this view in the Manifesto, according to which the party was committed itself to abolish all kinds of Reservations based on caste and birth.
Depressed Ambedkar
During his last days, Ambedkar said, "I have not been able to fulfil my mission. I wanted to do more for the SC people and to see them as governing class in my life. I could have succeeded, but my own people have deceived me. Whatever I have been able to do, is being enjoyed by the educated people and they are the worst fools. I now want to divert my attention to the uneducated masses, but life seems short. The second worry to my mind is that I wanted that somebody from the SC should come forward and take the responsibilities from me. There, however, seems none to shoulder such a heavy responsibility. All are selfish and quarrel themselves on petty matters."
Wave of Ambedkarization
1990's witnessed a wave of Ambedkarisation. Many politicians started describing Ambedkar as the "The maker" of Indian Constitution. Experts on Constitutional law have some reservation to such expressions, because both the constituent Assembly and its Drafting Committee headed by Dr. Ambedkar were the formal centers of work. The real place of work was the Congress Working Committee, which took all the important decisions and there, the prominent role was played by leaders like Nehru, Patel, Rajendra Prasad or Constitutional jurists like Alladi Krishna Swami Ayyar, K.M. Munshi and others. It was frankly admitted by Mahavir Tyagi, one of the members of Drafting Committee, and Dr. Ambedkar himself that their hands were tied and they were only carrying out the wishes of the majority.
Ambedkar's contributions
After an examination of the situation, Pr. K.V. Rao said, "No doubt, Ambedkar, a man of legal acumen, untiring industry, consummate skill and firmness, tempered with modernization, made substantial contribution to the framing of the Constitution" He had been recognized at that time as an intellectual having his own philosophy and interpretations, but he lacked leadership qualities and mass appeal.
Ambedkar and the wrath of intelligentsia
Ambedkar earned the wrath of intelligentsia during pre-Independence period
– he, himself, was a beneficiary of social reform movement in Maharashtra, which was led by nationalist leaders and reformers mostly belonging to caste Hindus. But in his speeches, he always considered caste Hindus as his enemy.
– Some people feel that it is inappropriate to call Dr. Ambedkar, the maker of the Constitution. The sources of all the ideas of the Constitution were Nehru and Patel and many other reputed leaders and lawyers. The credit of framing the constitution goes jointly to all of them as well as all the members of the Drafting Committee. Many people do not like to single out Dr. Ambedkar for this honour.
– The intelligentsia regarded his move for separate electorates for untouchable as an act to split Hindu society permanently. It is alleged that he could not rise beyond his caste identity.
– He was criticized for his association with Simon Commission proceedings, First Round Table Conference and Viceroy's Executive Committee as member, with an intention to cooperate with British rulers, at the time, when national leaders were fighting British rulers for Independence;
– His anguish against Hinduism and caste system and his act of burning Hindu-script, which he regarded as great obstacles to the Indian unity, annoyed many.
– Many people did not like his confrontation with Gandhi. Ambedkar, like Jinnah was against Hindu majority rule, Congress Party and Gandhi. Both of them reacted against the above three in similar manner most of the times and preferred continuance of British rule.
Ambedkar as a role model
The present day followers of Ambedkar do not seem to have understood Ambedkar in right perspective. He wanted to annihilate caste system not by revenge, hatred and violence, but by rethinking, reason and reformation. He, therefore, taught untouchables "To organize, educate and agitate" with an aim to finishing caste prejudices, the arrogance, and the "Holier than thou' attitude of Brahmins. He wanted his people to improve their condition by education, enlightenment and enterprise not by animosity, anger and abuse. It is quite understandable that he did not hate Brahmins as he was happily married to a Brahmin lady. He respected Justice Ranade.
His followers appear not to have done justice with Ambedkar. In order to overcome their insecurity and keep united various split groups,they used Ambedkar's name ruthlessly. It served only their selfish motives and political ends for some time. They idolized Ambedkar as "Rescuer of Dalits". The trend in 90's of idolization of Ambedkar or attempts of Ambedkarisation of the nation exposed the intentions of his followers, especially when he himself considered idolization as an act leading to destruction. Today agitated the Dalit leaders are, but their agitation is far away from being a positive or constructive one. It has turned into a negative militancy against caste Hindu.
Dr. Ambedkar gave a required boost to move forward to Dalit movement at right time. He played a significant role in national politics and as the Chairman of drafting Committee of Indian Constitution.
Ambedkar is a role model for Dalit leaders. It is unfortunate that that some leaders of present day misunderstood Ambedkar. They have not learnt much from the life-long experiences of Dr. Ambedkar. Critics say that these Ambedarites have been proved shallow in understanding his real aim for social transformation. The ground realities of untouchables in India were quite different in the beginning of Nineteenth century than what it is at present. It was at that time that Ambedkar had made untouchables (SC's) as the base.
After Independence, a massive shift has already been taken place in favor of Dalits allover India. But present day Dalit leaders are still living in old world. Modern followers of Ambedkar have forgotten that he rose to the status of a political icon, because he always took up bravely the challenges in life against all odds. His life is a classic and most inspiring example of what a man can achieve by hard work, knowledge, and clear-cut priorities. He had struggled and worked very hard to succeed in life.
No doubt, Ambedkar has been the undisputed leader of untouchables and Doyen of Contemporary Dalit Politics. But it is also true and can not be altered that he had received an elite education at Columbia University in New York. Belonging to Mahar community had never put any hurdle in his life to get the best education in the world throughout his student career, one could get, or in furthering his social status or political career, or attaining positions of power.
Ambedkar's career as a Student
His father and grandfather being the employees of the British Army ensured a good education for Bhimrao Ambedkar. He continued his studies and passed his Matriculation examination from Bombay University. Bhim joined the Elphinstone High School and later on the Elphinstone College for further education – one of the best schools in all of India.. With the help of a monthly scholarship given by Maharaja Gaekwad…
April 21, 2014 - Posted by latasinha | Social and political values and systems | Dalits/untouchables, Disoriented psyche, Glorified status to Ambedkar

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Proof & Defenses in Criminal Cases
Fingerprint Evidence in Criminal Cases
Learn how fingerprint evidence is gathered and used in criminal investigations and trials.
Fingerprint evidence, although sometimes not as high-profile as other high-tech crime-solving methods like DNA typing, is still very much used in criminal investigations and cases. While the principle that no two people can have the same fingerprints cannot be scientifically validated, fingerprint evidence is generally considered to be highly reliable and is particularly accessible to juries: You don't need a Ph.D. or a scientific lecture on genetics to understand that your own fingers contain a contour map of ridges and whorls that is completely unique.
Matching Fingerprints
Fingerprint evidence rests on two basic principles:
A person's "friction ridge patterns" (the swirled skin on their fingertips) don't change over their lifetimes.
No two people have the same pattern of friction ridges. Even identical twins have different fingerprints.
Police officers use fingerprints to identify defendants by comparing prints found at a crime scene with prints already in police files. (Today, the FBI has a collection of prints that numbers in the millions.) People's fingerprints can be on file for a variety of reasons. For example, people may be fingerprinted when they are arrested or when they begin certain occupations. And it is increasingly popular for parents to ask local police departments or schools to fingerprint their young children, a grim reminder that children who are abducted or are the victims of other heinous crimes often cannot be identified otherwise.
Fingerprint experts can disagree about how many points in common are needed to declare a match between two sets of fingerprints. For example, some experts will declare a match based on only 12 points in common, whereas other experts may require up to 20 points in common before declaring a match.
How Fingerprints Are Found
Friction ridges contain rows of sweat pores, and sweat mixed with other body oils and dirt produces fingerprints on smooth surfaces. Fingerprint experts use powders and chemicals to make such prints visible. The visibility of a set of prints depends on the surface from which they're lifted; however, with the help of computer enhancement techniques that can extrapolate a complete pattern from mere fragments, and laser technology that can read otherwise invisible markings, fingerprint experts increasingly can retrieve identifiable prints from most surfaces.
The age of a set of fingerprints is almost impossible to determine. Therefore, defendants often try to explain away evidence that their fingerprints were found at crime scenes by testifying that they were at the scene and left the prints at a time other than the time of a crime.
To learn more about fingerprint and other evidence, read The Criminal Law Handbook: Know Your Rights, Survive the System, by Paul Bergman and Sara Berman (Nolo).
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Baker City ist der County Seat des Baker County im Bundesstaat Oregon. Benannt wurde die Stadt nach Edward Dickinson Baker. Das U.S. Census Bureau hat bei der Volkszählung 2020 eine Einwohnerzahl von 10.099 ermittelt. Die Gesamt- und die Landfläche betragen 18,55 km² (7,16 mi²).

Geschichte
Baker City, 1865 entstanden, wuchs zu Beginn ziemlich langsam. Am 27. März 1866 wurde eine Postfiliale eröffnet, jedoch wurde die Stadt erst 1874 handelsgerichtlich eingetragen.

Die Oregon Short Line Railroad kam 1884 nach Baker City. Dies führte zu einem Bevölkerungswachstum; im Jahr 1900 war Baker City die größte Stadt zwischen Salt Lake City und Portland.  1910 stimmten die Einwohner von Baker City für eine Kürzung des Stadtnamens zu "Baker". Die Namensänderung wurde 1911 vollzogen, 1989 jedoch nach einer weiteren Abstimmung wieder in "Baker City" rückgängig gemacht.

1918 kam Baker City in die Schlagzeilen, als das United States Naval Observatory während der Sonnenfinsternis 1918 dort seine Beobachtungsbasen hatte. 2017 lag Baker City auch im Bereich einer totalen Sonnenfinsternis.

Geografie
Baker City liegt in einem Tal zwischen den Wallowa Mountains, den Elkhorn Mountains und den Blue Mountains. Der Powder River fließt auf seinem Weg zum Snake River durch das Zentrum der Stadt.

In Baker City herrscht ein semiarides Klima. Der Juli und August sind die heißesten Monate von Baker City. Die höchste Temperatur wurde am 10. August 2018 (43 °C) erreicht. Die niedrigste Temperatur wurde im Dezember 1978 gemessen (−39 °C).

Bevölkerung
2010 hatte Baker City 9828 Einwohner. Davon waren 94,57 Prozent Weiße, 1,12 Prozent amerikanische Ureinwohner, 0,53 Prozent Asiaten, 0,44 Prozent Afroamerikaner, 0,01 Prozent Bewohner von pazifischen Inseln, 0,97 Prozent aus anderen Ethnien sowie 2,35 Prozent aus zwei oder mehreren Ethnien. 3,52 Prozent der Bevölkerung gaben an, zum Volk der Hispanics oder Latinos zu gehören.

Das Medianalter von Baker City betrug 44 Jahre. Das Pro-Kopf-Einkommen der Stadt betrug 14.179 US-Dollar. 16,5 Prozent der Bevölkerung lebten unterhalb der Armutsgrenze.

Partnerstädte
Seit 1996 ist die russische Stadt Seja in der Oblast Amur Partnerstadt von Baker City.

Weblinks

Einzelnachweise

Gemeindegründung 1865
County Seat in Oregon
Ort in Oregon
Ort in Nordamerika

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
Sorex macrodon — вид роду мідиць (Sorex) родини мідицевих.

Поширення
Країни проживання: Мексика. Зустрічається з 1200 до 2600 м над рівнем моря на вкритих мохом берегах потоків в тропічному лісі, а також в щільних дубових лісах на лісових ґрунті або під каменями або колодами.

Звички
Живиться в основному комахами.

Загрози та охорона
Втрата середовища існування через сільське господарство, а також збезлісення є серйозною загрозою для цього виду. Цей вид не зустрічається в охоронних територіях.

Джерела
 Castro-Arellano, I., de Grammont, P.C., Matson, J. & Woodman, N. 2008. Sorex macrodon. In: IUCN 2013

macrodon
Ссавці Мексики
Тварини, описані 1895


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This collection documents the planning, production, and execution of the 1971 Festival of American Folklife. Materials may include photographs, audio recordings, motion picture film and video recordings, notes, production drawings, contracts, memoranda, correspondence, informational materials, publications, and ephemera. Such materials were created during the Festival on the National Mall in Washington, D.C., as well as in the featured communities, before or after the Festival itself.
The 1971 Festival of American Folklife was produced by the Smithsonian Division of Performing Arts.
The Festival of American Folklife, since its initiation in 1967, sought to present varied folk traditions representing a broad spectrum of our nation's cultural groups. It was the Smithsonian's hope and belief that the 1971 Festival would deepen and advance public appreciation of the richness and viability of American grass-roots creativity.
The 1971 Festival featured the State of Ohio, Pacific Northwest Coast Indians and Alaskan Eskimos, and the American worker as a part of organized labor. It took place for five days on the National Mall, between Madison Drive and Jefferson Drive and between 10th Street and 14th Street, south of the National Museum of History and Technology and the National Museum of Natural History (see site plan).
Evening programs took place in two locations: Indian Pow Wows were held in the Indian Area at 13th Street opposite the National Museum of History and Technology nightly except July 4th when a powwow was held on the Washington Monument Grounds. Evening concerts took place on the Main Stage located in front of the National Museum of Natural History. The Main Stage also hosted its own performers and others drawn from one of the Festival's three other programs; the resulting recordings constitute a separate subseries below.
The 1971 Festival was once again produced by the Division of Performing Arts, where James R. Morris was Director and Richard Lusher was Deputy Director. Ralph Rinzler continued as Festival Director, with Gerald L. Davis as Assistant Director and Kenneth S. Goldstein as Special Assistant to the Secretary on Folklore and Folklife.
The 1971 Program Book included information on all of the programs, a participant list, and schedule.
Smithsonian Folklife Festival records: 1971 Festival of American Folklife, Ralph Rinzler Folklife Archives and Collections, Smithsonian Institution.
Smithsonian Folklife Festival records: 1971 Festival of American Folklife forms part of the Smithsonian Folklife Festival records .