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Home » Coast to coast » Mauna Kea Protectors vs. the science of colonizers
Mauna Kea Protectors vs. the science of colonizers
By Stephanie Hedgecoke posted on July 30, 2019
This article is based on a talk given at the July 25 Workers World Party meeting.
The long-smoldering fight of the Kānaka Maoli people to save sacred Mauna Kea in Hawai'i blew up like a volcano on July 17 when work crews arrived to begin construction on the Thirty Meter Telescope (TMT). Elders, some using wheelchairs, strollers or canes, demanded to be taken to the front line to be arrested.
The New York branch of Workers World Party held a July 25 forum on the theme "Fighting against racism and for national sovereignty." The panel of speakers were, left to right, Monica Moorehead, editor of "Marxism, Reparations and the Black Freedom Struggle," discussing "The struggle against national oppression vs. Trump's white supremacy"; Stephanie Hedgecoke, WWP organizer, discussing "Kānaka Maoli block construction on sacred land in Hawai'i"; and Makasi Motema, People's Power Assemblies NYC organizer, discussing "Issues tied to the uprising in Puerto Rico."
The blockade forced work stoppage of dozens of astronomers and researchers. Since the arrests of 35 people on July 17, thousands of Hawaiians have blocked all access to the mountain. They oppose further damage and desecration of the mountain, on which 13 smaller telescopes have been constructed since 1960. Each one was called "the last telescope."
Hawai'i Gov. David Ige signed an emergency proclamation threatening Mauna Kea Protectors with police and National Guard. Over 2,000 Kānaka Maoli turned out in response to the arrests and threats to pack the base of the mountain.
Gov. Ige attacked the Protectors again on July 19, alleging illegal activity, but local media reported that the opposite was the case. KHON2 TV news stated: "There are absolutely no signs of drugs or alcohol. No one is even allowed to smoke here." (July 20) The media reported that a great number of volunteers, seasoned organizers, were feeding thousands daily meals and snacks from free kitchens, running medical tents, recycling, cleaning porta potties and hauling trash.
Volunteers told KHON2 that anyone who comes into the Pu'uhonua is welcome. Pu'uhonua means "place of refuge of Honaunau"; it is the ancestral home of the Kamehameha dynasty. The Honaunau regards itself as sovereign under international law, as the successor government to the independent Kingdom of Hawai'i, not subject to U.S. law. The base camp is now a community of learning. Activist professors have set up Pu'uhuluhulu University with 20 classes a day on Hawaiian culture and language.
KHON2 reported that the resolve of the Ku Kia'i Mauna, guardians of the mountain, grows stronger every day. The Star Advertiser has called the struggle a "boiling point."
The TMT Corporation and the University of Hawai'i planned this $1.4 billion telescope and related facilities to be 18 stories high and that it will to cover the size of six football fields — far larger than previously opposed projects. Community resistance has blocked the massive project for years. Earlier projects left toxic waste and seepage onsite.
Sacred site on stolen land
Mauna Kea is part of stolen crown lands. Queen Lili'uokalani of Hawai'i was overthrown in 1893 by a cabal of sugar planters and settler businessmen. Two years later the U.S. annexed Hawai'i as a territory; it was made the 50th state in 1959.
Mauna Kea was targeted for development because it's the tallest mountain in the Hawaiian chain, with a summit 13,803 feet above sea level, the highest point in Hawai'i. That makes the dry, mostly cloud-free skies there less affected by city light pollution. Most of the dormant volcano is underwater. When measured from its oceanic base, it's the tallest mountain in the world, some 32,808 feet high. It is about a million years old and is the second largest in subaerial surface area of the five shield volcanoes on the Big Island. Meanwhile, the TMT corporation has an alternate site selected in the Canary Islands; La Palma, Spain, wants the project.
Mauna Kea is unique for its rare indigenous plants and animals. It has deep significance to Hawaiians and all Pacific Islanders. National Geographic honored it in a special edition in January 2011, titled, "The Earth's Holiest Places: Sacred Journeys." It's a sacred place for Kānaka Maoli and all Polynesian Nations. It represents creation, the embodiment of ancestors, a burial ground. It is home to 100 archeological sites, hundreds of cultural sites, and historic and still-used shrines, three of which are directly endangered.
On the blockade's first day, July 15, Protectors spent over 11 hours at the cattle guard on the access road. Kānaka Maoli Protector and professor at the University of Hawai'i, Noelani Goodyear-Kaʻōpua, stood arm-in-arm with other wahine (women) to protect the kūpuna (elders) from heavily armed officers. She said, "The kūpuna there had made a line and wanted to be a first line of defense." (High Country News, July 25)
Goodyear-Kaʻōpua raised three grounds for opposition to TMT: Mauna Kea is sacred, it is the watershed for Hawai'i island's fresh water supply, and it is a burial ground. It is unceded, unrelinquished, stolen Hawaiian land. Further, it is zoned for conservation to protect and preserve natural resources necessary for the survival of the people. The plan for the 30-meter telescope meets the definition of a "genocidal occupation."
Protect the Earth, not profits!
There are online discussions of Native Hawaiians about the root of the problem being the construct of the U.S. judicial system in dealing with Indigenous issues — that it is rooted in colonizers' views on spirituality which are restricted to organized, class-society-based religion. Indigenous peoples have deep connections with the land and relations with all forms of life. Such kinship doesn't translate well in class society, which is intolerant of colonized peoples and regards them as "lesser than" or "uncivilized."
Capitalist culture places no intrinsic value on Mother Earth, the biosphere and life on Earth, clean water and air, indigenous animals, plants and natural habitats. Capitalists only value life for the profits they can make. Their values are therefore diametrically opposed to those of Indigenous peoples worldwide.
Significantly, nearly 1,000 astronomers have signed a letter, as of July 28, opposing the imposition of this project on the Hawaiian people. They raised concerns about sovereignty and intrusions on Indigenous lands. The letter cites past environmental racism and "white colonizers' obsessions with conquest." (tinyurl.com/yxulf4lu)
Chanda Prescod-Weinstein, an astrophysicist at the University of New Hampshire, who signed the letter, stated, "What's facilitated [scientific] access [to Mauna Kea] is American colonialism on kānaka 'ōiwi land in what we call the state of Hawai'i. It is the American state apparatus that continues to play a role in enforcing astronomer access to the Mauna, for example, with the police forces this week arresting the kūpuna, the elders, who took great physical risk to protect their family." (earther.gizmodo.com, July 18)
Resistance is growing
On July 19, students at the University of California, Berkeley demonstrated with visiting Pacific Islander students, Indigenous rights groups and elders to demand that the UC system divest from TMT, as well as other local investors. Principal investors in TMT are Gordon Moore, Silicon Valley venture capitalist, along with the California Institute of Technology.
TMT is a for-profit project. The state of Hawai'i and the University of Hawai'i have made millions of dollars from such projects. It's racist to allege that the Kānaka Maoli oppose astronomy when Pacific Islanders have practiced astronomy for ages. They navigated the Pacific Ocean by the stars.
Kānaka Maoli Bria Tennyson, a Berkeley student, answered the false claim that Native Hawaiians oppose science: "Our very identity as a people is based on studying the stars. That's how we got to Hawaii (in the first place)." Thousands marched in Waikiki, Hawai'i, on July 20. And on July 21, an organization of Asian-Pacific Islander gay and trans people demonstrated in New York's Union Square.
Protests spread to the tourism industry: Organizers called for a one-day tourism boycott Monday, July 22, and several businesses cooperated and closed, cancelling tours and more. A majority of tourists understood.
Hawai'i Lt. Gov. Josh Green met with Kānaka Maoli on July 22, attempting a compromise. But he left speaking about the Hawaiian peoples' visions of their own future. Some state representatives and city council members have asked Gov. Ige to rescind his emergency proclamation, stating it violates the spirit of the law.
60-day moratorium won
Hilo County Council passed a resolution on July 24 in support of state Sen. Kai Kahele's call for a 60-day moratorium on building TMT, despite Gov. Ike's push for it to begin.
The following testimony and more was given to the council about decades of mistreatment of the Hawaiian people and their lands. Kamanawa Kinimaka, descended from the royal guard for King Kalakaua, said, "Our land is dying, and it's not just in Hawai'i. What the Hawaiian represents is a symbol of the Indigenous Native people of our world. The Hawaiian people have been refined into a fine diamond of symbolism." (West Hawaii Today, July 28)
In addition, Ikaika Marzo stated, "TMT is just a match after so many years of gasoline being poured on our ground." Millicent Cummings called TMT "an act of war to the mauna and the kanaka." And Robert Yamada stressed, "TMT is the catalyst. It's the line in the sand. Do not cross that line."
Actor Dwayne "The Rock" Johnson, who grew up on Oahu and is of Samoan heritage, met with kūpuna and organizers at the Mauna Kea Access Road on July 24. He said, "It's beautiful, it's inspiring. … It's bigger than a telescope. It's humanity. It's a culture. It is a people, our people, our Polynesian people, who are willing to die here to protect our land." (Hawaii News Now, July 24)
Marxists and Marcyists understand that this battle, along with the struggle in Puerto Rico, is part of the struggle against the legacy of settler-colonialism. It shows what we mean by support for self-determination. The Kānaka Maoli should decide about any development on their islands.
The Hawai'i Community Bail Fund for Protectors of the Mauna Kea is linked to iacenter.org. Support the Kia'i!
Hedgecoke is of Huron/French Canadian, English, Irish, Scottish, Portuguese and mixed Southeastern Native heritage.
(WW photo: Sara Flounders)
War Without Victory


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What would you say to an audience if you knew it'd be your last chance to impart any wisdom? Find out what one man did by checking out this story. Man, it's straight outta Tuesdays With Morrie, which, if you haven't read it, is one I think everyone should own.


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Q: Правильно ли использование класса? Постановка задачи:

Необходимо написать программу, имитирующую работу телевизора. Предусмотрите в нем возможность переключения каналов: следующий канал, предыдущий канал, переход к каналу по номеру. Учтите, что канал не может иметь отрицательный номер. При запуске программа должна показывать текущий канал и предлагать переключить канал по нажатию на какую-либо кнопку на клавиатуре. Отображать текущий канал можно просто в виде номера и названия. После запуска приложения программа должна постоянно предлагать переключать каналы и только после того, как пользователь решит выключить телевизор, завершать программу.
Указания:
Роль телевизора должен исполнять класс с именем TV.
Класс TV должен иметь:
поля:

*

*currentChannel - текущий канал

*channelLimit - количество каналов

конструктор:

*

*TV(currentChannel) - инициализирует свойства класса. Можно сделать еще один конструктор, в котором будет задаваться еще и количество каналов.

три метода:

*

*NextChannel() - переключает телевизор на следующий канал

*PreviousChannel() - переключает телевизор на предыдущий канал

*MoveToChannel(channel) - переключает телевизор на указанный канал

Мое решение:
using System;

namespace HomeTasks
{
    internal class Program
    {
        static void Main(string[] args)
        {
            TV tv = new TV();
        }
    }
}

using System;
using System.Collections.Generic;
using System.Linq;
using System.Text;
using System.Threading.Tasks;

namespace HomeTasks
{
    internal class TV
    {
        public int currentChannel = 1;
        public int channelLimit = 5;
        public TV()
        {
            string answer;
            Console.WriteLine($"Limit of channels: {channelLimit}");
            do
            {
                Console.WriteLine($"Curent channel: {currentChannel}");
                Console.WriteLine($"\tWrite N to go next channel!\n\tWrite P to go previous channel!\n\tWrite G to go channel wich you want!\n\tWrite Stop to exit!");
                Console.Write("Enter your answer: ");
                answer = Console.ReadLine().ToLower().Trim();
                if (answer == "n")
                    NextChannel();
                else if (answer == "p")
                {
                    PreviousChannel();
                }
                else if (answer == "g")
                {
                    Console.Write("Введите число: ");
                    int numberOfChannel = Convert.ToInt32(Console.ReadLine());
                    MoveToChannel(numberOfChannel);
                }
            }
            while (answer != "stop");
        }
        public void NextChannel()
        {
            currentChannel++;
            if (currentChannel > channelLimit)
                currentChannel = 1;
        }
        public void PreviousChannel()
        {
            currentChannel--;
            if (currentChannel < 1)
                currentChannel = channelLimit;
        }

        public void MoveToChannel(int number)
        {
            currentChannel = number;
            if (number > channelLimit)
            {
                currentChannel = 1;
            }
        }
    }
}

Правильно ли я решил задачу в плане ТЗ?

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


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Haunting and Ecstatic Global Sounds from Gilad Atzmon
Reedman/multi-instrumentalist Gilad Atzmon's chutzpah is consistent throughout both his music and his politics. His band the Orient House Ensemble takes its name from Yasir Arafat's old digs (Atzmon is Israeli-British; his politics are progressive, i.e. supportive of the Palestinian people). Innovatively and often hauntingly blending elements of Middle Eastern, Balkan and klezmer music along with jazz, his latest album (which came out in the UK last fall) is characteristically eclectic. Here Atzmon plays alto and soprano saxophones, clarinet and accordion, along with Frank Harrison on piano, Wurlitzer and xylophone; Yaron Stavi on bass; Eddie Hick on drums, and Tali Atzmon providing atmospheric vocalese on many of the songs.
They bookend the album with a playful, carnivalesque waltz and then an oompah dance for a Sergeant Pepper feel, a considerably blithe contrast with the intensity between intro and outro. The expansive title track sets bracing, Balkan-tinged sax over suspenseful piano that grows more otherworldly as Atzmon heads for the stratosphere. There are two gorgeous, bitter, low-key laments here, the first of them winding up unexpectedly on a more optimistic, nocturnal note. A jazzy take on Ravel's Bolero has Atzmon staying pretty close to the page over a hypnotic, almost trip-hop rhythm; the most memorable number here is the vivid, cinematic London to Gaza. Opening as a judicious, wary mood piece, Atzmon introduces a bright muezzin call followed by Harrison's darkly tinged, modal jazz waltz and finally a crazed sax crescendo followed by more bustling piano urbanity. Likewise, In the Back of a Yellow Cab traces a long ride, possibly through an Israel of the mind, a slow slinky groove followed by a pair of animatedly orchestrated sax conversations and a more conspiratorial one between the bass and piano. They follow with All the Way to Montenegro, a jolly clarinet dance that breaks down to a long, suspenseful clarinet taqsim before winding up on an ecstatic note. Many moods, many styles, often very gripping. The album is out now on World Village Music.
March 24, 2011 Posted by delarue | jazz, middle eastern music, Music, music, concert, review, Reviews	| album review, british jazz, cinematic music, eddie hicks drums, frank harrison piano, gilad atzmon, gilad atzmon orient house, gilad atzmon review, gilad atzmon tide has changed, israeli jazz, israeli music, jazz, jazz album, jazz review, jewish music, middle eastern jazz, middle eastern music, modern jazz, Music, music review, tali atzmon, uk jazz, world village music, yaron stavi | Leave a comment

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


How do I deploy Crystal Reports 8.5.0.2170 and 10.0.0.5335 silently via SCCM?
We purchased Crystal Reports 8.5.0.2170 and 10.0.0.5335 awhile back, and I need to deploy these silently with the activation and registration codes. Would you be able to provide the process in doing that? Is there a list of configurable switches for this? Thanks.
Wow, get your money back if recently purchased... CR 8.5 has been out of support for 15 years, CR 10 about 8 years.
There are no registration service running any more for either versions.
Time to upgrade if you want to be supported on current versions of Windows.
These aren't recent purchases, and I believe there are some talks from management on upgrading (I'm not part of that discussion). My task is to automate these installs for them. Would you be able to provide the process in doing that? Is there a list of configurable switches for this?


text:
Q: How to use Google guice Transactional method to Commit early If we look at below example, the update is not committing to transactional method and causing processData to process personID with non updated data instead of processing updated data.
ParentMethod() {
    Update(personID)
    processData(personID)
}

@Transactional
void UpdateDatabase(personID) {
   database transactions.... Update Last name
}

void processData(personID) {
   create a different thread and connection to process person
   We see an issue that person Last name still appears as old one
}

Any help to resolve the issue would be greately appreciated. This is what we followed https://google.github.io/guice/api-docs/4.2/javadoc/com/google/inject/persist/Transactional.html


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Erna Maria Johansen (* 18. April 1911 in Mecklenburg; † 27. April 1986 in Berlin) war eine deutsche sozialistische Pädagogin.

Leben
Geboren im Arbeitermilieu in Mecklenburg begann Erna Maria Kakuschke eine Ausbildung zur Heimerzieherin und Kindergärtnerin. 20-jährig kam sie nach Berlin und studierte am Sozialpädagogischen Seminar unter Leitung von Anna von Gierke und suchte früh Kontakt zur Psychoanalyse. Mit 18 Jahren war sie der Sozialistischen Arbeiterjugend beigetreten. Sie wurde Mitglied der SPD und bewegte sich in linksmarxistischen Kreisen um Karl Korsch und Heinz Langerhans. Sie war seit 1934 mit Ernest J. Salter verheiratet. 1933 erhielt sie, ebenso wie ihr Mann,  als  SPD-Mitglied im Bezirksamt Prenzlauer Berg ein Berufsverbot, das bis zum Kriegsende andauerte. Sie nahm gemeinsam mit ihrem Mann anfänglich am Widerstand gegen die nationalsozialistische Herrschaft teil. Sie wurden aber schon ab 1934 observiert; ihr Mann emigrierte deshalb, kam aber bald zurück und musste sich ab 1937 bis Kriegsbeginn regelmäßig bei der Geheime Staatspolizei melden. Das Ende des Zweiten Weltkrieges erlebte sie mit vier kleinen Kindern 1945 in einer Mecklenburger Kleinstadt, wo sie nach der Kapitulation die Leitung des Sozialamtes übernahm und ein Auffangheim für geflohene Kriegswaisen aus Ostpreußen gründete.

1947 kehrte sie mit ihrer Familie nach Berlin zurück und betätigte sich unter dem Pseudonym Maria Morum mit journalistischer Arbeit in Pädagogik und Politik, vor allem im Zusammenhang mit Schulreformbestrebungen. Nach ihrer Scheidung und der Einschulung des jüngsten, fünften Kindes folgten zwanzig Jahre vollberuflicher Sozialarbeit als Familienfürsorgerin im Rahmen der Erziehungsberatung, im Pflegekinderbereich des Landesjugendamtes und im Sachgebiet Familienpflege im Senat von Berlin. Nach ihrer Pensionierung begann sie Fachbücher zu verfassen.

1951 beteiligte sie sich unter der Leitung von Grete Sonnemann an der Gründung des Arbeitskreises Neue Erziehung in Berlin. Sie initiierte Anfang der 1960er Jahre im Rahmen dieses Arbeitskreises die Elternbriefe ("Peter-Pelikan-Briefe") und veröffentlichte 1978 und 1986 zwei Studien zur sozialen Geschichte der Kindheit.
Kurz vor ihrem Tode verfasste sie noch den autobiografischen Artikel für den Sammelband "Deutsche Pädagoginnen der Gegenwart" unter dem Titel "Notizen zur persönlichen Geschichte (S. 43–50)

Werke
  Betrogene Kinder. Eine Sozialgeschichte der Kindheit. Fischer 1978
 Ich wollt, ich wäre nie geboren. Kinder im Krieg. Fischer 1986

Über E. M. Johansen
 E. M. Johansen: Notizen zur persönlichen Geschichte. In: Deutsche Pädagoginnen der Gegenwart. Astrid Kaiser/Monika Oubaid (Hrsg.). Böhlau Verlag 1986, S. 43–50.

Weblinks

Pädagoge
Autor
Deutscher
Geboren 1911
Gestorben 1986
Frau
SPD-Mitglied

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


On Friday 31 March, 2017 Blackmores, together with The Blackmore Foundation (the personal philanthropic trust of Marcus and Caroline Blackmore) announced that they are each gifting $5 million dollars to the National Institute of Complementary Medicine (NICM), at Western Sydney University.
"This is the Blackmores' group's most significant investment into research and development in the history of the company," said Blackmores Institute Director Dr Lesley Braun.
"We are proud and excited to be supporting the growth of complementary medicine research within a group who has achieved an ERA ranking of 5. This ERA ranking has been awarded rel="noopener noreferrer" by the Australian Research Council, recognising NICM for its high quality research, evidenced by its outstanding performance well above world standard," said Dr Braun.
NICM Director Professor Alan Bensoussan said, "The gifts will support new PhD scholarships, postdoctoral fellowships, support for international visiting scholars, as well as advancing research translation".
The Australian government's National Innovation and Science Agenda have advised that Australia has the lowest level of industry-research collaboration in the OECD. Some of the countries that Australia is lagging behind include Latvia, Turkey, Chile and Estonia.
The Medical Research Future Fund which released Australian Medical Research and Innovation priorities for 2016-2018 has set a list of priorities which includes utilising industry investment for the rapid funding of priority areas in health and medical research.
This is not the first, nor the last time that Blackmores has supported independent research into complementary medicine. Historically Blackmores have been strong supporters of research and academic institutions to help address the need to build capacity, expertise and research activity in complementary medicine.
Blackmores are enormously proud of the contribution that this gift will make towards the advancement of complementary medicine research, innovation and research translation. Credible research and continuing to grow the evidence base of natural health underpins the future of the complementary medicine industry.


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text:
Home Indian History & Culture How sacrifici...
How sacrificial rituals take one closer to supreme reality and consciousness
By Isha Srivastva
For millenniums, the ritual of sacrifice or yajna has been considered to be a foundational religious activity of Hinduism. For the Vedic Aryans, Yajna was the paramount activity through which the universe remained in order. These rituals were necessary to attain the 'three worlds'- the world we live in (cosmic world), the intermediate world and heaven.
Sacrifice as Spiritual Obedience
The idea of sacrifice, is to show our allegiance to a universal power, and learning to rely on its provisions over the material comforts that we have made for ourselves. Different people part with various possessions that they would otherwise be frugal with; it can be a piece of clothing, food, a resource or sometimes, even earthly relationships. pursue the knowledge of ones true self and achieve liberation from the bondage of worldly commitments (Sansaar) and Karma.
A Leaf out of history
Community sacrifices and offerings are performed today to attain the liberation of the soul, or moksha. Keeping the multitude of Hindu Gods aside, beyond numbers and gender, a true Hindu will believe in the One reality and One consciousness of God.
Historically, Vedic sacrifice has delineated itself in the Rig Veda (the knowledge of the verses) which explains a highly structured and proper way of performing rituals. Actions accompanied by chanting, carry a cosmic power which brings balance and prosperity in the natural order of the world.
Laurie L Patton, in her book Bringing the Gods to Mind writes, "Without the sacrifice, the sun would not rise in the morning, nor would the cattle grow and multiply, nor would the crops flourish throughout the year. The possibility for long and healthy life for humans, and the worship of the fathers after death, or the ancestors, would not be present."
Ashvamedhayajna was one such Vedic ritual for instance, prescribed in the Yajur Veda (knowledge of the ritual directions) which translates to 'horse sacrifice'. It was regarded to be the highest form of animal sacrifice, with the horse being an ultimate symbol of martial power and one of the most important military resource.
The ritual was performed by emperors or sages who had achieved unparalleled success, to glorify the state of one-ness with Brahman. The Upanishads have likened the human senses to horses that must be controlled lest they shall become wild. Ashvamedha has also been interpreted as an offering of the seven chakras to God, and remaining in God consciousness.
From its pious tributes and ritualistic practises to acting as a symbol of reprehensible social practise, sometimes religion gets robbed of its true identity.
Our religious books spell out that compared to the greatness derived from self knowledge and one-ness with God, the virtues earned by going on pilgrimage sites, or performing a hundred yagnas, are minuscule. Yudhishthira too, had performed Ashvamedha, but while narrating the incident to Yudhisthira'great-granadson, the sage Vaishampayana told him that he should not think too highly of sacrifice, and follow contentment, self restraint, abstain from injuring all creatures.
Rituals are imbued with values and spiritual principles, but when a person gets entangled in rituals, they run the risk of losing the value itself. Yagnas, pilgrimages and offerings hold no merit if we do not imbue our quotidian actions with divine purpose, acts of charity, kindness, and love. We cannot cleanse ourselves with Havans, we have to cleanse ourselves to what Sikhs call the Panj Vikar (Five sins); Kaam (lust), krodh (rage), lobh (greed), moh (attachment) and hankaar (ego).
Most of us have read the story of Sudama (or Kuchela) who offered nothing but rice flakes to his old friend, Lord Krishna. In return, the God showered him with riches and luxury. The story taught an important lesson; nothing greater than self sacrifice and pure Bhakti, can be offered to God.
Rig Veda. Cosmic World
Sansaar
Yajur Veda
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Manjari Lights an Issue of Patriarchy in Tribal Areas of Him...
Indian Women Believe Struggle for Equality Should Not Be Sta...
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Time To Ditch Up Your Dresses! Get Ready For All The New Summer Stuff
Depending on your destination, you can choose a crop top with shorts, a high slit skirt with a strappy top or even a holiday stunner like long flared pants with a slogan tube top and a jacket.


As Director of New Media for the Time's News Services division, Osder conducted evaluation of existing Internet initiatives including Computer News Daily, Your Health Daily and Entertainment News Daily and implemented a multi-year staffing and development plan for the division. Projects included site development for the News Service and Syndicate and e-commerce initiatives emphasizing improved customer service and cost reduction. Osder also worked to develop process and infrastructure sharing with The New York Times Company Digital.
As Director of Product Development, Osder developed and managed the editorial product development group responsible for creating all new sites, sections, features and services. Osder directed a team of editorial product managers drawn from editorial, advertising and technology in planning, justifying and launching all new site initiatives. Osder implemented a five-stage development methodology to guide product development cycles and developed initiative plans that balanced the requirements of each constituency improving cycle time, editorial integrity, interdepartmental communication, QA and supported and profitability of new initiatives.
· The New York Times on the Web: Led the 1998 nytimes.com re-launch that introduced a new design, numerous new sections and services, improved advertising opportunities and more stable publishing tools. Site enhancements included integration of breaking news from the AP and Reuters; more robust and customizable international, technology and business sections; an improved user interface that divided the site into news, features and services; improved navigation and features such as Quick News and Today's Paper and improved production tools allowing for an increase in multimedia and site enhancements of the daily news report.
The New York Times Learning Network: As part of a company wide initiative to address future readership, developed and implemented a plan for an education site in cooperation with Bank Street School and The Times Newspaper in Education programs. The site included daily lesson plans to aid the use of the newspaper in the classroom and sought to develop community between students, teachers and parents. It also launched a suite of learning tools that used hypertext to provide meaning and context to often complex news stories.
Content Management and Publishing Systems: Led The Times effort to replace its original in-house systems with a scalable commercial content management and publishing system. Developed selection criteria through an analysis of systems and end-user requirements.
Channel Development: Developed distribution opportunities and content partnerships via new technologies and site affiliation. Projects included Microsoft's IE 4.0 Channel and desktop applications and the first newspaper content implementation on hand held devices with AvantGo.
As the Content Development Editor, Osder was responsible for those site features and services not drawn directly from the daily printed edition of The New York Times.
Her overall responsibilities included editorial integration, content development, creative direction and business development for New York Times sites. Initiatives often included partnerships, third-party content integration, applications development, automation and user interface and interactive community building features.
The New York on the Web Books: Led the development and staffing of the award winning online book section of the nytimes.com, participated in the deal negotiations and lead the co-branding discussions with the Times' e-commerce partner Barnes & Noble. The site exploits a century of literary coverage and has been a leader in the use of multi-media, original content programming, and community building features.
New York Today: Led the early planning and requirements development for The Times local information site New York Today. Know as "Gotham" in its early incarnation, The Times developed several concepts and considered numerous partnerships before moving forward with a final product in 1998.
The New York Times on the Web Forums: Launched and grew the Times Web community from an initial panel of expert hosts covering a handful of topics to a robust community with proven audience retention covering over 50 topics moderated by expert hosts. As part of this effort, also participated in the development of community standards and policy that set the standards for online community for editorial and news sites.
The Downsizing of America: Launched a multi-part award winning series developed by the newsroom and enhanced with community discussion on the Web. The site was recognized as a pioneering model of collaboration between new and old media newsrooms. Through this collaboration, comments and new sources identified from the web companion site could be integrated into later installments in the series demonstrating how a community feedback can further develop stories.
Web Specials: Served as editor and producer for numerous web-only special features that exploited the two-way interactive and multi-media capabilities of the web. Award winning sites included 1996 Campaign Coverage, Bosnia: Uncertain Paths to Peace, Hong Kong and numerous special issues of The New York Times Magazine.
Osder served as an analyst on a four-person corporate new media team charged with researching and reporting developments in on-line publishing to the principals of Advance Publications, Inc. As Executive Producer for Newhouse Newspapers New Media, Osder provided new media, Internet and on-line service information, training and support to the newspaper chain and developed content plans and sites that served as prototypes for the creation of the award winning New Jersey On-line and Cleveland Live.
Additional responsibilities included the development of business plans for Plain Dealer New Media, Cleveland On-line and the web syndication and production house Journal Square Interactive.
Weather with the Old Farmer's Almanac: The Internet's first graphical five-day forecast launched March 1995. Offering fully automated weather for 700 cities around the world plus key content from the Old Farmer's Almanac, the site was later developed into Rainorshine.com an early Internet syndication and affiliate offering.
Rockhall.com: Created for the opening of the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame, this site contained 123 audio clips and robust community discussion and provided a forum for early experiments with "Live" Internet reporting from the opening festivities. The site received praise from numerous publications including USA Today, The New York Times, PC Week.
The Yuckiest Site on the Internet: Yucky remains one of the Internet's top children's destinations and was the first site to develop original, credible multimedia content for a young audience and received a Webby award nomination in 1999. Yucky was heralded as something fun, interactive and educational for kids by over 100 newspapers and magazines including Wired, Newsweek and the Washington Post.
Osder developed and designed the Institute's beta-test on-line service called ViewPoynt. Responsibilities included Internet, email and networked computing training session for institute staff and students and coordinating the overall organization, content, graphics and telecommunications configurations. Systems utilized The Major BBS by Galacticomm with Rip-Graphics and offered members full Internet access, e-mail, forums and teleconferencing related to Poynter Institute sponsored seminars. While at the Institute, Osder also authored a practical policy and procedures manual for future ViewPoynt SYSOPs.
Osder created a business plan and prototype for an on-line service of the St. Petersburg Times. The Electronic Times targeted young readers in schools and libraries. Its goal was to cultivate future readership for the Times Publishing Company.
Osder produced an interactive CDROM on the Fiftieth Annual Pictures of the Year Competition. The CDROM included graphics, audio, still photographs and video and was the first CD project produced by the University of Missouri School of Journalism.
Responsibilities included: Filing domestic and international photo report; assigning domestic and international special assignments; coordinating advance packages; editing and scanning film.


A loving tribute to Lady Amalthea from The Last Unicorn, one of the most influential stories of my childhood. This piece was created for Ladies of Literature (Vol. 2), an illustration anthology dedicated to female literary characters.
The piece measures 16" x 24" and comes with hanging hardware installed. Printed on a gallery wrap canvas (1.25" depth) with finished backing. Very durable and archival.
Limited edition quantity of 100. Free shipping to the continental U.S.!


text:
Charlottesville and America's Original Sin
Jefferson the morally upright sage; Jefferson the merciless slave-owner. Splendid Monticello; its sordid slave-quarters underground.
August 22, 2017 Bishop Robert Barron The Dispatch 21 Print
Monticello from the west lawn. (Wiki Commons/YF12s)
I vividly remember my first visit to Charlottesville, Virginia. It was about twenty years ago, and I was on vacation with a good friend, who shared with me a passion for American history and for Thomas Jefferson in particular. We had toured a number of Civil War battlefields in Maryland and Virginia and then had made our way to Jefferson's University of Virginia in Charlottesville. Finally, we ventured outside the city to the little hilltop home that the great founder had designed and built for himself, Monticello. It was a glorious summer day, and the elegant manse shone in all of its Palladian splendor. We took in its classical lines, its distinctive red and white coloration, the understated beauty of its dome, its overall symmetry, balance, and harmony. On the inside, we saw all of Jefferson's quirky genius on display: scientific instruments, inventions, books galore. Just outside the house was the simple, unpretentious grave of Jefferson, the tombstone naming him as the author of the Declaration of Independence. There was no question that the very best of the American spirit was on display in that place.
But then we noticed something else. Below the sight-lines of Monticello, literally underground, were the quarters of Jefferson's slaves. These were hovels, really little more than caves, with bare earth floors and flimsy roofs, not even a hint of the elegance, comfort, and beauty of the great house. Jefferson had brought some of his slaves to France with him when he was the American ambassador to that country, and he had taught them the fine art of French cuisine. When he entertained at Monticello, these servants, dressed in the finery of courtiers at Versailles, would serve the savory meals that they had prepared. Afterwards, they would return for the night to their underground hovels. A woman, who had been invited to stay for a time at Monticello, recorded in her diary that she woke up one morning to the sounds of horrific screaming. When she looked with alarm and concern out her window, she saw the author of the Declaration of Independence savagely beating one of his slaves.
Jefferson the morally upright sage; Jefferson the merciless slave-owner. Splendid Monticello; its sordid slave-quarters underground. One could literally see at this great American house the divide, the original sin, that has bedeviled our nation from its inception to the present day. The framers of the Constitution fought over slavery and race; the issue preoccupied the politics of America for the first half of the nineteenth century and finally drove the country to a disastrous and murderous civil conflict; it perdured in somewhat mitigated form in the segregation, both sanctioned and unofficial, that reigned in America in the decades following the Civil War; it came to a head during the great civil rights struggle of the mid-twentieth century, culminating in landmark legislation and in the assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr.; it continued to assert itself in the Detroit riots of 1967, the Watts uprising, the unrest after the beating of Rodney King, the street violence in Ferguson, Missouri, and in many other events.
For me, it was weirdly fitting that its most recent manifestation would be in Charlottesville, Virginia, where, twenty years ago, I had so vividly seen the moral contradiction at the heart of American history. Thomas Jefferson's principle that "all men are created equal and are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights" came face to face, on the streets of Charlottesville, with representatives of the most nefarious ideology of hatred and racial superiority. God knows that, since Jefferson's time, many, many battles have been won in this struggle, but the events of last week proved that the war is not yet over, that the original sin of America has not been thoroughly expunged.
I have been using the term "original sin" very much on purpose, for it is my conviction that both the problem and its solution are best articulated in theological categories. Finally, our awful tendency, up and down the ages and in every culture, to divide ourselves into opposing camps, to demonize the other, to scapegoat, to take away fundamental human rights is a function of the denial that all people are made in the image and likeness of God. It is, first and last, a sin. And finally, the answer cannot be a matter of political machination but only of grace. No one saw this more clearly than St. Paul, who was dealing with the very same issue within the cultural framework of the first century: Jews and non-Jews were at odds, Romans dominated and everyone else obeyed, slavery obtained throughout the ancient Mediterranean world, etc.
Paul came to understand that, strangely enough, a crucified victim of the tyrannical Roman authorities provided a way out: "There is neither Jew nor Greek, slave or free, nor is there male and female, for you are all one in Christ Jesus." It would require a lengthy theological tome fully to unpack the meaning of that phrase. Suffice it to say that the crucifixion of the Son of God disclosed the entire range and universality of human dysfunction: stupidity, violence, injustice, cruelty, victimizing, etc.: "We have all sinned and fallen short of the glory of God." And the resurrection of Jesus revealed the entire range and universality of the divine mercy: "Where sin abounds, grace abounds the more." In a word, we are all sinners upon whom an amazing grace has been poured out. So let us stop playing games of domination, us against them, racial superiority, masters and slaves. In Christ, all of that has been exposed as fraudulent and swept away.
This is the saving word that the Christian churches can and should bring to this age-old and still festering wound in the body politic of our nation.
Plaque at Monticello about slave labor (Wikipedia/Allspamme)
About Bishop Robert Barron 168 Articles
Bishop Robert Barron is an auxiliary bishop of the Archdiocese of Los Angeles and the founder of Word on Fire Catholic Ministries. He is the creator of the award winning documentary series, "Catholicism" and "Catholicism:The New Evangelization." Learn more at www.WordonFire.org.
As Florida execution approaches, bishops urge governor to take pro-life path
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"Today this Scripture passage is fulfilled in your hearing."
January 26, 2019 Carl E. Olson 0
Readings: Neh 8:2-4a, 5-6, 8-10 Ps 19:8, 9, 10, 15 1 Cor 12:12-30 or 12:12-14, 27 Lk 1:1-4; 4:14-21 The books of Ezra and Nehemiah tell the story of the restoration of the Jews to […]
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November 18, 2017 Carl E. Olson 1
On the Readings for Sunday, November 19, 2017 […]
Free will and the drama of sin
September 30, 2017 Carl E. Olson 3
On the Readings for Sunday, October 1, 2017 […]
Another prelate expresses the wish for Catholicism to be the new civic nationalist religion. Not going to happen.
This is nonsense. Despite the lies of the mainstream media, which Bishop Barron evidently swallows whole, the fact is that a tiny minority of the licensed protesters at Charlottesville held to the views that he rightly condemns. The great majority gathered to protest the deliberate erasure of the history and heritage of their country at the hands of leftist fanatics, whose ideology proudly stands on a vastly greater mountain of corpses than that of the Nazis.
This is the Gell-Mann Amnesia Effect in action. Bishop Barron knows that when the media reports on the Catholic Church, it lies and misrepresents without scruple. But when it comes to matters of which he is ignorant, he blindly trusts that same media which would send him to the gulag without a second thought. Who can take such a man seriously?
Murray, Perfect.
This same mob will come for the bishop's head all in its own good time.
He will be unable to smile his way out of it.
Crisis magazine.com, John Horvat's article lays it on the line correctly about Charlottesville.
Thomas Jefferson believed each that generation could and should "begin again". Former misunderstandings could be overwritten by new and more progressive understandings. His hubris took him beyond his rightful strengths; his God-given gifts. He edited the Scriptures.
His soul apprehended beauty – architecture, landscape design, the fine arts. His love for their beauty inspired his soul. He reached for the heights, as human beings will do. But,all of this love of beauty notwithstanding, he was unable to avoid the sin of pride. This is the "original sin". He fell to the depths and was capable of enslaving other men, women, and children. He, in effect, stole their lives, in order that he and his household might be served. The fatal flaw was his; only God is good. His life provides those of us living now with a warning; a serious, solemn warning. And on this basis we may still visit Monticello; now not to rejoice but to grieve for human folly.
But Bishop Barron passes from the facts of Thomas Jefferson's life, all that was good, all that was evil, to the present. He compares slavery to riots in Detroit and Watts; to trouble in Ferguson, Missouri; to the events in Charlottesville, Virginia. He compares unalike things. He conflates a straightforward evil with events and complicated international movements not easily understood.
This detracts from his explanation of our oneness in Christ. I fear that his analysis of history, at best incomplete, will obscure his primary, beautiful, priestly teaching.
One additional thought:
Human error does not negate our most cherished beliefs; rather it presents them in sharp relief. In human affairs, "… there is no effort without error …". In Thomas Jefferson's heartfelt, strenuous desire for greatness and goodness; his flawed effort, we see ourselves.
The basic moral concepts that were true in the beginning remain the same in spite of our grievous failures. Our errors purify our understanding. We can return to those pure, original insights. We can "begin again".
It clearly doesn't take any moral courage to stand up Nazi's or the KKK today, just about everyone is disgusted by them. But it does take courage to stand up to leftist fanatics, and courage is sorely lacking in the American episcopate today. Having forfeited their voice on clear Church Teachings such as the sin of contraception (root of abortion), they forfeit their voice on all matters that require courage, and eagerly seek matters that don't require any courage and worldly approval.
Yes, indeed.
It took no courage to write this article. But he thinks it did. Sad.
Timothy Williams
Bingo! The bishops do nothing but curry the favor of leftists. This article is yet another silly example.
There is only one original sin.
Trying to create other original sins is idolatry.
The comments are way better than the article.
robert ian williams
Thomas Jefferson fathered children to slave women..George Washington had slaves…The Pilgrim Fathers appropriated native lands..The Dutch conned the Indians out of Manhattan Island for $24. Abraham Lincoln wanted freed slaves repatriated….get rid of General Lee and these are next on the list.
Washington DC… Obamaville DC ?
A splendid article by Bishop Barron, to be sure! His Lordship goes directly to the point, it is America's "Original Sin". This sin continues to be the cause of all of the racial unpleasantness in that country; Charlottesville being the most recent eruption of same. However, my question perdures: why does the Church continue to encourage 'ethnic communities', inclusive of African American Parishes, etc. Surely, ALL are Americans, regardless of race? But the historical context offered in this article casts a rather bright light on the ancient evil therein, an evil which is yet to be addressed 'at source'.
What are you talking about? The Church neither encourages nor discourages "ethnic" identities. The Catechism – like the Gospel – speaks only of the family of Mankind.
I just saw that the USCCB has indeed acted! Thank God, but too many centuries too late!
http://www.usccb.org/news/2017/17-149.cfm
Rubbish. It is secular society that is very late to the fight against oppression and racism. In fact, it has largely not shown up for this fight, but rather has exacerbated these vices.
The evidence is in the actual existence of Ethnic Parishes, regardless of their reason d'etre. There can be no unity when the Church allows, and encourages this nonsense. Don't forget, as well, the Church is made up of people FROM the Society in which She finds Herself.
Slavery was indeed a grave, original sin. But to equate the battle to eradicate slavery with the riots from the 1960s through today is utter nonsense. Blacks are killing blacks at horrific rates in our cities, and blaming racism and police officers for their own self-destruction. Whatever the protestors in Charlottesville were after – and I am not sure I understand what – they certainly did not initiate the violence. There is ample video evidence to prove that. If there was a Nazi flag in their midst, they should have taken responsibility for its removal. However, that does not alter the fact that violent leftist thugs like Antifa and BLM are the real source of street conflict today. Fr. Barron needs to get out more and stop with the pandering essays. It won't make anyone love the Church more, especially not the leftists.
Yet again, another Catholic who cannot see beyond the nose on his face. Dear man, look deeper into the matter, this comment is as shallow as a pan of water left out in the noonday sun. (In addition to which, it is BISHOP Barron.)
Joe M
Who is playing games of domination? The rhetoric is wince inducing here.
Raul Alessandri
I would say that the worst sin is hatred, sin shared by right and left, and not assuaged by fingerpointing.
Charlottesville and America's Original Sin - Catholic Daily
In Britain, the name of a courageous Christian is smeared
Joanna Bogle April 13, 2016 0
Britain has been rocked in recent years by a weird scandal concerning sexual abuse—a man using the code-name "Nick," who turned out to be a serial liar, accused a number of prominent people of hideous […]


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Jun 26, 18
Fighting Collective Amnesia: Recovering Our Memory and Staying Alert
Filed under: Analysis, Anarchist Movement, History, Publication
— Anonymous Contributor
After many late night conversations reflecting on how our movement has changed in the last decades, both locally and internationally, some long-time Milwaukee anarchists thought it would be a good idea to write these thoughts down to share with other people.
Many of these thoughts and bits of information are intended for people who are newer to anti-authoritarian and anarchist organizing, but this also isn't simply another Anarchy 101/Intro text, so we think people in the movement who have been around for many years can also use this piece to help refresh their memories and take a look at how our movements have grown and changed.
"Fighting Collective Amnesia" is a text we offer from the perspective of our locality, yet hopefully applicable to the larger anarchist movement, with the purpose of contributing to our collective history and continuing such conversations with people just starting to join the movement.
We are suffering from a collective amnesia around state repression and recent history. With the resurgence of anti-fascism in the US and growing appeal of anarchism, new people are being brought into our circles who don't necessarily understand our recent history. If we want to build a strong movement, we need to have a collective memory about where we're coming from.
We're at a moment where people are increasingly turning to anti-capitalism and realizing the pitfalls of working within the system. If you're new to this world, welcome! There's a lot you should probably know about how we got to where we are now. If you've been around Anarchyland for a while, use this text as a way to note the patterns of collective amnesia we often fall into and to help build a collective memory to sustain a long-term anarchist movement.
Collective amnesia is when we forget the stories, victories, mistakes, and debates of the recent past. It's when we allow security culture to deteriorate and put ourselves and each other at risk unnecessarily. It's when we think that the state doesn't take us seriously and when we don't take our work seriously. It's when we don't share a common understanding of where we came from as an anarchist movement. This is especially dangerous for people who are new to these movements and circles, but most of us seem to be suffering from this amnesia. This puts all of us at risk of state repression and the inaction that comes with constantly starting over with the same debates and mistakes.
In addition to the newly-radicalized people, there are always young radicals joining our movements. Activist generations tend to be very short, especially in an accelerated culture like the 21st century United States. Recent high school grads were in elementary school during the height of Occupy, and were in diapers during much of the summit-hopping era. Even though our activist generation (we are mid-late 20's) wasn't involved in the early summit-hopping era or the Green Scare, we had access to a lot of people who were, and we had access to the media they created. We knew what happened, we heard their stories, and it informed how we built our movements. Something changed though, and it seems like a lot of that knowledge hasn't been passed on. That's on us, and we want to remedy that.
Part of the problem with having collective amnesia is "you don't know what you don't know." Some people might not realize that there's a reason to know specifics about Seattle '99 or Miami '03 or may not be aware that those cities and years have any significance at all. The people who organized in those times and places put in work to make sure that their efforts were recorded and remembered. They created media and shared their stories of resistance with us, but we could be doing better at passing them on. This is encouragement for people to record their own histories (without snitching on yourself) and to pass on recent anarchist history. This is part of building a collective memory.
We're not only talking about collective amnesia as a movement-wide thing, but also in our own practices and organizations. We find ourselves forgetting the basics, particularly in the realm of security culture and repression. We let things slip in the name of not seeming paranoid because we don't want our behaviors to seem exaggerated as to not weird out or turn off newcomers, but we know better, so we need to do better.
How did this amnesia happen?
We've come up with a few theories to explain our situation locally, if not nationally.
First, we've (as authors and a general trend in Milwaukee anarchism) shifted away from insurrectionary anarchism. A few years ago we knew that our actions and rhetoric were going to catch the attention of the state and could result in serious consequences. Now that we've largely left that model behind for more "mass movement"-oriented organizing, it feels like what we're doing isn't as dangerous. Secondly, a significant number of people dedicated to the anarchist movement have moved away. The "Great Migration" of anarchists out of the midwest hit Milwaukee hard and our movement here looks very different than it did in 2010. Most of the changes have been good, but we've lost a lot of continuity. Many anarchists in Milwaukee today don't know what the movement looked like more than a half decade ago. A significant amount of collective knowledge has been lost.
Perhaps less locally, during the period when Anarchist News was our major news source, we unironically referred to "the anarchist scene." People saw it as a youth subculture rather than a political movement. They "grew out" of anarchism and took their knowledge with them when they moved on and joined "Society!" People also burned out and depoliticized. When you're doing intense work, especially when you or your friends are facing legal or other consequences, dropping out becomes appealing. Sustained resistance takes energy, and when we don't take care of comrades, we lose them.
Legal repression is another factor that takes people out of the movement. People who are incarcerated, on papers, or at risk of deportation face greater risks to continue involvement with anti-capitalist resistance. The time, energy, and/or funds just simply aren't always available.
Losing people, whether to other cities, to burnout, or to prison, means that we lose momentum. We aren't a big enough movement or community to not take a hit when someone leaves. Starting fresh is exhausting.
We can't keep starting over and reinventing the wheel every time people leave or enter the movement. Things like consensus, free speech, left unity, and nonviolence have been debated ad nauseam for years. While it's important to reassess things as situations change, at a certain point we need to move forward, and people with different ideas can do different work or work in different ways. We can't let ourselves get stuck in this "analysis paralysis" or we end up being all talk and no action. Of course we know that you can't pick a side when you don't know what the sides are, so we offer these thoughts and a brief history to give people somewhere to ground their debates, and to help people pick a side and move forward.
Newer people might not realize we've hashed out these conversations a million times before and that there's a culture and history behind the conclusions we've reached. It's important that people consider the different points in these ongoing debates, but ultimately moving forward depends on choosing sides and acting.
Occupy is an example of what can happen when we hash out the same debates for too long without moving forward. The broader Occupy movement stalled out, stuck in discussions about decision-making and nonviolence if they weren't forcibly removed from their camps.
Here in Milwaukee, the conundrum existed of majority voting to decide on a decision-making structure within the first few days of their existence, thus illustrating the larger debate was functionally meaningless because the question has been settled. Most people at the occupations were new to non-electoral politics and weren't familiar with nonhierarchical organizing. While some people learned about mutual aid, consensus, and direct action through the encampments, many more became frustrated or got bored and went home.
Another perpetual anarchist debate centers on the merits of working through popular channels and social movements versus trying to drop out of society and capitalism altogether. Anarchists have chosen their sides, in any which way, on this already. When people show up and want to rehash that debate, it detracts from actual organizing. We waste our time justifying positions that have already been justified with years of concrete wins or losses, because the people showing up don't realize we've had these debates and consciously made these decisions already. This goes from everything like glorifying train-hopping and dumpster-diving as revolutionary praxis to dismissing and disavowing movements because they lack formal organizational structure.
We recognize another facet of this collective amnesia that is perhaps less serious, but still worth noting. Cultural references that we might expect all US-based anarchists to know are not, in fact, common knowledge. We grew up listening to Against Me!, debating Your Politics are Boring as Fuck vs. Your Politics are Bougie as Fuck, voting for "Society!" in every Anarchist News poll, and writing communiques about uselessly displacing every trash can and paper box we encountered.
These in-jokes and references were collective knowledge in 2012, but they aren't anymore. There are young anarchists today who weren't alive ?when it came time to throw bricks through that Starbucks window? and people who weren't aware of the existence of anything left of the Democratic Party when Chris Hedges called us the "Cancer of Occupy." We should consciously make certain cultural references part of our collective memory, but we also need to ensure that our memory isn't a nostalgia acting as a gatekeeper for new anti-capitalists.
Collective amnesia is exhausting and dangerous. We can fight collective amnesia by building a collective memory. We need a collective memory to adapt our struggles, lest we end up with the "immortal science" of creating endless front groups or more likely, a cliquey subculture full of informal social hierarchy. We all need to remember our recent history. We all need to remember what worked and what went wrong. We all need to remember the ones we've lost to the state. We all need to remember why we believe what we believe, and why we work the way we do. We need to collectively remember this, so that we have a collective way forward.
A lot of our experiences with building our collective anarchist memory came through individual oral histories. We met people who'd done stuff, and they told us about it. It was simple, but it wasn't necessarily intentional. Passing on our histories as knowledge is critical for sustaining long-term movements, so at the very least, we'll lay out a very brief contemporary history of anarchism in the United States.
As with any history, this will inevitably exclude some perspectives and developments. We chose these based on our own experiences and revolutionary political influences. Because we feel that each of these phases in anarchism deserves its own history and full explanation, we'll leave it to the readers to research more information on these topics they may be unfamiliar with. Our reasoning for starting our contemporary timeline when we do is as simple as the fact that they are movements which started when we were very young or that we heard the most about when coming into the anti-capitalist movement.
Memories of Resistance
-"Hacktivism" emerges as a method of social change. Though not explicitly anarchist, hacktivism and hacker ethics tend to be pro-democracy, anti-censorship, and organized in decentralized anti-authoritarian models.
-As the environmentalist movement continues, so does the growing influence of anarchism within it. Very notably, the Earth Liberation Front (ELF) formed in the UK in 1992 based off of the model and strategy employed by the Animal Liberation Front (ALF) which was founded in 1976. The ELF employs tactics of property destruction and other "monkeywrenching" as methods of direct action to oppose practices that are destructive to the environment and wilderness. Earth First!, an organization started in the late 70's, begins to be more explicitly anarchist around 1990. In the year 2000, the publication "Green Anarchy" is started and develops environmentalism to specifically "anarcho-primitivist" and "anti-civilization" thought.
-The 90's, for anarchists, are also noted for the "anti"/"alter"/"counter"-globalization movement. Large scale mobilizations occurred from a variety of concerns in opposition to neoliberalism which was either carried out or manifested from free trade agreements and global institutions such as NAFTA (North American Free Trade Agreement), the WTO (World Trade Organization), the IMF (International Monetary Fund), and G8 (Group of Eight, later to reincarnate as G7 or G20). As Anti-Flag says, "Seattle was a riot", when the WTO held their summit in Seattle of late 1999 and was met with massive protests.
This "Battle of Seattle" was among the first times in U.S. history a mass-scale black bloc tactic was applied and caught the attention of the larger American public. The larger tactic of "summit-hopping", or protesting at the conventions of elites in order to shut them down (like the organizations mentioned above but also the RNC and DNC among others) is certainly not new nor a tactic specific to anarchists, but it is one which continues to this day (and is also debated among anarchists).
George W. Bush gets elected; in the immediately following years, the punk movement is furious enough in order to have Fat Mike release two volumes of Rock Against Bush compilations, and even though hardly any (if any) bands on there are specifically anarchist or communist, we all buy it anyway… Jokes aside, in addition to all that was mentioned prior, we found ourselves having to deal with two new bullshit wars as a "War on Terrorism" started by the Bush administration in the early 2000's.
-The anti-war movement forms. In response to the 9/11/2001 World Trade Center attacks, the Bush administration led the U.S. government into a war in Afghanistan, followed by another war in Iraq in March 2003 for reasons having less to do with false allegations of "Weapons of Mass Destruction" and more to do with oil money and crony-ism coupled with military contracts. Anarchists, communists, and other peace activists have consistently pushed an anti-imperialist/"troops out now" stance against these wars, and the anti-war movement as a whole continued through Bush's two terms.
-Summit protests continue as a trend. Miami 2003 will go down in history as a lesson in police crowd control. Mass mobilization occurs against the Republican National Convention (RNC) and to lesser extent but still notable, the Democratic National Convention (DNC), and in 2008, eight people would see trial as the "RNC 8" for terrorism charges. Through these years, police tactics continue to develop into different forms of crowd control while the state exercises its expanding legal definitions of "terrorism".
-Around 2004 we saw the beginnings of Anonymous which, inspired by the Guy Fawkes masks of the movie "V for Vendetta", continued hacktivism originally against Scientology, but later expanding into more projects such as the group Lulzsec, the Operation AntiSec, and influence in the #Occupy movement.
-Student anti-austerity movement forms: Coming from the anti-war movement was another student movement in the U.S. The year 2006 saw the re-forming of Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) on many campuses around the country as a predominantly anti-war organization (much like the original SDS formed in 1960). Though appealing to liberals and a "mass-base", the new SDS was largely directed by communists and anarchists as an opposition to war, and then against tuition hikes, university privatization, and other austerity measures imposed under the excuse of the 2008 financial collapse.
In 2009, students in California responded to hikes in tuition and fees in the form of student strikes and hard lockdown occupations, and such tactics carried on elsewhere in the U.S. from 2009-2011. 2009 should also be noted as seeing the English release of the critical text, The Coming Insurrection, which played a significant role in informing the thought and practice of many anarchists involved in the student movement at this time.
Winter/Spring 2011 was of global note. Arab Spring uprisings around the Middle East and North Africa coincided locally with the Budget Repair Bill/Act 10 in Wisconsin. People in the Middle East threw off oppressive leaders, and Wisconsinites occupied our capitol building for weeks to protest a budget proposal that eliminated collective bargaining for public employee unions.
-September 17, 2011: Occupy Wall Street began. Starting in New York and spreading around the country and world, people occupied public spaces with a diverse range of complaints, chiefly money in politics, corporate greed, and rising income inequality. Encampments fizzled or were brutally cleared, but the movement brought in many new people and gave people experience with collective decision-making and direct action.
-Anti-Police Brutality/Anti-Racism: Anarchists have long been part of anti-police and anti-racist movements (we trust the readers will see the obvious link between these movements). The anarchist movement particularly responded to various events regarding police and vigilantes murdering unarmed black youth. In 2013 the Black Lives Matter movement was created in response to the racist killing of Trayvon Martin. Even though Black Lives Matter was not anarchist-lead by any means, several uprisings and insurrections around the country used that slogan to respond to racist vigilante and state violence, and anarchists and the anarchist movement as a whole saw it fit to fight on those lines. Such uprisings over police murder include Oakland 2009 (Oscar Grant), Ferguson 2014 (Mike Brown), Baltimore 2015 (Freddie Gray), and Milwaukee 2016 (Sylville Smith) among others.
-Antifascism in the US: While groups like Anti-Racist Action have a long history of directly confronting white supremacists, anti-fascism saw widespread public visibility beginning in 2016 when we started learning more about the alt-right. On January 20, 2017 Richard Spencer got punched in the face and memed, and unfortunately, the Trump election emboldened white supremacist hate crimes around the country. The left in the US increasingly accepted anti-fascist tactics such as physical confrontation, no-platforming fascists, and "we go where they go" as necessary. By August, this consciousness entered the mainstream with the murder of Heather Heyer at the Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, VA.
Memories of Repression
Along with this history of resistance, we need to remember the history of repression. Going back generations, things like the red scare and the Palmer raids are relatively well-recorded and well-known. While that sort of large-scale repression is still worth knowing about, we also need to remember more recent and localized repression and understand how it's developed in order to build a solid security culture and to brace for what may be coming.
A common tool of the state and capital to stop people from committing crimes before they happen is the ubiquitous use of surveillance technology. If people know they're constantly being watched, than the logic goes that people will be less likely to engage in criminal (anti-state/anti-capital) activity. Surveillance technology is of course, also used to bring criminal charges and other consequences against those engaging in revolutionary activity. This technology can include security cameras, phone tapping, monitoring public online activity, physical stalking, and more personally and intensely, the use of informants.
Electronic technology has changed a lot in the last decade, and we should continue to be cautious about discussing potentially illegal activity in the vicinity of these tools. Where we used to take our batteries out of our phones and take a walk in the woods or around the park for serious discussion, many of us with smartphones are no longer able to take the batteries out. When our phones and computers are around us, we should continue to exercise serious caution and security. We need to remember to take the old precautions, and to adapt them to newer technologies. It's also important to stay up-to-date with tech security, including encrypted messaging and VPNs, and to be aware of changing police technology, like stingrays.
Doxxing
Doxxing is another increasingly common issue for anti-capitalists. Political opponents find, compile, and publicize already-public information as well as information obtained through hacking or stalking, arrest records, and background report websites. This info can be used to harass you or your family through phone calls, emails, or physical presence. Your employer or school may be contacted and encouraged to fire or expel you. It puts people at risk of physical violence and emotional trauma. Reduce your risk of being doxxed by being mindful of your digital footprint and removing any possible public records from the internet.
Aside from harassment coming from the ultra-right and political opponents, harassment can also come blatantly from the police, FBI, or other agents of the state. Such harassment can take the form of phone calls, online messages, or showing up to your home. This tactic of repression is used to gain information about you, your comrades, or the movement, and is also used as a form of intimidation to deter you from organizing. Unfortunately, we've seen these tactics of harassment work to intimidate or emotionally burden organizers out of the movement, so we need to remember to fortify ourselves, communicate this repression with our comrades, and stand up for each other lest more people feel harassed and threatened enough to drop out.
Protest arrests
Police arresting radicals at protests is nothing new nor uncommon. As a tool of repression, it's a basic method of crowd control and burdening a movement on a financial/legal level. As it is so basic and widespread, we should enter demonstrations with preparation and the understanding that arrests could take place. Understand, as much as possible, the risk of arrest at any given action or event.
In the event that there's any risk of arrest, be prepared. Write a legal support or a trusted comrade's phone number on your arm in permanent marker so that you can call if you're arrested. Make sure a trusted friend has a spare key, info about if/how to notify your employer or family, and that any legal documents (ie child custody and immigration) are accessible to your trusted contact. Preemptively build capacity for jail and court support.
If you are arrested, remember that you have the right to remain silent, and anything you say can and will be used against you in the court of law. Never bring anything to a demonstration you aren't prepared to be arrested with, and always carefully read through any documents you have to sign before doing so, including simple arrest inventory documents. If you are interrogated and held overnight, resist the pressure to answer any questions posed by detectives regardless of how polite and "good cop" they are acting.
Grand juries
A grand jury is a legal tool that has been used several times against anarchists as a form of repression and information gathering. People may be served subpoenas to testify at grand juries and give information to the state regardless of whether or not the person who is served committed a crime or has any information or not. Lawyers are not present while you're being questioned. Refusing to answer questions at a grand jury hearing can land you in jail for contempt.
The prosecutor may ask you questions about a crime committed, the direction of the movement, or simply if you can confirm or deny knowing individuals associated with the movement. Though you may receive jail time for staying silent, it's crucial to never give any information in order to protect our movements, our communities, and our friends. Part of keeping out of such harm's way is to never film or document criminal activity of another. If the state sees that you have information about a crime being committed, whether or not you were participating, you may be summoned to give up that information. The basic rule of "don't record" not only protects others from state repression, but it protects you as well.
Informants/Undercovers
Unfortunately, there's a history of people in the movement giving the state information for their own personal gain. As the movement gains traction and visibility, the state will increasingly employ undercover officers. These people can pass along sensitive information, disrupt organization through intentionally sowing division and distrust, and more heinously, entrapping people to plan felonies without the intention of these activities actually being carried out.
Brandon Darby is a recent, notable informant. He was active in the Common Ground collective in New Orleans in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina. In 2007, he began working as an FBI informant. His politics shifted increasingly to the right, and he infiltrated an affinity group planning actions at the 2008 Republican National Convention protests. Two people served 2-4 years in federal prison as a result of his infiltration. He has since taken his time from helping the police to working for Breitbart.
Entrapment occurs when undercover agents build relationships and trust with radicals, and push them to commit crimes for which they are pre-emptively arrested. In the case of Eric McDavid, an FBI informant named "Anna" pretended to be in a romantic relationship with him and provided information, money, and materials to build bombs. McDavid was sentenced to 20 years, of which he served 9, despite never committing any act of violence. He was only released after it was discovered that the prosecution withheld 2500 pages of evidence. More insidiously, undercover police officers in the UK have even fathered children with people they were targeting.
We can't be paranoid, but we need to be safe. Know your friends. Know their history. Be calculating in the risks you take, and who you take them with.
Raids are a key way for the state to forcibly gather evidence for prosecution. While often times we associate raids with drug busts, raids on homes and social spaces have happened enough times to radicals that we should always remember this tactic as a possibility. If police try to enter your house or social space, never let them in without a warrant, and even then, be mindful about what materials or information you are keeping in that location.
Incarceration is a possible result of any of the above repression tactics. It's an easy way for the state to physically and forcibly remove people from their communities. Incarceration is virtually always political; if everyone who committed any crime was actually punished to the fullest extent, we wouldn't see prisons so disproportionately filled with people of color. Incarceration is used as a political tool to target specific communities. We are at risk because we don't recognize the legitimacy of the legal system or the state. We should be mindful of this risk when we organize. Regardless of the precautions we take, there's always a risk of getting caught or being framed. We need to be ready to support people behind bars.
Sometimes, part of repression is getting the shit kicked out of you. Protest policing (and policing in general) can be extremely violent. Beatings, shootings, tear gas, pepper spray, rubber bullets, bean bag rounds, flashbangs, LRADs, sexual assault, invasive searches, dehydration, hunger, withholding medical care, refusing bathroom access, handcuff injuries, rough rides, using horses/dogs as weapons, using vehicles as weapons, etc… When possible, we need to anticipate police violence and prepare accordingly.
Government seeks to hold a monopoly on violence. Sometimes this extends to the realm of politically-motivated assassination. While not explicitly anarchists, three activists from Ferguson have been found dead in suspicious circumstances since the insurrection. One is controversially being called suicide, but the other two were found with gunshot wounds to the head in burning cars. Apart from the sketchy murders of rebels against the racist police state in our contemporary climate, there's also a history of the state using blatant legal tactics to murder organizers via witch-hunts and death sentences dating much further back than the infamous Haymarket 1886 incident.
In addition to state violence, anti-fascists are also at an increased risk of violence from the far right. In 2015, five people were shot by white supremacists while occupying the Fourth Precinct Police Station in Minneapolis in protest of the police killing of Jamar Clark. On January 20, 2017 Joshua Dukes, a member of the Industrial Workers of the World and the General Defense Committee of the IWW was shot by a right-wing extremist while protesting a Milo Yiannopoulos speech in Seattle. In August 2017 Heather Heyer was murdered in Charlottesville while protesting the Unite the Right rally.
Our movement's worries and considerations of serious violence ebb and flow through the years and decades, and at the time of writing this, we feel we should take stronger consideration regarding the level of violence we face. The goal in mentioning such atrocities against revolutionaries isn't to make ourselves paranoid nor afraid, but to illustrate concrete examples of the ways the state and its supporters will attempt to defeat us.
We've gone through the ways the state uses blatant tactics of oppression to achieve their political ends, but we'd also like to mention recuperation as a method the state and capital use to diminish our movements. "Recuperation" in this sense refers to radical or potentially revolutionary movements becoming commodified, watered down, or absorbed into the systems and institutions we're fighting against. A strong and noteworthy example of this is what happened with the Wisconsin Uprising. The uprising went from wildcat strikes, occupations, and a call for a statewide general strike to Democrats and liberals turning the uprising to electoral politics, and eventually sucking all the revolutionary momentum out if it while pouring energy into a failed recall election.
In other cases, recuperation can look like activists and organizers trying to work within the system and ending up running for local office or becoming part of the non-profit industrial complex.
As our movement accelerates, it's crucial that we remember where our politics come from. As we welcome new people, we need to rebuild this collective memory, so that we can effectively face down current and future repression while building a movement that adapts to technological and social changes.
Ten years ago, we never thought we'd be seeing anti-fascists openly shot at in the streets, but we also never thought that this many people would be with us. Repression is serious as fuck, but we can push through, like we always have, as long as we remember where we're coming from and maintain the vision of where we're going. Because our broad anti-authoritarian movement is an amorphous collective, it's easier than not for amnesia to set in, but with keeping good culture and being conscious of this fact, trying to remember, re-learn, and teach our history is an obstacle that we can overcome.
The state will try to crush us, capital will try to subsume us, but when we feel personal attachment to our collective history and when we enable others to feel attached to the history, then no threat, door knock, or beating can separate us from ourselves and from the movement for freedom and equality.
Anonymous Contributor
This submission came to It's Going Down anonymously through itsgoingdown.org/contribute. IGD is not the author nor are we responsible for the post content.


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PMC is a Level II Trauma Center: Hospital hosts grand opening celebration
The trauma services at Pikeville Medical Center have been verified as a Level II Trauma Center by the American College of Surgeons (ACS), a scientific and educational association that improves the quality of care for surgical patients. It is now the only ACS-verified Level II Trauma Center in Kentucky.
The announcement was made during a Grand Opening Celebration for Trauma Services on June 23, 2015 at Pikeville Medical Center (PMC).
As a verified Trauma Center, PMC is equipped and staffed to provide comprehensive emergency care to patients suffering traumatic injuries caused by vehicle crashes, gunshots, assaults, falls or other incidents. The spectrum of care encompasses the pre-hospital phase through the rehabilitation process.
Regulations require that trauma victims be transported to the closest trauma center, either by ground or air ambulance. With the verification, PMC's Trauma Center is now serving a population of more than 400,000 people; increasing their chances of survival should they be injured.
"Studies have proven that patients suffering from severe traumatic injuries have a higher chance for survival and decreased rates of complications if they are treated in hospitals specializing in trauma care," said PMC's Chief Nursing Officer. "The term 'golden hour' refers to the time period from being injured until the time the patient receives definitive trauma care. Patients have better outcomes if they are treated within this 60-minute period."
Prior to PMC offering trauma services, many patients had to be transferred to facilities two hours away. Valuable time in the treatment process was lost.
PMC received its Trauma Center verification by meeting specific criteria established by the ACS and passing an intensive site review by the ACS Verification Review Committee. PMC's review showed no deficiencies.
"Becoming the only verified Level II Trauma Center in Kentucky and completing the ACS review with no deficiencies really shows the level of preparation and dedication that we put into the process," said William Peery II, MD, trauma surgeon and medical director of Trauma Services at PMC.
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Agnes Repplier, Essays in Idleness (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin and Company, 1893), pp. 101-103:
It can hardly be denied that the lack of scholarship — of classical scholarship especially — at our universities is due primarily to the labor-worship which is the prevalent superstition of our day, and which, like all superstitions, has gradually degraded its god into an idol, and lost sight of the higher powers and attributes beyond. The student who is pleased to think a knowledge of German "more useful" than a knowledge of Greek; the parent who deliberately declares that his boys have "no time to waste" over Homer; the man who closes the doors of his mind to everything that does not bear directly on mathematics, or chemistry, or engineering, or whatever he calls "work;" all these plead in excuse the exigencies of life, the absolute and imperative necessity of labor.
It would appear, then, that we have no fortunati, that we are not yet rich enough to afford the greatest of all luxuries — leisure to cultivate and enjoy "the best that has been known and thought in the world." This is a pity, because there seems to be money in plenty for so many less valuable things. The yearly taxes of the United States sound to innocent ears like the fabled wealth of the Orient; the yearly expenditures of the people are on no rigid scale; yet we are too poor to harbor the priceless literature of the past because it is not a paying investment, because it will not put bread in our mouths nor clothes on our shivering nakedness. "Poverty is a most odious calling," sighed Burton many years ago, and we have good cause to echo his lament. Until we are able to believe, with that enthusiastic Greek scholar, Mr. Butcher, that "intellectual training is an end in itself, and not a mere preparation for a trade or a profession;" until we begin to understand that there is a leisure which does not mean an easy sauntering through life, but a special form of activity, employing all our faculties, and training us to the adequate reception of whatever is most valuable in literature and art; until we learn to estimate the fruits of self-culture at their proper worth, we are still far from reaping the harvest of three centuries of toil and struggle; we are still as remote as ever from the serenity of intellectual accomplishment.


Yes. You can leave your shift early, arrive late and take breaks in the middle…up to a point.
Can I leave my Deliveroo shift early?
Your contract states that you have to spend 80% of your shift online, which means that it's possible to leave a 3-hour shift 36 minutes early and you'll still get paid for the three hours. Many a time have I snuck away early because I couldn't sit around any longer freezing my balls off while I waited for orders. I wouldn't push it too much though because they do pick up on this and will get in touch with you if you do it too much (and maybe even fire you).
This 36 minutes will apply throughout the whole shift, so if you take a 5-minute break to go for a whizz, this is taken out of the 36 minutes. Bear in mind, when I mean break I mean actually turning the app to offline mode. If you want to have a break you can easily just spend a little longer hanging around at the restaurant or customers house; if you keep the app still online, you're technically still working (although they call it 'standby').
For riders on the pay per drop scheme, this doesn't apply to you. You are able to log on and off of the app whenever you see fit because you are not being paid to be on standby. This scheme is great for people who don't know what hours they can make, and also for lengthening shifts when the orders are firing off. I used to do pay per hour, and I remember getting pretty pissed off when my shift finished at 9:30 on a Saturday night and I still felt like I could double my orders.
BUT IF YOU LEAVE A SHIFT EARLY YOU WILL NOT BE PAID FOR THE TIME YOU MISSED! When you receive your invoice, Deliveroo has the data of the time you logged in and out of your shift. They will round the time you did to the nearest 6 minutes and then only pay your hourly wage up to that time.
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Bar set to replace former baby store in Goshen
Goshen — Plans will go forward for a bar at the former location of a well-known baby-products store downtown. Kelley Jean's, the proposed sports bar to be located at the corner of North Church Street and West Street, is slated to open by 2012.
Proposals for the bar drew complaints from nearby residents, who worried about potential noise, late operating hours and revelry. But the location is in a commercial zone, and proponents of the plan cite the need to support local business development.
The owner, Kelley Jean English, has been given final approval with 13 conditions. Most of the items involve mitigating the impact of the bar's patrons on the quiet neighborhood nearby.
jsullivan@th-record.com