text:
Hairy Maclary
A Play in Four Acts
The Nile Mighty Ape Fishpond Whitcoulls The Warehouse Paper Plus
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Arthur Miller's classic parable of mass hysteria draws a chilling parallel between the Salem witch-hunt of 1692 - 'one of the strangest and most awful chapters in human history' - and the McCarthyism which gripped America in the 1950s. The story of how the small community of Salem is stirred into madness by superstition, paranoia and malice, culminating in a violent climax, is a savage attack on the evils of mindless persecution and the terrifying power of false accusations.
American dramatist Arthur Miller was born in New York City in 1915. In 1938 Miller won awards for his comedy The Grass Still Grows. His major achievement was Death of a Salesman, which won the 1949 Pulitzer Prize for drama and the 1949 New York Drama Critics' Circle Award. The Crucible was aimed at the widespread congressional investigation of subversive activities in the US; the drama won the 1953 Tony Award. Miller's autobiography, Timebends: A Life was published in 1987.
Also by Arthur Miller
The Wife of Willesden
Zadie Smith
The Wives' Tales
Zadie Smith, Geoffrey Chaucer
A Synthesizing Mind
Fences & Ma Rainey's Black Bottom
August Wilson
Master Harold and the Boys
Athol Fugard
Torch Song Trilogy
I, Carmelita Tropicana
Alina Troyano
The Plebeians Rehearse the Uprising
Plays Volume One
Peer Gynt And Brand
The Greek Plays
Mary Lefkowitz
Aristophanes Aristophanes, Aristophanes
Tartuffe and Other Plays
Jean-Baptiste Moliere
An Enemy of the People
The Peach Blossom Fan
K'ung Shang-jen
Sophocles Sophocles, Sophocles
The Duchess of Malfi, The White Devil, The Broken Heart and 'Tis Pity She's a Whore
John Ford, John Webster
Shrine: A Play in One Act
The Rose Tattoo And Other Plays
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Home	World News	What the West still does not understand
What the West still does not understand
written by Ace Damon December 6, 2019
The week began as a peculiar image. World leaders behaving like high schoolers on a "wheel" to make fun of a colleague who, let's say, is not the most popular in the class. French President Emmanuel Macron and Prime Ministers of the United Kingdom, Boris Johnson, of Canada, Justin Trudeau, and of the Netherlands, Mark Rutte. They had a good laugh at the expense of US President Donald Trump.
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The four of them mocked the American hours after Macron said at a meeting celebrating NATO's 70th anniversary that the organization was brain dead. In short, that is to say that the United States had lost its natural leadership since its founding.
The joker, however, was Trudeau. The Canadian mocked Trump's "long" collective. The conversation leaked through the BBC broadcast system and provoked the wrath of the American. Trump no longer spoke to journalists and sent a message to the Canadian: "He has two faces."
Trump's bullying has a reason. He is unwilling to continue to pay the largest chunk of NATO spending without European partners paying at least the minimum provided by the military alliance statutes: 2 percent of GDP.
Trudeau Canada, for example, disburses the equivalent of 1.3 percent of GDP. The French Macron – like champagne, is very good foam. France occupies the third position in the ranking of the largest contributors, with a transfer of only 1.78% of GDP, and is one of the largest beneficiaries of the alliance. In NATO's defense, his behavior is similar to his environmentalist spirit. He presents himself as a savior of the Amazon and complains about those who do not meet the greenhouse gas reduction targets set by the Paris Agreement, but are far from fulfilling their homework. It is behind Brazil in meeting the goals.
As the Allies headbang and take offense in the public square, NATO slows in the face of an evident military and geopolitical escalation from the East. The invasion of the Crimea region in Ukraine was the most conspicuous of Moscow's gestures in the region. Not to mention the threat of Islamic extremism that has become part of the daily reality of Europeans.
On another front, President Donald Trump has given ammunition to those who believe that the promised and expected alliances between the United States and Brazil are a one-way street in which only Brazil has given in and received nothing in return. On Twitter, he announced an increase in steel import tariffs from Brazil. As if that weren't enough, he accused his main ally in the region of manipulating the exchange rate to take advantage of the strong dollar. In the name of defending your farmers. Was it the fulfillment of his famous America first?
These are immediate and especially electoral effects, the creeping in Brazil makes perfect sense. But the United States is repeating the mistake that led to the substantial loss of relevance in the hemisphere and the opening of a paved avenue for China to advance in the region. There are those who think that your speech is only electoral and that when you count the surcharges you will find that they will do more harm to American industry than Brazilian industry. Brazil would be being used as a ladder for its electoral stage.
Hugo Chávez, when he set his feet on the Miraflores Palace in Caracas, designed a strategy of expansion and influence that led most countries in the region to orbit around his Bolivarian revolution project. Even Brazil shrank in relevance by submitting to the plans of the Venezuelan lieutenant colonel. Through cheap financing, oil donations and political support, Chávez has long managed to own the Organization of American States (OAS), founded the late Unasur, elected and helped to perpetuate several friendly presidents.
The United States, in turn, scorched by fame as an intervener, gave up the region. In the last few years before Trump's arrival in the White House, Americans neglected the emergence of Chavismo, were expelled from Bolivia, and lost their leadership and influence in the fight against trafficking in Colombia. Perhaps stunned by the Bolivarian knockout, they lost their way and turned their backs on those who should reach out and strengthen relationships. Latin America has practically disappeared from the State Department agenda.
Mauricio Macri received from Cristina Kirchner a shredded Argentina. Although censored as the one that would start an antibolivarian turn in the region, Macri got no help. Argentina received no special treatment and the country never took off. The economic fiasco account did not fall on who created it, but on who was unable to reverse it. And as bizarre as it may sound, the Argentines punished Macri by bringing Cristina Kirchner back to power. It's like calling the arsonist to put out the fire. It is the same as the PT wants to do in Brazil and what Evo Morales hopes to be for Bolivia, a country that is one step closer to the outbreak of a deep economic crisis.
It is by no means desirable for the United States to behave as
Chavez in the past. But the lack of engagement of the largest
power of the planet in helping its allies and thereby strengthening its
own network of influence. On the contrary. There has been a systematic abandonment
and unjustified from friends. Trump got rid of some body names
relations with Latin America, which in many cases clouded the perception of
of regional problems.
In terms of bilateral relations, there is no risk of an approximation project that since the moment of the Bolsonaro administration, still in transition, has been designed to be the axis of a foreign policy designed with economic ambitions, but derived from a identification of western values.
But in the international political aspect. Although the edge of the
President Trump take focus on his domestic politics. The effect is felt in
Latin America.
At the Chinese Embassy in Brasilia there was a climate of permanent tension over Brazil's alignment with the United States. That is why the Chinese government decided to invest in the conquest of PSL parliamentarians in an attempt to create a channel with pockets. In addition, it began to pour rivers of money to trigger proficient lobbyists in the intricacies of Brazilian politics. But less than a year later, the Chinese are celebrating. Do not hide from interlocutors in Brasilia that in arm wrestling will take the best. They see a road paved with American asphalt to achieve their goals in the region.
Last October, the foreign minister presented in Washington
a conference in which he made a remark that escaped the news.
Ernesto Araújo drew attention to the fact that the West never understood the
reasons that led to the victory of the Cold War. We almost always reduce defeat
from communism to economic issues. But Araújo draws attention to a fact that neglected
a systematic attack became vulnerable. The western values. Main
of them freedom.
While NATO high schoolers find themselves cleverly creeping into each other, or American diplomacy does not focus on what really matters around them, the new actors marching about the region know very well how to occupy these spaces and, above all, to heal wounds caused by internal crises. Faced with the global geopolitical board, only one side knows exactly what the game is. And it is not about the West.
twenty + nine =
Is the Elizabeth Warren-Bernie Sanders...
Hey, wasn't it supposed to start...
11 US troops treated for injuries...
Pakistan says it will not be...
Russia has change of government while...
FAA: Delta pilots didn't seek permission...
Designing 'Women' lets Jacqueline Durran get a little freer with Victorian…


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Q: Combobox how to get the selected item to show a theme I'm doing a tic tac toe game and I am trying to add a combo box that will  change the applications background based on what the person selects right now I have summer, spring, fall, winter and the images are in the bin/debug folder how can I get this to work I don't know where to start and the tutorials are a bit confusing. Could you please help me

A: There are many ways to do this.  This is probably the simplest:

*

*Set your main form's BackgroundImageLayout to Stretch.

*Place 4 PictureBox controls on your form, and set their Visible properties to false. Name them pbWinter, pbSpring etc. Set the Image property of each by browsing to the image file for each season.

*Add a ComboBox to your form.  Add the items "Winter", "Spring", "Summer" and "Fall".

*In the combo box's SelectedIndexChanged event handler, check the box's Text property with a switch statement, and set the appropriate back image with code like this:
this.BackgroundImage = pbWinter.Image; // etc. ...
Update:  Here's how to do the switch statement:
private void comboBox1_SelectedIndexChanged(object sender, EventArgs e)
{
    switch (comboBox1.Text)
    {
        case "Winter":
            this.BackgroundImage = pbWinter.Image;
            break;
        case "Spring":
            this.BackgroundImage = pbSpring.Image;
            break;
        // etc...
    }
}

A: It isn't exactly clear what you are asking.  Assuming you've got bitmap files with names like "spring.png" etc in your bin\Debug folder, this ought to work:
public partial class Form1 : Form {
    public Form1() {
        InitializeComponent();
        comboBox1.Items.AddRange(new string[] { "Spring", "Summer", "Fall", "Winter" });
        comboBox1.SelectedIndexChanged += comboBox1_SelectedIndexChanged;
    }

    private void comboBox1_SelectedIndexChanged(object sender, EventArgs e) {
        string folder = Application.StartupPath;
        string theme = (string)comboBox1.Items[comboBox1.SelectedIndex];
        string path = System.IO.Path.Combine(folder, theme + ".png");
        Image newImage = new Bitmap(path);
        if (this.BackgroundImage != null) this.BackgroundImage.Dispose();
        this.BackgroundImage = newImage;
    }
}

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You are here: Home > General > St. Louis 1962: Riots After Police Kill Teenager
St. Louis 1962: Riots After Police Kill Teenager
Posted by 1877 on 2015/04/07
In 1962 after a police officer shot Donnel Dortch, a black teenager, Kinloch erupted into at least four days of protests, riots and arsons. The response of the police, city officials, the governor and media are quite similar to their Ferguson descendants 50 years later.
Kinloch, Berkley and Ferguson (three touching municipalities in north St. Louis County) share an interwoven racial history. Kinloch and Berkley used to be one municipality (Kinloch), which was unofficially divided into a white, northern part and a southern, black part. When school integration began in the early 1900s, white parents in Kinloch boycotted and picketed the schools. It was decided that a vote would determine whether or not to continue school integration. To the shock (and horror) of the white residents, the black residents out-voted them. Northern Kinloch pulled away and formed Berkley.
All this time Ferguson had functioned as an all-white, sundown town for the black residents of Kinloch. They were allowed to ride the street car to work in downtown, but they could get off, shop and (definitely not) live there. It wasn't until around the time of Dortch's death, that the first black family was able to move to Ferguson (and at great stress). Up until 1968, many of the roads leading between Kinloch and Ferguson were still barricaded.
The following are two news articles from the time of Dortch's killing and the subsequent protests.
ST. LOUIS AREA NEGROES RIOT AFTER SLAYING
Chicago Daily Tribune, St. Louis, September 25
A shotgun blast today wounded three policemen and a bystander during a tumultuous demonstration by hundreds of Negroes protesting the fatal shooting of a 19-year-old by an elderly policeman in suburban Kinloch.
A rash f fires hit the 98 percent Negro community, razing an elementary school and damaging the police chief's home, and a telephoned bomb threat drove 320 students from Kinloch High school.
A force of nearly 100 county and suburban police dispersed the shouting, shoving crowd and stood by today to enforce a 10 p.m. curfew declared by Mayor Clarence Lee.
CONSIDERS CALLING OUT GUARD
Gov. John Dalton alerted the Missouri highway patrol and asked aides to check whether the situation "warranted action by the national guard."
"We will do whatever is necessary to preserve peace," Dalton said in Kansas City.
The crowd estimated at more than 300 negroes massed in front of Kinloch City hall early today and chanted "We want Mason….We want Mason." They demanded Israel Mason, 74-year-old Negro policeman, who was suspended pending a hearing into the fatal shooting Sunday night of Donnel Dortch when the youth resisted arrest on charges resulting from a drag race.
Lee announced today that Mason had submitted his resignation and it had been accepted. He announced that police and county officials were investigating Dortch's death and planned to present information to the St. Louis county grand jury.
BYSTANDER ALSO WOUNDED
Police said the three policemen, all white, and a Negro bystander were injured by a shotgun blast fired from the window of a slum clearance project.
County Policeman Kenneth Armstead, 29, and Hugh Hodges, 26, were reported in serious condition at a hospital. Policeman William Rushing, 33, was in satisfactory condition. The bystander, Anthony Williams, 32, was treated and released.
Police said up to 10 fires broke out, most of them apparently set by arsonists. One destroyed the Dunbar Elementary school. Another damaged the newly completed home of Police Chief Roosevelt Hoskins. The Chief, acting on a hunch, drove home, discovered the blaze and extinguished it himself.
About 85 county and suburban police poured into the town. With riot guns, machine guns, and police dogs, they cleared the streets. Fire alarms continued past dawn.
Students poured out of the high school when a board of education secretary received a call warning of a bomb. Students returned to classes after police and firemen searched the school and found no explosives.
MORE THAN 50 QUIZZED
Police rounded up and questioned "more than 50 persons" in the shooting and burnings. They charged Henry Bradford, 24, and Charles Williams, 19, with felonious assault in the shooting.
Mayor Lee huddled with the police chief to plan safety measures to maintain order.
Kinloch has a population of 6.500. It is one of several predominately Negro suburbs in the St. Louis area which date back to Civil war days.
8 FIRES SET IN NEGRO SUBURB OF ST. LOUIS
AFTER SHOOTING
New York Times, St. Louis, September 26
Arsonists set eight fires, five in unoccupied houses, last night and early today in suburban Kinloch. The Negro community has been the scene of violence since an elderly policeman killed a young man Sunday.
The police kept down further violence by enforcing a curfew and preventing crowds from gathering. Six persons were arrested for having violated curfew.
A man and a youth were seized by county policemen, who said the pair had admitted setting four fires. The number of fires set since Sunday has reached 21.
Mayor Clarence Lee of Kinloch said all the fires had been the work of arsonists.
Filed under General Race Riot
Tagged anti-cop, fire, kinloch, st. louis
St. Louis, 2006: White Supremacist Picnic Disrupted
St. Louis 2007: Anti-Cop Climate During Kevin Johnson Trials


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text:
Iphigenia (Grieks: Ιφιγένεια, Ifigenia) is een Griekse dramafilm uit 1977 onder regie van Michael Cacoyannis. De film is gebaseerd op het treurspel Iphigenia in Aulis van Euripides.

Verhaal

In Aulis wacht de Griekse vloot op een gunstige vaarwind, zodat het leger kan uitvaren naar Troje. Om de toorn van de godin Artemis te verzoenen gebiedt koning Agamemnon op raad van de ziener Calchas zijn dochter Iphigenia te offeren.

Rolverdeling
 Tatiana Papamoschou: Iphigenia
 Irene Papas: Clytaemnestra
 Kostas Kazakos: Agamemnon
 Kostas Karras: Menelaüs
 Christos Tsagas: Odysseus
 Panos Michalopoulos: Achilles
 Dimitri Aronis: Calchas

Externe link

Film uit 1977
Griekse film
Dramafilm
Film van Michael Cacoyannis
Film naar een werk van Euripides

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text:
Trump's Mar-a-Lago Resort Posed Rare Security Challenges, Experts Say
An aerial view of President Donald Trump's Mar-a-Lago estate is pictured on Aug. 10, 2022, in Palm Beach, Florida.
The seizure of classified U.S. government documents from Donald Trump's sprawling Mar-a-Lago retreat spotlights the ongoing national security concerns presented by the former president, and the home he dubbed the Winter White House, some security experts say.
Trump is under federal investigation for possible violations of the Espionage Act, which makes it unlawful to spy for another country or mishandle U.S. defense information, including sharing it with people not authorized to receive it, a search warrant shows.
As president, Trump sometimes shared information, regardless of its sensitivity. Early in his presidency, he spontaneously gave highly classified information to Russia's foreign minister about a planned Islamic State operation while he was in the Oval Office, U.S. officials said at the time.
But it was at Mar-a-Lago, where well-heeled members and guests attended weddings and fundraising dinners and frolicked on a breezy ocean patio, that U.S. intelligence seemed especially at risk.
The Secret Service said when Trump was president that it does not determine who is granted access to the club but does do physical screenings to make sure no one brings in prohibited items, and further screening for guests in proximity to the president and other protectees.
The Justice Department's search warrant raises concerns about national security, said former DOJ official Mary McCord.
"Clearly they thought it was very serious to get these materials back into secured space," McCord said. "Even just retention of highly classified documents in improper storage - particularly given Mar-a-Lago, the foreign visitors there and others who might have connections with foreign governments and foreign agents - creates a significant national security threat."
Trump, in a statement on his social media platform, said the records were "all declassified" and placed in "secure storage."
McCord said, however, she saw no "plausible argument that he had made a conscious decision about each one of these to declassify them before he left." After leaving office, she said, he did not have the power to declassify information.
The seizure by FBI agents of multiple sets of documents and dozens of boxes, including information about U.S. defense and a reference to the "French President," poses a frightening scenario for intelligence professionals.
"It's a nightmarish environment for a careful handling of highly classified information," said a former U.S. intelligence officer. "It's just a nightmare."
The DOJ hasn't provided specific information about how or where the documents and photos had been stored, but the club's general vulnerabilities have been well documented.
In a high-profile example, Trump huddled in 2017 with Japan's then-Prime Minister Shinzo Abe at an outdoor dinner table while guests hovered nearby, listening and taking photos that they later posted on Twitter.
The dinner was disrupted by a North Korean missile test, and guests listened as Trump and Abe figured out what to say in response. After issuing a statement, Trump dropped by a wedding party at the club.
"What we saw was Trump be so lax in security that he was having a sensitive meeting regarding a potential war topic where non-U.S. government personnel could observe and photograph," said Mark Zaid, a lawyer who specializes in national security cases. "It would have been easy for someone to also have had a device that heard and recorded what Trump was saying as well."
The White House press secretary at the time of the Abe visit, Sean Spicer, told reporters afterward that Trump had briefed about the North Korean launch in a secure room at Mar-a-Lago. He played down the scene on the patio.
"At that time, apparently there was a photo taken, which everyone jumped to nefarious conclusions about what may or may not be discussed. There was simply a discussion about press logistics, where to host the event," he said.
It was in the secure room at Mar-a-Lago where Trump decided to launch airstrikes against Syria for the use of chemical weapons in April 2017.
After the decision was made, Trump repaired to dinner with visiting Chinese President Xi Jinping. Over a dessert of chocolate cake, Trump informed Xi about the airstrikes.
In 2019, a Chinese woman who passed security checkpoints at the club carrying a thumb drive coded with "malicious" software was arrested for entering a restricted property and making false statements to officials, authorities said at the time.
Then-White House chief of staff John Kelly launched an effort to try to limit who had access to Trump at Mar-a-Lago, but the effort fizzled when Trump refused to cooperate, aides said at the time.
US National Archives: Trump Took 700 Pages of Classified Documents to Florida
Trump Asks Court to Block FBI From Reviewing Documents Seized From Mar-a-lago
Media Companies to Argue for Release of Trump Search Warrant Affidavit
FBI, Justice Department Routinely Prosecute Misuse of Classified Documents
Cambodian Spolight
Traditional Night Market Brings Together Cambodian Community in Central California
Looters Helped Return Stolen Antiquities to Cambodia, Researchers Say
'An Appetite for Risk': Colleagues Recall Life of Journalist Nate Thayer


text:
Stuck on the Chaise Lounge: The Female Subject in Psychiatry from Pathology to Prozac
By Lady Science February 15, 2018
By Sophie Putka
In 1900 in Austria, a girl named Ida went to meet Herr K. at a church festival. He was a friend of the family twice her age, and she thought his wife would be there. Instead, Herr K. arrived alone, led her to a secluded area, and kissed her. Ida tore away from him and ran back to the crowd, disgusted. Sigmund Freud, her psychiatrist, evaluated the incident in his now seminal work Fragment of an Analysis of a Case of Hysteria. He concluded: "the behaviour of this child of fourteen was already entirely and completely hysterical. I should without question consider a person hysterical in whom an occasion for sexual excitement elicited feelings that were preponderantly or exclusively unpleasurable."
With Freud's claims about the female psyche mostly discredited and the advances in treatment of mental illness over the years lauded, the average bystander might conclude that we've come a long way from labelling a normal reaction to sexual assault "hysteria." But a long legacy of prescriptive and sexist science remains at the foundation of psychiatric medical treatment for women. From the first diagnosis of hysteria to the present-day disparities in mental health treatment, the tradition of medicating women's emotions has held constant. Within this context, the line between empirical treatment and medicating the lived experiences of women grows dangerously thin.
From the first diagnosis of hysteria to the present-day disparities in mental health treatment, the tradition of medicating women's emotions has held constant.
Today, more women than ever take antidepressants. While women are more likely to seek professional help than men, a study published in 2017 by the CDC shows women are prescribed antidepressants at twice the rate of men. More female physicians are actually doing the prescribing, but they work within a system of medical knowledge that seeks to cure women of the very psychiatric symptoms associated with gender norms determined for them: stress from balancing work and family, sexual abuse, and higher rates of poverty. We can trace the arc of medical authority over women's minds back to early roots in science and medicine that prioritized women's conformity to norms within the family and home.
Treatment of psychiatric symptoms in women (by mostly men, until a few decades ago) has always been connected to ideas about sexuality and domesticity. Whether "over-sexed," "repressed," too attentive to their children, or too withdrawn, psychiatric diagnoses often centered on women's perceived domestic failures. At the turn of the twentieth century, it was widely accepted that women should rest more and learn less. Barbara Ehrenreich and Deirdre English write in For Her Own Good: Two Centuries of the Experts' Advice to Women, "Too much reading or intellectual stimulation in the fragile stage of adolescence could result in permanent damage to the reproductive organs and sickly, irritable babies…" The act of straying away from the framework of nurturing mother, whether perceived or real, could land a woman in the doctor's office.
The first Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (DSM), a standard guide for clinicians in evaluating mental disorders, was published in 1952. It reflected mid-century ideas that pathologized female sexuality and kept alive a Freudian insistence on the final word of the subconscious. As Katharine Angel describes in "The history of 'Female Sexual Dysfunction' as a mental disorder in the 20th century," impotence and frigidity in women were classified as sexual disorders, clinical categories described in psychological terms. Later DSM editions, such as the 1980 version whose authors promoted biological rather than psychoanalytic methodology, listed "inhibited sexual desire", "inhibited sexual excitement", and "inhibited (female) orgasm" as defined "psychosexual dysfunctions." These diagnoses, with the certainty of their scientific jargon, carried the torch of sexism in medicine.
The act of straying away from the framework of nurturing mother, whether perceived or real, could land a woman in the doctor's office.
Women and their psychiatrists in the second half of the 20th century turned to new a new class of drugs to medicate their dissatisfaction. From benzodiazepines like Valium to relax and stimulants like Dexedrine to cheer up, "mother's little helpers" were often used by housewives to relieve themselves of the discontent that came with a life of domestic drudgery. Women often requested these medications themselves, wondering if their problems stemmed from biochemical roots. These medications were at best minimally tested, and at worst, addictive and dangerous.
While the medical community has never been shy about shuffling women through unsubstantiated psychiatric cures, the exclusion of women from US clinical studies only ended in 1993, when the federal government passed the National Institutes of Health Revitalization Act. Before 1993, women had been subject to drugs and treatments that had only been tested on men. Despite these advances in clinical research, hazy research and controversial claims behind antidepressants continue to connect psychiatry's flawed history with women and today's status quo. One New York Times columnist likened Selective Serotonin Reuptake Inhibitors (SSRIs) to Valium, calling them the "new normal," even as studies continue to diverge on the question of the efficacy of these drugs. A study in 2008 concluded that the difference perceived by people taking antidepressants compared to when they took placebos was negligible, even for patients with severe depression. For moderate to mild reports of depression, that effect grows smaller and smaller. The science behind antidepressants remains unclear.
Today, according to the American Medical Association, women make up as much as 57% of psychiatrists overall. Despite the recent proliferation of women practitioners, old notions of women as patients persist, and little evidence exists to support a seismic shift in the way female clinicians prescribe. Narratives used to sell now bygone cure-all tonics and sedatives for nerves reemerge in eerily similar ways to convince women of the power of antidepressants. The practices of even the most well-meaning psychiatrists, men and women alike, are steeped in a gendered medical history that frames women as the primary recipients of mental care and doctors as their protectors.
Theorists like Freud, Rorschach and Jung established a tradition of unveiling hidden, true answers to problems like depression, and the effect of these theories can be seen today in the overprescription of poorly understood drugs. Pharmaceutical companies have framed depression as a chemical imbalance, as if the pills act to restore something that is missing, a claim that is largely unproven. Without comprehensive scientific conclusions to support the efficacy of SSRI's, it becomes all too easy to diagnose women, who are more likely to experience contributing factors like sexual abuse, financial stress, and societal pressure, with any number of disorders that meet the criteria for medicine. Thus an already overused "magic pill" becomes a cure-all for the issues most closely associated with women.
As a Louis Menand from the New Yorker aptly put it: "For some disorders, such as depression, we may never know, in any useful way, what the underlying pathology is, since we can't distinguish biologically patients who are suffering from depression from patients who are enduring a depressing life problem." Menand's "depressing life problem," it seems, is simply being a woman. Outdated habits in clinical practice must give way to the socio-cultural complexities of womanhood – and in doing so, the complexities of life itself.
Barbara Ehrenreich and Deirdre English, For Her Own Good: Two Centuries of the Experts Advice to Women (Anchor Books, 2005)
Elizabeth Lunbeck, The Psychiatric Persuasion: Knowledge, Gender, and Power in Modern America (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995)
Julie Holland. "Medicating Women's Feelings" The New York Times (28 Feb. 2015)
Sophie Putka is a freelance writer who regularly contributes to Edible NM, a food magazine. She has also worked as a mental health case manager at a mental health center and at a shelter for victims of domestic violence. She graduated from Brown University with a BA in sociology and hopes to pursue graduate study in journalism.


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text:
« Patrick Mercer MP: Match rhetoric with reality and ban Al Mujahiroun | Main | Jonathan Delaney: How British rejection of the European Security and Defence Policy could lead to fundamental reform of the European Union »
Mark Field MP: We must seize this watershed moment and reform politics
Mark Field is MP for Cities of London and Westminster.
Next week's election of a new Commons' Speaker is widely anticipated as the starting point for a brief period of frenetic parliamentary reform.
We Conservatives are instinctively suspicious of revolutionary change, but as a Party we should grasp this rare opportunity in the aftermath of the Allowances scandal to implement overdue, but lasting reforms to the way politics operates.
Pare back the control exercised by the Executive
Successive governments (and Opposition leaderships) shoulder much of the blame for the parliamentary expenses fiasco that has blown up so spectacularly over the past six weeks, having festered for many years. We have witnessed the repeated grandstanding by Party leaders, refusing to implement independent salary reviews but then turning a blind eye to the cynical – and at its extreme, fraudulent – manipulation of the second home allowance (whose annual uplift was never reduced, reversed or even capped) as a salary substitute.
Naturally the 24/7 media world in which politics operates militates towards close-unit teams around any Party leadership being 'on message'. However I have been greatly encouraged by David Cameron's surefooted response in recent weeks (a sentiment that has been echoed in correspondence from constituents). He has also explicitly accepted that the powers of Executive patronage (including his own) should be curtailed.
Select Committees to exercise real power
The appointment of all members of Select Committees should be by secret ballot of all MPs. Chairmanships have too often been handed out by the Executive to former Ministers or senior backbenchers on the basis of their compliance and willingness not to 'rock the boat'. Scrutiny is largely illusory – remember that the most used oxymoron in politics is the phrase 'the influential Select Committee'.
Select Committees should also be much smaller (ideally numbering between five and eight MPs) and all its Members should be fully committed to acquiring or developing genuine expertise in their field. Currently we witness the charade of ill-prepared MPs (on the rare occasions when they attend) parroting out planted questions cobbled together by the committee clerk rather than even pretending to hold witnesses or Ministers to genuine account.
A much smaller House of Commons
At the risk of talking myself out of a constituency (curiously MPs proposing a reduction in the size of the Commons invariably tend to be on the cusp of retirement) I reckon there ought to be a substantial reduction in the size of parliament. Our Party policy of a 10% cut in the size of the House of Commons should only be seen as a first step. Ideally a fixed sized parliament of 450 or 500 Members should be our medium-term goal. As a consequence the primary priority of all MPs should be the holding of the Executive to account, rather than acting as a local ombudsman on constituency issues more appropriately dealt with by local authorities, law centres and citizens' advice bureaux to name but three publicly funded bodies properly designed to deal with parochial concerns.
Begin the process of separating the Legislature from the Executive
The final element of my wish list is probably a step too far even for my more reform-minded colleagues….for now, at least. However, if parliament is to have any future relevance beyond making up the essential numerical armies required by any government to get their legislation onto the statute book, we should regard law-making as an end in itself rather than as an essential stepping stone towards holding ministerial office.
There is a rather important caveat that needs to be addressed before we begin the headlong rush towards empowering individual parliamentarians.
The fact is that many – perhaps even, most – MPs themselves do not regard any of the foregoing as their main role, still less the constitutional duty of holding the Executive to account. Instead the House of Commons increasingly consists of a cadre of über-councillors, focusing much of their attention and burgeoning workload in a constituency focused comfort zone.
Our own Party's understandable desire to select early in those seats we now need to win to form a Conservative majority has also militated towards local candidates. Indeed many of the next generation of Conservative MPs will end up representing seats where they have already been candidates for most of this decade. As we 'out Liberal' the Liberal Democrats in our attention to pavement politics the Conservative class of 2009/10 will deservedly be much admired by its constituents for its energy, passion and local commitment. The question is whether it will be similarly equipped to play its key role in the transformative parliament that democratic renewal so desperately requires.
June 18, 2009 in Mark Field MP | Permalink
Mark Field MP|


text:
Nicaragua and the Neocolonial Super-revolutionaries
Stephen Sefton / Jorge Capelan
Photo : MRS leaders ex-sandinistas Dora Maria Tellez, Edmundo Jarquín and Hugo Torrez campaigning with corrupt right wing leader Eduardo Montealegre in 2008.Monica Baltodano was an MRS deputy during this same period.
Ever since a social democrat faction split from the FSLN in 1994, many Western progressives and radicals have persistently attacked Daniel Ortega and the Sandinista Front for National Liberation (FSLN). Up until 2005, some former leading FSLN figures who left the party could perhaps legitimately claim to uphold the ideals of the FSLN's historic program. But from 2005 onwards, all the ex-Sandinistas worked together with Nicaragua's US controlled right wing opposition, seeking to prevent the FSLN winning the election in 2006. They failed in 2006, failed again in 2011 and failed yet again in 2016.
For over five years, up until April 2018, approval levels for President Ortega and Vice President Rosario Murillo never fell below 70%. That level of support was based on the progressive implementation of the FSLN's historic program of national development. Back in 1969 this included, free education and health care, equality between women and men, integration of the Caribbean Coast, agrarian reform, workers' rights, honest public administration, religious freedom, anti-imperialist foreign policy, a people's army and police force. The program did not at the time include some aspects that today are seen as obligatory in any revolutionary platform such as the defence of the environment and gender diversity issues, which for many years now have been incorporated in the FSLN's current political program.
This can be seen in the government's most recent National Human Development Plan which has updated the historic FSLN program and makes nonsense of the central motif of almost all left-wing attacks on the FSLN, namely that under Daniel Ortega the FSLN in the current international context has betrayed its original revolutionary ideals. Center-right leaders of the Sandinista Renewal Movement (MRS) constantly repeat this claim while simultaneously they and their associates have taken money hand over fist from the US and allied governments and those governments' satellite non-profits promoting US and allied policy in the region. Inside Nicaragua, all opinion polls ever since 2011 have put levels of support for the MRS at around or under 2% nationally.
Since 2001, more radical currents of Western opinion have acknowledged this reality and have supported ex Sandinista former guerrilla heroes like Monica Baltodano and Henry Ruiz and their Movement to Rescue Sandinismo (MtRS). But since 2005, Baltodano and Ruiz too have worked intimately, both discreetly and not so discreetly, with their centre-right social democrat counterparts and Nicaragua's extreme right wing political parties. More recently they have worked with the right wing Anti-Canal Movement. Their phony left-wing mask finally dropped in April 2018, when Ruiz and Baltodano joined the attempt to overthrow Nicaragua's legitimately elected Sandinista government.
They collaborated with Nicaragua's extreme right wing politicians, with the corporate business organization COSEP, with the reactionary Catholic Church hierarchy and with US government proxies like Felix Maradiaga, associated with regional organized crime. All were explicitly supported by right wing US politicians like Marco Rubio and Ileana Ros-Lehtinen as well as the US government. The seriousness of the massive crimes committed by the 2018 coup promoters against the people of Nicaragua is undeniable. The coup activists themselves recorded and posted hundreds of hours of videos on social media, making absolutely clear the reactionary, criminal character of their revolt.
Even so, many Western radicals with plausible records of revolutionary solidarity and commitment still support Ruiz and Baltodano and others, despite their irrefutable collaboration with Nicaragua's fascist elite. A recent example of this kind of support came in a long article published by Global Research by the inveterate anti-FSLN Belgian academic Eric Toussaint and his co-writer Nathan Legrand. Their article was an updated version of a similar article published in January 2019. Apart from various errors of fact, its deep neocolonial prejudice and tendentious ignorance, the article's initial premise is demonstrably, culpably false.
Toussaint and his co-writer Nathan Legrand state "The Nicaraguan government's violent repression against demonstrators protesting its brutal neoliberal policies, resulting in more than 300 people being killed by regime forces since April 2018 is only one of the reasons why various leftist social movements have condemned the Nicaraguan regime led by President Daniel Ortega and Vice-President Rosario Murillo." The social movements Toussaint and Legrand refer to are all associated either with the miniscule super-revolutionary MtRS or the tiny center right social democrat MRS co-opted since 2005 by the US and allied governments. No other left wing social movements of any national significance exist. The only reason the movements associated with the MtRS and the MRS are significant nationally is because those political movements have allied themselves with Nicaragua's US-owned right wing elite.
As regards concrete facts, the figures for fatalities resulting from the Nicaraguan opposition's failed armed coup attempt have varied from the initial government figure of around 200, to the parliamentary Truth Commission's figure of around 270, to figures offered by the Interamerican Commission for Human Rights of over 300. A detailed independent study on the strategies used to inflate the number of deaths was made by the Nicaraguan academic Enrique Hendrix. Even if one accepts the inflated IACHR figure of over 300 deaths, it is completely untrue to say they were victims of murderous government repression.
By the end of July 2018, 22 of the dead were police officers killed by armed opposition activists. Other fatalities resulted directly from armed opposition road blocks denying access to timely healthcare for patients in crisis. Apart from the police officers killed by the opposition at least another 40 dead were Sandinista supporters killed by the opposition, often with the most brutal sadism as, for example, in the notorious cases of Bismarck Martínez and Francisco Arauz Pineda. Naturally, Toussaint and Legrand ignore these facts because their kind of history excludes inconvenient facts. The claim by Toussaint and LeGrand that the government killed 300 protesters is categorically false.
They have no excuse for publishing this downright lie. Likewise, the claim that demonstrators were protesting "brutal neoliberal policies" is also a disgraceful lie, repeating systematic right-wing misrepresentation of the facts. The pretext for the initial protests was a proposed social security reform that protected workers rights, extended pensioners rights to better health care and funded those benefits overwhelmingly with higher contributions from employers. Within 48 hours, that initial phony psy-warfare pretext achieved its purpose of fooling public opinion and was quickly abandoned in favor of the real agenda, demanding the overthrow of the government.
Having set the scene with that double-barreled falsehood, Toussaint and Legrand's article embarks on a potted history of Nicaragua since 1979, bedeviled with errors, tendentious opinion and overt neocolonial arrogance. Among the errors of fact some are trivial, some not so trivial. For example, Toussaint and Legrand refer to a video of the murder of Pedro Joaquin Chamorro. No such video exists. Toussaint and Legrand are confusing Chamorro's 1978 murder with that of Bill Stewart, of whose murder in 1979 the notorious film footage provoked universal international outrage against the Somoza dictatorship. This is not a very serious error but should put any reader on alert to more serious factual errors.
One of these is that Toussaint and Legrand claim the Sandinista government has made no effort at more equitable tax reform. That is completely untrue. The government made a minor reform in 2010, a more thoroughgoing reform in 2012 (Law 822) which was itself modified in 2014 and in 2019 a tax reform (Law 987) seeking to defend people at grass roots from the economic damage caused by the coup attempt. One of the reasons Nicaragua's business classes backed the failed coup attempt was precisely because they resented the government's insistence on equitable fiscal and related measures defending the living standards of Nicaragua's majority.
In general, Toussaint and Legrand show consistent ignorance of the composition and structure of Nicaragua's economy, in particular the government's promotion and defense of the family, cooperative, community and associative popular economy. Ironically, the hard facts of the country's economy have been acknowledged by one of the 'revolutionary' right-wing coup promoters, ex-Sandinista Julio López Campos, Monica Baltodano's partner, one of Toussaint's main sources on Nicaragua. At minute 48:18 of the program Cuarto Poder of the coup promoting TV channel 100% Noticias, on June 8th 2018, Lopez said that the overwhelming majority of the economically active population lives off the informal sector and off activities such as agriculture and small scale tourinsm. López claimed "and those people are now biting the dust". In fact, "those people" were the backbone of economic resistance to the failed coup attempt.
Closely linked to their ignorance of the structure of Nicaragua's economy is the claim by Toussaint and Legrand that Nicaragua's land reform in the 1980s was inadequate and has not been corrected and consolidated. In fact, the 1980s land reform was truly revolutionary in the regional context of that time. The enduring effects of that thoroughgoing land reform survived even under the post-1990 right wing governments' counter-land reform policies deliberately denying credit and legal stability for smallholders and cooperatives so as to favour a re-concentration of property on behalf of big landowners. It provided the base for the extremely successful reactivation of Nicaragua's economy after 2006.
Since 2007, President Ortega's government has explicitly prioritized land security, as well as technical and material assistance and training and marketing support both for smallholders and cooperatives and also for the collectives of Nicaragua's various indigenous peoples. The problem in recent years has been not so much lack of access to land as encouraging its productive, sustainable use and the successful marketing of its production so as to stem rural migration, in particular the lack of interest in farm work among young people. In this, as in practically all Toussaint's and Legrand's writing about Nicaragua, the ignorance and arrogance of their neocolonial prejudice is all too apparent. They think they know best, regardless of Nicaraguans' experience to the contrary.
On the issue of abortion, for example, they write, "In 2006, the Sandinista parliamentary group voted hand in hand with right-wing deputies in favor of a law totally prohibiting abortion. There are no exceptions whatsoever, including cases of danger to the health or life of the pregnant woman or pregnancy resulting from rape." In fact, the FSLN lifted party discipline for that vote and left their block of 35 deputies to vote according to their personal beliefs, over 20 FSLN deputies, by no means all, voted for the law. In a context in which the Catholic Church mobilized more than one anti-abortion demonstration with over 300,000 people, popular pressure in favor of the measure was, and remains, overwhelming. Furthermore, the abortion law bill was sent to the legislature just weeks before the crucial 2006 elections as a right wing ploy hoping to alienate the FSLN from many of its fervently religious grass roots voters. Of course Toussaint and Legrand omit this, if they ever knew it, because inconvenient facts have no place in their version of Nicaraguan history.
Similarly, Toussaint and Legrand are entirely ignorant of the norms applied by the Ministry of Health to protect the lives of women with high risk pregnancies which has enabled Nicaragua to practically halve the level of maternal mortality from around well over 90 per 100,000 births in 2007 to well under 50 in 2018. But that fact and the fact that over 90% of Nicaraguans are either evangelical protestants or Catholics, with strong opinions in relation to the abortion issue, are of no interest to Toussaint and Legrand. They think Nicaragua should have a more liberal abortion law. What the majority of people in Nicaragua think is irrelevant to them. They apply this neocolonial arrogance to just about everything they write about with regard to Nicaragua, be it the history of the last forty years or the immediate past of last year's failed coup attempt. On that failed coup attempt, the facts are clear.
Since January 2007, the US and its allies have consistently attacked Nicaragua's Sandinista government for its socialist policies and its defence of Cuba and Venezuela. Part of that continuing attack was last year's failed coup attempt in which hundreds of Sandinistas, and non-Sandinistas too, were abused, tortured and murdered with extreme sadism as part of a campaign largely organized by ex-Sandinista leaders in support of Nicaragua's right wing elite. With negligible popular support inside Nicaragua, those ex-Sandinistas decided to collaborate actively with the country's US controlled right wing elites in a murderous assault on Sandinismo and on Nicaragua's people in general. Far from its failure being the result of tyrannical repression, the right wing coup attempt was defeated based on mass popular support for Nicaragua's legitimate government.
On Cuba, Nicaragua and Venezuela, the choice is clear, either one acts in solidarity with political processes under attack from US imperialism or not. Toussaint and Legrand's recent articles on Nicaragua have displayed their neocolonial arrogance, their downright ignorance of Nicaraguan history, politics and society and too their misplaced loyalty to their Nicaraguan associates. While the revolutionary governments of Cuba and Venezuela and continental expressions of revolutionary movements in Latin America like the Foro Sao Paulo explicitly acknowledge the unquestionable achievements of Nicaragua's Sandinista government, Eric Toussaint and Nathan Legrand attack it. Despite the imperative of continental unity against US and allied imperialism, Toussaint and Legrand promote crude sectarian division. In doing so, despite their disavowals, like their ex-Sandinista Nicaraguan associates who promoted last year's coup attempt, Toussaint and Legrand effectively serve the interests of US and allied imperialism.
Source : Internationalist 360°
Breaking the blockade against Cuba: interview with Claudia Camba Exclusive interview with Nicaraguan Foreign Minister: "We call on the US to respect international law" Embassy Protection Collective: We're Still Here And We're Staying Here's why the US has no right to interfere in Nicaragua


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Prince Lobel is pleased to announce the arrival of our two newest attorneys, Paige Scott Reid and Christopher Miller.
Paige Scott Reed is a practiced employment and transactional lawyer who assists clients with regulatory, administrative, and procurement matters. She works with government organizations, private businesses, Boards of Directors, and CEOs to offer corporate counsel and provide advice on development transactions, commercial contracts, and public works projects. She also defends employers and organizations against lawsuits that charge unfair hiring practices.
Scott Reed has played an important role in the infrastructure of Boston's transportation system, serving for many years as general counsel for the MBTA and the Mass. Department of Transportation. While there, she facilitated numerous large-scale projects, such as procuring and overseeing the transition to a new operator for the MBTA's commuter rail and securing $1 billion in federal funding for the greatly anticipated Green Line extension project.
Scott Reed will also lead the firm's new unmanned and autonomous systems practice, helping organizations and businesses to navigate and capitalize on the fast-emerging drone industry.
Paige is also a leader in the Boston legal community, serving as the president-elect of the Massachusetts Black Lawyers Association, the vice president of the Harvard Law School Association of Massachusetts, and a board member of Boston Harbor Now.
Christopher Miller is the newest addition to our litigation department and brings with him experience in construction, real estate, and general commercial law matters. He represents clients in general commercial disputes, construction claims, employment matters, and tort claims. He has obtained favorable results for his clients at trial, arbitration, and mediation, including one for a client at mediation where the claimant sought over $10,000,000 in damages in connection with an accident that caused him to sustain a severe traumatic brain injury.
"Christopher has proven his skill as a litigator and will add breadth and depth to our Litigation Practice Group," said Tateronis.