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June 06, 2013 Food & Drink | Food & Drink Feature
Who does Brandon Baltzley think he is?
A chef whose mesmerizing creativity is deserving of fame? A drug addict in recovery who rightly eschews sobriety? A twentysomething memoirist whose brief history is worth your time? Or is he none of those things?
By Sarah Nardi
Brandon Baltzley is a chef who's been as consumed with creation as with destruction.
Jeffrey Marini
One of the dishes Baltzley prepared at a pop-up dinner in May
Pittsburgh is called the city of bridges. They're everywhere, spanning the three rivers in steel. It's easy to see how this place gave birth to someone like Andy Warhol, someone obsessed with the power of reinvention. Just cross the water and you're somewhere new. In that way, it's a fitting place for Brandon Baltzley, transient chef and all-around enfant terrible who left Chicago two years ago after a spectacular fall from grace. It's late April, and Baltzley has been living in Pittsburgh for just under a year now, making it the closest thing he's had to a home in a while. In a week, he'll leave Pittsburgh and eventually settle on a small farm in Indiana to open a restaurant he plans to call TMIP.
We're in Baltzley's car, a Mini Cooper that reeks of Red Bull and cigarettes, touring the city's winding hills and checking out his haunts—where he works, where he lives, where he drinks. This city is a strangely beautiful place. Streets seem to come out of nowhere and lead to nowhere. There's no palpable sense of geometry, no discernible grid or plan. The city sprung up around the mills, Baltzley explains. No one thought about it, they just built as they went. There's a certain romanticism to that, whether it's true or not—the idea of creating yourself as you go.
Baltzley is quiet as he guides the car across a bridge, one place giving way to the next. He tends to be most himself in these moments. In conversation, he's too conscious—too aware of how he seems. "Who wants the truth?" Warhol asked. "It's not what you are that counts, it's what they think you are." Two hours from now, Baltzley will leave me sitting alone at a bar and return to tell me that he's been doing coke and playing with guns. An hour after that, he'll cry in a hotel room while we talk about his dad. Two hours from now, he'll give me what I think he is—an hour after that, he'll show me the truth.
It's possible to walk into any kitchen, anywhere, and find a Brandon Baltzley. The restaurant world is teeming with hard-living, heavily tattooed prodigies—cooks who could turn into marvelously talented chefs if only they could get their shit together. The industry tends to draw very intense, creative people. But creation and destruction can be the same impulse, refracted differently by the will. It's not uncommon to find cooks who endure punishing 12-hour shifts and then spend the next several hours obliterating themselves with their drug of choice. It's also not uncommon to see those same cooks return to the line on little to no sleep and do the whole thing over again the next day. Perhaps unsurprisingly, kitchens can be unstable places. Tempers flare, egos clash. People leave jobs, people lose jobs. People battle their demons with varying results. It happens every day.
So why did Brandon Baltzley get a book deal out of it?
When I see Baltzley next, two weeks later, it's at a Barnes & Noble in Skokie. He's nervous, and drinking a Starbucks latte spiked with a miniature bottle of bourbon snagged from the hotel. This is the second leg of the tour to promote his memoir, Nine Lives: A Chef's Journey From Chaos to Control. He's already done a few events in New York, accompanied—for reasons he'd rather not disclose—by a bodyguard.
"What saved you?" asks a young woman, timidly. Baltzley smiles and shakes his head.
"I'm not saved," he says. "I have a restaurant in the making. I have people to take care of. That's it."
On the book's Amazon page, Baltzley is described as "a rising young chef" and the book as a "gripping story of culinary triumphs, consuming drug addictions, and his continuing quest to stay on top while staying sober." Wylie Dufresne, of New York's WD-50, calls Nine Lives a "compelling story of perseverance and the power of food." And Hugh Acheson, chef and owner of Empire State South in Atlanta (and a judge on Top Chef), writes that Baltzley is a "phenomenally talented, self-taught, but self-destroying chef."
"What's it like to write a book?" someone asks.
"It sucks," Baltzley says. "This book is nothing but a journal of everything fucked up I've done in my life."
He's seated at a table, drumming his fingers, one of his constant tics. Spread out on the shelves behind him is a spectrum of culinary celebrity: Mario Batali, the Barefoot Contessa, Giada De Laurentiis, Paula Deen. Chefs who have transcended their craft to become personalities with a capital P. Copies of Baltzley's book are stacked next to him on the table. He has signed each of them and inscribed them with a quote: "If I have seen further, it is by standing on the shoulders of giants." On the book's cover, Baltzley is photographed in profile, tattooed from fingers to shoulder, and appears to be arm wrestling a fish.
"Why do you cook?" someone asks.
"I don't know, I don't think about it," Baltzley answers. "I just cook, I just exist."
"Why did you call the book Nine Lives?" asks a woman named Kathy, a Barnes & Noble employee who has been moderating the Q&A and seems to have taken a kind of maternal liking to Baltzley.
"I feel lucky," he answers. "I feel like I have nine lives."
"Well, let's make this one the last one," Kathy says in a gentle voice.
"Trust me, I want to."
Most people who know Baltzley in Chicago are probably familiar with the life that began here in August 2010. Baltzley had just relocated from New York, where he'd served as the opening chef at 6th Street Kitchen, a small restaurant in the East Village focused on classic representations of American cuisine. The 6th Street job had been the high point of a tumultuous five years in New York. Baltzley, who grew up in Jacksonville, Florida, had been to rehab, been to jail, and had quit or been fired from more jobs than he could count. He'd fathered a child with a woman who left him midway through the pregnancy, never to be heard from again. He'd battled coke, crack, alcohol, and Adderall and worked his way onto the shit list of more than one jilted dealer. But by the time the 6th Street gig rolled around, Baltzley was sober and finally beginning to develop a cohesive culinary philosophy, striking a balance between minimalism and molecular manipulation. His boss at 6th Street, however, wasn't interested in experimentation. Baltzley was told to concentrate on simple dishes like roast chicken and deviled eggs. He was prohibited from using solidifying agents like agar or xanthan gum and warned that his boss "didn't want to see a foam within a mile of this restaurant." When an opportunity arose to work at Alinea, Grant Achatz's lauded beacon of modernist cuisine, Baltzley jumped on it.
"People want the ugly. It makes them feel better about themselves."—Brandon Baltzley
He resigned his position in New York, packed up his things, said good-bye to his girlfriend, and moved into a rented room in Wrigleyville. He began working at Alinea in the middle of August and lasted just into September. Two weeks into the job, Baltzley had to return home to Jacksonville after his mother's house was shot up in a drive-by. In the book, he writes that once in Jacksonville, he fell back into drinking and drugs. He was too ashamed to return to Alinea, perhaps for having forsaken the strict discipline of recovery. So he quit, and returned to Chicago jobless and broke. His girlfriend in New York dumped him. His Wrigleyville roommate changed the locks. He took up with an old acquaintance, Leigh Hansen, who was pursuing her PhD at the University of Chicago. They became a couple; Baltzley moved in. Then he got a job at Schwa, working under the famously unpredictable chef Michael Carlson. Less than a month later, Baltzley was fired.
In early November, he was tapped to take over Mado, a much-loved Bucktown restaurant that had just lost its founding chefs, Rob and Allie Levitt. Baltzley was given 48 hours to overhaul the menu and hire a staff. An article on the food blog Eater announced the change and referred to Baltzley as a "relatively unknown-in-Chicago New York chef." Online commenters added their own descriptions. A time bomb, an asshole, a mess, a fake. "So he staged at Alinea and now he's running Mado," someone wrote. "Awesome." Baltzley's mom posted, lambasting the anonymous criticism and calling her son a genius. And then Baltzley himself wrote in, asking to be given a chance. "I'm just trying to cook some food. I am nobody special. Why do you even care?"
One month after he took the job, Baltzley quit—walking out just hours before service and taking his entire staff with him.
The Mado debacle played out publicly. Both Baltzley and Mado owner David Richards gave interviews to local food writers, each trying to wrest control of the narrative away from the other. Baltzley claimed that Richards refused to pay his purveyors or staff. Richards claimed Baltzley's costs were out of control. Regardless of the truth, Baltzley was now on the radar. The postmortem on Mado became a hot topic on local food blogs and, in a written statement to the Chicago culture blog Rock 'n Roll Ghost, Baltzley called the sudden attention a "media shit storm." When he was hired to open Tribute, a 6,800-square-foot restaurant slated to launch in the Essex Inn in May 2011, people were paying attention.
He spent months developing the menu—and training the staff. But just before the restaurant officially opened its doors, Baltzley lost the job. He'd gone on a five-day coke binge, ignored increasingly frantic calls from his friends, his coworkers, his boss. When he finally came up for air, Baltzley was fired. He asked the owners to keep the situation under wraps; they said they would try. Ten minutes later, he received a message on Twitter from Tribune food writer Kevin Pang inquiring about what had happened at Tribute. Baltzley had asked for a chance to prove himself, and he'd been given one. He'd won the job with his interpretation of Carolina barbecue: pork belly confit with sweet potato panna cotta and mustard barbecue sauce. Baltzley had been given free rein over a menu that would walk the line between classic American cooking and modernist innovation. Tribute was his opportunity to finally just cook some food—to be judged not for his personality but for his craft. And Baltzley fucked it up.
But perhaps not entirely.
"Don't read what they write about you," Warhol said. "Just measure it in inches."
In early June, just weeks after he'd lost the job, the Tribune published a 2,100-word profile of Baltzley. The writer, Pang, wove elements of Baltzley's biography with a minute-by-minute account of his cab ride to a rehab center on the southwest side. Baltzley claims that after the coke binge, his bosses at Tribute had agreed to suspend him if he sought treatment, and reinstate him once he was clean. After he made arrangements to enroll in a 30-day program, Baltzley alleges, they reneged on the deal and fired him. "But I already had a bed," Baltzley told me. "So I was like, 'Fuck it, I'll go anyway.'"
Pang sat next to Baltzley in the cab as it made its way to the rehab facility, literally counting down the minutes until Baltzley's life would change. Baltzley was hungover, scared, a nervous wreck. He was sitting in the middle seat, between the writer and Baltzley's new girlfriend, Emily Belden, because "sitting by the door might give him second thoughts about what he's about to do." Belden was quoted about his extensive cocaine use and utter lack of control. His mother recalled realizing he was using drugs after witnessing him collapse. Baltzley's former boss at Tribute spoke of his prodigious talent—a talent that simply wasn't enough to outweigh his destructive tendencies. Baltzley emerged as a lost soul, completely enslaved by vice.
The Tribune article ends as Baltzley stands outside the rehab center, taking one last drag on a cigarette before walking through the doors. Two days later, with no reporter watching, he walked back out. A few months after the article ran, Baltzley was approached by ICM Partners, a talent agency with offices in New York, London, and LA. "They'd read the Tribune interview," Baltzley says, "and told me if I wrote a proposal, they could sell my book."
I ask if Baltzley had any reservations about writing a memoir at the age of 26, or about sharing the sordid details of his life.
"None," he says.
Back at the Barnes & Noble book signing in Skokie, a young woman has pulled Baltzley aside. She's writing her own book—about vampires—and asks for his advice. "Don't do vampires," he says. "Go trolls. People want the ugly, it makes them feel better about themselves."
"That girl probably fucking hates you right now, just so you know," Baltzley says to me over drinks on the night in April when I visit him in Pittsburgh. He nods toward a pretty dark-haired woman at the end of the bar and speaks under his breath, though she's well out of earshot. "She doesn't know why you're here, she just knows that you're here with me." I catch the girl's eye and smile. She smiles back. If she hates me, it doesn't show.
The bartender pours two shots, one for me, one for Baltzley, and then someone drops off a plate.
"Where did this fish come from?" Baltzley asks of no one in particular. "Are we near an ocean?" He left this restaurant two weeks ago after several months as its chef, and the menu is already starting to change.
"Everything should be local," he says. "Everything. We should be using Amish cheese, not fucking Manchego."
"Roof?" someone asks.
"Oh hell no," Baltzley screams. "You know I'm not going up there."
Two minutes later, we're climbing through a narrow shaft in the dark. One hand on the splintering rungs of a wooden ladder, the other clutching a beer. Once we're up, Baltzley positions himself in the center of the roof, near an air shaft. The rolling hills of the city extend toward the river, blanketed in the soft darkness of night.
"Brandon, get over here. You have to see this!" someone says. In the parking lot below, a woman appears to be giving her companion a blow job. She stops angrily when he pushes her away to answer his phone. Baltzley laughs but he isn't moving. "I can't," he says. "I'm scared of heights."
"You're not scared of heights, Brandon. You're scared of the edge."
Baltzley drinks his beer for a while longer, smokes a cigarette. Finally he looks at me and says, "I'm ready to go back down." We reclaim our seats at the bar, then Baltzley disappears. Twenty minutes later, he returns and tells me we need to leave. Now. He's jittery in the car. "I went to mess around with this guy's new gun and I did a line of coke," he says. "Just one. I really do not want to be driving right now. Shit, I don't even have a license." Once we're back at the hotel, he uncaps a bottle of bourbon and places it on the table. "I like to drink Deadwood style," he says, referring to the HBO series about life in the old west. "Pour a shot, toss it back, and do it again till the bottle's gone." I don't have Deadwood-level stamina at this point. I'm exhausted but Baltzley clearly wants to talk. He wants to talk about his dad.
Baltzley: " I found happiness in the woods of Maine. TMIP [his new restaurant] is my Maine. I need affection. It's a weird thing. That's why I'm a dog guy. That's why I fuck around. Drugs are used out of boredom. TMIP is safe."
The small farmhouse in Michigan City, Indiana, has been abandoned for over a year and is being slowly reclaimed by the earth. Tall grass grows in between the floorboards of the porch, and a family of bats occupies the attic. In the corners of windowsills, wasps have been constructing their fragile paper nests. Here, in the small formal dining room with faded, peeling wallpaper and a window overlooking the pond, is where the guests will sit. Ten people, one seating per night. Through the door and into the kitchen, picture an island here, a small bar by the windows, a chef's table that will seat four, possibly five. The equipment will be mainly over there along the southern wall. Now up the narrow wooden staircase to the staff quarters, please ignore the pile of excrement left by the bats. One bedroom here, an office there.
"Wait, what happens when somebody wants to have sex?" Steve Newman asks with a laugh, but he's only half kidding.
"Well," Leigh Hansen pauses to think, giving the question the same level of consideration she would give any question pertaining to operations at TMIP. "I guess maybe we would have to devise some sort of schedule."
"Great," says Newman. "I'll need about seven minutes."
Newman first met Baltzley two years ago through a mutual friend who'd spent time with Baltzley during one of his stints in rehab. Newman and Baltzley have a lot in common: they're both from Florida, they're both cooks, and they'd both been struggling with addiction for years. Following Baltzley's dismissal from Tribute, the two had collaborated on a few of the pop-up dinners and found they worked well together. They briefly shared an apartment before Baltzley decided to leave Chicago and travel to Maine. When Baltzley made plans to return to the area and open a restaurant on a farm, Newman was the first person he called.
"I can't wait to be out of the city," says Newman. "No street corners, no dealers."
I ask Newman if he thinks it's impossible to stay sober in the city. "Impossible? No. But it's really hard.
"TMIP will be a place where we can be," he goes on. "A place where we can truly exist. As it is, I work on the 16th floor of a high-rise. I don't see the sky for 12 hours. It could've been raining all day and I wouldn't have the slightest idea." Newman is standing on the porch of the farmhouse, smoking. He surveys the land and smiles.
"To be able to just walk outside? Man."
I ask if Newman has any trepidation about partnering with Baltzley, if he ever worries that Baltzley, given his history, is fundamentally incapable of seeing a project through.
"No," Newman answers. "Leigh gives him structure. TMIP will give him structure. Brandon is committing to an act of self-preservation that he'll have no choice but to uphold."
Over dinner in April in Pittsburgh, at one of the three restaurants where Baltzley worked during his ten-month stay, Baltzley had asked why I wasn't writing anything down. Of all the questions I'd posed, why did I never seem to record his response? The reason, though I didn't tell him so, is that I'd discovered the most sensitive questions are best asked via text; there's something about the disconnect that seems to make Baltzley feel safe. So when Newman mentions structure, I'm immediately reminded of a text exchange I'd had with Baltzley weeks before on the subject of addiction.
Me: Do you think what defines an addict is that they always need something?
Baltzley: Yes. It's the constant inability to be happy with oneself. I teeter the line of being happy with myself.
Me: Do you think TMIP will make you happy?
Baltzley: I found happiness in the woods of Maine. TMIP is my Maine. I need affection. It's a weird thing. That's why I'm a dog guy. That's why I fuck around. Drugs are used out of boredom. TMIP is safe. The constant care for life. Plants. Animals. My staff. I like taking care of people.
Me: Because you can't take care of yourself.
Baltzley: I think that's rhetorical.
Me: It wasn't a question.
Like Baltzley, Leigh Hansen has several tattoos. She has a T.S. Eliot poem on her back and, on her foot, a quote we attribute to Newton: "If I have seen further, it is by standing on the shoulders of giants." There's a scene from The Little Prince by Antoine de Saint-Exupéry on her arm, and I'm reminded of one of the book's most famous quotes: "Tu deviens responsable pour toujours de que ce tu as apprivoisé"—"You become responsible, forever, for what you have tamed."
Hansen and Baltzley first met in New York when she lived in an apartment just around the corner from 6th Street Kitchen. Once she returned to Chicago, her hometown, and Baltzley relocated for the Alinea job, they reconnected on Facebook. Soon after, Alinea fell apart, as did Baltzley's relationship with his girlfriend in New York.
"He wasn't in a great place," Hansen says. "And so he ended up in my apartment."
Baltzley is never unattached for long. He is candid about this in his book—perhaps too candid. I wonder if Hansen is bothered by the many graphic descriptions of Baltzley's past exploits.
"Both the publisher and I had the same comment, that the women in the book were interchangeable," she says. "I'm not a feminist, but I am a literary person, and it begs a repetitive structure."
Hansen smiles and shrugs. "I told Brandon that it just made it sound as if his life was this rut of nameless sex and drugs. And he said, 'Good, because that's exactly what it was.' The women seem interchangeable because, at the time, they were.
"Besides," she says. "All those chapters came before me. The last three are mine."
By the final three chapters of Nine Lives, Baltzley's relationship with Emily Belden, his girlfriend at the time of the Tribune article, has ended—in part, Baltzley says, because Belden was unable to accept his evolving definition of "sobriety," which still allowed for drinking and occasional drug use. At that point in the book he'd founded the culinary collective Crux—so called because he liked the word's meaning: the most important part. But it was his dream to eventually own his own restaurant, ideally on a farm, and despite his peripatetic nature—or perhaps because of it—he was ready to get out of Chicago.
Hansen happened to be at a crossroads in her own life, having found that academia left her feeling too disassociated from the everyday world. So the two packed up their belongings and drove east, eventually finding work on a farm in Maine. Hansen spent her childhood on her grandparent's commercial farm in Cherry, Illinois, so farming wasn't new to her. But farming was never something that Hansen, who just months before had been pursing a PhD in French literature, imagined herself doing. After Maine, she changed her mind. Hansen and Baltzley decided to partner on a restaurant, TMIP. They would open it on a farm, serving primarily only the things they were able to raise themselves. Baltzley would be in charge of the restaurant; Hansen would oversee the farm.
They left Maine for Pittsburgh, where Baltzley had an opportunity to work with chef Kevin Sousa at his restaurant Salt of the Earth. That relationship soon soured, Baltzley says, because Sousa was under the impression that Baltzley was sober. From there he went on to take jobs at Stagioni, an Italian restaurant in Pittsburgh's South Side neighborhood, and Bar Marco. Hansen, meanwhile, moved back to Illinois to concentrate on securing the land for TMIP. She worked on the deal in Michigan City for weeks, scouting out properties, attending zoning hearings, and making sure they could acquire the myriad licenses they would need to function as both a restaurant and a farm.
On April 16 of this year, while still in Pittsburgh, Baltzley tweeted: "I got a restaurant!!I got a restaurant!!"
A few minutes later, he tweeted: "WE got a restaurant!! WE got a restaurant!!"
On her own Twitter page, Hansen posted: "That's better . . ."
Hansen recalls a day when Baltzley called her after checking his bank account, astounded to discover how much money was there. "That's what happens when I control the money," she told him. Because of old habits, Baltzley does not trust himself to have access to cash.
I ask Hansen the same question I ask Steve Newman—does she ever worry that, like so many other things in his life, TMIP will be something that Baltzley can't see through? The question is especially pertinent to Hansen, who plans to move full-time to the Michigan City property in a few weeks to begin renovating the house and cultivating the land. And also because, after years of being a couple on and off, she and Baltzley were married earlier this year.
"No," answers Hansen, without hesitation. "He is committed to this."
From a text conversation with Baltzley:
Me: Is part of the reason you're with Leigh for balance?
Baltzley: Leigh is balance. Leigh is my best friend.
Me: Are you scared of what would happen without her?
Baltzley: I think I would live a very different life.
When Baltzley and I got back to the hotel room the night I visited him in Pittsburgh, we began talking about his childhood, about how he and his mother never seemed to stay in one place for long. His mother, Amber, who is a lesbian, had a string of abusive relationships, and Baltzley recalls breaking up more than one fight between his mom and a hard-drinking girlfriend. When he was 12, Baltzley asked to go stay with his father, who lived in Louisiana with a wife and two sons. In an effort to give Baltzley a more stable life, Amber obliged. Six months later, after Baltzley had settled into his new home, enrolled in a Catholic school, and begun playing on the football team, his father sent him back to Florida, offering Baltzley no explanation. "I just wanted a house," Baltzley told me that night in the hotel. "I just wanted meals. Instead of my mom and a bunch of rough lesbian chicks. I just wanted a family."
He poured himself a shot to calm his nerves. Baltzley says he doesn't do a lot of coke these days. What little he says he did that night, he didn't seem to handle well. He was jittery and agitated, regretful. I'm convinced that he did it so I would write about it—so I would help show people the ugly he thinks they've come to expect.
Baltzley's May pop-up dinner at the home of the parents of his wife, Leigh Hansen (standing behind him), was a tribute to the menu he conceived—but never got to execute—at Tribute.
On a warm night in early May, Baltzley is cooking a pop-up dinner for eight in the Lincoln Park home of Leigh Hansen's parents. He decided to do it just days before and has been frantically preparing ever since. The oven went out that morning, so Baltzley cooked everything in the fireplace. He's doing all the plating; Hansen is helping him serve. In the corner of the dining room, trays of tomatoes and herbs grow beneath a light, waiting to be transplanted into the ground.
The theme of the night's dinner is Tribute.
"We all know I didn't make it to the opening of Tribute," the invitation read. "So I thought I'd show y'all what was supposed to go down. I'll be resurrecting dishes from the menu as I envisioned them before it all went to shit."
The menu lists no components, only places. Cities and towns in which Baltzley has lived and worked. Palmyra, Maine, is a halo of spring radishes, dipped in lamb fat and dusted with bee pollen. Saint Augustine, Florida, is a rich fish consomme with mussels and delicately seared snapper. Chicago is Baltzley's interpretation of Italian beef, cooked in ash and placed over fermented sunchokes and giardiniera puree. The dish manages to capture the essence of Italian beef with no literal representation of its flavors. It is completely unfamiliar to me and yet somehow tastes exactly like home.
After dinner, the guests gather around Baltzley in the kitchen, lauding him with compliments. Someone has brought him a bottle of whiskey and he amiably lines up the glasses and pours everyone a shot. After the drink, most of the guests thank him once more and say their good-byes. But a boisterous middle-aged couple is hanging on. Baltzley pours them more whiskey as they pepper him with questions and ask him for stories. They refer to chefs like Grant Achatz and Wylie Dufresne by their first names, as though they're personal friends. Having been the recipient of more than one of Baltzley's shots, I write in my notes, "People collect chefs like shells." Baltzley rolls a blunt as the couple watches, enthralled. He takes a long drag and holds it while signing the menus they've saved. They laugh, delighted, as he exhales. Baltzley looks at me and smiles.
"Being good in business is the most fascinating kind of art." —Andy Warhol
When TMIP becomes operational in 2014, the hope is that it will be funded, in part, by royalties from Baltzley's book. He envisions it as a beautiful existence, far removed from the ugliness of his past lives. It will be a place for Leigh Hansen to farm, to feel connected to both her history and her work. It will be a place where Steve Newman can see the sky. And for Baltzley, it will be the home he's always wanted—the piece of him that's always been missing.
"What does TMIP stand for?" I ask him one day.
"The most important part," he says.
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Tags: Food & Drink Feature, Brandon Baltzley, Leigh Hansen, pop-up dinners, chefs, WD-50, New York, memoirs, addiction, books, Rock 'n Roll Ghost, Wylie Dufresne, Hugh Acheson, Top Chef, Empire State South, restaurants, chef personalities, 6th Street Kitchen, Jacksonville, Florida, Grant Achatz, Alinea, Schwa, Michael Carlson, Mado, Rob Levitt, Allie Levitt, Eater, blogs, online comments, David Richard, Essex Inn, cocaine, drugs, Twitter, Kevin Pang, Chicago Tribune, Tribute, Andy Warhol, Emily Belden, smoking, rehabilitation, ICM Partner, talent agencies, Pittsburgh, Michigan City, Indiana, Steve Newman, TMIP, happiness, sex, sobriety, drinking, Crux, farms, Cherry, Illinois, Kevin Sousa, Salt of the Earth, Stagioni, Bar Marco, zoning, licensing, business
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Page Last Reviewed/Updated Wednesday, May 04, 2016
Advanced Information Systems Design: Technical Basis and Human Factors Review Guidance (NUREG/CR-6633)
Manuscript Completed: January 2000
Date Published: March 2000
J. M. O'Hara, J. C. Higgins/BNL
J. Kramer/NRC
Upton, NY 11973
J. Kramer, NRC Project Manager
NRC Job Code J6012
Plant information systems provide operators with information supporting situation assessment, monitoring and detection of disturbances, response planning, and response implementation. The importance of the design of information systems for human performance and reliability has long been recognized. Recent advances in design go beyond the 'one sensor -one indicator' display systems of conventional plants. Computer-based systems provide a variety of ways to process and present data. These characteristics of design represent a trend toward making displays more immediately meaningful to personnel by mapping display representations to important aspects of plant processes and to underlying cognitive mechanisms, such as perceptual processes and mental models. The objective of this study was to develop guidance for human factors review of advanced information systems based on a technically valid methodology for developing guidance. To support this objective, we developed a characterization framework for describing key design characteristics of information systems. The characterization includes the following major components: information requirements, representation systems, interface management functions, and display devices. Representation systems were further hierarchically divided into display elements (basic building blocks of displays, such as axes, alphanumeric elements, and icons), display formats (such as mimic displays, configural displays, and novel graphics), display pages (a defined set of information that is intended to be displayed as a single unit), and display networks (the organization of display pages). Then, we examined research in the following areas: (1) generic cognitive tasks that an information system must support, (2) information requirements analysis, (3) information representation, and (4) information organization. This research was used to provide the technical basis on which guidelines for review of design were developed. These guidelines address both the design process and the implementation of advanced information systems. However, there were aspects of information systems for which the technical basis was insufficient to support the development of guidance. These were identified as issues to be addressed in future research.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Water Wars: Sifting Through the Tea Leaves in the South China Sea
From Lawfare (Oct 28): Water Wars: Sifting Through the Tea Leaves in the South China Sea
Manila triangulates relationship with Washington, Beijing, and Tokyo
President Duterte and Prime Minister Abe meet in Tokyo (Photo: Reuters)
Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte's visit to Beijing last week precipitated a busy news week as commentators and government officials tried to discern how closer Philippine-Chinese cooperation would affect US-Philippine ties and regional security. Two issues from Duterte's Beijing visit provoked particular scrutiny: what President Duterte meant when he declared Manila's "separation from the U.S" and the terms of a possible deal on shared fisheries access at Scarborough Shoal.
Duterte walked back from his "separation" statement almost immediately upon landing in Manila, saying that he was only talking about "separation of foreign policy" and "not severance of ties . . . I cannot do that." He went on to assert that, "It's in the best interest of my countrymen to maintain that relationship" and reassured reporters that "there should be no worry about changes of alliances."
Foreign Minister Perfecto Yasay reflected a similar sentiment, but noted that Manila would still reject a "mindset of dependency and subservience." President Duterte may have an expansive understanding of what this rejection might entail. Early in the week he declared that "maybe in the next two years, my country [will be] free of the presence of foreign military troops," referencing US forces currently in the Philippines. Duterte also said that the United States could "forget" about their more recent bilateral defense agreement if he "stayed longer" (it is unclear what he meant by this term). US State Department spokesperson John Kirby responded that Washington is "going to take the long view" and not "react and respond to every bit of rhetoric."
Additional details about President Duterte and President Xi's discussions on fisheries access at Scarborough Shoal released this week, however, suggest that we should not be too quick to assume that Manila is aligning with Beijing. While Duterte said that, "I'll leave it to the Chinese authorities, what they will do in the next few days," it is unclear whether Manila and Beijing have arrived at a modus vivendi on fisheries access. Philippine representative Harry Roque Jr. revealed that no formal agreement was signed regarding Scarborough Shoal "because there was disagreement on the use of words." China, apparently, wanted to "allow" or "permit" Philippine access and the Philippines wanted to "recognize" Scarborough as "traditional fishing grounds," borrowing language from this summer's arbitral decision. The tribunal found that both Chinese and Filipino fishermen have historic rights to fish in and around Scarborough Shoal, though the Chinese Coast Guard currently denies Philippine vessels access to the area.
President Duterte's visit to Tokyo further complicated the region's strategic calculus. Though Manila initially insisted that the South China Sea issues would not be discussed, they inevitably came to dominate the trip. President Duterte began by saying, perhaps less than plausibly, that talks with Beijing on disputes in the South China Sea "could be multilateral, and that would include Japan."
Duterte later assured Prime Minister Abe that "You can rest assured, and I give you my word, that we would stand by you when the time comes" and repeatedly asserted that the Philippines would not enter into a military alliance with China. Sources indicate that Abe told Duterte that US deterrence capabilities are essential to maintaining the rule of law in the South China Sea. By the end of the trip, Tokyo agreed to lease five surveillance aircraft and two large patrol ships to the Philippines, in addition to offering $47.3 million in loans for agricultural business promotion and peace-building in Mindanao, where Duterte once served as mayor. In total, approximately $2 billion in business-to-business deals were signed during the trip.
US and China conduct rival maritime operations in South China Sea
USS Decatur at sea for 2012 training exercise (Photo: US Navy)
Just as Duterte was finishing up in Beijing, the USS Decatur, a guided missile destroyer, sailed near Chinese-occupied features in the Paracel Islands to challenge "excessive maritime claims" as part of a freedom of navigation operation (FONOP). This is the first FONOP since this summer's arbitral tribunal ruling. Chinese Foreign Ministry Spokesperson Hua Chunying said that the Decatur entered Chinese territorial waters "without the approval of the Chinese side." Julian Ku suggests that this FONOP may have been intended to challenge China's straight baselines around the Paracels, which the United States deems to have been drawn contrary to the Law of the Sea Convention. Regardless of the justification, Spokesperson Hua "warn[ed] the US to reflect upon its policy" and "stop provocative actions that damage China's sovereignty, security, and maritime rights." An opinion piece in the People's Daily argued that FONOPs such as this "only highlight China's necessity to strengthen defense, and activate China's resolution to improve its capability to safeguard its own interests."
Which turned out to be a particularly prescient statement. Less than a week later the Chinese Defense Ministry warned all shipping traffic to stay away from an area northwest of the Paracels as it conducted military drills.
This week's FONOP was also notable as the first time that such an operation was conducted without the Japan-based Seventh Fleet in command. The Decatur was instead operated under the San Diego-based Third Fleet, which was only recently authorized to regularly command vessels in the Asia-Pacific to facilitate a quicker operational tempo. For more on the US FONOP program, see this compendium of reports from the Under Secretary of Defense for Policy.
Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs Daniel Russel visited Manila to mend fences and clarify Duterte's recent statements about the United States. After speaking with Foreign Minister Yasay, Russel said that "it's a mistake to think that improved relations with China must come at the expense of good relations with the United States" and that "if 'separation' means that the government in Manila makes its own foreign policy decisions based on its own assessment of the Filipino national interests then there is no need for a change."
US Forces Japan announced that sixteen F-35 fighters will be deployed to Japan in 2017. This is unlikely to be met with cheers from Beijing, where Defense Ministry Spokesperson Wu Qian recently accused the Japanese air force of locking radars on Chinese military aircraft, acting provocatively, and endangering safety.
President Duterte's trip to Beijing and comments about the United States has provoked considerable domestic pushback. First, four senators expressed concern about the potential for abrogating the US-Philippines Mutual Defense Treaty and filed a resolution calling for a hearing on the government's foreign policy. The senators more specifically called for a review of the 13 memoranda of understanding signed in Beijing last week. Former Foreign Secretary Albert del Rosario called Duterte's declaration of separation a "national tragedy" and argued that, "we must be with responsible nations with whom we share our core values of democracy, respect for human rights and the rule of law." Former Senator Sergio Osmeña asserted that Duterte "weakened" Manila's claim to the South China Sea in negotiations over access to Scarborough Shoal. Supreme Court Senior Associate Justice Antonio Carpio, who has criticized Duterte in the past, urged the government to correct the President's statement that China never invaded Philippine territory, pointing to China's current occupation of Scarborough Shoal.
Hanoi was busy this week with visits from both United States and Chinese delegations. First, Secretary of State John Kerry met with senior officials, including Communist Party Executive Secretary Dinh The Huynh. Kerry told reporters that the United States and Vietnam share a commitment to the rule of law in the South China Sea. Huynh and Kerry also discussed the Trans-Pacific Partnership, which Hanoi has not put on its domestic agenda for ratification.
The 23rd Chinese naval escort force arrived in Cam Ranh Bay on Friday, where it will remain for five days to promote military-to-military ties. This is the first Chinese naval visit since Vietnam opened an international port facility capable of accommodating visiting warships in Cam Ranh Bay earlier this year.
Reports indicate the President Joko Widodo intends to spearhead a renewed push for a Code of Conduct for the South China Sea between ASEAN member States and China.
Analysis, Commentary, and Additional Information
We start off with two excellent, more general pieces on the region. First, CSIS launched a new project, "Reconnecting Asia," that that explores competing geostrategic visions for Asia's future as understood by China, India, Japan, Russia, South Korea, and Turkey. A great resource for contextualizing much of what is at stake in the South and East China Seas. Second, Greg Austin at The Diplomat calls on scholars and analysts to be mindful of the potential for groupthink in analyzing China's foreign policy and military ambitions.
This week's FONOP generated considerable commentary. Our own Julian Ku provides a thorough primer on its legal import and explores possibilities for further US challenges to Chinese maritime claims. Robert Williams, also at Lawfare, explores how this FONOP impacts Vietnam's maritime claims in and around the Paracels. Looking ahead, Lynn Kuok at The Wall Street Journal argues that this FONOP may also have important implications for future Chinese activity in the Spratly Islands.
The Global Times, a Chinese periodical, published three fascinating articles this week. First, noted Chinese scholar Shi Yinhong asserts that, "Beijing runs the risk of overreaching and reducing its surplus budget . . . if the focal points of Chinese diplomatic policies are too scattered, or if Beijing fails to calculate the possible risks in the One Belt and One Road initiative and the negative global response toward China's increasing military power." Shi calls on China to "hold off" on island building at Scarborough Shoal to prevent such overreach. Shen Dingli is less concerned about "strategic overdraft," though he still worries that island building at Scarborough Shoal would lead Manila to "turn to the US." Lastly, Liu Feng underscores the importance of fisheries in the South China Sea dispute and calls for restoring fisheries ecosystems and encouraging fishermen to work in other industries to decrease pressure on a dwindling resource.
Finally, no week would be complete without a heavy dose of Duterte analysis. Max Boot at the Chicago Tribune asserts that Duterte's warming relationship with Beijing is a disaster for the US pivot to Asia. This perspective finds some support, by no means universal, in Jane Perlez's survey of Chinese scholars. Picking up on a similar thread, a number of pieces explore how Duterte's foreign policy may be empowering China in the region. The Asia Maritime Transparency Initiative at CSIS presents satellite imagery suggesting that it has become more, not less, difficult for Filipino fishermen to approach Scarborough Shoal. Richard Heydarian at The Straits Times provides an overview of Duterte's "geopolitical drama on steroids" and warns that other Southeast Asian countries may forego their resistance to Chinese maritime claims. Donald Kirk at the South China Morning Post argues that China is unlikely to offer the kind of military aid that has traditionally been provided by the United States. Finally, peering into the past, John McBeth explores Duterte's political socialization to trace the roots of his anti-American rhetoric.
[Water Wars is our weekly roundup of the latest news, analysis, and opinions related to ongoing tensions in the South and East China Seas. Please email Chris Mirasola with breaking news, relevant documents, or corrections.
https://www.lawfareblog.com/water-wars-sifting-through-tea-leaves-south-china-sea
The U.S.-Philippine Alliance is Stronger than You Think
Posted to War on the Rocks (Oct 28): The U.S.-Philippine Alliance is Stronger than You Think (By Gregory Poling)
Image: U.S. Marine Corps, Cpl. Hilda Becerra
The U.S.-Philippine alliance is not an agreement between the government of the United States and President Rodrigo Duterte. It is a compact between the peoples of our two countries. Alliances are built on shared interests, but they are strengthened by shared history and values. The Philippines and the United States have all three in spades.
The alliance, formalized in the 1951 Mutual Defense Treaty, was forged in the shared sacrifices of World War II and continued through wars in Korea, Vietnam, and Iraq, as well as the global fight against jihadist terrorism. It evolved from its Cold War roots, through the lean years between the ouster of U.S. forces from bases in the Philippines in 1992 and the signing of the Visiting Forces Agreement in 1998, to a decade-and-a-half of joint operations against terrorists in the southern Philippines, and now a shared commitment to counter the maritime coercion Beijing has brought to bear against Filipino troops and civilians in the South China Sea.
As such, it is understandable that when Duterte announced a "separation" from the United States, both in economic and security relations, most Filipinos were as shocked as their U.S. counterparts. I was in Manila at the time sharing in the disbelief that greeted his proclamation. A break from the United States is not what the people of the Philippines want — a poll published just days before Duterte's announcement in Beijing found that 76 percent of Filipinos have "much trust" in the United States, more than any other country in the poll, while 55 percent have "little trust" in China. Polling by Pew last year found that an astounding 92 percent of Filipinos have positive views of the United States — higher than any other citizenry in the world — and 71 percent support a greater U.S. military presence in Asia.
The United States is the third-largest trading partner of the Philippines, after Japan and China. It is the number-two investor in the country, providing over one-fifth of foreign direct investment in 2013 while investment from China is negligible. It is also the largest source of remittances to the economy, thanks to the huge Filipino-American community, and a major provider of development assistance. Little wonder then that Duterte's economic team issued a statement within hours contradicting his pledge of economic separation from the United States.
Within 24 hours of Duterte's speech in Beijing, he had been publicly rebutted by Philippine senators, respected statesmen, and prominent experts. Almost immediately upon returning to Manila on Friday, he walked back his statement, but the fallout continues. In addition to spooking his own people, Duterte has other international partners deeply worried, including Japan, which said it was seeking clarification from Duterte during his visit to Tokyo this week.
For over three months, the new government in Manila has blindsided American counterparts with a verbal barrage that is clearly at odds with the realities of the U.S.-Philippine alliance. This has caused confusion, hurt feelings, and, in some quarters, anger. But the Obama administration deserves credit for recognizing that, despite the noise, most in the Philippines do not share Duterte's foreign policy views and will not support an abrogation of our alliance. The United States has responded with calm in the face of the storm, choosing only to reiterate U.S. commitment to the Philippines.
That doesn't mean that the United States can be complacent. Duterte and his foreign secretary Perfecto Yasay have tried to dredge up historical animosity by referencing inequities during the U.S. colonial administration of the Philippines. Borrowing an offensively paternalistic line from then-governor of the Philippines William Howard Taft, they accuse the United States of treating Filipinos as America's "little brown brothers." U.S. officials should take the opportunity to address the darker aspects of our colonial past, recognizing pain caused while refocusing on future cooperation, much as President Obama did in recent speeches in Laos and Vietnam. They can remind both our countries of the obvious — that just as the Philippines has evolved dramatically in the last century, the America that elected Barack Obama is much changed from the America of Taft and Roosevelt.
The United States should also recognize that in the face of consistent Chinese threats, the Philippines has reason to want reassurances about the U.S. commitment to its defense. Duterte has repeatedly questioned American willingness to defend the Philippines. In this he is not representative — the same Pew poll found that 66 percent of Filipinos were confident the United States would come to their aid if they were attacked. And a majority of Americans said the United States absolutely should do so, while only one-third disagreed. Article V of the Mutual Defense Treaty is clear — the United States bears a legal and moral commitment to respond to attacks on Filipino troops or public vessels, whether in the Philippine archipelago or in the disputed waters and reefs of the South China Sea. Nevertheless, it wouldn't hurt to say so aloud.
The United States shouldn't be complacent. The Duterte government's decision to cancel all joint exercises with the U.S. military — roughly 30 a year — will weaken our ability to respond together to external threats and natural disasters in the Philippines. But neither should the United States write off the Philippines by underestimating the strong commitment of its people to our alliance.
Democracies are messy by design, and leaders are elected on domestic, not foreign, policy. Rodrigo Duterte was duly elected with almost 39 percent of the vote. That is a lower vote share than will likely be cast on November 8 for a U.S. candidate deeply skeptical of our alliances. Neither result is in line with the deep-held commitments of our peoples.
[Gregory B. Poling is director of the Asia Maritime Transparency Initiative and fellow with the Southeast Asia Program at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, DC. The views expressed are solely those of the author.]
http://warontherocks.com/2016/10/the-u-s-philippine-alliance-is-stronger-than-you-think/
MILF: Stakeholders undergo trainers' training on anti-radicalism, anti-drug advocacy in Sarangani
Posted to the Moro Islamic Liberation Front Website (Oct 29): Stakeholders undergo trainers' training on anti-radicalism, anti-drug advocacy in Sarangani
In an effort to help sustain peace and order in the province, Sarangani provincial government hosted a trainers' training on anti-radicalism and anti-drug on October 10-11 at the Capitol in Alabel participated by Asatidz (Madrasah teachers), PNP Salam Council and Muslim policemen and army.
Two Ulama (Islamic scholars) were invited to discuss the Islamic perspective on violent extremism and prohibited drugs.
Proliferation of narcotics is one of the major police concerns in Sarangani. PNP records convey that 127 of the 141 barangays in the province are affected by drugs.
The authorities are also confronted with a problem on a certain local radical youth group wanted for sowing some insurgency in the Western part of the province.
It was reported that this local armed group had pledged allegiance to the ISIS, an extremist Jihadist organization in the Middle East espousing the re-establishment of caliphate.
The resource persons related the origin of ISIS employing terroristic means in Middle Eastern states to achieve its objectives and even killing Muslims unsympathetic to their cause.
They reminded the audiences that "Islam is a religion of unity, and forbids the disunity, which is much caused by extremism."
"Extremists even kill their two parents who oppose their way of Jihad," the Aleem said.
"Any substance which has the effect of befogging or clouding the mind, impairing its faculties of thought, perception, and discernment is categorized as an alcohol (khamr)," the lecturer said.
He explained, "Drugs such as cannabis, cocaine, opium, shabu and others are definitely included in the prohibited category of alcohol."
http://www.luwaran.com/index.php/news/21-southern-mindanao/937-stakeholders-undergo-trainers-training-on-anti-radicalism-anti-drug-advocacy-in-sarangani
MILF: Network of MILF: Bangsamoro orgs to formulate resolution on right to self-determination and submit to Duterte
Posted to the Moro Islamic Liberation Front Website (Oct 29): Network of Bangsamoro orgs to formulate resolution on right to self-determination and submit to Duterte
A network of Bangsamoro civil society organizations will convene tomorrow (Oct 30) a peace summit to be attended by prominent Bangsamoro leaders to come up with a resolution that will address the Bangsamoro quest for self-determination and forward such proposition to President Rodrigo Roa Duterte.
The event entitled 2nd Bangsamoro Leaders Peace Summit will be held at Shariff Kabungsuan Cultural Complex at ORG compound in Cotabato City hosted by the League of Bangsamoro Organizations (LBO) which has now more than 60 affiliated organizations from different sectors of professionals, youth, women and students.
Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) Chairman Al Hajj Murad Ebrahim and Moro National Liberation Front ((MNLF) Chairman Datu Muslimin Sema are expected to grace the summit together with sultanates and government officials in the regions, a press statement released by LBO said.
"The primordial objective of the aforementioned event is to convene Bangsamoro Leaders to come up with a unified stand on critical issues confronting the Bangsamoro people in general, and the current peace roadmap of Duterte's administration in particular," the statement said.
The Bangsamoro struggle which run for decades and claimed more than two hundred thousand lives is considered as the longest revolution in the world.
Under the auspices of the Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC) the MNLF has inked peace accord with the Philippine Government in 1976 and 1996, however the state was unable to fulfil all the provisions of the said agreements.
In 1997, the MILF started to engage in peace talks with the government and concluded the peace negotiation in 2014 with the signing of the Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro (CAB) during the stint of President Benigno Aquino III.
CAB provides the passage of the Bangsamoro Basic Law (BBL) that will pave way for the establishment of an autonomous political with more political and fiscal powers. BBL passage is the sole obligation of the Philippine Congress which it failed to deliver before the term of Aquino ended.
The Duterte Administration mulls the passage of enabling law drawn from the CAB and the GPH-MNLF 1996 Final Peace Agreement that will ensure inclusivity of inputs from the two Moro fronts.
The enabling law will be drafted by the Bangsamoro Transition Commission that will include representatives from the MNLF, Indigenous Peoples, and Sultanate.
Recently, the MILF conveyed its concern for the absence of an Executive Order from the President that will recast the BTC.
The summit proceedings will be aired live over DXJC 99.O Voice FM in Cotabato City. Video footages will be posted in youtube.
Last June 7, 2015, LBO hosted the 1st Bangsamoro Leaders Peace Summit where 507 leaders from 137 organizations in Mindanao attended.
http://www.luwaran.com/index.php/news/20-central-mindanao/936-network-of-bangsamoro-orgs-to-formulate-resolution-on-right-to-self-determination-and-submit-to-duterte
CPP: CPP to US: Keep off issue of Scarborough!
Propaganda statement posted to the Communist Party of the Philippines Website (Oct 29): CPP to US: Keep off issue of Scarborough!
Information Bureau
The Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) today told the US military and government to keep off the issue of the Scarborough Shoal even as it welcomed the peaceful settlement of the matter through friendly negotiations between the GRP President Duterte and China Premier Xi Jinping.
Until recently, Filipino fishermen had no access to the Scarborough Shoals, known to them as Bajo de Masinloc, which form part of their traditional fishing area, after a standoff between China and the Philippines in 2012 resulted in China asserting sole rights in the area.
"The CPP congratulates the governments of China and the Philippines for peacefully settling the matter of the Scarborough Shoal paving the way for the return of Filipino fishermen to their traditional fishing grounds," said the CPP.
"The settlement of the Scarborough issue underscores what can be achieved by asserting national independence, building friendly relations with neighboring countries and opposing outside interference, especially war instigations by the US military," said the CPP.
"The CPP anticipates further success in the peaceful settlement of other conflicting maritime claims, including those around the Kalayaan Islands, consistent with the assertions of the Filipino people," said the CPP.
The CPP asserts that the basic premise and most urgent condition for the settlement of all conflicting claims should be the demilitarization of the South China Sea to allow all countries to make use of the sea route for international trade. The CPP demands the US military to end to all naval patrols including so-called "freedom of navigation operations" which has no other aim than provoking retaliation.
The CPP rejects the statement of the US state department that it was still "assessing" reports that China's coast guards are no longer patrolling and preventing the entry of Filipino fishermen.
"In the first place, the US has no standing whatsoever the make any assessment in an area that is part of Philippine maritime territory," said the CPP. "Secondly, it is US war-mongering and naval buildup in accordance with its US pivot to encircle China that is at the root of the outstanding security problems in the South China Sea.
"In light of the peaceful settlement of the Scarborough shoals, the Filipino people demands the US government to stop interfering in the matters between China and the Philippines."
In 2012, upon instigation and with the support of the US military and state department, the puppet Aquino government sent several naval warships to confront Chinese civilian coast guard ships. This in turn prompted China to deploy its own warships leading to conflict escalation.
Since late 2011, China has been increasingly aggressive in its patrols of the South China Sea, including areas within the Philippine maritime territory as a response to the bellicose statements issued by then GRP President Aquino in May 2011. Aquino became increasingly hostile to China after being goaded by the US in a briefing conducted onboard US warship USS Carl Vinson.
http://www.cpp.ph/cpp-us-keep-off-issue-scarborough/
PH, US verifying if Chinese left disputed shoal
From the Sun Star-Manila (Oct 29): PH, US verifying if Chinese left disputed shoal
THE Philippines and the United States are trying to verify a report that Chinese coast guard ships have left a disputed shoal, allowing Filipino fishermen back to the rich fishing area that China seized in 2012, triggering tensions in the South China Sea.
Defense Secretary Delfin Lorenzana said the Philippine air force plans to conduct aerial surveillance of the shoal off the northwestern Philippines as early as Saturday to check the situation.
On Friday, Lorenzana said that the Philippine coast guard has reported that Chinese vessels have not been sighted at the disputed area for the last three days, but he added that the report has to be validated.
China took effective control of Scarborough in 2012, after a tense standoff with Philippine vessels. Since then, Chinese coast guard ships have been driving Filipino fishermen away from the area, while farther south in the Spratly Islands, China went on to construct seven man-made islands despite protests from other claimants.
In Washington, State Department spokesman Mark Toner said the U.S. was still assessing reports that Chinese boats have left Scarborough Shoal, and Filipinos have resumed fishing there.
"We hope it is certainly not a temporary measure. We would like it to be a sign that China and the Philippines are moving toward an agreement on fishing access at Scarborough that would be in accordance with the July 12 arbitral decision," Toner said.
A year after China took control of Scarborough, former President Benigno Aquino III took the issue to international arbitration. In July, a tribunal ruled that China had violated Filipinos' right to fish in their traditional fishing grounds. It also invalidated Beijing's sweeping territorial claims in the South China Sea. China ignored the ruling and its coast guard continued to block Filipino fishermen from the shoal.
Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte has attempted to improve relations with China. After visiting Beijing last week, he said without elaborating that Filipino fishermen may be able to return to Scarborough after he discussed the territorial rift with Chinese leaders.
He said he insisted in his talks with Chinese leaders that the shoal belonged to the Philippines, but that the Chinese also asserted their claim of ownership.
"If the Chinese ships have left, then it means our fishermen can resume fishing in the area. We welcome this development," Lorenzana told reporters. "Our fishermen have not been fishing there since 2012. This will return to them their traditional source of livelihood."
http://www.sunstar.com.ph/manila/local-news/2016/10/29/ph-us-verifying-if-chinese-left-disputed-shoal-506437
PHL military to keep close watch over key cities during 'Undas' holiday
From the Manila Bulletin (Oct 29): PHL military to keep close watch over key cities during 'Undas' holiday
Units of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) will keep a tight watch on major cities nationwide as the country observes All Saints' Day and All Souls' Day on November 1 and 2.
"In key cities around the country, Unified Commands and the Joint Task Force-National Capital Region, together with their counterparts in the Philippine National Police (PNP), will employ measures to secure public facilities and other vital establishments," AFP chief-of-staff Gen. Ricardo Visaya has said.
This is to forestall attempts by criminal and terror groups to wreck the annual 'Undas' holiday, he added.
"The Philippine Army, Philippine Air Force and Philippine Navy, on the other hand remain on alert and ready to augment additional troops to support the Unified Commands," Visaya said.
As further security measure, the AFP and PNP will maximize their presence in checkpoints in critical areas.
K-9 and Explosive Ordnance Disposal teams will also be deployed to possible entry and exit points in urban centers.
http://news.mb.com.ph/2016/10/29/phl-military-to-keep-close-watch-over-key-cities-during-undas-holiday/
Four more suspects in Davao City bombing arrested
From CNN Philippines (Oct 29): Four more suspects in Davao City bombing arrested
Four more suspects in the Davao City night market bombing were arrested Saturday in Cotabato City, the Philippine Army said.
The suspects are reportedly members of the Dawla Islamiya Fi Cotabato - Maute Group, the Philippine Army said in a news release. The Maute Group is composed of Islamist militants linked to terrorist organizations.
Authorities identified the suspects as:
Mohammad Lalaog Chenikandiyil also known as Datu Boi
Jackson Mangulamas Usi AKA Abu Mansor/Jam
Zack Villanueva Lopez AKA Haron
Ansan Abdulla Mamasapano AKA Abu Hamsa
Combined elements of the Armed Forces of the Philippines, Philippine National Police and the National Intelligence Coordinating Agency served the warrants of arrest in two separate locations: Southern Philippine Development Authority Compound in Brgy. Tamontaka, and along Ilang-Ilang St., Brgy. Rosary HeightsVII, both in Cotabato City.
Follow-up operations made after the arrest last October 4 of three other suspects led to the discovery of the group's hideouts. They are also members of the Maute Group.
Authorities said over 12 people were involved in the September 2 Davao bombing which killed 15 people and wounded dozens.
"We will not stop until all involved in the Davao bombing incident last September are put in jail," said Lt. Gen. Eduardo M. Año, the Army commander. "The Army will continue haunting other terrorists for the protection of the public and to serve justice."
All four suspects are now under the custody of local police.
Police confiscated firearms and explosives from the suspects:
.45-caliber pistol loaded with ammunition (with a defaced serial number)
.38-caliber pistol with serial number: 12899593
Six rounds ammunition, magazine assembly for a 45-caliber pistol
Five rounds ammunition for a .38-caliber pistol
Handheld radio with charger
Five boxes of ammunition for a 5.56 mm rifle
Three pieces of 60 mm mortar improvised explosive devices
105 mm howitzer improvised explosive device
Hand grenade
http://cnnphilippines.com/regional/2016/10/29/Davao-City-bombing-suspects-arrested.html
Govt security operatives arrest four more Davao City bombing suspects
From InterAksyon (Oct 29): Govt security operatives arrest four more Davao City bombing suspects
Scene in the aftermath of the Davao City Night Market explosion. AFP file photograph.
Government security forces on Saturday arrested four more persons suspected to be involved in the deadly Davao City Night Market bombing incident of September 2, 2016, an army official said Saturday, according to Philippine Army spokesman, Col. Benjamin Hao.
At least 14 people died and more than 60 others were wounded after a powerful bomb went off at the commercial enclave along Roxas Blvd., which prompted President Rodrigo Duterte to declare a state of lawlessness.
Hao said in a statement that the four suspects were arrested by combined military and police elements, together with personnel from the National Intelligence Coordinating Agency (NICA) in separate law enforcement operations in Cotabato City.
Hao said that the four arrested suspects were reportedly members of the Dawla Islamiya, which is also known as the Maute Group reportedly involved in the commission of several atrocities in Mindanao.
They were arrested after government forces raided their hideouts inside the compound of the Southern Philippine Development Authority (SPDA) at Brgy. Tamontaka and along Ilang-Ilang St., in Brgy. Rosary Heights, both in Cotabato City.
Hao named the four arrested suspects as Mohammad Lalaog Chenikandiyil alias Datu Boi; Jackson Mangulamas alias 'Abu Mansor'; Zack Villanueva Lopez alias 'Harot' and Ansan Abdulla alias 'Abu Hamsa'.
He elaborated that the operation carried out by virtue of a search warrant for violation of R.A. 10951 (Comprehensive Firearms and Ammunitions Act of 2013), issued by Banzawan Ibrahim, executive judge of Branch 13 of the 12th Judicial Region of Cotabato City RTC.
Hao said that the group's hideout were identified through information relayed by a so-called action agent, corroborated by follow-up operations made after the arrest last October 4 of three other suspects also involved in the bombing.
Hao said the four arrested suspects are now under the custody of the local unit of the Philippine National Police (PNP) in Cotabato City to facilitate the carrying out of legal procedures.
http://www.interaksyon.com/article/133812/govt-security-operatives-arrest-four-more-davao-city-bombing-suspects
RI proposes joint patrols with Australia
From the Jakarta Post (Oct 29): RI proposes joint patrols with Australia
Following a meeting with Australia's foreign and defense ministers, Defense Minister Ryamizard Ryacudu said Friday he had proposed that Indonesia and Australia conduct joint patrols in the eastern South China Sea in the near future to ensure safer waters.
"We have already suggested to Australia the possibility of conducting joint patrols in the eastern part of the South China Sea. We are sure that we will soon create a plan on how to realize it. They have more or less agreed," he told reporters on Friday.
In a "working dinner" here late Thursday, Ryamizard had met with Australia's Foreign Minister Julie Bishop and Defense Minister Marise Payne, neither of whom were available for comment.
Foreign Minister Retno LP Marsudi had left Bali after briefly hosting the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) ministers' meeting, following the death of her father, M. Sidik. She was replaced at the venue by the ministry's director for Asia-Pacific and African affairs, Desra Percaya.
Desra also declined to comment when questioned.
The Sulu Sea was also discussed by the two neighboring countries as it remains of large concern to Indonesia. Indonesians have become victims of recurring abductions carried out by the Abu Sayyaf militant group and its splinter cells in the southern Philippines.
Since March 24, several Indonesians have been taken hostage by the group in four separate incidents. The Philippines and Indonesia managed to free the hostages, claiming that no ransom was paid.
Indonesia has also been trying to promote peace and stability in the South China Sea, where China, Taiwan and four ASEAN countries — the Philippines, Brunei, Vietnam and Malaysia — have overlapping claims. Indonesia is not officially a claimant state.
China claims almost all of the energy-rich South China Sea, through which more than US$5 trillion worth of maritime trade passes each year. China insists all disputes should be resolved through bilateral talks.
Ryamizard said Indonesia had already proposed similar joint patrols with other ASEAN countries in the region, such as Vietnam and Cambodia.
"We have coordinated and established commitments on how to secure the South China Sea and at least a third of the region has been secured. We have secured the areas surrounding Thailand, Malaysia and Singapore," he said.
"So we've basically secured the region without much commotion."
Stability in the region is a priority for both countries according to their respective white papers. Australia noted in its 2016 defense white paper that a majority of its exports, consisting mostly of coal, iron ore and liquefied natural gas, goes through the South China Sea.
"Australia opposes the use of artificial structures in the South China Sea for military purposes. Australia also opposes the assertion of associated territorial claims and maritime rights which are not in accordance with international law," the white paper states.
According to the joint press statement, the ministers reiterated their commitment to countering violent extremism and other efforts related to deradicalization.
Foreign Minister Julie Bishop had previously said Australia would focus on "furthering our already substantial collaboration to combat terrorism and violent extremism, enhancing maritime cooperation and working together to foster stability in the South China Sea" as she recognized Indonesia was an important security partner for Australia.
During the 16th IORA council of ministers meeting, also held on Thursday, Bishop stressed the importance of countries in the region sharing information and experience concerning terrorism.
http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2016/10/29/ri-proposes-joint-patrols-with-australia.html
4 new suspects in Davao blast arrested in Cotabato
From ABS-CBN (Oct 29): 4 new suspects in Davao blast arrested in Cotabato
Four other Davao bombing suspects, also members of the Maute group, were arrested in different parts of the province Friday evening.
The simultaneous serving of arrest warrants in Barangay RH 7 in Cotabato, and in SPDA, DOS Maguindanao resulted in the arrest of Mohammad Chenikandiyil, Zack Haron Villanueva Lopez, Jackson Mangulamas Usi, and Ausan Abdullah Mamasapano, said Jimmy Daza, regional chief of the Criminal Investigation and Detection Group in Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (CIDG-ARMM).
Photo by Vina Araneta, ABS-CBN News
Firearms and ammunition such as a .38 caliber pistol, a grenade, mortars, and improvised explosive devices were recovered from the suspects, who were brought to the CIDG-ARMM headquarters for documentation and disposition, Daza said.
Three members of the Maute group who were linked to the blast that killed at least 14 and injured 67 others were arrested last month.
http://news.abs-cbn.com/news/10/29/16/4-new-suspects-in-davao-blast-arrested-in-cotabato
House okays bill declaring Jan. 23 as "First Philippine Republic Day"
From the Philippine News Agency (Oct 29): House okays bill declaring Jan. 23 as "First Philippine Republic Day"
The House of Representatives, voting 256-1, approved on third and final reading House Bill 477 seeking to declare Jan. 23 of every year a special working holiday in the entire country to commemorate the declaration of the First Philippine Republic.
The approval was done prior to the congressional adjournment.
The committee on revision of laws, chaired by Rep. Marlyn L. Primicias-Agabas (6th District, Pangasinan), endorsed for plenary approval House Bill 477 authored by Rep. Jose Antonio R. Sy-Alvarado (1st District, Bulacan), who said the holiday declaration will commemorate the declaration of the First Philippine Republic on Jan. 23, 1899 at the Barasoain Church in the City of Malolos, Bulacan.
The bill is a refiled proposal that was approved on third and final reading during the 16th Congress.
The bill declares Jan. 23 of every year as "The First Philippine Republic Day" and shall be a special working holiday in the entire country.
"The significance of Jan. 23, 1899 is that the First Philippine Republic came into being as the sovereign choice of the people. It was a conscious choice to reject a dictatorial and revolutionary government and establish for all the future Filipino generations the groundwork for democracy," said Sy-Alvarado.
As the First Republic in Asia, he said, Filipinos are proud of their strong democratic and republican ideals as a nation. He said it was on June 12, 1898 when Gen. Emilio Aguinaldo declared the Philippines free from the yoke of foreign subjugation.
"The upheaval of nationalistic fervor leading to our independence was followed with cool and calm, which was thought to make the gains for Philippine democracy and republicanism more lasting and permanent through the enactment of the first organic law for the Philippine Republic," said Sy-Alvarado.
Hence, he said, it is of much importance that Filipinos need to commemorate Jan. 23 every year. "The beginning of Filipino democracy and self-government, indigenously concluded, magnifies the political maturity and readiness of our forefathers at the turn of that century," said Sy-Alvarado.
The lawmaker said the beliefs and aspirations of Filipinos as a nation, united in pursuit for life, liberty and enjoyment of the benefits of their democracy, is encapsulated by the nation's rich and noble history.
"I hope that we can give due recognition with this great feat and achievement of our forefathers in commemorating Jan. 23 as a national holiday," he said.
The National Historical Commission (NHC), in coordination with the Department of Education, shall plan and implement activities for "The First Philippine Republic Day" and ensure that the significance of the historical event will continue to inspire and instill pride among Filipinos on the rich and noble history of the nation.
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Comprehensive Coverage of CA Final Syllabus.
Concise Presentation of Indirect Taxes Provisions. ,.
Optimal Use of Practical Problems to explain concepts.
Tables, Flow Charts & Diagrams for clarity and easy memory.
Grouping of relevant points related to a particular topic.


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this section). Another resource is the Austin CEO Foundation, which has sections on charter, public and private schools (see sidebar in Education section for more information). Visit www.ceoaustin.org for more information, or call 512-291-9120.
American Youth Works (AYW) Charter School 1901 E. Ben White Blvd. Austin, TX 78741 512-744-1900 www.AmericanYouthWorks.org Opened: 1996 Sponsoring Entity: American Youth Works Grades: 9-12 (ages 16-21) Enrollment: 200+ Mission/Philosophy: A fully accredited public high school, the focus of the AYW Charter School is to "recover youth who have dropped out of school, are at risk of dropping out, or who are seeking a different way of learning." AYW was the first charter school in the U.S. named a National Service Learning Leader School, and has been recognized as a national model charter school by the U.S. Department of Education.


This is a speech introducing a classmate. This assignment emphasizes distilling information about yourself into a concise thesis, outlining, and organizing your material around a theme. The minimum length of this speech is 1.5 minutes; the maximum is 2 minutes.
Keep in mind that the class will hear 20+ introductory speeches. Simply a list of the other person's activities, the reasons they are at MTU, or an overview of their life history may not distinguish them adequately. A theme or a metaphor is a good way to make your speech interesting and to organize it. The goal of this speech is to provide information about another person through an interesting and memorable association.
This class will emphasize extemporaneous speaking. Extemporaneous speaking is well-prepared, but not memorized, read, or impromptu. A memorized or read speech will not be acceptable. The speech read from a manuscript is more obvious than a memorized one, but a memorized speech often appears mechanical, limits eye contact, and allows for little adaptation for you audience. A good extemporaneous speech is carefully prepared. The speaker often has the support of an outline and perhaps a few notecards. The notecards are typically for the limited purpose of quoting someone else's exact words or for reading some specific data.
Did it provide a thesis?
Did it provide a theme?
Did the body have identifiable main points?
Did the main points have support?
How well did the main points and support points promote the thesis?
Did the theme make the information interesting and memorable?
Did it give an overview of the main points, emphasize the theme and thesis, and prove a memorable last impression?
Did the speaker often make eye contact with the audience?
Were there any disruptive mannerisms or vocalizations?
Did the rate of speech or the volume help or hinder the speaker?


Macedonia from its independence has a multi-party parliamentary democracy. Since 1991, the country had a variety of political parties with different ideologies. Although in theory proves that Macedonia is a multi-party system, in practice there is a bipartisan system. Macedonian parties in the coalition with the Albanian parties compose the government and the opposition. In theory, the ethnic formed parties may have different ideologies. In the interest of preserving the identity, values and tradition the Roma political parties would be classified as right-wing parties, but also, they can be left oriented if their interest is social security, equality and solidarity. According to the needs of the Roma community, parties would rather be left oriented for left political parties' access to social policies that are more flexible and tolerant towards minorities.
Formally, it is difficult to determine the ideology of Roma political parties because their statutes are hardly accessible to the public. This causes a lack of information among the Roma electorate because it remains uncertain whether it supports an ideological option or leader (individual). The following table shows the chronological appearance of Roma political parties from 1990 to 2011.
The democratization process in the Republic of Macedonia created space for the minorities as well for Roma to be integrated with the political life. Roma parties were formed since the independence of the country. Roma in the Republic of Macedonia from 1990 to 2011 have formed eight political parties. The first political party "Party for Full Emancipation of Roma" - PCERM was established in 1991, and the leader was Mr. Faik Abdi. His first associates were Mr. Nezdet Mustafa and Mr. Shaban Saliu who were general secretaries of the party. The "Party for Full Emancipation of Roma" - PCERM in the first parliamentary elections nominated Mr. Faik Abdi as a member of parliament in the Republic of Macedonia.
In 1994 due to the disagreement of the narrow leadership in "Party for Full Emancipation of Roma" – PCERM, the second Romani political party "Democratic Progressive Party of the Roma" – DPPRM was formed with the president Mr. Nezdet Mustafa. In 1994, Mr. Faik Abdi was again a member of the Parliament of the Republic of Macedonia, but now accompanied by another member, Mr. Amdi Bajram, this was a result of consolidated Roma electorate with two representatives in the parliament in 1994.
In 2002 emerged a new political party, and one party was renamed. A new political party is "Party for Roma Unity" its party president was Mr. Alil Mevail. This party appeared on the 2002 parliamentary elections and local elections in 2005 in Tetovo. While "The Democratic Progressive Party of the Roma" - DPPRM renamed in "United Party for Emancipation" and the chairperson of the party remained Mr. Nezdet Mustafa. In 2003, after the media debacle of Mr. Amdi Bajram and Mr. Shaban Saliu, there was a leadership contention and a new political party occurred with the name "Democratic Forces of Roma" - DSR with Mr. Shaban Saliu as a party leader, former SRM and PCER member.
In 2006 two new Roma political parties appeared. In the same year, Mr. Bajram Berat register the "Party for Integration of Roma" - PIR while Mr. Adem Arifoski from Prilep formed the "Democratic Union of Roma" - DUR.
The vote-seeking model is used largely because of the maximizing turnout, which is an essential element for being relevant subject in coalition with the larger parties. This model boosts and encourages the ambition for offices. In terms of votes, the parties bargain for offices or positions that can undertake. Recently Roma political parties use this model to represent the interests of the party or the voters. According to calculations of the ruling party, Roma political parties receive offices according to the given contribution to the victory of the ruling party. The office-seeking model aims to maximize the control of the institutions or the positions dedicated for a Roma party. The Policy-seeking model is used to maximize the impact of parties in public policy. This model is applied if the parties are in the same or similar range of ideologies or policies. The impact of the public policy starts from the offices undertaken by the parties so that each party can control the institution and influence for an implementation of a policy.
All of the above models have their advantages and disadvantages. The practice shows that the Roma parties build coalitions with parties having different ideologies, whether their interest, program or ideology strives for the same goal. Each of the models offers participation in representing the citizens. In the period before the Framework Agreement, the Roma political parties were part of the government in coalition with the party that has won the most votes. During this period, three parties represented Roma, and they aimed at maximizing votes for any office without much influence on public policies that were implemented in the state. During this period, it was easy to buy votes and to manipulate the Roma parties.
Parties using the Framework Agreement have become major factors in the race for power. With a network of jobs and voters, Roma parties are not able to manage or influence public policies. Regardless of the political affiliation, the parties agree to work together, and it proved as an adverse result in the representation of the interests of the Roma. The transition and the coalition with parties from different profile reduce the chance to act on policies because they would not afford to lose what they already were offered after the elections. Voters' interests can most effectively be advocated if a party has influence in decision-making processes in the country. If a party does not affect the policies in favor of their constituents then it loses the credibility and reputation as a serious political entity.
In conclusion, the trend in recent years is that Roma parties always enter a coalition with the Macedonian political parties. The question is why Roma parties discard, or they are not interested in a coalition with Albanian political parties. Tetovo, Gostivar, Debar and Kicevo are cities in which the majority of the population is Albanian. The results show that in these four cities the Albanian political parties have more power than the Macedonian political parties do. The fight is mainly conducted between Albanian parties almost every election, and it is quite uncertain in choosing who will be the elected mayor and the municipality councilors. The Roma vote can be decisive in these cities, but Roma political parties are not interested or do not want to be positioned on the Albanian side. If Roma parties knew how to negotiate, Roma would have more counselors at the local level. These Roma votes not only would they have the power to elect a counselor, but elect more than one counselor that would do far more in the political arena among Albanians and Macedonians. In the above-mentioned cities, locally Roma could participate in the adoption of policies concerning the local Roma community. A coalition with Albanian parties would also adopt a greater representation of the Roma community in local institutions despite the fact that Roma are less than 25% (Ohrid Framework Agreement principle for representation of symbols, language and positions) of the total population in these communities. This is also a chance for the educated Roma to advocate in their communities and promote the interests of Roma in local institutions, not just being frequently given to be janitors in some of the institutions. For all this to be achieved the Roma political parties should have the know-how to negotiate with the right actors. Roma political parties should provide their programs, ideology, statute and structure in order to show their importance as political factors. Roma political parties should also concentrate on participating in the public polices and the decision-making processes to establish the voters' needs. Roma political parties should also account to the citizens, not just during the election campaigns but also regularly in order to save their credibility and visibility among the electorate.


A vision came to me in my sleep. A vision of eggplants being used for evil… being used…for dessert!
Having just received two eggplants in my CSA basket, I decided to make this vision come true.
I give you a gluten free, dairy free, paleo, vegetarian, low carb, insert-dietary-need-here dessert that is beyond decadent and will induce feelings of guilt and drool.
Behold! I give you chocolate mousse made from EGGPLANT!!
This recipe only has three ingredients – eggplant, sweetener and cocoa powder. Use a high quality cocoa powder to make this a truly decadent experience. I prefer NuNaturals Liquid Stevia as my sweetener of choice and adore it. The liquid sweetener for this recipe helps prevent graininess that you might get from a granular sugar, such as Swerve.
First, you gotta roast your eggplants. Cut your eggplants in half and score them with a knife – salt liberally and let them sit for thirty minutes, upside down on a cooling/cookie rack, so they can sweat out any bitterness.
Pre heat oven to 415, wipe your eggplants down and put them on a baking tray and drizzle with olive oil. After about 45 minutes in the oven, they'll be super tender/squishy. Remove and let cool.
If adding the avocado, blend into mixture - it will make the mousse a little bit more 'creamy/light' versus 'rich/fudgy' and adds a bit of extra fat.
You can bake/puree the eggplant the night before as well. Makes 4 small (but VERY decadent/filling) servings. Go crazy and put fresh raspberries, almonds, or home made whip cream on top. SERVE IMMEDIATELY/SAME DAY. Eggplant changes over time, and the sweetness decreased end of the next day.
Grab an immersion blender and beat up some whole cream to add a dollop of whip cream on top of the mousse. The whipped cream helps balance out the sweetness of the fudge; I love it!


Keeping your retention pond maintenance up to date is a job we can handle for you. Even if you do a lot of regular retention pond maintenance yourself, there are repairs you should not attempt on your own. We can handle all your retention pond services in and around the Cleveland area.
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text:
// <copyright file="DataTypeDefinitionFinderTest.cs" company="Logikfabrik">
//   Copyright (c) 2016 anton(at)logikfabrik.se. Licensed under the MIT license.
// </copyright>

namespace Logikfabrik.Umbraco.Jet.Test
{
    using System;
    using System.Linq;
    using global::Umbraco.Core.Models;
    using Logikfabrik.Umbraco.Jet.Data;
    using Moq.AutoMock;
    using Shouldly;
    using SpecimenBuilders;
    using Utilities;
    using Xunit;

    public class DataTypeDefinitionFinderTest
    {
        [Theory]
        [CustomAutoData]
        public void CanFindById(string typeName, Guid id, Type type, string editor, IDataTypeDefinition[] definitions)
        {
            var modelType = new DataTypeModelTypeBuilder(typeName, id, type, editor).Create(Scope.Public);

            var model = new Jet.DataType(modelType);

            var mocker = new AutoMocker();

            var typeRepositoryMock = mocker.GetMock<ITypeRepository>();

            typeRepositoryMock.Setup(m => m.GetDefinitionId(id)).Returns(definitions.First().Id);

            var dataTypeDefinitionFinder = mocker.CreateInstance<DataTypeDefinitionFinder>();

            dataTypeDefinitionFinder.Find(model, definitions).ShouldHaveSingleItem();
        }

        [Theory]
        [CustomAutoData]
        public void CanFindByName(Type type, string editor, IDataTypeDefinition[] definitions)
        {
            var modelType = new DataTypeModelTypeBuilder(definitions.First().Name, type, editor).Create(Scope.Public);

            var model = new Jet.DataType(modelType);

            var mocker = new AutoMocker();

            var dataTypeDefinitionFinder = mocker.CreateInstance<DataTypeDefinitionFinder>();

            dataTypeDefinitionFinder.Find(model, definitions).ShouldHaveSingleItem();
        }
    }
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


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Posted by Rachel Kelly on Wednesday, October 3rd, 2018 at 2:12pm.
Things are finally looking up for Bama Bayou, the site of a proposed entertainment center and dolphin exhibit that went bankrupt in 2009. After meeting with the Orange Beach City Council, Texas-based developer, Presidium, has announced a master plan to completely transform the deserted development into a bustling resort and mixed-use entertainment complex. This is great news for the city as the 147-acre property covered in unfinished dilapidated buildings has remained an eyesore for almost a decade. Bama Bayou sits at the "entrance to Orange Beach" right beside the Beach Express toll bridge along the Intracoastal Canal. The City has settled on an agreement giving the greenlight for the $300 million project along with major tax incentives to the developer.
Plans for Bama Bayou include Gulf World Marine Park, multiple hotel developments, a resort village filled with restaurants and shops, convention center, marina, nature trails, and will boast one of the top waterparks in the United States. Some of Bama Bayou's most talked about attractions include Gulf World Marine Park which will feature an aquarium and 1,200-seat stadium for dolphin and sea lion shows, a tropical snorkel lagoon spanning two-acres, and a large waterpark offering speed slides, a winding lazy river, and the biggest wave pool in Alabama. Bama Bayou Resort, Marina Village Resort, and Gulf World's Paradise Resort will accommodate guests staying at Bama Bayou and offer amenities such as outdoor pools, fitness centers, spas, meeting facilities, and shuttles. Bama Bayou is set to undergo several phases of construction with the creation of the waterpark and Gulf World Marine Park as the initial phase. The project could start early next year, and if planned accordingly, the park will open its doors to the public by summer of 2020.
Offering plenty of dining options, retail shops, edutainment, and entertainment, Bayou Bayou will be a must-see attraction for both vacationers and locals. Located just off the Foley Beach Express, it will be an easy stop for tourists as they make their way down to vacation at Orange Beach condos and Gulf Shores condos. Bama Bayou will be a top contender among other local attractions including newly-built OWA amusement park, Waterville, and The Wharf entertainment district, and Gulf State Park.


text:
Q: html+css background-image in windows phone So, I have a problem :
I'm developing an app on windows phone ( html + javascript ) and have an image that should be a background .
The image is 480px 800px .
My html
<meta name="Viewport" content= "height= device-height; user-scaleable=no; initial-scale=1.0" />

 <body>
   <div class="container">
   </div>
 </body>

My css
.container {
background-image:url(../img/fundo1.jpg); /* 480px x 800px */
position:absolute;
height:100%;
width:100%;

}
In the emulator I do not see the whole image only a part of it.
any sugestion?
Thansk for all

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange