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CASADE
The role of religion in African development
Religion in Africa.
The last 60 years have witnessed the accession to sovereign status of dozens of former colonial territories and the birth of the modern development enterprise, but also a rapid secularisation of Western European societies especially. Yet, at the start of a new century, religion seems set to be a major force in international affairs in the world for the foreseeable future. Its public role can no longer be ignored.
Religion is of great importance in Africa in that most people engage in some form of religious practice from time to time, and many profess membership of some formal religious organisation, traditional, Muslim, Christian or otherwise. Many Africans voluntarily associate themselves with religious networks, which they use for a variety of purposes - social, economic and even political - that go beyond the strictly religious aspect. But what does 'religion' mean in the context of Africa? The evidence suggests that most of the continent's people are religious inasmuch as they believe in the existence of an invisible world, distinct but not separate from the visible world, that is inhabited by spiritual beings or forces with which they can communicate and which they perceive to have an influence on their daily lives. Religious ideas typically govern relationships of people with a perceived spirit world. In effect, this idiom can govern relations both of one person to another, or of one person to a community, but also of people to the land they cultivate.
Donor agencies could certainly make greater efforts to consider the role of religion in Africa through relatively simple means. It has sometimes been suggested, for example,
that foreign embassies in Africa may be well advised to appoint religion attachés charged with the task of observing religious life, much as they have defence attachés at present. This does not in any way imply that observers must themselves be religious practitioners or believers, but suggests only that they should have proper knowledge of religious organisations and networks in Africa of all descriptions and inform themselves of the type of thinking that underlies them. They need to monitor and understand processes of religious change, such as those that have given rise to evangelical Christian communities, the development of reformed Islamist organisations, and the revival of neo-traditional groups such as initiation societies.
There are very active debates within religious communities of all types in Africa including, for example, in those Muslim groups and Islamic networks that cause concern to Western countries on security grounds, concerning the proper interpretations of their religious duty. Calls are often heard for inter-religious dialogue, and it is hard to dispute the usefulness of this, but at the same time we doubt whether inter-religious dialogue is sufficient to diffuse religious tensions where such exist. First, people who are inclined to inter-religious dialogue are probably also those individuals who are the least inclined to take up weapons in support of their faith, and therefore are the least in need of persuasion towards the way of peace and coexistence. Second, many of the religious debates that are most threatening to peace or human rights actually take place within religious communities. Hence, we argue that inter-religious dialogue may be less urgent than intra-religious dialogue. Such intra-religious dialogues are worthy of far more attention than they actually receive from development experts. As in other aspects of religion, people or institutions interested in development need in the first instance to inform themselves of the debates that are taking place in particular contexts or in individual countries and to acquaint themselves with some of the key actors. Only then may they be able, in consultation with local partners, to find ways of encouraging dialogue in the interests of human development.
Using religion for development
We would emphasise that an appreciation that religion is a resource for development does not mean that policy-makers can simply add religion or religious institutions to the range of policy instruments at their disposal, other than in rather exceptional cases. However, given that proviso, it is certainly possible to identify specific sectors in which religion could play a positive role in development. Below, we briefly consider a number of such fields, providing brief examples:
a. Conflict prevention and peacebuilding
Peace is a precondition for human development. Religious ideas of various provenance - indigenous religions as well as world religions - play an important role in legitimising or discouraging violence. Increasingly, large-scale violence in Africa is associated with social conflicts. In many such conflicts fighters seek medicines or various objects or substances that they believe will make them effective in battle or will defend them against injury, and the persons who dispense such medicines exercise influence over the fighters. In some cases, this can take on a clear institutional form. In Sierra Leone, for example, the kamajor militia was organised along the lines of an initiation society and was associated with the most influential traditional initiation society in the country, Poro. Similar developments have been witnessed in Côte d'Ivoire, Liberia, Nigeria and elsewhere.
Our argument here is not that quasi-military movements such as these - often responsible for appalling human rights abuses - are to be encouraged. Rather, the argument we are making is that the spiritual aspects of such movements must be understood if the movements themselves are to be understood. Moreover, the institutional affiliations of such movements could provide a means of helping to regulate such movements in future.
Regarding the establishment of unofficial militias such as the kamajors (although the latter eventually received a degree of official licence), it is notable that there are now many African countries where state security forces have lost any realistic claim to a national monopoly of violence, and where locally organised vigilantes or similar groups proliferate and sometimes receive a degree of official sanction. Such local groups almost invariably have a religious dimension (in the sense that we have defined religion: see above), like the kamajors who are thought be protected by powerful spiritual forces. It seems quite likely that in time, locally-established forces will come to be considered in some shape or form as a substitute for fully effective centrally organised police and military forces, that are unable to fulfil their formal mandate in so many African countries. The kamajors, for example, were part of an officially- recognised Civil Defence Force that was instituted by the Sierra Leonean government in 1997: indeed, the recognition of this new force was one of the factors that led to a coup by sections of the armed forces in May of that year. Another example is the Bakassi Boys, a vigilante group originally established by market-traders in south- eastern Nigeria in the late 1990s to protect themselves and their communities against the bands of armed robbers that were then terrorising their areas. The Bakassi Boys were subsequently adopted as part of the official security forces, notably in Anambra State, with the result that they soon degenerated into a personal militia at the service of local politicians, and were responsible for a series of political murders.
Neither the kamajors of Sierra Leone nor the Bakassi Boys of Nigeria, then, are examples to be emulated. But they are both instances of local militias that have at some point in their existence enjoyed a real popularity in some communities, with ties to local stakeholders. In both cases also their cooptation by powerful politicians has reduced their ability genuinely to defend local communities. Thinking is urgently required on whether or how local militias may be made responsible to local stakeholders and how they may coexist with national security institutions in a relationship strong enough to avoid the risk of creating a host of local fiefdoms.
By the same token, the end of armed conflict is often accompanied by ritual action to 'cleanse' fighters from the pollution of bloodshed. This is done through traditional rituals in many countries, but also takes the form of the experience of 'born-again' Christianity, for example. The South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission, led by an Anglican archbishop and closely associated with the country's faith communities, was also based on the idea that long-term reconciliation depends crucially on religious notions of reconciliation and healing, even in the absence of formal justice. Although the TRC has been criticised in South Africa itself, its ultimate success or failure will only become apparent with the passage of time. In the meantime it has been widely imitated. Truth commissions based more or less on the South African model have been created in Nigeria, Ghana and Sierra Leone, where they had a mixed record, and have been mooted in many other African countries. These examples suggest that truth commissions are far from a panacea. First, the right political conditions have to exist if they are to have any chance of genuinely helping to reconcile conflicts. Second, even if the conditions are ripe, each country needs to think out the form and style of its own commission rather than imitating the South African exemplar. In Sierra Leone, the establishment of a truth commission simultaneous with a special court posed considerable problems for the institutions of transitional justice. Finally, establishing a reasonably successful truth and reconciliation commission requires considerable finance and the maintenance of an efficient secretariat with real research capacity. In many cases these will require input from external sources.
b. Wealth creation and production
It is widely acknowledged that religious ideas played an important part in the development of capitalism in the history of Europe, not always directly, but in influencing people's thinking on the legitimacy of wealth and on the moral value of saving or investing, for example. Although it is by no means inevitable that other continents will develop along the same lines, this does suggest the significance of current religious ideas such as the widespread existence of the so-called 'prosperity gospel' in Africa, or the importance of certain religious networks, like the Mourides of Senegal, in creating wealth. Development workers would be advised to monitor such ideas and the groups espousing them closely, with a view to identifying opportunities for policies aimed at wealth creation or enhancement.
Control of land and the role of religion in expressing people's ideas about the proper use and ownership of land is closely connected to what remains Africa's most fundamental economic activity: agriculture. At present, some 66 per cent of people south of the Sahara live in rural areas, and many of these derive their living in part from agriculture, directly or indirectly. In many parts of the continent, traditional forms of landholding preclude women from ownership of land or even place taboos on the ownership of agricultural implements by women, despite the key role they often play in cultivation. There are also many examples of traditional chiefs having the power to grant land while retaining the right to recall its use – a power that is open to abuse. In some cases, particular ethnic groups may traditionally be forbidden from owning land but may enjoy usufruct rights only. (Such a principle has been associated with violent conflicts in Liberia and Côte d'Ivoire.) All of these are examples of traditional ideas concerning landholding that may offend against current ideas concerning universal human rights and also be in contradiction with Western-style systems of individual land tenure guaranteed by law. Hence it is no solution to argue for the preponderance of traditional forms over modern ones inspired by Western models. Rather, what is required is to consider what elements of traditional systems might usefully be adapted for current purposes in the light of contemporary ideas of justice and human rights as well as the demands of agricultural efficiency.
Although it is risky to generalise about a sub-continent as large and diverse as sub- Saharan Africa, it is clear that many countries will not emerge as industrial producers or with internationally competitive service sectors in the foreseeable future. It remains as important as ever that agriculture be encouraged. Enormous obstacles exist to the expansion of agriculture in Africa, ranging from the subsidies paid by governments in the European Union and the USA to their own farmers, making African products uncompetitive, to the phenomenon of 'urban bias' inherent in the policies of the many African governments that, for political reasons, prefer to favour urban sectors at the expense of rural-dwellers.
However, even if such issues are addressed, it is also important to integrate into agricultural policy crucial elements of culture and religion that are associated with the prosperity of agricultural societies. For example, in many places, policies aimed at encouraging individual legal title to ownership of land may need to be modified to take account of traditional ideas concerning land ownership, in which land is typically viewed as being owned by a community of people by virtue of their relation with ancestor spirits or with spirits of the earth, frequently clash with systems of individual title recognised by the state. Much more research is necessary on how land tenure can be protected by state law while also acknowledging the importance of traditional ideas concerning community or social rights to land that often have a reflection in religious ideas.
c. Governance
The possible role of religiously-based networks in Africa's future governance extends far beyond the fields of security and the law. It is striking, for example, that revenue collection is one of the main problems facing states in Africa, which typically have budget deficits and which are unduly reliant for their revenue on dues levied on import- export trade, or on external sources of funding, including aid. Most have a poor record in the collection of taxes from their own populations, making states unhealthily dependent on foreign sources of finance rather than on their own populations. The relationship between a state and its domestic tax-payers is an important element of real citizenship. Meanwhile, many religious networks in Africa survive largely or entirely from tithes or other monies donated by their members: in effect, their ability to tax their own members is testimony of the success of many religious organisations in developing a close bond with their adherents, and a degree of accountability to them, in contrast to the problems of citizenship faced by African states in general.
The question may be asked whether, in the considerable number of African countries where the state exercises little real authority outside the main cities or a handful of nodal points, and where states have very little ability to tax their nominal citizens, religious networks will not assume some of the functions of government in future.
In short, in the considerable number of African states in which government through efficient, centrally-controlled bureaucracies is clearly inadequate to ensure the country's security, or to raise sufficient resources through taxation as to fund the reproduction of the state itself, or to ensure a minimum level of welfare for the country's people, non- state organisations are destined to play a much greater role in future. Many of the best- rooted non-state organisations have an explicit religious basis, whether it is in the form of educational establishments run by churches or by Muslim networks or in vigilante movements underpinned by traditional initiation societies. In future, state and religious organisations may be called upon to play a complementary role in the governance of society.
On closer inspection it is also apparent that many Africans in fact debate key political questions, including the fundamental legitimacy of their own governments, in religious or spiritual terms. This is apparent from the popular literature, videos and other published material that circulates all over the continent and that is consumed and discussed widely. Many such publications discuss current problems of governance, crime and morality, typically viewed as manifestations or conceptions of evil. In what might be termed a spirit idiom, they express concern with what in development jargon is termed poor governance. Ultimately, this is having a great effect on governments whose fundamental institutions, having been founded in the colonial period by Europeans who had a view of the proper form of governance based on Europe's own history, risk being considered of dubious legitimacy.
*Stephen Ellis is a senior researcher at the Afrika-studiecentrum, Leiden.
*Gerrie ter Haar is professor of Religion, Human Rights and Social Change at the Institute of Social Studies, The Hague.
**Image: Courtesy of National Geographic.
Globalization and International Civil Society: Are Human Rights still the Exclusive Preserve of States?
John Ifediora.
The defeat of Germany in the Second World War, and the subsequent birth of the United Nations in 1945 ushered in the modern human rights regime. Prior to this post-war era, human rights was not a salient feature in the parlance of international law, and for good reason; nation-states were guided by the civility of the 'good-neighbor,' which meant that 'good-neighbors' do not interfere or unilaterally intervene in matters of purely domestic character outside their territorial competence. Formally, the 'good-neighbor' ethos came under the umbrella of state sovereignty, and to a large extent, continued to dictate how states dealt with one another even after the advent of the UN, and the consequence on human rights movement remained unchanged: States continued to regard human rights as domestic matters that should be dealt with domestically, any outside intervention was considered 'bad form' and an affront to the norm of state sovereignty. That was then!
The United Nations, after a few decades of drafting conventions, covenants, protocols, and norm setting, has managed to 'internationalize' human rights, at least in normative terms. The implication of this achievement is enormous; for, it means that for the first time in human history, human rights has acquired a certain 'universality', and in so doing shed its overly confining character of domesticity. Since every state has signed at least one human rights convention or treaty, States can no longer legitimately use the shield of State sovereignty in cases of gross human rights abuses;1 human rights is now an international concern! On the same point, Buergenthal was sufficiently succinct: "Despite their vagueness, the human rights provisions of the UN Charter have had a number of important consequences. First, the UN Charter "internationalized" human rights. That is to say, by adhering to the Charter, which is a multilateral treaty, the state parties recognized that the human rights referred to in it are objects of international concern and, to that extent, no longer within their exclusive domestic jurisdiction."2 But while the UN has a lot to do with this transformation of rights, other players in the field were just as effective. More on these other players in due course.
The thrust of this essay is that the confluence of rapid globalization of world affairs, the active participation of NGOs and international civil society in human rights discuss has hastened the internationalization of human rights, and as a consequence, the norm of state sovereignty in matters of human rights is rapidly losing significance, and with time, will ultimately become redundant; a faith accompli, if you will. While NGOs, and international civil society have been extraordinarily effective, in conjunction with the various organs of the UN, in 'universalizing' human rights in recent decades, my principal focus in this essay will be on the contributions in this regard by the modern phenomenon of 'globalization' masterminded by international civil society. In the following pages I will highlight the fact that globalization impacts all aspects of human rights, particularly in developing nations, and that such impacts are very different for different rights.
Globalization and Human Rights
Globalization, spurred by advancement in technology, may be defined as the enhancement of intimacy in the international community. The range of this intimacy is varied, and includes such staples of world affairs as economics, politics, culture, law, and technology. These aspects of world affairs are not new; what is remarkably recent, however, is how modern civil society has used science and technology to redefine, and drive world events. This is particularly true in the area of telecommunication; in the last decade alone, the world has suddenly become a 'global village' where consumption of information is almost instantaneous, and international trade and transactions are now akin to shopping in the 'neighborhood.' This remarkable transformation of the order of things has everlastingly changed the roles of political and economic actors on the world stage; gone are the days when governments jealously clung to the levers of information machineries, and can operate in near total secrecy; gone also are the days when governments, through their domestic policies, controlled the bulk of economic activities within its boundaries. As national boundaries become so porous as to become redundant, so too will the notion of state sovereignty.
But this is not to suggest that the state has become an ephemeral institution; very much to the contrary, it simply means that in the light of globalization, the state will need to redefine itself and its role in a modern society empowered and enlightened by advancing technology. It also means that the means by which it once controlled its domestic affairs have become marginalized. And herein lies the implication for human rights.
Transnational corporations and institutions principally formed and controlled by international civil society have made remarkable use of advancing technology in the production and distribution of goods and services. The discovery and exploitation of new markets have made it possible for these transnational organizations to reach deep into the recesses of world economy, and with such leverage are able to influence or dictate outcomes in their dealings with national governments. This is particularly true in developing countries where economic activities are severely depressed, and economic might is revered. For many socially conscious transnational corporations, global power has meant a chance to advance the cause of basic human rights. They have achieved this by insisting that national governments abide by the rule of law, uphold the civil and political rights of its citizens, stop the use of torture and other inhumane treatment of political prisons, and hold free and fair democratic elections. While a difficult pill to swallow, governments notorious for their gross abuses of human rights have been known to acquiesce or risk the loss of significant economic aid. To the extent that transnationals are able to insist on these requirements, states can no longer claim exclusive jurisdiction over human rights.
Economic, Social and Cultural Rights
By insisting that governments in countries where their productive activities are engaged commit to the protection of basic human rights, transnational corporations have managed to advance the universality of only certain kinds of rights, specifically civil and political rights. These rights are by their very nature more malleable to the kind of pressures that transnationals can bring to bear on States. Unfortunately, however, the same pressures that have the potential to protect civil and political rights in developing countries can have the opposite effect on the economic, social and cultural rights of the indigenous people of the state. A two-edged sword indeed; very painful to push-in, and just as painful to pullout! Examples abound!
The essence of markets, and almost invariably that of transnational firms, is the effective allocation of resources with a view to profit maximization. Any other human sentiments or motives are necessarily secondary. With this objective in mind, entrepreneurs seek out new markets to develop and exploit, but in order to maximize their profit potential, they first must minimize their overall cost of production. It is in the pursuit of this objective that the goals of transnationals come into conflict with other kinds of human rights. In order to minimize cost, many transnationals form an unholy alliance with government officials (Shell in Nigeria),3 and this enables the exploitation of the natives by paying non-living wages, buying vital mineral rights at give away prices, and subjecting their indigenous workers to horrible working environments. But this is the good part of the entire experience; it gets worse! The more sophisticated transnationals soon discover that it is cheaper to dump their untreated chemical wastes in developing countries at a fraction of what it will cost to dispose of them in their country of origin. And so, for the promise of a non-living wage, and the opportunity to consume western products, natives are economically exploited, and exposed to toxic wastes. Thus, if they do not die from poverty-induced complications, poisons from toxic wastes will get them!
A more insidious form of exploitation or abuse of economic and social rights of the natives is not quite as detrimental, but nonetheless potent. This comes by way of bureaucratic corruption; corruption of public officials by transnationals in order to expedite business activities that would have taken much longer than the 'Captains of industries' are willing to bear. The end result is that bureaucratic corruption becomes rampant and endemic in these developing countries with the predictable consequences of graft, outright theft of public funds, and massive misallocation of the countries' vital resources. A recount of a personal experience by the author will help put this phenomenon in the proper perspective.
Globalization and Bureaucratic Corruption in Sub-Saharan Africa: A personal Experience
At the outset, it will be helpful to put in proper context what I mean by bureaucratic corruption; and define the geographic parameters of my analysis. For expositional simplicity, I will focus on the incidence of bureaucratic corruption in Sub-Saharan Africa, and the attendant consequences on socio-economic development. While bureaucratic corruption, to be defined shortly, is not an exclusive domain of black Africa,4 it is however, one of the enduring peculiarities of the sub-continent that has perennially subdued economic and technological development.
Bureaucratic corruption, in its popular sense, is the misuse of the power of public office for personal gain in breach of laws that govern public servants and moral principles. In its basic form, it takes place when a government official demands and accepts bribes or kickbacks in performance of normal duties called for by the office. Bribery, which can be direct cash payments, gifts, or the promise of reciprocity in future transactions, is usually paid either: (1) to gain access to scarce government services, or (2) to avoid the cost of a government service. Bureaucratic corruption can, of course, be found in developed as well as in developing nations;5 however, its consequences are particularly more troublesome for developing nations with inadequate or poorly formed socio-political structures and weak judicial institutions. Because of its distortionary effects on resource allocation, entire economies are often severely weakened and debased as important decisions are guided not by prudent public policy but by ulterior agenda.
The author recalls two incidents that have striking similarities but differ only in degree. As a young graduate student in the early 1980s, I was stopped by the police for a traffic infraction at the early hours of a Saturday morning. After the usual preliminaries of asking for my driver's license, and registration, he inquired about my nationality, where I was headed at that time of the morning, and what was I willing to do to discharge my immediate predicament. Sensing the tone of the inquiry, I tendered the customary apologies, and wondered out loud if it would be possible to make a charitable contribution to the 'police fund.' He said I could, and would be glad to pass-on my contribution to the 'fund'. Ten dollars changed hands, and I was given the standard admonition to drive safely, and was allowed to leave. No official citation was issued, and neither was a receipt issued for my 'donation.' This occurred in Chicago.
Ten years later, I shipped forty units of power generators to Nigeria for a project. The transatlantic shipment took four weeks; however, it took another five weeks to get the goods through Nigerian ports authorities. First, the goods had to be inspected and cleared by the attending Customs officer. The problem, however, was how to locate him. But at last it took an inordinate expenditure in time and financial resources to finally meet with him; mainly because each time my clearing agent came calling he was dutifully informed by low-ranking officials that he was not in the office. In other words, he needed to be persuaded, and that was a clue that more money was being demanded. After a week, and having disbursed approximately US$700 to his assistants, the official papers were suddenly produced, completed, and signed. Meanwhile, the container of goods was cleared and uninspected. The goods must now be further inspected and cleared by the navy, and national security agents. The same ordeal was exacted on my agent and me; the only variation here was that we now had the opportunity to haggle and bargain on the amount of bribe to be paid.
Exactly five weeks after the goods arrived in Nigeria, we were given complete clearance to remove them from the port. Our celebration was short-lived; because in less than an hour after leaving the port, we were stopped by the police for inspection. Two hundred US dollars equivalent were demanded and paid; again, as in other instances no actual inspection was made. Within five miles of this 'inspection' was another police check- point. Realizing that we had fifteen more miles to travel, it became necessary to pay and retain this second group of police officers as escorts. Needless to say, the original objective of the project was thoroughly frustrated, and ultimately suspended. The point of this narrative is that in many instances, the difference in the incidents of corruption in developed as well as in developing countries is a matter of degree. The differential economic impact, however, is remarkably significant. Thus, with the economy thoroughly debased, economic, social, and cultural rights become non-issues.
That modern human rights movement has benefited from the globalization of world affairs is unquestionable; that globalization has also marginalized certain kinds of human rights in underdeveloped countries is not in doubt. The issue now is whether on balance globalization has done more to advance the goals of international human rights, and the answer will be a qualified 'yes.' For one, it has empowered the once powerless through the delivery of near instantaneous information, and knowledge; this has enabled citizens of the world to question, challenge, and demand reform from their governments. International civil society, through entrepreneurial endeavors, has compelled governments in developing countries to institute democratic reforms that protect basic human rights even though some of their activities continue to have the opposite effect. NGOs have also played significant roles in internationalizing human rights. Through publicity, advocacy, and on-site inspections, International NGOs such as Amnesty International, and Human Rights Watch, continue to educate the world on human rights atrocities throughout the globe, and 'shame' governments into reform, while at the same time empowering the oppressed through concerted campaigns and legal assistance.
The end result of all this is that States can no longer consider human rights as purely domestic matters; States must now contend with the international community when gross violations of rights occur within their boundaries. "At least," says David Forsythe, "it now can be said that states have accepted a number of new legal obligations and that numerous 'cases' exist which can be used as 'precedents' should actors choose to do so in pursuit of human rights values."6 And I am sure they will; it is just a matter of time!
1 See generally Robert McCorquodale with Richard Fairbrother, Globalization and Human Rights; Human Rights Quarterly, 21.3 (1999), 73-766.
2 See Thomas Buergenthal, International Human Rights, 2nd. Edit., West Group, 1995, P. 35-41.
3 See The Economist, May 12, 2003
4 See Braibanti, Ralph, In Monday Ekpo's Bureaucratic Corruption in Sub-Saharan Africa: "Toward a Search for Causes and Consequences", University Press of America, 1979.
5 See De Soto, Hernando, The Other Path. New York: Harper and Row, 1989.
6 See David Forsythe, The United Nations and Human Rights, 1945-1985.
Poverty Traps
Reviewed by M. Krul.
"Poverty Traps" is a collection of research papers on the subject of, well, poverty traps, edited by Bowles, Durlauf and Hoff. Each of these are known for their use of orthodox methodology against the economic orthodoxy itself in substantial terms, and that is also the approach taken in this book. The book consists of a small number of fairly large essays, more or less thematically organized, which seek to explain how poverty traps come into being and how they are reproduced. In this context, a poverty trap is defined as a less-than-optimal solution which is nonetheless an equilibrium, where there also exists an optimal (or at least better) equilibrium.
By far the best part of the book is Part II, which discusses institutions and how they serve to create and reinforce such poverty traps. Engerman & Sokoloff have a fascinating article on the importance of land policies and the crops produced in different parts of the American continent since colonization as a cause of the strong discrepancies in wealth between the North and the Middle/South. Mehlum, Moene and Torvik use classic orthodox methods to show that in African nations, there can be a poverty trap as a result of organized crime, militias etc. being parasites on productive companies, where they keep each other balanced at a suboptimal level. Hoff & Sen have an excellent essay on the problems with kin systems in Africa and Asia and the way in which they can inhibit modernization. And finally Samuel Bowles himself uses a game theoretical mathematical approach to show how suboptimal social conventions can be very hard to change in circumstances of great inequality, despite the amount of people benefiting from the conventions are very few in proportion to those negatively affected. Also of great interest is the first essay in Part III, by Steven Durlauf, which deals with how group pressure and neighborhood influences can account for the continuing bad situation in very black areas of the United States.
What is frustrating about this book is that the authors are so clearly constrained by the faux 'rigor' of orthodox economics in fully developing their case. Reading between the lines this seems to have been the case for some of the authors themselves as well, but it will certainly strike any reader that about half the book is devoted to mathematically describing and modelling arguments which are perfectly sensible and easily understood in just their regular written form. The added value of making a model with a host of unworldly and absurd assumptions to prove a particular point that could just as easily be proven in terms of "people tend to behave like X under Y circumstances, because of social cause Z" is unclear, and it is one of the many unfortunate products of the academic atmosphere in the field of economics. What passes for 'rigor' is in reality a useless and failed attempt to imitate physics and to impress the noninitiated. It is a pity that this draws smart minds, as the cases of Moene (associated with 'Analytical Marxism') and Bowles (the leader in behavioral economics) show - both are approaches which want to do good social science, uninhibited by liberal dogma, but which are hampered by their own insistence on methodological orthodoxy. This is a good scientific work, but its own methodology hinders it.[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row]
African Economic Development
BY Steve Langdon, Archibald R.M. Ritter, Yiagadeesen Samy.
Sub-Saharan Africa is at a turning point. The barriers to economic growth seen in the 1980-2000 era are disappearing and new optimism is spreading. However, difficult goals of eliminating poverty, achieving equity and overcoming environmental threats continue. This much-needed and insightful textbook has been written to help us understand this combination of emerging improvements and significant challenges.
Opening with an analysis of the main theories relating to development in Sub-Saharan Africa, the book explores all the key issues, including:
Human development;Rapid urbanization;Structural and gender dimensions;Sustainable development and environmental issues; and Africa's role in the world economy.
The authors use economic tools and concepts throughout, in a way that makes them accessible to students without an economics background. Readers are also aided by a wide range of case studies, on-the-ground examples and statistical information, which provide a detailed analysis of each topic. This text is also accompanied by a companion website, featuring additional sources for students and instructors.
African Economic Development is a clear and comprehensive textbook suitable for courses on African economic development, development economics, African studies and development studies.[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row]
Black Lives Matter Protests in Africa Shine Light on Local Police Brutality
John Campbell.*
The African media has closely followed the Black Lives Matter protests in the United States, almost always in solidarity with the protesters. Especially among African human rights groups, the American focus on police brutality resonates strongly. While generalization is risky about a continent with more than fifty states and one billion people, it can be said that for most Africans, the policeman is not your friend. The popular perception is that police brutality is the norm.
Police use of excessive force is an old song in Africa, and reform is difficult. Police forces tend to have been established by the former colonial powers, and they are national—a gendarmerie—rather than local. They are often poorly trained and paid; many resort to petty corruption simply to feed their families. Too often their culture is oriented toward protecting the state, just as it was during colonial rule, rather than serving the public. The elites that control and benefit from the state often dismiss cases of abuse and are slow to institute meaningful reform.
In many African countries, the police are one element in a system of institutional underdevelopment. Where the rule of law is feeble, courts are often corrupt, and prison conditions can be unspeakable, people will take justice into their own hands. There are reports of mobs lynching an alleged thief caught stealing in a city market, for example. Hence, too often the police function as a weak, under-resourced occupying power, too ready to resort to excessive force.
Hence, meaningful police reform may require the overhaul of the entire legal and judicial system and a fundamental, positive realignment of governments with the people they ought to serve. Such a reform program is not so simple or easy on a continent in the midst of a pandemic and one in which the quality of political leadership is often poor.
*John Campbell is Ralph Bunche Senior Fellow on Africa, Cfr
**Courtesy of Council on Foreign Relations
Paul Buvarp.
Norway's petroleum sector is its most important industry. The petroleum sector accounts for 21.5% of its GDP, and almost half (48.9%) of total exports. In 2013 Norway was ranked the 15th-largest oil producer, and the 11th-largest oil exporter in the world. It is also the biggest oil producer in western Europe.
Oil is therefore regarded as a vital national resource and is the backbone of the Norwegian economy, though just like in the UK, its best years are in the past. Production levels have been dropping since the turn of the century, peaking at 3.5m barrels per day in 2001 to less than 1.9m in 2014.
Norway is not a member of theOrganisation of the Petroleum Exporting Countries(OPEC), and in principle it sets prices based on the current market. But with OPEC having a virtual monopoly on global pricing, Norway in effect remains subject to the cartel's pricing decisions. Norway is thus vulnerable to the volatility in oil pricing, and with regard to the structure of the sector and its role in the Norwegian economy, this vulnerability is extended throughout the society as a whole.
With the unsettling and dramatic slide in oil prices since June 2014, Norway has of course been substantially affected. Two months ago, Statistics Norway cut this year's GDP forecast from 2.1% to 1% on the back of lower prices. A few days later the central bank unexpectedly cut interest rates to an all-time low of 1.25% to help stimulate the economy. Some 12,000 jobs are being cut as the oil industry pares back about 10% of its workforce, and there are fears that nearly 30,000 more could follow.
Statoil and the oil industry
Oil in Norway is dominated by Statoil, the largely state-owned oil company, which controls about 70% of the country's petroleum production. It reported staggering losses in the third and fourth quarter of 2014 that were partly the result of the lower oil price – the company's first loss since it listed on the stock market in 2001. Its share price is also down about a quarter on last summer. The majority of job losses in the sector are due to cost-cutting and reductions to capital expenditure that are aimed at steadying the ship.
Experts regard the low price as a difficulty mainly for the profitability of specific expansion projects, meaning that they could be postponed or even cancelled. High oil prices have made certain investments possible, which are now in trouble. For instance Statoil has held off on decisions on a US$6bn investment into the Snorre field in the North Sea and the huge Johan Castberg field in the Barents Sea.
Consultancy Wood Mackenzie is forecasting that petroleum investments in Norwegian waters will be down 25% this year, with foreseeable cuts in subsequent years too. There is at least one consolation for the industry: the huge Johan Sverdrup field, which is due to begin output in 2019, appears to be viable at prices beneath US$40 a barrel.
The Norwegian government also recently announced that by way of stimulus it would award a tranche of new oil and gas drilling licences next year, including opening up the first new area for exploration since the 1990s. It has also called for the sector to adapt, suggesting that the height of exploration and development has been achieved for oil exploitation, and the sector must now consolidate its position. However, so far there have been few specifics.
The national budget
Unlike in the UK, the main narrative in the Norwegian media is not about cutting producer taxes but worry about the state failing to obtain its expected revenue as outlined in the country's budget. Some experts believe that if the trend continues the actual revenue collected for the pension fund this year could be as low as half of what was budgeted, which would doubtless be a blow.
Last month, Norwegian prime minister Erna Solberg and finance minister Siv Jensen held a press conference on the situation, underlining that the government is prepared to take action if this becomes necessary, but that for the time being, the state budget is sufficiently capable of containing the situation. This means there are currently no plans to make cuts to the budget to cope with lower revenues.
Sovereign wealth
The big advantage that Norway has is the US$860bn (£565bn) Norwegian Government Pension Fund Global into which the oil money is deposited. Intended as an investment for future generations, it is the largest sovereign wealth fund in the world.
Norway owns an estimated 1% of global stocks and is considered to be the largest state owner of European stocks. For a country with a population just over 5m, this is a position of remarkable economic strength – thanks primarily to petroleum. The revenue of the sector is not only important as an economic boost, but also as the foundation of the Norwegian welfare state.
The government is able to spend up to 4% of the fund every year to finance its budget, albeit for investments rather than direct spending. This year, despite a substantial increase to the level of spending, it will still only run to about 3% of the total. This is also a country in which unemployment is very low – below 4%.
In short, the fall in oil prices is problematic but by no means catastrophic for Norway. The general reaction is a pragmatic one: Norway is in the hands of the global market, and will do what it can to maintain a profitable and responsible petroleum sector that serves the interests of the country. There are no illusions that the oil will last forever, or that prices must remain unnaturally high, and it is perhaps precisely these kinds of vulnerabilities that the Norwegian system safeguards against. Short-term losses are expected, but there is continued optimism for long-term gains.
*This article was originally published on The Conversation.
Author: Paul Buvarp is a PhD Candidate, School of International Relations at University of St Andrews
Image: An aerial view of the Oseberg oil platform in the Norwegian sea.
Failed States and the origins of violence
Reviewed by Martin Meeùs.
Terrorism and other forms of political violence are more present than ever in modern societies but are unequally spread around the globe. Why are some regions of the world "terrorist factories" while others are more moderate? In the view of Failed States and the Origins of Violence, by Tiffiany Howard, the FARC, Somali Al-Shabaab militants, Al-Qaeda, and the Tamil Tigers have at least one common characteristic: they were born in failing or failed states.
Howard's study addresses the lack of consensus regarding the environmental conditions and breeding grounds that give rise to terrorism and political violence. To do so, the author tries to tackle the absence of empirical and quantitative research in the field. Her central hypothesis is that failed states are the roots of terrorism and political violence. The author insists on the novelty and uniqueness of her study, given her use of the "Global Barometer Project" to examine the reasons why certain individuals are more inclined to use political violence than others. Contrary to other macro-level studies on terrorism, not only does the author explain how weak states contribute to terrorism but also which precise features of these states encourage terrorist activities. Additionally, this study is not only descriptive but also predicative. Based upon her descriptive analysis, the author tries to determine which regions will be more inclined to give rise to terrorism and political violence in the future. The author makes ambitious predictions and goes as far as stating that sub-Saharan Africa may witness an uncontrollable level of violence never before seen.
In the first part of the book, Howard deconstructs all major existing studies on the subject of terrorist origins. She then discusses different world regions, beginning with the part of the world that encompasses the greatest number of failed states: sub-Saharan Africa. According to Howard, it is an ideal start to support her hypothesis. The second region discussed is the Middle East and North Africa, since it is the region most plagued by terrorist groups. She continues with South Asia and Southeast Asia, regions that are in-between in terms of failed states and terrorist groups. Finally, Latin America is discussed as a region that encompasses few failed states compared to the regions addressed but where violent extremism is still present.
For the four regions discussed, the author tries to empirically prove her hypothesis that failed states are breeding grounds for terrorism and political violence. The same precise and methodic approach is used in all four chapters dedicated to the four regions. First, she introduces the region at stake, its history of political violence, and the current situation. Then, she describes the variables used in order to apply her hypothesis to the particular region. These variables, which include the level of political violence, the presence of the state, or the level of security, are based upon interviews and specific questions asked of members of the population of the analyzed region. After that, she presents a logit model, which is a form of mathematical equation that evaluates the probability for individuals of each country to commit acts of political violence. Finally, she applies the logit model to the data and discusses the findings in the form of statistical results. In other words, she applies barometer survey data to logit models in order to assess the link between the failure of the states and the level of political violence.
Howard shares novel and interesting views. She argues that the promotion of democracy, modernization, and religious freedom in these regions should be addressed through state building rather than on individual bases. Regarding Islam, Howard states that there is nothing in the religion itself that favors radical ideologies and terrorism. Rather, the reason why Al-Qaeda, ISI, the Muslim Brotherhood, Fatah, or Hamas perpetrate acts of political violence is not related to the nature of Islam but rather to the inability of the governments to provide economical and social goods as well as security. Radical Islam is born with the failure of states and as a result of a repressive political climate and lack of economical development. Howard further argues that the use of political violence by an individual against Western societies and the United States, in particular, implies the support of political violence in his own state.
Thus, Howard makes interesting assumptions and hypotheses that merit discussion. However, the process employed by the author to reach these conclusions is difficult to understand. Indeed, the methodology she uses, which focuses on statistics and mathematical equations, is indigestible and unpersuasive. The reader is overwhelmed by variables, data, and numbers. Ultimately, the reader finds himself asking: is it really possible to address the relationship between state failure and terrorism through interviews that have been transformed into numbers and applied to mathematical equations?
When statistical findings do not entirely support her hypothesis, Howard tries to correct the discrepancy with more dogmatic and idealist arguments. She invokes the complexity of the states, possible cultural exceptions, or the fact that the sample used for interviews may not be representative. These are indeed crucial factors to take into account, and that is precisely the problem of this study. These are the questions that the reader wants to ask at the end of all chapters, for every region discussed. Are data from 2006 still relevant to address terrorism in South and Southeast Asia in 2014? Is a sample between 750 and 1,300 respondents from countries in the Middle East and North Africa sufficiently representative to construct a theory of the states? How can one reduce such complex societies to a couple of logit models? There are very few data sets available and the author tries her best to take the most out of them. But human sciences cannot be reduced to mathematical equations and confined to statistical data. The work is certainly unique, but the Howard's desire for empiricism is too great and she fails to convince.[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row]
The Next Factory of the World
Irene Yuan Sun.
China is now the biggest foreign player in Africa. It's Africa's largest trade partner, the largest infrastructure financier, and the fastest-growing source of foreign direct investment. Chinese entrepreneurs are flooding into the continent, investing in long-term assets such as factories and heavy equipment. Considering Africa's difficult history of colonialism, one might suspect that China's activity there is another instance of a foreign power exploiting resources. But as author Irene Yuan Sun vividly shows in this remarkable book, it is really a story about resilient Chinese entrepreneurs building in Africa what they so recently learned to build in China--a global manufacturing powerhouse. The fact that China sees Africa not for its poverty but for its potential wealth is a striking departure from the attitude of the West, particularly that of the United States. Despite fifty years of Western aid programs, Africa still has more people living in extreme poverty than any other region in the world.
Those who are serious about raising living standards across the continent know that another strategy is needed. Chinese investment gives rise to a tantalizing possibility: that Africa can industrialize in the coming generation. With a manufacturing-led transformation, Africa would be following in the footsteps of the United States in the nineteenth century, Japan in the early twentieth, and the Asian Tigers in the late twentieth. Many may consider this an old-fashioned way to develop, but as Sun argues, it's the only one that's proven to raise living standards across entire societies in a lasting way. And with every new Chinese factory boss setting up machinery and hiring African workers--and managers--that possibility becomes more real for Africa. With fascinating and moving human stories along with incisive business and economic analysis, "The Next Factory of the World" will make you rethink both China's role in the world and Africa's future in the globalized economy.
Africa Resest
Edited by Dr. Theodore Ahlers and Edited by Dr. Harinder S. Kohli.
This book assesses the challenges and provides concrete policy recommendations that can be taken by Africa's leaders and citizens in the key areas to reset their economic trajectory, achieve their desired convergence, and meet the aspirations of their people.
It combines analytical work from other regions, particularly from Asia and compares key indicators in key policy areas for Africa and Asia to draw lessons for the future.
Sustainable Development and Human Rights in Africa
Picard, Buss, Seybolt, and Lelei.
Many new development initiatives have been introduced in Africa over the past few decades. Each of these has been heralded as marking a new era in the continent's development. However, many of these initiatives have failed to produce sustained results due to numerous challenges, including, most importantly, the lack of good governance. The Africa Progress Panel stated in 2011 that good governance is the key enabling factor for sustainable development. This book discusses the role good governance plays in achieving sustainable development and eradicating extreme poverty in Africa.
The contributed chapters in this book seek to broaden the policy debate and provide conversations about the sustainable development challenges facing African countries from multiple viewpoints and interdisciplinary perspectives―from academics, researchers, policymakers, and practitioners in the field. The book focuses on the governance perspectives of practitioners who deal with day-to-day realities on the ground, with the goal to use evidence-based information to make informed policies, programs, and strategies to move the continent toward achieving sustainable development.
This book tries to strike a balance between recognizing the need to bring politics back into development programs and understanding the limitations of political institutions in weak states. To that end, it looks at the challenges of development from the perspective of human security, with a focus on strengthening the human resource component of African economies in order to achieve better governance as part of a sustainable development process.
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Inhabitants of Africa need only look to Taiwan to flatten their Covid 19 infection rates
Is it time for African nation-states to invite foreign intervention in the campaign against terrorism? The case of Boko Haram
African Economic Renaissance: The Role of Social Institutions
Horror as Boko Haram Abducts over 185 Children, Women
Infrastructure and Economic Development in Sub-Saharan Africa
The Dutch Disease Syndrome and Choice of Governance: The Nigerian Experience.
The Great Escape – Health, Wealth, and the Orgins of Inequality
Bad Samaritans by Ha-Joon Chang
Council on African Security and Development Takes Roots
The Petrolization of Nigeria's Economy and Her Current Discontent


Decision 4: The Inquiry Committee determined that "given that information emerged in the form of the emails purloined from CRU in November 2009, which have raised questions in the public's mind about Dr. Mann's conduct of his research activity, given that this may be undermining confidence in his findings as a scientist, and given that it may be undermining public trust in science in general and climate science specifically, an Investigatory Committee of faculty peers from diverse fields should be constituted under RA-I 0 to further consider this allegation."
The Investigatory Committee considers Dr. Mann's actions in sharing unpublished manuscripts with third parties, without first having received express consent from the authors of such manuscripts, to be careless and inappropriate. While sharing an unpublished manuscript on the basis of the author's implied consent may be an acceptable practice in the judgment of some individuals, the Investigatory Committee believes the best practice in this regard is to obtain express consent from the author before sharing an unpublished manuscript with third parties.
So in fact the criticism with Dr. Mann is that he is too open with sharing information. I wonder how this will be spun!
This page contains a single entry by published on July 2, 2010 7:36 AM.
Toronto dystopia was the previous entry in this blog.
G20 : Letter of the Day is the next entry in this blog.


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HomeuniversitiesUniversities face multiple challenges in wake of COVID-19 closures
Universities face multiple challenges in wake of COVID-19 closures
universities April 19, 2020 No comment
posted on Apr. 19, 2020 at 7:33 am
Παυλος Ελενης
Kenya's shuttered universities face the twin challenge of rolling out online learning for thousands of students and finding money to pay salaries and meet their financial obligations at a time when major revenue streams are shut.
Like private institutions, public universities rely heavily on tuition fees to fund their operations since any subsidies they receive from the government are inadequate to meet their financial needs.
"Looking at the way things are, most of the institutions will not be able to pay salaries for all staffers if the lockdown continues beyond March. Learning programmes have been disrupted severely, raising the question of how we are going to pay the lecturers and other staff. Most of the students pay fees at the end of the semester. They left before finishing this, yet we have to pay the staff at the end of every month whether in session or not," said Professor Mumo Kisau, the chairman of the Kenya Association of Private Universities.
Already, higher education authorities in the country have been warning the institutions over budget shortfalls which have left them unable to meet their immediate financial obligations.
University administrators have linked the cash flow challenges to a sharp fall in enrolments over the past three years and inadequate public funding. They reckon the pandemic will leave them in a worse situation.
"Payroll costs are a big challenge because they depend largely on privately sponsored students, but this has been on the decline. We are scrambling to put up intervention measures not only to stay afloat but also to keep our programmes going," Professor Stephen Kiama, vice-chancellor at the University of Nairobi told reporters in Nairobi recently.
Kiama's institution has been running one of the biggest deficits among universities in the country, being unable to settle US$16 million in unpaid pension and statutory deductions for its workers.
But that's not the only challenge the universities are facing. They have been forced to turn to online learning to ensure students finish their courses on time, but preparedness varies from one institution to the next.
Dr Richard Bosire, the chairman of the Universities Academic Staff Union's University of Nairobi chapter, was quoted in local media as saying: "Not all lecturers had been trained and those who had were waiting for directions on how to proceed. Most students do not have laptops or money to buy internet bundles to sustain a three-hour online course. Some of them live in far-flung areas and do not even have access to the internet, so how will they be expected to come on board?"
"At Kenyan universities, online learning is mainly focused on postgraduate students with the larger population, undergraduate learners, left out. Part of the problem is lack of investment in online resources by the institutions," said the local Daily Nation newspaper in an editorial on 28 March.
"The obvious drawback for e-learning is the digital divide. Most families have limited or no access to the internet. Such a situation does not belong to the future but the present," the newspaper said.
In Kenya, successful electronic-based degree programmes have been dominated by foreign and international qualifications, mostly postgraduate degrees featuring collaborations between local private institutions and foreign institutions.
The University of Nairobi has outlined its distance education plans in the wake of the closure of universities.
In a statement released on 6 April, the university said the move to online learning was necessary if a "semblance of normality" was to be achieved during the closure.
"The university has responded to the current crisis by tapping into its existing investment in ODeL [open and distance e-learning]. Immediately the closure took effect, the university embarked on a programme to train its staff and students to enable them to move their teaching and learning to online platforms," said the university in the statement.
Resistance from students
The statement follows resistance from a section of students from the University of Nairobi (UON), some of whom were active in a trending discussion on Twitter on 30 March (#UONboycottonlineclasses) during which they resisted the announcement by the university that lessons would continue online.
"You want me to take online classes. I live in Turkana (in far-off remote northern Kenya). Does this university even care that I obviously can't access [the] internet. It is University of Nairobi, not University for people of Nairobi," tweeted student Jared Washington Ochako.
"Training is an inevitable part of any business but depending solely on an e-learning platform can make learning less personal, less engaging, and in the process, less effective. We urge comrades to boycott such shenanigans by UON," said another student going by the online name Mzee Mzima.
Students argued that online learning could not be inclusive given the circumstances and would exclude those disadvantaged by poor infrastructure.
"Online classes are good; they help compensate virtually the time lost away from class. However, imposing it on students in the most remote areas of the country without good network coverage and electricity is not logical," said Peter Mutinda.
Lecturers who preferred anonymity also complained that the move was coming as an afterthought after institutions shut down operations without a plan.
Responding to these concerns, the university statement said it had a long history of distance learning that dates back to the 1960s.
"The open, distance and e-learning function of the university was revamped and relaunched in 2017. Its role was expanded and strengthened through Statute XXXVI, hence anchoring it by a structure that gave it the mandate to sensitise and create awareness in all programmes of the university, build capacity in courseware development and production, facilitate programme delivery and learner support and carry out research and evaluation of ODeL programmes and services," the statement said.
In addition to the training of faculty in the use of e -learning tools, the university said students had been trained in how to navigate the learning management system and interact with the content and tutors. Tutorial support for students was being provided online by staff and WhatsApp groups were facilitating tutor-learner and learner-learner interactions.
The university said a schedule to train lecturers to develop more content for the learning management system had been developed.
It said the senate had approved a procedure for examining theses online which will ensure that there is no delay in graduation. Supervision of students was continuing through online platforms such as email, video conferencing and Zoom.
Mount Kenya University reiterated on 6 April that its e-learning platform was open to regular students. In a statement on the university website, Acting Vice-Chancellor Professor Peter Wanderi reminded students that the fee payment policy which allows payment by instalments (pay as you learn) had not changed "and will also apply for all university online studies".
According to Esther Ngumbi, assistant professor of entomology at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign in the United States, the transition to online learning was likely to be easier for both lecturers and students in the social sciences, humanities and business disciplines compared to those in science.
"I think teaching science classes is more complicated especially where you need science labs … However, given the circumstances, I think we will see useful innovations that can help guide future teaching of science labs," she told University World News.
Ngumbi, a Kenyan native and recipient of the 2018 Society for Experimental Biology President's Medal, said students who are urban dwellers may have the opportunity to successfully partake in online classes. However, she is concerned that their counterparts in the rural areas, with limited access or no electricity and-or no computers, may find learning online difficult.
In an exclusive interview with University World News, Ngumbi said: "I think, in the end, students must take ownership of their learning. After all, they signed up for the classes. They are in the university or schools because they want to learn. As such, they should make the most out of these very unusual circumstances."
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Have you ever wondered why you consistently see the same banner ad follow you on every website you visit? Do you know why that is? Do you ever wonder why certain television commercials air during certain shows? If you answered yes to any of these questions then you may be more aware of marketing than you thought.
This is how my passion for advertising started.
For years I wanted to be a teacher- I enjoyed the thought of reading to a class of young children and writing math problems on the board. I was stuck on this career until I took an interest in interior designing/decorating- or so I thought. I loved watched HGTV shows- did you know an accent wall can spice up a room? Yes, I thought I found my calling until I took an auto cad course in high school and discovered it wasn't entirely what I thought it was. Now, I always had an interest for photography and media and just why on earth that grocery store commercial appeared on the weekend, or why the home improvement ad was on HGTV. This is what began my interest in Advertising. Originally interested in being the one who came up with the ads (a copy writer), I soon gravitated towards media and marketing and understanding the connection between consumer and the product.
Hey, in a way I have combined all of my interests in this career- I am educating you on marketing, and I can be creative with my job like interior decorating provides- what do ya know?
Advertising & Marketing is always evolving.
Over the course of my 3 years of schooling and 2+ years working I have seen advertising and marketing evolve. Consumer insights is huge. Digital and mobile advertising is a must and understanding what influences the consumer is key. Truthfully, there is a lot of repetition and several upon several analytic tools and automation aps available for marketers like me. It's what you do with these tools and how you connect with your clients' objectives & the marketing goal(s) that will make or break you. You have to be creative, strategic and analytic.
What fuels influence? Test, analyze and do your research. Compare current trends of your target market to the products or service you are selling. Test your theories and analyze the results. Those that are more likely to be influenced by what you sell/market will grab on to your pitch like a fish on a hook (just not this graphically) and will continually to hold on and place trust in you as a brand/service.
So, what's with those back pain relief ads?
They always get you don't they? Marketing at its finest. I am sure you see these ads during the day, or in the late evenings, or even on TV stations your grandparents watch. Yup- there was a strategy behind that, isn't that neat?
Now click on that ad to your left already, I am sure you have already thought about their service.


The education end of the club will consist of video tutorials, knitalongs, and online classes. We are also planning on reviving in person meetups and classes through the world. Please be patient as we build this part of ClubKnit.


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Research Article Free access | 10.1172/JCI108740
The Interdigestive Motor Complex of Normal Subjects and Patients with Bacterial Overgrowth of the Small Intestine
G. Vantrappen, J. Janssens, J. Hellemans, and Y. Ghoos
Department of Medical Research, University of Leuven, B-3000 Leuven, Belgium
Department of Medicine, Akademisch Ziekenhuis St. Rafaël, B-3000 Leuven, Belgium
Find articles by Vantrappen, G. in: JCI | PubMed | Google Scholar
Find articles by Janssens, J. in: JCI | PubMed | Google Scholar
Find articles by Hellemans, J. in: JCI | PubMed | Google Scholar
Find articles by Ghoos, Y. in: JCI | PubMed | Google Scholar
Published June 1, 1977 - More info
Published in Volume 59, Issue 6 on June 1, 1977
J Clin Invest. 1977;59(6):1158–1166. https://doi.org/10.1172/JCI108740.
Published June 1, 1977 - Version history
Intraluminal pressures were measured in the gastric antrum and at different levels of the upper small intestine in 18 normal subjects to investigate whether or not the interdigestive motor complex, identified in several animal species, occurs in man and, if so, to determine its characteristics. In all normal subjects, the activity front of the interdigestive motor complex was readily identified as an uninterrupted burst of rhythmic contraction waves that progressed down the intestine and that was followed by a period of quiescence. Quantitative analysis of various parameters of the complex and simultaneous radiological and manometrical observations revealed that it resembled closely the canine interdigestive motor complex. To test the hypothesis that disorders of this motor complex may lead to bacterial overgrowth in the small intestine, similar studies were performed in 18 patients with a positive 14CO2 bile acid breath test and in an additional control group of 9 patients with a normal 14CO2 breath test. All but five patients had normal interdigestive motor complexes. The five patients in whom the motor complex was absent or greatly disordered had bacterial overgrowth as evidenced by 14CO2 bile acid breath tests before and after antibiotics. These studies establish the presence and define the characteristics of the normal interdigestive motor complex in man. They also suggest that bacterial overgrowth may be due to a specific motility disorder i.e., complete or almost complete absence of the interdigestive motor complex.
Images.
Click on an image below to see the page. View PDF of the complete article
Version 1 (June 1, 1977): No description


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Every My Earth Too purchase helps fund the Chuckie Goodnight Foundation For The Environment, a nonprofit organization dedicated to creating green spaces and teaching children a loving, respectful relationship with nature.


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Think tank: La Stampa's findings on intel-gathering nature of Russian "aid" mission in Italy confirmed
World 3 min. 1692
Russian aid sent to Italy is, in fact, useless, while among troops deployed there are not just military doctors, but also intelligence operatives, spec-ops officers, and military chemists, the report says.
While Russia is threatening an Italian newspaper over the report revealing the true objective of the Russian military team deployed in Italy, the analysis of documentary material confirms the conclusions made by La Stampa on the intelligence-driven nature of the Russian mission, which is being concealed under the pretext of "assistance" in fighting the novel coronavirus, a U.S.-based think tank reports.
The threats voiced by Russian defense ministry spox Igor Konashenkov against La Stampa journalist Jacopo Iacoboni were related to his report, which, among other things, claimed the Kremlin had deployed intelligence agents, along with bacteriological warfare experts, as part of the Russian "assistance" mission to Italy, according to the IGDTS think tank.
Russian troops deployed in Italy, as their defense officials claim, have been studying the language of the host country, which isn't among responsibilities of military medics, at the same time suggesting that those troops are with Russia's military intelligence or special operations forces.
La Stampa's pieces saw no refutation either by the Italian prime minister, or the ministry of foreign affairs, or the defense ministry, which seems to have fallen victim to pro-Russian efforts by PM Giuseppe Conte, the report adds.
Currently, there is a sufficient amount of open source information allowing to analyze Russian military presence in Italy and confirm suggestions put forward by La Stampa reporters, IGDTS states.
Read alsoRussian COVID-19 numbers as dangerous propaganda – think tank
Chief of Italy's Defense Staff, Enzo Vecciarelli, noted that the Italian side needed anesthetists, resuscitators, and lung ventilators. At the same time, it's military chemists who form the core of Russia's military contingent in Italy. Russia has supplied equipment that is traditionally used in combat to disinfect heavy military hardware against chemical contamination.
Also, experts note that, while the core of the Russian team is supposed to consist of troops that are part of these Chemical Defense Forces, videos of the Russian group landing at the Pratica di Mare airbase clearly shows troops sporting chevrons unrelated to the Chemical Forces. Meanwhile, Russia has inherited Soviet practices where military uniform of KGB operatives would have insignia of the Air Force or Signal Corps. Thus, SpecOps troops and military intel officers have obviously been deployed with insignia of other military units.
Earlier, IGTDS analysts pointed out that at least one of the Russian troops deployed to Italy, who was listed as a member of the Kirov-based Military Medical Academy, was, in fact, part of the 48th Central Research Institute specializing in biological weapons.
Besides, experts say, videos of the Russian group in action prove that the personnel deployed fail to follow the basic personal protection protocol, violating safety regulations, which may in fact testify to those troops belonging to other types of military forces.
The team deployed in Italy includes two staffers of the Zvezda TV channel, which is part of the Russian Ministry of Defense: Konstantin Khudoleev and Vyacheslav Amelyutin, whose previous deployments, including in Syria, leads to an assumption that they are part of Russian military intelligence taking part in psy-ops.
In addition to the propagandist and symbolic aspects of the Russian mission in Italy, their troops are also set to fulfill technical and military tasks. The Russian convoy drove 600 kilometers from the Pratica di Mare airbase near Rome toward Lombardy despite the fact that there are at least four airfields within 100 km around Bergamo, capable of receiving Candid-type cargo aircraft (Il-76).
Read alsoWar amid virus spread: Russia attempting to exploit global quarantine issue to have sanctions lifted
The number of aircraft that landed in Pratica di Mare and their landing interval resembles an operation Russia conducted in Crimea in 2014, when a group was deployed on the peninsula, having been brought there within several hours by Russian military cargo aircraft before capturing key strategic targets in the area, blocking Ukrainian military units, and ultimately annexing the peninsula. Thus, the operation in Italy can be seen as a drill working out an aerial component of the deployment of a military group in the territory of one of the NATO Allies.
According to sources in the Russian defense ministry, as the Russian convoy was moving across Italy, troops worked out their actions in the conditions of a gas (chemical) attack.
Therefore, there is documentary confirmation of suggestions put forward by La Stampa proving that 80% of Russian aid sent to Italy is, in fact, useless, while troops deployed are not just military doctors, but also intelligence operatives, spec-ops officers, and military chemists.
Tags:RussiaespionageItalyhybridaggressioncoronavirus


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text:
Q: modify a range of cells in an excel spreadsheet using perl with Win32::OLE I'd like to add a range of values I have in an array of arrays into a range of cells in an Excel spreadsheet; I wrote the following but it fails:
use Win32::OLE;
use Cwd;

eval {$excel = Win32::OLE->GetActiveObject('Excel.Application')};
die "Excel not installed" if $@;
unless (defined $excel)
{
    $excel = Win32::OLE->new('Excel.Application', sub {$_[0]->Quit;})
    or die "Oops, cannot start Excel";
}

$workbook = $excel->Workbooks->Open(getcwd() . "/test.xlsx");
$worksheet = $workbook->Worksheets(1);
@matrix = ( [0, 1], [2, 3] );

$worksheet->Range("B5:C6")->{Value} = @matrix;

$worksheet->Save;

The code above updates the cells B5:C6 with (2, 2, 2, 2) instead of (0, 1, 2, 3) and I couldn't figure out the reason for this ... what I'm doing wrong?

A: The documentation example passes an array reference:
$sheet->Range("A8:C9")->{Value} = [[ undef, 'Xyzzy', 'Plugh' ],
                                   [ 42,    'Perl',  3.1415  ]];

Change your code to do the same:
$worksheet->Range("B5:C6")->{Value} = \@matrix;

The number 2 is likely coming from the size of @matrix.

A: Check out the speed improvement I got from setting a range of cells to an array of values
verses setting each cell to a value, 1 cell at a time:
Process times:
start 29:29 to stop 31:41    = 2 min, 12 sec    (The SLOW WAY)
start 19:55 to stop 20:33    = 0 min, 38 sec    (The SPEEDY WAY)

That's 132 seconds vs. 38 seconds
CODE:
use Win32::OLE;
$EXCEL = Win32::OLE->new('Excel.Application', sub {$_[0]->Quit; print "MS-Excel is shutting
down.\n"; sleep 2;});
$EXCEL->{SheetsInNewWorkbook} = 1;
$BOOK       = $EXCEL->Workbooks->Add();
$SHEET      = $BOOK->Worksheets(1);

$SHEET->Range( "A1" )->{Value} = "Book";
$SHEET->Range( "B1" )->{Value} = "Chapter";
$SHEET->Range( "C1" )->{Value} = "Verse";
$SHEET->Range( "D1" )->{Value} = "Text";

$start=1; $stop=66;
$row=1;   $cnt=0;

@worksheet_array=();

#-- Process the MS-Access database (ODBC connection), SQL Query Result Set,
#-- which selected all Bible verses from Books 1-66 (i.e. Genesis thru Revelation).

while ($db->FetchRow()) {
   $row++;   $cnt++;
    if (($cnt % 1000) == 0) {
       print "Processed ($cnt Verses from the Bible Database: Books ($start-$stop) of 66\n";
    }

   $worksheet_array[$row-2][0] = $book        = $db->Data("book");
   $worksheet_array[$row-2][1] = $chapter     = $db->Data("chapter");
   $worksheet_array[$row-2][2] = $verse       = $db->Data("verse");
   $worksheet_array[$row-2][3] = $verse_text  = $db->Data("verse_text");

   print OUT "$book|$chapter|$verse|$verse_text\n";  #-- This output goes to a text (*.txt) file

   #-- The Too Slow Way!  Write data 1 cell at a time.
   #  $SHEET->Range( "A$row" )->{Value} = $book;
   #  $SHEET->Range( "B$row" )->{Value} = $chapter;
   #  $SHEET->Range( "C$row" )->{Value} = $verse;
   #  $SHEET->Range( "D$row" )->{Value} = $verse_text;
}

 Write all the data at once instead... The Speedy Way!
$SHEET->Range( "A2:D$row" )->{Value} = \@worksheet_array;   #-- $row = 31102 (total nbr verses)
$SHEET->Columns("A")->AutoFilter;
$SHEET->Columns( "A:D" )->AutoFit();
$EXCEL->Windows(1)->{SplitRow}    = 1;
$EXCEL->Windows(1)->{FreezePanes} = 1;
$BOOK->SaveAs($excel97outputfile_dot_xls);
$BOOK->Close();       sleep 1;
$EXCEL->Quit;         sleep 1;
undef $BOOK;  undef $EXCEL;

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
Icona Pop Commits a Kidnapping Before Main-Staging at Ultra with Tiesto
06 Apr 2014 Posted by admin
By John Hood
W"Where are you?"
"At The W."
"Just finished chatting up Crystal Method for ADANAI."
"Cool. Don't move. We'll be there in 15 minutes."
The cat asking 'bout my whereabouts, Oscar Sidebo, is a gentleman among men who possesses a style and grace becoming more and more rare in this mad brash dash of a world. Considering he's also ace handler of one of the most ubiquitous names in current Pop and has pretty much navigated their meteoric rise without losing an ounce of either his style or his grace only makes him all the more remarkable.
It also makes it superfluous to ask who "we" might be.
See, Oscar is the man who keeps the skyrocket in flight for the delightful two-piece unit called Icona Pop.
Sure enough, 15 minutes later a black SUV pulls up in front of W South Beach and out pops Caroline Hjelt, one half of the rousingly renowned duo.
"Hey, John Hood!"
"Hey Caroline!"
And by the time we can hug out a proper Hello, a presence behind me says, "Get in the car."
It's Oscar, of course. He doesn't have a knife and he doesn't have a gun (not that I see anyway). Then, he doesn't need one. Because when the cat who makes sure Icona Pop continually has a chance to be all that tells you to do something, well, you do it. Or else, why bother?
Aino Jawo awaits me inside the vehicle, and within a matter of seconds I find myself a veritable Icona Pop sandwich.
In other words: I've just been Hoodnapped.
In the front passenger seat is a lensman named Felix, on board to shoot the proceedings. Once the gals and I get through the preliminary how-have-you-beens and I've actually wrapped my numb skull around the fact that Icona Pop has actually just snatched me up, Felix asks me to start talking.
Now, I get to get with a lotta très cool folks, and as blessed as I am by all the collidings, I still kinda remain my own favorite subject. So to ask me to talk about myself on camera is like asking a lion to roar for the crowd in front of a giant mirror. And boy, did I comply.
I shan't bore you with the details; I will say I didn't shut up till we crossed over to the mainland, doubled back and landed at the foot of a mansion on Hibiscus Island, one of four exclusive enclaves between Miami proper and Miami Beach.
And what a wowsome scene we smash into. Floor-to-ceiling Swedes of the keenest coolest variety dancing, drinking, carousing and, yes, frolicking in the bayfront pool. There is beauty, there is sexy, there is joy, and from the looks of things, there isn't a cool kid left in all of Stockholm.
Being with the country's reigning stars of course gives me a certain cachet. So does the fact that I happen to be the only cat in a three-piece suit, tie and hat. No matter what I'm wearing though, Icona Pop gives me the juice.
And that's no accident. Sure, the gals are talented (très talented) and, yes, there's obviously a certain amount of luck that plays into having a song that becomes the de facto theme for an entire year around the whole wide world. But Icona Pop have worked it, and worked at it, as hard and as relentlessly as any determined to live their most picturesque dreams.
The gals and I first met when they debuted at Ultra in 2013; we then re-collided when they hit Miami's Grand Central on their subsequent summer headlining club tour. In between, they'd done Jimmy Kimmel, Good Morning America and, likely, likewise in every country they set song.
They'd also followed the choice placement of "I Love It" in Girls with equal footing in The Vampire Diaries, Dancing with the Stars and Glee.
Photo by Fredrik Etoall.
Icona Pop's "I Love It" has been certified platinum many times over globally.
Now they're back, doing something so top secret they won't even tell me, their theoretical captive.
"C'mon, Oscar. You've got me here. I can't say anything to anyone that you won't know about. What are you guys doing in Miami this Music Week?"
"Okay, since you're in our custody I guess we can tell you what's up." he replied. "Tonight we're guest starring on the Main Stage at Ultra with Tiesto."
"Wow! That's fantastic! You're doing 'I Love It,' I'm guessing?"
"Yes, and a new song too!"
"What? Two songs with Tiesto on the Main Stage at Ultra during prime time? That's beyond fantastic! What's the new song?"
"I can't tell you."
"Huh? What do you mean you can't tell me? I'm here, with you. I'll hear it in a few hours anyway."
"Then you'll hear it in a few hours. We're sworn to secrecy, and we don't break our word."
As disappointed as I was to not be privy to the scoop, especially considering my proximity, I was more impressed that Icona Pop wouldn't break their word. Talk about style and grace. They've got so much of both, it informs their ethics!
Even better, later, when I heard Icona Pop perform "Let's Go" with Tiesto, the thought that they wouldn't even spill the beans to their kidnap victim only deepened my respect for the gals — and for their handler Oscar.
There's a damn good reason why Icona Pop has become a household name. It's because they're cool, they're keen, they're fun, they're diligent, and they're one of the few in the game called Pop who retain that singular ingredient: integrity.
How can you not love it?!?
For more information on Icona Pop's tour schedule click here.
Ridic Rivals by ADANAI: Best Nightclubs in the World?
Inside The ADANAI DJ Booth: The Nicole Moudaber Interview
Sunday Funday Music III: The ADANAI All-Night Playlist


text:
Page 1 2 . . . 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 . . . 131 132
Browsing page 89 of "G" words
a very ugly person. Geek, dork, nerd.
Look at that goon.
See more words with the same meaning: unattractive, ugly person (either gender).
Last edited on Apr 07 2013. Submitted by Alex B. from Estacada, OR, USA on Oct 26 1999.
a stupid person.
You are such a goon!
Last edited on Apr 07 2013. Submitted by Anonymous on Feb 22 2002.
tuff or hard, ain't scared of no one.
Last edited on May 14 2011. Submitted by Anonymous on May 07 2004.
a big goofy person without coordination.
Last edited on Oct 15 2005. Submitted by Spencer H. on Oct 15 2005.
an intimidating person hired to harm people.
Last edited on Jun 13 2011. Submitted by Anonymous on Feb 22 2002.
Cheap cask wine. In some places, the government's wine industry subsidies make this the cheapest form of drinkable alcohol available. Australian slang.
The beer ran out but there was lots of goon.
See more words with the same meaning: alcohol.
Last edited on Jun 03 2010. Submitted by Joel K. on Nov 12 2004.
"I'm interested. Keep talking."
Person 1: I was thinking that we could go to Vegas this weekend.
Person 2: Go on.
Last edited on Oct 02 2015. Submitted by Walter Rader (Editor) from Sacramento, CA, USA on Oct 02 2015.
a group of thugs.
Last edited on Sep 09 2009. Submitted by Walter Rader (Editor) from Sacramento, CA, USA on Sep 09 2009.
go on the lamb
go into hiding.
I'll go on the lamb until everything cools down.
Last edited on Mar 22 2006. Submitted by Sal J. from Monterey, CA, USA on Mar 22 2006.
go on the pull
to attempt to attract a person for sexual purposes.
I'm going out on the pull tonight.
Last edited on Aug 16 2015. Submitted by Matthew R. from Blackpool, United Kingdom on May 31 2004.
out looking for a sexual partner. Origin: from "pull", to attract or seduce
Dress up smart - we're going on the pull.
Last edited on Aug 16 2015. Submitted by Robbie G. from Stroud, Hampshire, UK on Feb 13 2006.
to go out on a night out looking for someone to take home.
We're going on the pull tonight, you coming?
Last edited on Aug 16 2015. Submitted by N S. from Glasgow, Glasgow City, UK on Dec 14 2007.
go on the wazzcock
to go and get totally wasted
Hey guys, let's go on the wazzcock this weekend.
Last edited on Jul 26 2007. Submitted by Han from Bristol, City of Bristol, UK on Jul 26 2007.
Goopert
an expert at searching Google. Very rare.
See more words with the same meaning: an expert, a fan.
Last edited on Sep 21 2011. Submitted by Anonymous on Sep 20 2011.
a fool. Often used playfully towards children, as in the example sentence.
You silly goose!
Last edited on Apr 12 2010. Submitted by Walter Rader (Editor) from Sacramento, CA, USA on Apr 12 2010.
to grab or pinch someone's buttocks or upper thigh.
I can't believe that old man goosed me.
Last edited on Jul 09 2010. Submitted by Walter Rader (Editor) from Sacramento, CA, USA on Aug 26 2009.
to augment.
Citation from "Missouri Chinese: Two Cultures Claim This Chicken", The New York Times, John T. Edge, March 10 2009 censored in hope of resolving Google's penalty against this site.
Last edited on Jul 09 2010. Submitted by Walter Rader (Editor) from Sacramento, CA, USA on Apr 12 2010.
to use the accelerator of a vehicle, or to open the throttle of a machine.
Goose it!
to poke upward at someone's anus with a finger.
Last edited on Jul 09 2010. Submitted by Anonymous from Worcester, MA, USA on Jul 09 2010.
tired. UK slang.
We went for a long walk and were goosed.
See more words with the same meaning: British, UK slang (list of).
Last edited on May 14 2011. Submitted by malcolm t. from Australia on Apr 06 1999.
Broken. UK slang.
I asked a friend to look at your lawnmower. I am afraid he said that it's goosed.
Last edited on Oct 10 2012. Submitted by Anonymous on Oct 10 2012.
goose egg
zero, nothing.
Citation from Enron: The Smartest Guys in the Room (2005 film) censored in hope of resolving Google's penalty against this site.
See more words with the same meaning: nothing.
Last edited on Nov 10 2015. Submitted by Walter Rader (Editor) from Sacramento, CA, USA on Nov 10 2015.


United States Patent and Trademark Office today announced Apple new patent applications, detailing the high dynamic range (HDR) dual LCD technology can be used to reduce the distortion of the picture, in theory, the contrast of the display can be up to 1 million:1. The patent application is the name of the double high dynamic range display device and image segmentation, in which Apple touted double-decker LCD optical benefits system, in particular the ability to reproduce high contrast images.
Normal LCD Brightness often increased backlight illumination can be used to improve overall contrast because the leak is not usually affected. Apple said by stacking two grayscale LCD, and a color LCD Panel backlight arrived before the user's eyes to go through the double LCD modulation, resulting in higher contrast. However, multiple LCD has a basic structure, because at some point, Parallax caused by gaps between the panels, which could result in lower image quality.
It is not clear whether Apple plans to release the actual product of this invention.
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Essex is a maritime county in southeast England, bounded on the north by the Stour River, Cambridgeshire and Suffolk, on the east by the North Sea, on the south by the Thames and Kent, and on the west by London, Middlesex, and Hertfordshire. The area is 1529 square miles.
Along the coastline, Essex is indented by many river estuaries. Islands include Mersea, Osea, Foulness, and Canvey. The central and northern sections are high and richly wooded, with fertile dales and grasslands. To the southwest are Epping and Hainault districts, all the remains of the ancient Waltham Forest that once stretched from London to Colchester. The largest rivers of the county are the Thames, Stour, Crouch, Roach, Lea, Colne, and Blackwater.
At Colchester, there is a Norman castle surrounded by Roman and Saxon remains. At Hedingham is the Norman castle of the De Veres. At Hadleigh is a Norman fortress. Ashingdon has a church whose tower was erected by King Canute.


55+/- Acres ofRecreational and/or Undeveloped Investment Propertyin Pembroke, GAExcellent extensive road system on the property.Water, open spaces and wooded areas. Perfect site for commercial development or recreational property. This land has been used successfully for hunting deer, quail and turkey for many seasons! Situated on Hwy280,this land is located near schools, shopping, and major arteries. A quick trip to Savannah, GA on I-16 or Hwy 208/24 - and all Savannah has to offer!