text:
namespace llvm {

/// Lowers LLVM IR (in DAG form) to AVR MC instructions (in DAG form).
class AVRDAGToDAGISel : public SelectionDAGISel {
public:
  AVRDAGToDAGISel(AVRTargetMachine &TM, CodeGenOpt::Level OptLevel)
      : SelectionDAGISel(TM, OptLevel), Subtarget(nullptr) {}

  StringRef getPassName() const override {
    return "AVR DAG->DAG Instruction Selection";
  }

  bool runOnMachineFunction(MachineFunction &MF) override;

  bool SelectAddr(SDNode *Op, SDValue N, SDValue &Base, SDValue &Disp);

  bool selectIndexedLoad(SDNode *N);
  unsigned selectIndexedProgMemLoad(const LoadSDNode *LD, MVT VT);

  bool SelectInlineAsmMemoryOperand(const SDValue &Op, unsigned ConstraintCode,
                                    std::vector<SDValue> &OutOps) override;

// Include the pieces autogenerated from the target description.
#include "AVRGenDAGISel.inc"

private:
  void Select(SDNode *N) override;
  bool trySelect(SDNode *N);

  template <unsigned NodeType> bool select(SDNode *N);
  bool selectMultiplication(SDNode *N);

  const AVRSubtarget *Subtarget;
};

bool AVRDAGToDAGISel::runOnMachineFunction(MachineFunction &MF) {
  Subtarget = &MF.getSubtarget<AVRSubtarget>();
  return SelectionDAGISel::runOnMachineFunction(MF);
}

bool AVRDAGToDAGISel::SelectAddr(SDNode *Op, SDValue N, SDValue &Base,
                                 SDValue &Disp) {
  SDLoc dl(Op);
  auto DL = CurDAG->getDataLayout();
  MVT PtrVT = getTargetLowering()->getPointerTy(DL);

  // if the address is a frame index get the TargetFrameIndex.
  if (const FrameIndexSDNode *FIN = dyn_cast<FrameIndexSDNode>(N)) {
    Base = CurDAG->getTargetFrameIndex(FIN->getIndex(), PtrVT);
    Disp = CurDAG->getTargetConstant(0, dl, MVT::i8);

    return true;
  }

  // Match simple Reg + uimm6 operands.
  if (N.getOpcode() != ISD::ADD && N.getOpcode() != ISD::SUB &&
      !CurDAG->isBaseWithConstantOffset(N)) {
    return false;
  }

  if (const ConstantSDNode *RHS = dyn_cast<ConstantSDNode>(N.getOperand(1))) {
    int RHSC = (int)RHS->getZExtValue();

    // Convert negative offsets into positives ones.
    if (N.getOpcode() == ISD::SUB) {
      RHSC = -RHSC;
    }

    // <#Frame index + const>
    // Allow folding offsets bigger than 63 so the frame pointer can be used
    // directly instead of copying it around by adjusting and restoring it for
    // each access.
    if (N.getOperand(0).getOpcode() == ISD::FrameIndex) {
      int FI = cast<FrameIndexSDNode>(N.getOperand(0))->getIndex();

      Base = CurDAG->getTargetFrameIndex(FI, PtrVT);
      Disp = CurDAG->getTargetConstant(RHSC, dl, MVT::i16);

      return true;
    }

    // The value type of the memory instruction determines what is the maximum
    // offset allowed.
    MVT VT = cast<MemSDNode>(Op)->getMemoryVT().getSimpleVT();

    // We only accept offsets that fit in 6 bits (unsigned).
    if (isUInt<6>(RHSC) && (VT == MVT::i8 || VT == MVT::i16)) {
      Base = N.getOperand(0);
      Disp = CurDAG->getTargetConstant(RHSC, dl, MVT::i8);

      return true;
    }
  }

  return false;
}

bool AVRDAGToDAGISel::selectIndexedLoad(SDNode *N) {
  const LoadSDNode *LD = cast<LoadSDNode>(N);
  ISD::MemIndexedMode AM = LD->getAddressingMode();
  MVT VT = LD->getMemoryVT().getSimpleVT();
  auto PtrVT = getTargetLowering()->getPointerTy(CurDAG->getDataLayout());

  // We only care if this load uses a POSTINC or PREDEC mode.
  if ((LD->getExtensionType() != ISD::NON_EXTLOAD) ||
      (AM != ISD::POST_INC && AM != ISD::PRE_DEC)) {

    return false;
  }

  unsigned Opcode = 0;
  bool isPre = (AM == ISD::PRE_DEC);
  int Offs = cast<ConstantSDNode>(LD->getOffset())->getSExtValue();

  switch (VT.SimpleTy) {
  case MVT::i8: {
    if ((!isPre && Offs != 1) || (isPre && Offs != -1)) {
      return false;
    }

    Opcode = (isPre) ? AVR::LDRdPtrPd : AVR::LDRdPtrPi;
    break;
  }
  case MVT::i16: {
    if ((!isPre && Offs != 2) || (isPre && Offs != -2)) {
      return false;
    }

    Opcode = (isPre) ? AVR::LDWRdPtrPd : AVR::LDWRdPtrPi;
    break;
  }
  default:
    return false;
  }

  SDNode *ResNode = CurDAG->getMachineNode(Opcode, SDLoc(N), VT,
                                           PtrVT, MVT::Other,
                                           LD->getBasePtr(), LD->getChain());
  ReplaceUses(N, ResNode);
  CurDAG->RemoveDeadNode(N);

  return true;
}

unsigned AVRDAGToDAGISel::selectIndexedProgMemLoad(const LoadSDNode *LD,
                                                   MVT VT) {
  ISD::MemIndexedMode AM = LD->getAddressingMode();

  // Progmem indexed loads only work in POSTINC mode.
  if (LD->getExtensionType() != ISD::NON_EXTLOAD || AM != ISD::POST_INC) {
    return 0;
  }

  unsigned Opcode = 0;
  int Offs = cast<ConstantSDNode>(LD->getOffset())->getSExtValue();

  switch (VT.SimpleTy) {
  case MVT::i8: {
    if (Offs != 1) {
      return 0;
    }
    Opcode = AVR::LPMRdZPi;
    break;
  }
  case MVT::i16: {
    if (Offs != 2) {
      return 0;
    }
    Opcode = AVR::LPMWRdZPi;
    break;
  }
  default:
    return 0;
  }

  return Opcode;
}

bool AVRDAGToDAGISel::SelectInlineAsmMemoryOperand(const SDValue &Op,
                                                   unsigned ConstraintCode,
                                                   std::vector<SDValue> &OutOps) {
  assert((ConstraintCode == InlineAsm::Constraint_m ||
         ConstraintCode == InlineAsm::Constraint_Q) &&
      "Unexpected asm memory constraint");

  MachineRegisterInfo &RI = MF->getRegInfo();
  const AVRSubtarget &STI = MF->getSubtarget<AVRSubtarget>();
  const TargetLowering &TL = *STI.getTargetLowering();
  SDLoc dl(Op);
  auto DL = CurDAG->getDataLayout();

  const RegisterSDNode *RegNode = dyn_cast<RegisterSDNode>(Op);

  // If address operand is of PTRDISPREGS class, all is OK, then.
  if (RegNode &&
      RI.getRegClass(RegNode->getReg()) == &AVR::PTRDISPREGSRegClass) {
    OutOps.push_back(Op);
    return false;
  }

  if (Op->getOpcode() == ISD::FrameIndex) {
    SDValue Base, Disp;

    if (SelectAddr(Op.getNode(), Op, Base, Disp)) {
      OutOps.push_back(Base);
      OutOps.push_back(Disp);

      return false;
    }

    return true;
  }

  // If Op is add 'register, immediate' and
  // register is either virtual register or register of PTRDISPREGSRegClass
  if (Op->getOpcode() == ISD::ADD || Op->getOpcode() == ISD::SUB) {
    SDValue CopyFromRegOp = Op->getOperand(0);
    SDValue ImmOp = Op->getOperand(1);
    ConstantSDNode *ImmNode = dyn_cast<ConstantSDNode>(ImmOp);

    unsigned Reg;
    bool CanHandleRegImmOpt = true;

    CanHandleRegImmOpt &= ImmNode != 0;
    CanHandleRegImmOpt &= ImmNode->getAPIntValue().getZExtValue() < 64;

    if (CopyFromRegOp->getOpcode() == ISD::CopyFromReg) {
      RegisterSDNode *RegNode =
          cast<RegisterSDNode>(CopyFromRegOp->getOperand(1));
      Reg = RegNode->getReg();
      CanHandleRegImmOpt &= (TargetRegisterInfo::isVirtualRegister(Reg) ||
                             AVR::PTRDISPREGSRegClass.contains(Reg));
    } else {
      CanHandleRegImmOpt = false;
    }

    // If we detect proper case - correct virtual register class
    // if needed and go to another inlineasm operand.
    if (CanHandleRegImmOpt) {
      SDValue Base, Disp;

      if (RI.getRegClass(Reg) != &AVR::PTRDISPREGSRegClass) {
        SDLoc dl(CopyFromRegOp);

        unsigned VReg = RI.createVirtualRegister(&AVR::PTRDISPREGSRegClass);

        SDValue CopyToReg =
            CurDAG->getCopyToReg(CopyFromRegOp, dl, VReg, CopyFromRegOp);

        SDValue NewCopyFromRegOp =
            CurDAG->getCopyFromReg(CopyToReg, dl, VReg, TL.getPointerTy(DL));

        Base = NewCopyFromRegOp;
      } else {
        Base = CopyFromRegOp;
      }

      if (ImmNode->getValueType(0) != MVT::i8) {
        Disp = CurDAG->getTargetConstant(ImmNode->getAPIntValue().getZExtValue(), dl, MVT::i8);
      } else {
        Disp = ImmOp;
      }

      OutOps.push_back(Base);
      OutOps.push_back(Disp);

      return false;
    }
  }

  // More generic case.
  // Create chain that puts Op into pointer register
  // and return that register.
  unsigned VReg = RI.createVirtualRegister(&AVR::PTRDISPREGSRegClass);

  SDValue CopyToReg = CurDAG->getCopyToReg(Op, dl, VReg, Op);
  SDValue CopyFromReg =
      CurDAG->getCopyFromReg(CopyToReg, dl, VReg, TL.getPointerTy(DL));

  OutOps.push_back(CopyFromReg);

  return false;
}

template <> bool AVRDAGToDAGISel::select<ISD::FrameIndex>(SDNode *N) {
  auto DL = CurDAG->getDataLayout();

  // Convert the frameindex into a temp instruction that will hold the
  // effective address of the final stack slot.
  int FI = cast<FrameIndexSDNode>(N)->getIndex();
  SDValue TFI =
    CurDAG->getTargetFrameIndex(FI, getTargetLowering()->getPointerTy(DL));

  CurDAG->SelectNodeTo(N, AVR::FRMIDX,
                       getTargetLowering()->getPointerTy(DL), TFI,
                       CurDAG->getTargetConstant(0, SDLoc(N), MVT::i16));
  return true;
}

template <> bool AVRDAGToDAGISel::select<ISD::STORE>(SDNode *N) {
  // Use the STD{W}SPQRr pseudo instruction when passing arguments through
  // the stack on function calls for further expansion during the PEI phase.
  const StoreSDNode *ST = cast<StoreSDNode>(N);
  SDValue BasePtr = ST->getBasePtr();

  // Early exit when the base pointer is a frame index node or a constant.
  if (isa<FrameIndexSDNode>(BasePtr) || isa<ConstantSDNode>(BasePtr) ||
      BasePtr.isUndef()) {
    return false;
  }

  const RegisterSDNode *RN = dyn_cast<RegisterSDNode>(BasePtr.getOperand(0));
  // Only stores where SP is the base pointer are valid.
  if (!RN || (RN->getReg() != AVR::SP)) {
    return false;
  }

  int CST = (int)cast<ConstantSDNode>(BasePtr.getOperand(1))->getZExtValue();
  SDValue Chain = ST->getChain();
  EVT VT = ST->getValue().getValueType();
  SDLoc DL(N);
  SDValue Offset = CurDAG->getTargetConstant(CST, DL, MVT::i16);
  SDValue Ops[] = {BasePtr.getOperand(0), Offset, ST->getValue(), Chain};
  unsigned Opc = (VT == MVT::i16) ? AVR::STDWSPQRr : AVR::STDSPQRr;

  SDNode *ResNode = CurDAG->getMachineNode(Opc, DL, MVT::Other, Ops);

  // Transfer memory operands.
  MachineSDNode::mmo_iterator MemOp = MF->allocateMemRefsArray(1);
  MemOp[0] = ST->getMemOperand();
  cast<MachineSDNode>(ResNode)->setMemRefs(MemOp, MemOp + 1);

  ReplaceUses(SDValue(N, 0), SDValue(ResNode, 0));
  CurDAG->RemoveDeadNode(N);

  return true;
}

template <> bool AVRDAGToDAGISel::select<ISD::LOAD>(SDNode *N) {
  const LoadSDNode *LD = cast<LoadSDNode>(N);
  if (!AVR::isProgramMemoryAccess(LD)) {
    // Check if the opcode can be converted into an indexed load.
    return selectIndexedLoad(N);
  }

  assert(Subtarget->hasLPM() && "cannot load from program memory on this mcu");

  // This is a flash memory load, move the pointer into R31R30 and emit
  // the lpm instruction.
  MVT VT = LD->getMemoryVT().getSimpleVT();
  SDValue Chain = LD->getChain();
  SDValue Ptr = LD->getBasePtr();
  SDNode *ResNode;
  SDLoc DL(N);

  Chain = CurDAG->getCopyToReg(Chain, DL, AVR::R31R30, Ptr, SDValue());
  Ptr = CurDAG->getCopyFromReg(Chain, DL, AVR::R31R30, MVT::i16,
                               Chain.getValue(1));

  SDValue RegZ = CurDAG->getRegister(AVR::R31R30, MVT::i16);

  // Check if the opcode can be converted into an indexed load.
  if (unsigned LPMOpc = selectIndexedProgMemLoad(LD, VT)) {
    // It is legal to fold the load into an indexed load.
    ResNode = CurDAG->getMachineNode(LPMOpc, DL, VT, MVT::i16, MVT::Other, Ptr,
                                     RegZ);
    ReplaceUses(SDValue(N, 1), SDValue(ResNode, 1));
  } else {
    // Selecting an indexed load is not legal, fallback to a normal load.
    switch (VT.SimpleTy) {
    case MVT::i8:
      ResNode = CurDAG->getMachineNode(AVR::LPMRdZ, DL, MVT::i8, MVT::Other,
                                       Ptr, RegZ);
      break;
    case MVT::i16:
      ResNode = CurDAG->getMachineNode(AVR::LPMWRdZ, DL, MVT::i16,
                                       MVT::Other, Ptr, RegZ);
      ReplaceUses(SDValue(N, 1), SDValue(ResNode, 1));
      break;
    default:
      llvm_unreachable("Unsupported VT!");
    }
  }

  // Transfer memory operands.
  MachineSDNode::mmo_iterator MemOp = MF->allocateMemRefsArray(1);
  MemOp[0] = LD->getMemOperand();
  cast<MachineSDNode>(ResNode)->setMemRefs(MemOp, MemOp + 1);

  ReplaceUses(SDValue(N, 0), SDValue(ResNode, 0));
  ReplaceUses(SDValue(N, 1), SDValue(ResNode, 1));
  CurDAG->RemoveDeadNode(N);

  return true;
}

template <> bool AVRDAGToDAGISel::select<AVRISD::CALL>(SDNode *N) {
  SDValue InFlag;
  SDValue Chain = N->getOperand(0);
  SDValue Callee = N->getOperand(1);
  unsigned LastOpNum = N->getNumOperands() - 1;

  // Direct calls are autogenerated.
  unsigned Op = Callee.getOpcode();
  if (Op == ISD::TargetGlobalAddress || Op == ISD::TargetExternalSymbol) {
    return false;
  }

  // Skip the incoming flag if present
  if (N->getOperand(LastOpNum).getValueType() == MVT::Glue) {
    --LastOpNum;
  }

  SDLoc DL(N);
  Chain = CurDAG->getCopyToReg(Chain, DL, AVR::R31R30, Callee, InFlag);
  SmallVector<SDValue, 8> Ops;
  Ops.push_back(CurDAG->getRegister(AVR::R31R30, MVT::i16));

  // Map all operands into the new node.
  for (unsigned i = 2, e = LastOpNum + 1; i != e; ++i) {
    Ops.push_back(N->getOperand(i));
  }

  Ops.push_back(Chain);
  Ops.push_back(Chain.getValue(1));

  SDNode *ResNode =
    CurDAG->getMachineNode(AVR::ICALL, DL, MVT::Other, MVT::Glue, Ops);

  ReplaceUses(SDValue(N, 0), SDValue(ResNode, 0));
  ReplaceUses(SDValue(N, 1), SDValue(ResNode, 1));
  CurDAG->RemoveDeadNode(N);

  return true;
}

template <> bool AVRDAGToDAGISel::select<ISD::BRIND>(SDNode *N) {
  SDValue Chain = N->getOperand(0);
  SDValue JmpAddr = N->getOperand(1);

  SDLoc DL(N);
  // Move the destination address of the indirect branch into R31R30.
  Chain = CurDAG->getCopyToReg(Chain, DL, AVR::R31R30, JmpAddr);
  SDNode *ResNode = CurDAG->getMachineNode(AVR::IJMP, DL, MVT::Other, Chain);

  ReplaceUses(SDValue(N, 0), SDValue(ResNode, 0));
  CurDAG->RemoveDeadNode(N);

  return true;
}

bool AVRDAGToDAGISel::selectMultiplication(llvm::SDNode *N) {
  SDLoc DL(N);
  MVT Type = N->getSimpleValueType(0);

  assert(Type == MVT::i8 && "unexpected value type");

  bool isSigned = N->getOpcode() == ISD::SMUL_LOHI;
  unsigned MachineOp = isSigned ? AVR::MULSRdRr : AVR::MULRdRr;

  SDValue Lhs = N->getOperand(0);
  SDValue Rhs = N->getOperand(1);
  SDNode *Mul = CurDAG->getMachineNode(MachineOp, DL, MVT::Glue, Lhs, Rhs);
  SDValue InChain = CurDAG->getEntryNode();
  SDValue InGlue = SDValue(Mul, 0);

  // Copy the low half of the result, if it is needed.
  if (N->hasAnyUseOfValue(0)) {
    SDValue CopyFromLo =
        CurDAG->getCopyFromReg(InChain, DL, AVR::R0, Type, InGlue);

    ReplaceUses(SDValue(N, 0), CopyFromLo);

    InChain = CopyFromLo.getValue(1);
    InGlue = CopyFromLo.getValue(2);
  }

  // Copy the high half of the result, if it is needed.
  if (N->hasAnyUseOfValue(1)) {
    SDValue CopyFromHi =
        CurDAG->getCopyFromReg(InChain, DL, AVR::R1, Type, InGlue);

    ReplaceUses(SDValue(N, 1), CopyFromHi);

    InChain = CopyFromHi.getValue(1);
    InGlue = CopyFromHi.getValue(2);
  }

  CurDAG->RemoveDeadNode(N);

  // We need to clear R1. This is currently done (dirtily)
  // using a custom inserter.

  return true;
}

void AVRDAGToDAGISel::Select(SDNode *N) {
  // If we have a custom node, we already have selected!
  if (N->isMachineOpcode()) {
    LLVM_DEBUG(errs() << "== "; N->dump(CurDAG); errs() << "\n");
    N->setNodeId(-1);
    return;
  }

  // See if subclasses can handle this node.
  if (trySelect(N))
    return;

  // Select the default instruction
  SelectCode(N);
}

bool AVRDAGToDAGISel::trySelect(SDNode *N) {
  unsigned Opcode = N->getOpcode();
  SDLoc DL(N);

  switch (Opcode) {
  // Nodes we fully handle.
  case ISD::FrameIndex: return select<ISD::FrameIndex>(N);
  case ISD::BRIND:      return select<ISD::BRIND>(N);
  case ISD::UMUL_LOHI:
  case ISD::SMUL_LOHI:  return selectMultiplication(N);

  // Nodes we handle partially. Other cases are autogenerated
  case ISD::STORE:   return select<ISD::STORE>(N);
  case ISD::LOAD:    return select<ISD::LOAD>(N);
  case AVRISD::CALL: return select<AVRISD::CALL>(N);
  default:           return false;
  }
}

FunctionPass *createAVRISelDag(AVRTargetMachine &TM,
                               CodeGenOpt::Level OptLevel) {
  return new AVRDAGToDAGISel(TM, OptLevel);
}

} // end of namespace llvm

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
Critical Utopias
← Marxist Discourses on Gender and Utopia: A Study of Imperative and Millenarian Rhetorics
Women in Hamas: Islamic feminism within a nationalist struggle →
Imperial bodies: Nation-building and the first wave's eugenics
Posted on September 16, 2012	by nikoblock
The Famous Five with Prime Minister William Lyon Mackensie King.
In 1928, the government of Alberta passed the Sexual Sterilization Act – a piece of legislation that ultimately led to the sterilization of 2,834 people, the vast majority of whom were women.[i] The practice continued until 1972, when the new Alberta government led by Progressive Conservative Premier Peter Lougheed rescinded the Act and disbanded the Alberta Eugenics Board, which had recommended nearly 5,000 Albertans for the procedure in the course of its fifty-four-year existence.[ii]
In the mid-1990s, a woman named Leilani Muir sued the government of Alberta for her sterilization in 1959. After being sent to a Provincial Training School for Mental Defectives by her own abusive parents, Muir, who was fourteen years old at the time, was designated "mentally deficient" by the Board after scoring poorly on the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Test, and recommended for sterilization.[iii] Like hundreds of others, Muir never had the opportunity to say no. She had, in fact, been told she was receiving an appendectomy.[iv] Muir's case brought significant public attention to the history of Alberta's eugenics program and succeeded in 1996 in forcing the province to pay out $740,780 in damages, plus $230,000 for her legal fees.[v] In the years that followed, 703 others filed for damages, with claims totalling $764 million.[vi]
Before the dust had settled, however, a new controversy arose surrounding the erection of a statue in downtown Calgary of the Famous Five – five Albertan women who in 1927 successfully challenged the British North America Act's definition of a "person" to include women.[1] These women – Emily Murphy, Irene Parlby, Nellie McClung, Louise McKinney, and Henrietta Edwards – were also instrumental in winning the vote for women in the 1920 federal election,[vii] and have conventionally been credited as leaders in the Canadian suffrage movement. What suddenly made them controversial, however, was their role in the passage of the Sexual Sterilization Act. For many, the monument was intended as a celebration of Alberta's contribution to the progressive politics of Canadian national identity, but it came at a time when they were simultaneously forced to confront the fascistic and white-supremacist tendencies of the Five. "In casting Emily Murphy in stone today," wrote editor Peter Menzies in The Calgary Herald, "we make history in the present by excusing her racism in order to prove her feminism." The statue was nonetheless unveiled in downtown Calgary in October 1999. In a nod to modern ideals of multiculturalism and social progress, a young First Nations woman participated in the ceremony. The plaque installed at the site was also unveiled, proclaiming, "The Persons' Case was a landmark victory in Canadian constitutional law. Its triumph symbolizes the equality and the importance of the contributions of both women and men as nation-builders."[viii]
This story speaks in many ways to the difficulties of memorializing first-wave feminism in Canada.[2] The question as to why the early women's movement in this country was so closely connected to these policies is an interesting one, and must take the concept of nation-building closely into consideration. Beyond a succinct explanation of the historical context of the movement, this paper will argue that the eugenics movement brought a new and unprecedented amount of attention to the female body, which then created an opportunity for women to articulate their vision for their own role in the dual project of Canadian nation-building and British empire-building. That their willing participation in this project was so well-received at the time is illustrative of the social milieu which defined them and their movement.
In viewing this history through the lens of nation-building, it becomes doubtful that the movement would have made such tremendous strides forward were it not for the brand of eugenicist feminism they espoused. Indeed, the strongest proponents of said feminism went the furthest of any of their peers within the mainstream political establishment.
The implementation of the Act was stringent and broad. Rates of sterilization remained quite high throughout the 1930s, 40s, 50s and 60s, with the Board sterilizing between 6 and 9 people per 100,000 Albertans.[3] Amendments to the Act in 1937 and 1942 broadened the mandate of the Board by eliminating the legal necessity of consent, and by expanding the definition of mental deficiency.[ix] Throughout the lifespan of the Act, youth, women, the poor, Aboriginals and people of colour were targeted for sterilization in disproportionately high numbers.[x] Aboriginal people in particular were targeted by the policy: six percent of all those who came before the Board were Aboriginal, while they comprised only about 3 percent of the total population of the province.[xi] In the final years of the Board's existence this imbalance became wildly enhanced, with 25 percent of those sterilized being Indian or Métis.[xii] And although the practice of sterilization had been discredited among professional researchers by the 1940s, there was no coherent and vocal opposition to the practice, and the Board continued to mandate sterilizations right up until its end in 1972.[4][xiii] (A law virtually identical to the SSA was also passed in British Columbia in 1933 and eventually abandoned in 1979. Virtually all of the B.C. Eugenics Board's documents have been lost or destroyed,[xiv] but it is estimated that the total number of sterilizations that took place there was close to 10 percent of those conducted in Alberta.[xv])
The eugenics movement was an international phenomenon beginning in the late nineteenth century. From Germany to California, the white world was self-consciously entering a new phase of the modern nation-state. The European colonization of virtually the entire globe, the attendant growth of state apparatuses, the fear of war, and the ascension of scientific and medical thought were all central to the construction of eugenic ideology. In Canada, Australia and the United States, the settlement of frontier hinterlands during this time period further provoked the question of national definition, leading to a social milieu that was amenable to the promotion of the quintessential nation-building family.
The term eugenics, meaning "good breeding," was first introduced in an 1883 book called Inquiry into Human Faculty and its Development by the British anthropologist and statistician Frances Galton.[xvi] Its impact on the western zeitgeist was broad and immediate. It cohered with the writings of intellectuals like Herbert Spencer and others who had begun applying Darwinian thought to social problems; it was in some ways bolstered by the growing acceptance of the Mendelian understanding of genetics; it responded to the anxieties provoked by the works of Thomas Malthus; and, finally, it seemed to provide a straightforward policy proposal for the problems of crime, delinquency, prostitution, addiction, mental illness, and virtually any other social ill plaguing the growing urban centres of the Victorian empire.
Eugenics was embraced in the United States with an astounding zeal. As John Radford notes, American eugenicists were extremely rigorous in the development of standardized medical terminology, the introduction of intelligence testing, pedigree studies, and the implementation of involuntary sterilization programs.[xvii] As in Canada, these programs were embraced in the U.S. by early white feminists fighting for birth control,[5] by wealthy industrialists such as the Kelloggs and Carnegies, and, of course, by several state governments.[xviii] Compounding pre-existing prejudices surrounding race, class, and mental health, the eugenics movement in the U.S. was ultimately responsible for the forced sterilization of over 60,000 people by the early 1960s.[xix] [6] Data gathered by some American social scientists indicated that African Americans had a lower life expectancy, which reinforced the social Darwinian notion of "the gradual decline and extinction of weaker and inferior types of individuals,"[xx] whilst simultaneously stoking fears about miscegenation and enhancing whites' obsession with racial purity. Such notions would also come to the fore in Canada, especially through the writing of Emily Murphy.
Ultimately then, eugenics fit snugly into the growing trends of ethno-nationalism that rose very explicitly to dominate public discourse at this time, as identified by Eric Hobsbawm, who notes that "ethnicity and language became the central, increasingly decisive or even the only criteria of potential nationhood."[xxi] In Britain, as in North America, it appealed to a vast swathe of the political spectrum, "from Tory to Fabian socialist."[xxii] It introduced a new technology of pseudo-science by popularizing terms like "idiot", "imbecile," and "moron"[xxiii] – labels that bore greater medical connotations than they do today. "Every feeble-minded person is a potential criminal," wrote the leading British eugenicist H.H. Goddard,[xxiv] who had conducted a study linking "mental deficiency with hereditary tendencies toward criminality."[xxv] As Jana Grekul notes, "It became an accepted belief that mental deficiency and immorality were synonymous."[xxvi] Britain's Royal Commission on the Care and Control of the Feebleminded in 1904 led to the Mental Deficiency Act, and further public inquiries in 1929 and 1934 continued to sensationalize the problem of feeblemindedness. (The 1934 inquiry, for instance, raised alarm bells by claiming that 250,000 "defectives" were still "at large".[xxvii]) These endeavours led primarily to the establishment of segregationist policies embodied by asylums, as well as a promotion of "voluntary" sterilization – measures that still paled in comparison to their more violent American counterparts.[xxviii]
Within this context of rising eugenicist ideology, the Boer War in the early years of the twentieth century served to heighten concerns for the strength and integrity of the British nation. Cecily Devereux points to the anxieties raised by the "widely noted failure of many recruits to meet military standards"[xxix] – standards that in many ways epitomized eugenicist ideals and were consolidated by the increasingly ubiquitous iconography of the young male soldier that would later dominate in the war years. Although some professional eugenicists pointed to the dysgenic nature of war, (in that it kills off the nation's best stock of young men,) the swell of patriotism tended to win out. In her 1945 memoir, Nellie McClung writes,
The South African war assumed a very serious aspect when our young men were recruited, and went. To us, there seemed no good reason for fighting the Boers, who had worked their land and minded their own business, people much like ourselves… In Canada, the tide of patriotism rose. Everyone was singing a new song called "The Soldiers of the Queen," which fanned the flame of Imperialism, and Kipling's "The White Man's Burden" made a soaring climax of many an address. It gave the whole business of war the high purpose of a Crusade and threw a glamour around the fighting man.[xxx]
McClung then quotes the first two couplets of the poem: "Take up the White Man's burden,/Send forth the best you breed,/Go bind your men to exile/To serve your Captive's need."[xxxi] It is ironic that McClung takes this passively critical approach to the war, given that her own writings and beliefs perfectly fit the mould of what Antoinette Burton would later call "The White Woman's Burden," whereby racial prejudice underpins a progressive vision of colonialism.[xxxii]
The western provinces proved extremely fertile ground for this nationalistic rhetoric. White settlement was an extremely recent development in the prairies. Indeed, from 1686, it was illegal for white women to even venture into the terrain then known as Rupert's Land, and there is no evidence that that rule was ever contravened until it was abandoned around the beginning of the nineteenth century.[xxxiii] Prairie folk – goaded by publications such as Emily Murphy's "What is a Canadian?"[xxxiv] – felt the need to consolidate the image of the type of society they were building on the frontier. The image that emerged was one of consummate modernist discipline and austerity, and it had far-reaching effects on policy. Radford notes that the construction of asylums during this period "were as much eugenically inspired as were programs of involuntary sterilization."[xxxv] In Alberta, the asylum system was established at a fairly significant scale with the Provincial Training Schools for Mental Defectives, (which Muir had experienced,) and the connections between that system and the Alberta Eugenics Board were extremely close.[xxxvi] So too with the establishment of the residential schools: the Sexual Sterilization Act had unique ramifications for First Nations children trapped in that system as well, as they could be "sterilized upon the approval of the school principal," without too much fuss about red tape.[xxxvii] Likewise, the temperance movement, which was spearheaded by the women in the Famous Five and other members of the Women's Christian Temperance Union, tapped into this narrative of discipline and purity. "Indeed," writes Devereux, "both campaigns are readily comprehensible as eugenic measures: they are undertaken to 'conserve the race' by eliminating 'poisons' that diminish the strength of the national community."[xxxviii]
In Ontario, this culture of settler nation-building was best exemplified by another iconic professional woman of the times: Helen MacMurchy, who in 1915 became Ontario's Inspector of the Feeble-minded and was a staunch proponent of forced sterilization. ("Insane people," she proclaimed, "are not entitled to progeny."[xxxix]) MacMurchy's work was not simply limited to the question of mental health and degeneracy, however. Like Murphy and McClung, her writings conveyed a holistic image of what modern Canadian society should look like. Beyond her eugenicist works like "The Almosts: A Study of the Feeble-minded," she also published tracts and pamphlets such as "Beginning a Home in Canada", "The Canadian Mother's Book", "Canadians Need Milk", "How to Take Care of Household Waste", "How to Take Care of the Baby", "How to manage housework in Canada", "How to take care of the children", "How to take care of the father and family," among many others. The brand of feminism espoused by MacMurchy, Murphy and McClung is best understood, then, as an explicit nation-building project encompassing cultural propaganda that did not leave much space for social diversity.
By the 1920s, McClung was already a high-profile member of provincial and indeed federal society. Her 1915 treatise on women's rights "In Times Like These" had made a significant contribution to the suffrage discourse,[7] and she had become a widely read writer of fiction – a status she would maintain until her death.[xl] And she had proved herself a shrewd and charismatic activist in the fight for suffrage throughout the war years. In 1914, for instance, she staged a mock parliamentary session in which a group of female legislators assembled in downtown Winnipeg to hum and haw about whether they ought to extend the vote to men. The press and the public were overwhelmingly impressed.[xli] Her involvement with the Women's Christian Temperance Union had also enhanced her public profile as a smart, wholesome and down-home protector of Canadian values. She also served as a member of the Alberta Legislative Assembly from 1921 to 1926.[8]
Some of her writings on pregnancy and childrearing were indeed very progressive, and in many ways anticipated second-wave norms of birth control. A favourite maxim of hers was "every child a wanted child; every mother a willing mother."[xlii]
Progressive though these writings may have been, McClung's writings consistently espoused a politics that, in consolidating the image of the modern Canadian mother, reinforced traditional gender roles and promoted a white-supremacist ideology. This passage, for instance from "In Times Like These" encapsulates her attitudes on the role of women in society: "The woman movement, which has been scoffed and jeered at and misunderstood most of all by the people whom it is destined to help, is a spiritual revival of the best instincts of womanhood – the instinct to serve and save the race."[xliii]
These same rhetorical strategies – designated "maternal feminism" by historian Jennifer Henderson[9] – can be found throughout the writings of Murphy as well, which were more explicitly racist than McClung's and even more obsessed with the protection and cultivation of the young white Canadian woman. Writing under the pen name of Janey Canuck, (though every one knew the author's true identity,[xliv]) Murphy assumed the mantle of a sort of national matron-saint, thus positioning herself well in defining acceptable and unacceptable cultural identities. Nikolas Rose writes that the new mentality of rule that pervaded the early twentieth century in Canada "empowered a certain type of individual to set out norms of conduct, creating at the same time a new ethos of authority. …and it was here that the literary figure of Janey Canuck came into play, embodying the expertise of the 'normal' that I call maternal authority."[xlv] Her professional as well as literary persona had strong parallels to the careers of McClung and MacMurchy. Appointed in 1916 as the first ever woman magistrate in the British Empire, she presided over a Calgary court for "fallen women," who were mostly young and poor, and had been led into such criminal circumstances as prostitution and pre-marital pregnancy.[xlvi]
Murphy also became known for her book "The Black Candle," an exposé on the drug trade in Canada which was published serially in five articles in Maclean's Magazine in 1920,[xlvii] and here, her racist attitudes toward non-whites came into sharp relief: "Chinamen, Negroes and Jews thrive by reasons of the (drug) traffic," she wrote. "One becomes especially disquieted – almost terrified – in the face of these things, for it sometimes seems as if the white race lacks both the physical and moral stamina to protect itself, and that maybe the black and yellow races may yet obtain the ascendancy."[xlviii] Much of her work on the drug trade centred around the "amazing phenomenon of an educated gentlewoman, reared in a refined atmosphere, consorting with the lowest classes of yellow and black men."[xlix] The "Chinaman" took on an especially vilified image in her writings, in which she depicted the danger of young white woman "putting herself in the way [of temptation] by visiting Chinese chop-suey houses, or other places of business."[l] Weaving an abstract narrative of sexual danger, which seemed especially directed at Vancouver's Shanghai Alley, she presented the image of the "bland smiling Oriental" administering opium and other intoxicants to the girl, so that he may perform his "evil deed."[li] Thus the mandate for a policy of racially targeted sterilization was spelled out perhaps most explicitly by Murphy, who depicted delinquent and retarded people of colour as a liability to the nation-state, if not a threat to its integrity. "Seventy percent of the patients in our mental hospitals were born outside Canada," she erroneously claimed at one time.[lii] "It is a matter of humanity. Insane people are not entitled to progeny."[liii]
These racist and ableist fears gained traction throughout the political establishment. In the 1920s, the provincial governments of Manitoba, Saskatchewan and Alberta together established the Bureau of Social Research – a government think-tank with an essentially eugenicist and anti-crime mandate. In one of its first publications, the Bureau warned Canadians, "Mental defectives are here in hundreds, they are multiplying rapidly, more are coming in every ship load of immigrants."[liv] In 1924, Margaret Gunn, the president of the United Farm Women promoted a policy of "racial betterment through the weeding out of undesirable strains" in a public address.[10] [lv] Both the major parties, the United Farmers of Alberta and the Social Credit Party, supported eugenics.[lvi] Increasing numbers of academics were following suit,[lvii] including at least two at McGill University.[11] Even Tommy Douglas, probably the most celebrated Canadian progressive of the time, was a staunch supporter of eugenics. In his M.A. thesis, Douglas had identified the "subnormal family" as "the most appalling of all family problems," and asserted that the burden these families represented to society included a three-fold increase in the rate of sexually-transmitted diseases, and a lowering of community-wide intellectual and moral standards.[lviii]
The identification of subnormal people and immigrants with heightened and dangerous sexual activity was further promoted by sensational reports that claimed to prove that they proliferate at a higher rate than normal, white people.[lix] One small-town Alberta newspaper claimed in a 1928 editorial, "It is an established fact, we believe, that nitwits, both male and female, are uncannily gifted with reproductive power and the sum total of this is more nitwits."[lx]
The propagandized fears that laid the foundation for the widespread support for the Sexual Sterilization Act were thus part of a totalizing cultural phenomenon that cannot be divorced from the active and deliberative nature of the Canadian national project around the turn of the century. The extent of participation in the project of eugenics by progressives was perhaps even greater than those who we today would be inclined to identify as the conservative or right-wing elements of the political landscape, which ultimately meant that there was no vocal or coherent opposition to the policy.
Indeed, the heightened focus on the female body as the locus of the eugenicist project allowed first wave feminists presented an opportunity for political participation that women had not had until that point. In Devereux's words, it enabled them to exercise a "gynocentric agency" that was amenable to their own political interests.[lxi] Sensational narratives of sexual danger and fears of the white woman's "miscegenating womb"[lxii] were part and parcel of this trend. So too was the nationalistic reconceptualization of the white woman, who Murphy deemed "the basic material of the race, [who] must not be permitted to decay from any cause whatever."[lxiii] The maternal feminism identified by Devereux can thus be seen as exploiting the new focus on the white woman for political gain at the expense of others. Writes Devereux:
First-wave feminism is not something that occurred as a reaction to imperialism but within it; white women cannot occupy the position of 'the colonized' because their work – suffrage, missionary, social purity activist – was crucial to imperial colonization. White women…achieved 'advancement' through the construction of categories of subordinate and needy alterity.[lxiv]
In this sense, an open question that begs to be theoretically resolved is as to whether first wave feminism should be seen as an imperial technology, or rather as a function or by-product of imperialism. Either answer would probably be too glib, however. The former perspective would run the risk of overlooking the true exclusion from the political and public sphere that white women experienced in Canada in the early twentieth century, while the latter would potentially elide the agency of women like Murphy and McClung in actively and enthusiastically contributing to the racist, classist, and ableist, aspects of the Canadian nation-building project.
[1] The "Persons' Case" is seen as a landmark in Canadian history also because it was the first major amendment to the BNA Act, and gave rise to a judicial philosophy of the living document.
[2] Writing on the Muir case for the Canadian Medical Association Journal in 1996, Richard Cairney wrote, "Ironically, portraits of the women [Murphy, McClung, etc]… hang on the wall outside the courtroom where Muir's case was heard." (Cairney, 790) Perhaps even more ironic is the fact that the CMA itself had endorsed eugenic policies around the time of their inception. In a 1934 editorial they wrote, "Evidence has shown overwhelmingly that sterilization is a sound, humane and effective procedure, and is one of the chief means of coping with the grave problem of the increasingly large number of mentally sick and mentally deficient persons that each province is being called upon to care for. The work carried on under the [Sexual Sterilization] Act is proceeding smoothly and is in Alberta growing steadily in favour with those who have the public welfare at heart." (Association notes – The 65th annual meeting of the Canadian Medical Association, Canadian Medical Association Journal (October 1934) 433-436)
[3] Statistical analysis conducted by Jana Grekul compares these rates to their American counterparts. The highest of these were in Oregon in the 20s and California in the 30s, which sterilized 13 and 15 people per 100,000 respectively. On the whole, however, Alberta's rate was still extremely high (and consistently so) by comparison to most of the American states practicing sterilization. (Grekul, 2004. 377)
[4] Though the fight for reproductive rights was coming to the fore amidst the rising tide of second wave feminism by 1972, none of the literature I have reviewed has indicated that the feminist movement played any direct or significant role in combating the Sexual Sterilization Act.
[5] It bears noting here that the term "birth control" itself was coined by Margaret Sanger, who was highly influential in the first-wave women's movement as the editor of a magazine called The Woman Rebel, the founder of Planned Parenthood, and a driving force in the legalization of contraceptives. She too, however, was a staunch supporter of eugenics and forced sterilization. (Davis)
[6] Of course, nothing quite compares to the scale of the project in Germany, where the Nazis sterilized 400,000 people following the passage of the Law for the Prevention of Genetically Diseased Offspring in 1933. (Shevell, 37)
[7] To a modern reader such as myself, this is where McClung is by far at her most sympathetic. The sharp and irreverent tone of "In Times Like These", (for instance with its chapter titles like "What do women think of war? (not that it matters)" and "Should women think?") was no doubt inspirational to its contemporary readers.
[8] By this time she had earned a series of derisive nicknames from her male opponents, including "hyena in petticoats", "Windy Nell", and "Lady Terror" from her male counterparts.
[9] Henderson writes, "Maternal feminism names the sense in which the first wave launched women into public space through arguments for the social utility of a traditional gender role; in this sense, the term redeploys the discourse of the period to name a historical tendency." (Henderson, 161)
[10] Gunn has also been quoted as saying, "Democracy was never intended for degenerates." (Grekul, 2002. 28)
[11] These two McGill professors were J.G. Adami, professor of pathology and delegate to the 1912 and 1921 International Congress of Eugenics, and H.B. Fantham, professor of zoology and vice-president of the New York-based Eugenics Research Association. (McLaren, 25 and 128)
[i] Jana Grekul et al. "Sterilizing the 'Feeble-minded': Eugenics in Alberta, Canada 1929-1972," Journal of Historical Sociology. 17 (2004), 358 and 372
[ii] Ibid, 358
[iii] Richard Cairney, "'Democracy was Never Intended for Degenerates': Alberta's Flirtation with Eugenics Comes Back to Haunt it." The Canadian Medical Association Journal, 155 (1996), 790
[iv] John P. Radford and Deborah Park, "The Eugenic Legacy." Journal on Developmental Disabilities. 4 (1995), 74.
[v] Tracy Kulba, "Citizens, Consumers, Critique-al Subjects: Rethinking the 'Statue Controversy' and Emily Murphy's The Black Candle (1922)," Tessera, 31, (2002), 80
[vi] Jana Marie Grekul, The Social Construction of the Feebleminded Threat: Implementation of the Sexual Sterilization Act in Alberta, 1929-1972. (Ann Arbor: UMI ProQuest Information and Learning, 2002)
[vii] Cecily Devereux, Growing a Race: Nellie L. McClung and the Fiction of Eugenic Feminism. (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2005), 19
[viii] Kulba, 76
[ix] Grekul, 2004. 363
[x] Grekul, 2004.
[xi] Ibid, 375.
[xii] Devereux,
[xiii] Grekul, 2004. 379
[xiv] Radford, 80
[xv] Grekul, 2004. 358
[xvi] Ibid. 360
[xvii] Radford, 76
[xviii] Angela Davis, Women, Race and Class. (New York: Random House, 1983), 216
[xix] Rebecca M. Kluchin, Fit to be Tied: Sterilization and Reproductive Rights in America, 1950-1980. (Piscataway: Rutgers University Press, 2009), 17
[xx] Grekul, 2004. 359
[xxi] Devereux, 7
[xxii] Radford, 75.
[xxiii] Ibid, 76
[xxiv] Grekul, 2002. 24
[xxv] Radford, 77
[xxvi] Ibid, 27.
[xxvii] Radford 76
[xxviii] Ibid, 74-77
[xxix] Devereux, 22
[xxx] Nellie L. McClung, The Stream Runs Fast, (Toronto: Thomas Allen Limited, 1945), 51
[xxxi] Ibid, 51
[xxxii] Devereux, 11.
[xxxiii] Sylvia Van Kirk, Many Tender Ties: Women in Fur Trade Society, 1670-1870. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1980.) 173
[xxxiv] Jennifer Henderson, Settler Feminism and Race Making in Canada. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2003)
[xxxv] Radford, 82
[xxxvi] Grekul, 369
[xxxvii] Zia Akhtar, "Canadian Genocide and Official Culpability," International Criminal Law Review. 10 (2010), 116
[xxxviii] Devereux, 9
[xxxix] James H. Marsh, "Eugenics : Keeping Canada Sane," The Canadian Encyclopedia (2012) accessed April 19, 2012. http://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.com/featured/eugenics-keeping-canada-sane
[xl] Devereux, 15
[xli] CBC Interview with Beatrice Brigden, "McClung's 'mock parliament'" The CBC Archives (2012), accessed April 21, 2012. http://www.cbc.ca/archives/categories/politics/rights-freedoms/voting-in-canada-how-a-privilege-became-a-right/mcclungs-mock-parliament.html
[xlii] Ibid, 13
[xliii] Ibid, 17.
[xliv] Henderson, 159
[xlv] Ibid, 161
[xlvi] Ibid, 161
[xlvii] Kulba, 84
[xlviii] Ibid, 81
[xlix] Ibid, 84
[l] Henderson, 162
[li] Ibid, 168
[lii] Grekul, 2002. 24
[liii] Cairney, 791
[liv] Ibid, 30
[lv] Ibid, 28
[lvi] Grekul, 2004, 378
[lvii] Angus McLaren, Our own Master Race: Eugenics in Canada. (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1990)
[lviii] Michael Shevell, "A Canadian Paradox: Tommy Douglas and Eugenics," The Canadian Journal of Neurological Science, 39 (2012), 37
[lix] Grekul, 2004. 360
[lx] Ibid, 362
[lxi] Devereux, 25.
[lxii] Henderson, 162
[lxiii] Ibid, 162
[lxiv] Devereux, ft 144
This entry was posted in Academic Essays and tagged Canada, colonialism, eugenics, gender, reproductive rights. Bookmark the permalink.
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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


Integrate, coordinate, and monitor the active treatment program and medical services for each person receiving services. Represents the client to ensure that the individual receives needed services and interventions from providers who deliver quality services. Develop, write and implement training plans, individual support plans, case conference agreements, and input programming data into Provide for persons served in the CHIO/PAC/Respite programs. Attend and participate in quarterly and annual case conference for persons served in the CHIO/PAC/Respite programs. Review monthly data documentation and write monthly progress reports for the CHIO/PAC/Respite programs. Participate in monthly meetings with Bona Vista and outside team member companies as needed. Participate in monthly Case Record Review audits. Serve as liaison between persons served, families, CHIO/PAC/Respite staff, external professionals, and the community. Display patience in all situations involving persons served. Speak in an even, positive and personal tone of voice when conversing with persons served. Appropriately respond to consumer behavior via verbal and/or physical intervention based on the needs of the persons served. Provide services in compliance with all funding sources and governing bodies (CARF, BQIS, State and Federal Law). Follow policies/procedures set forth by the agency. Conduct intake/discharge meetings and forms. Complete incident reports, including BDDS, and needed follow-ups. Track and document all required BQIS and agency mandated general training for the CDD staff, including, but not limited to, annual BDDS training, CPR and CPI training. Provide requested information/records of adults formerly or currently served in CHIO/PAC/Respite services in compliance with agency HIPAA policies. Maintain confidentiality of all persons served in compliance with agency HIPAA policies. Must be able to care for the physical needs of persons served including feeding, hygiene, and toileting. Must be capable of assisting in physically transferring/moving consumers when needed. Physical activities may include but not limited to: lifting 25-50 pounds (depending on person served); bending; reaching; stretching; grasping; visual acuity; walking; squatting; twisting; guiding; and transporting. Appropriately respond to persons served behavior via verbal and/or physical intervention based on the needs of the persons served. Maintain the confidentiality of persons served. Promote agency philosophies, generate team spirit, create and maintain an environment that fosters employee satisfaction, maximizes productivity and profitability. Plan and provide instruction in communication skills, daily living, socialization skills, fine and gross motor skills, perceptual skills, prevocational skills, and any other areas based on programming needs, as needed. Assist with planning and participate in all special CHIO/PAC/Respite activities, as needed. Assist with the use of medical adaptive equipment including, but not limited to: Wheelchair, Hoyer Lift, Shower Chair, Blood Sugar Testing Equipment. Assist with the review of billing and time sheets for accuracy and compliance with regulations. Assist with other departmental needs as needed. Occasional high noise levels may require the use of hearing protection. Occasional exposure to fumes, oils, paints, and other industrial odors. Must be able to climb stairs on an occasional basis to access work areas, which are currently without elevator access. Attend/request related trainings as authorized or required.
Bachelor's degree in Special Education, Behavioral Science, or related field from an accredited college or university required. Previous experience working with persons with intellectual disabilities required. Must possess excellent communication skills both written and oral, and strong teamwork skills. Proficiency in Microsoft Word and Excel. Must possess or be able to obtain BDDS, CPI, CPR and first aid certification annually and perform as necessary. Maintain a valid driver's license, insurance on personal vehicle (minimum of PLPD with Medical Liability coverage), and maintain insurability as defined by the agency liability insurance carrier. Must have the ability to successfully work in both independent and group settings. Must have the ability to effectively communicate during a crisis situation. Dress appropriately as defined by department dress code.


[ Litigation ] : Excellent research guides on various international law topics written by practitioners and law librarians from major research libraries. A great place to start when researching a new area of international law.
Website of international law research guides arranged by subject. From the Hauser Global Law School Program at New York University.


text:
Dawn Smith
Richard Peck Scholarship Open for Applications
Photo of Richard Peck
Celebrating the Art of The Lantern House
The de Grummond Children's Literature Collection at The University of Southern Mississippi (USM) will host an exhibit and reception for...
Special Collections Features an Exhibit on Children's Books and War
Special Collections at Southern Miss is featuring a new exhibit highlighting collections that focus on children's literature and war....
de Grummond Receives $30,000 Gift
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2022 Ezra Jack Keats Award Winners and Honors Announced
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Run/Walk Challenge Starts September 1 to Celebrate Curious George's 80th Birthday
The beloved children's book character Curious George turned 80-years-old this month, and the de Grummond Children's Literature Collection...
2021 Mississippi Book Festival
Join us at the 2021 Mississippi Book Festival on August 21! Click here for details on this year's event. The Mississippi Book Festival, a...
First Book on de Grummond Children's Literature Collection Released
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Ezra Jack Keats Foundation Celebrates 35th Anniversary of Annual Book Award The Ezra Jack Keats Foundation (EJK Foundation), in...
Silent Auction Highlights EJK Award's 35th Anniversary Events
35th EJK Silent Auction Co-Hosted by the R. Michelson Galleries, with special guest commentary. 6:30-7:30 p.m. CT / Auction ends at 7:45...
Sharon Draper to Deliver de Grummond Lecture at the Children's Book Festival
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35th Ezra Jack Keats Award Ceremony
The 35th annual EJK Awards will be presented to this year's winners and honorees at the Fay B. Kaigler Children's Book Festival on April...
Emma Walton Hamilton to Present de Grummond Lecture
Emma Walton Hamilton will present the de Grummond Lecture at the 2020 Fay B. Kaigler Children's Book Festival Virtual Lectures on...
Mock EJK Award Lesson Plans & Materials
The Mock EJK Award Toolkits provide guidance for a group activity in which you and your students discuss, evaluate and together make a...
Ezra Jack Keats Award Marks 35th Anniversary in 2021
EJK Foundation Kicks Off Yearlong Celebration with Variety of Online Resources for Kids and Adults to Honor the Legacy of Ezra Jack Keats...
2020 Virtual EJK Award Ceremony
Meet this year's winners and honorees at our virtual award ceremony held on June 4th. Read more about the Ezra Jack Keats Award.
34th Annual Ezra Jack Keats Award Winners Announced
The Ezra Jack Keats Foundation, in partnership with the de Grummond Children's Literature Collection at the University of Southern...
Register to Win a Snowy Day Gift Package
Are you interested in winning a chance to receive The Snowy Day gift package? Sign up here to learn more about the EJK Award 35th...
Ezra Jack Keats Award Featured in Online Exhibit
The Ezra Jack Keats Award at the de Grummond Children's Literature Collection provides an in-depth look at the authors, illustrators, and...
Mississippi Roads Visits the de Grummond Collection
Watch October 24 at 7 p.m. and October 27 at 10:30 a.m. and 5 p.m. on MPB Television. Join host Walt Grayson on an extraordinary tour of...


Agilent Technologies Inc. introduced nine measurement applications for the CXA, the lowest cost X-Series signal analyzer. The measurement applications address cellular communications, wireless networking and digital video standards, allowing CXA to provide a comprehensive list of measurement applications.
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text:
Best Frenemies: Evaluating the Dual Jurisdiction of the Federal Antitrust Agencies
Anker, Kimberly H.
What happens when Congress grants two federal regulatory institutions dual jurisdiction over the enforcement of the antitrust law, but then fails to provide instructions on how to divide up the responsibility? The U.S. Department of Justice Antitrust Division (DOJ) and the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) have concurrent jurisdiction over the enforcement of federal antitrust law in the United States. Historically, the DOJ and FTC have worked in tandem as a unified front, but tensions have been steadily increasing between the two agencies. These mounting tensions recently reached two very public boiling points. The first was in September of 2008, when the DOJ released a report detailing its enforcement approach under section 2 of the Sherman Antitrust Act of 1890. The FTC not only refused to join the report, but it also criticized the report for being excessively pro-business and non-interventionist. The second clash occurred on May 2, 2019, when the DOJ interfered in the FTC's civil enforcement case against Qualcomm Inc. by filing a Statement of Interest in support of the company and in opposition to the FTC's position. The DOJ's actions further illustrated the growing cracks in the agencies' methods for navigating their shared jurisdiction of enforcing the antitrust laws. This Note examines the current system that the two agencies have devised to determine which agency is in charge in the event of a dispute and argues that legislative change is necessary to protect the sanctity and future of antitrust law and enforcement in the United States.
05_anker_web_A1b.pdf
President/Executive Department
Trade Regulation


text:
Add parallel Share Print Page Options Listen to 1 Kings 2:12-3:28
1 Kings 2:12-3:28
12 So Solomon sat on the throne(A) of his father David, and his rule was firmly established.(B)
Solomon's Throne Established
13 Now Adonijah,(C) the son of Haggith, went to Bathsheba, Solomon's mother. Bathsheba asked him, "Do you come peacefully?"(D)
He answered, "Yes, peacefully." 14 Then he added, "I have something to say to you."
"You may say it," she replied.
15 "As you know," he said, "the kingdom was mine. All Israel looked to me as their king. But things changed, and the kingdom has gone to my brother; for it has come to him from the Lord. 16 Now I have one request to make of you. Do not refuse me."
"You may make it," she said.
17 So he continued, "Please ask King Solomon—he will not refuse you—to give me Abishag(E) the Shunammite as my wife."
18 "Very well," Bathsheba replied, "I will speak to the king for you."
19 When Bathsheba went to King Solomon to speak to him for Adonijah, the king stood up to meet her, bowed down to her and sat down on his throne. He had a throne brought for the king's mother,(F) and she sat down at his right hand.(G)
20 "I have one small request to make of you," she said. "Do not refuse me."
The king replied, "Make it, my mother; I will not refuse you."
21 So she said, "Let Abishag(H) the Shunammite be given in marriage to your brother Adonijah."
22 King Solomon answered his mother, "Why do you request Abishag(I) the Shunammite for Adonijah? You might as well request the kingdom for him—after all, he is my older brother(J)—yes, for him and for Abiathar(K) the priest and Joab son of Zeruiah!"
23 Then King Solomon swore by the Lord: "May God deal with me, be it ever so severely,(L) if Adonijah does not pay with his life for this request! 24 And now, as surely as the Lord lives—he who has established me securely on the throne of my father David and has founded a dynasty for me as he promised(M)—Adonijah shall be put to death today!" 25 So King Solomon gave orders to Benaiah(N) son of Jehoiada, and he struck down Adonijah and he died.(O)
26 To Abiathar(P) the priest the king said, "Go back to your fields in Anathoth.(Q) You deserve to die, but I will not put you to death now, because you carried the ark(R) of the Sovereign Lord before my father David and shared all my father's hardships."(S) 27 So Solomon removed Abiathar from the priesthood of the Lord, fulfilling(T) the word the Lord had spoken at Shiloh about the house of Eli.
28 When the news reached Joab, who had conspired with Adonijah though not with Absalom, he fled to the tent of the Lord and took hold of the horns(U) of the altar. 29 King Solomon was told that Joab had fled to the tent of the Lord and was beside the altar.(V) Then Solomon ordered Benaiah(W) son of Jehoiada, "Go, strike him down!"
30 So Benaiah entered the tent(X) of the Lord and said to Joab, "The king says, 'Come out!(Y)'"
But he answered, "No, I will die here."
Benaiah reported to the king, "This is how Joab answered me."
31 Then the king commanded Benaiah, "Do as he says. Strike him down and bury him, and so clear me and my whole family of the guilt of the innocent blood(Z) that Joab shed. 32 The Lord will repay(AA) him for the blood he shed,(AB) because without my father David knowing it he attacked two men and killed them with the sword. Both of them—Abner son of Ner, commander of Israel's army, and Amasa(AC) son of Jether, commander of Judah's army—were better(AD) men and more upright than he. 33 May the guilt of their blood rest on the head of Joab and his descendants forever. But on David and his descendants, his house and his throne, may there be the Lord's peace forever."
34 So Benaiah(AE) son of Jehoiada went up and struck down Joab(AF) and killed him, and he was buried at his home out in the country. 35 The king put Benaiah(AG) son of Jehoiada over the army in Joab's position and replaced Abiathar with Zadok(AH) the priest.
36 Then the king sent for Shimei(AI) and said to him, "Build yourself a house in Jerusalem and live there, but do not go anywhere else. 37 The day you leave and cross the Kidron Valley,(AJ) you can be sure you will die; your blood will be on your own head."(AK)
38 Shimei answered the king, "What you say is good. Your servant will do as my lord the king has said." And Shimei stayed in Jerusalem for a long time.
39 But three years later, two of Shimei's slaves ran off to Achish(AL) son of Maakah, king of Gath, and Shimei was told, "Your slaves are in Gath." 40 At this, he saddled his donkey and went to Achish at Gath in search of his slaves. So Shimei went away and brought the slaves back from Gath.
41 When Solomon was told that Shimei had gone from Jerusalem to Gath and had returned, 42 the king summoned Shimei and said to him, "Did I not make you swear by the Lord and warn(AM) you, 'On the day you leave to go anywhere else, you can be sure you will die'? At that time you said to me, 'What you say is good. I will obey.' 43 Why then did you not keep your oath to the Lord and obey the command I gave you?"
44 The king also said to Shimei, "You know in your heart all the wrong(AN) you did to my father David. Now the Lord will repay you for your wrongdoing. 45 But King Solomon will be blessed, and David's throne will remain secure(AO) before the Lord forever."
46 Then the king gave the order to Benaiah(AP) son of Jehoiada, and he went out and struck Shimei(AQ) down and he died.
The kingdom was now established(AR) in Solomon's hands.
Solomon Asks for Wisdom(AS)
3 Solomon made an alliance with Pharaoh king of Egypt and married(AT) his daughter.(AU) He brought her to the City of David(AV) until he finished building his palace(AW) and the temple of the Lord, and the wall around Jerusalem. 2 The people, however, were still sacrificing at the high places,(AX) because a temple had not yet been built for the Name(AY) of the Lord. 3 Solomon showed his love(AZ) for the Lord by walking(BA) according to the instructions(BB) given him by his father David, except that he offered sacrifices and burned incense on the high places.(BC)
4 The king went to Gibeon(BD) to offer sacrifices, for that was the most important high place, and Solomon offered a thousand burnt offerings on that altar. 5 At Gibeon the Lord appeared(BE) to Solomon during the night in a dream,(BF) and God said, "Ask(BG) for whatever you want me to give you."
6 Solomon answered, "You have shown great kindness to your servant, my father David, because he was faithful(BH) to you and righteous and upright in heart. You have continued this great kindness to him and have given him a son(BI) to sit on his throne this very day.
7 "Now, Lord my God, you have made your servant king in place of my father David. But I am only a little child(BJ) and do not know how to carry out my duties. 8 Your servant is here among the people you have chosen,(BK) a great people, too numerous to count or number.(BL) 9 So give your servant a discerning(BM) heart to govern your people and to distinguish(BN) between right and wrong. For who is able(BO) to govern this great people of yours?"
10 The Lord was pleased that Solomon had asked for this. 11 So God said to him, "Since you have asked(BP) for this and not for long life or wealth for yourself, nor have asked for the death of your enemies but for discernment(BQ) in administering justice, 12 I will do what you have asked.(BR) I will give you a wise(BS) and discerning heart, so that there will never have been anyone like you, nor will there ever be. 13 Moreover, I will give you what you have not(BT) asked for—both wealth and honor(BU)—so that in your lifetime you will have no equal(BV) among kings. 14 And if you walk(BW) in obedience to me and keep my decrees and commands as David your father did, I will give you a long life."(BX) 15 Then Solomon awoke(BY)—and he realized it had been a dream.(BZ)
He returned to Jerusalem, stood before the ark of the Lord's covenant and sacrificed burnt offerings(CA) and fellowship offerings.(CB) Then he gave a feast(CC) for all his court.
A Wise Ruling
16 Now two prostitutes came to the king and stood before him. 17 One of them said, "Pardon me, my lord. This woman and I live in the same house, and I had a baby while she was there with me. 18 The third day after my child was born, this woman also had a baby. We were alone; there was no one in the house but the two of us.
19 "During the night this woman's son died because she lay on him. 20 So she got up in the middle of the night and took my son from my side while I your servant was asleep. She put him by her breast and put her dead son by my breast. 21 The next morning, I got up to nurse my son—and he was dead! But when I looked at him closely in the morning light, I saw that it wasn't the son I had borne."
22 The other woman said, "No! The living one is my son; the dead one is yours."
But the first one insisted, "No! The dead one is yours; the living one is mine." And so they argued before the king.
23 The king said, "This one says, 'My son is alive and your son is dead,' while that one says, 'No! Your son is dead and mine is alive.'"
24 Then the king said, "Bring me a sword." So they brought a sword for the king. 25 He then gave an order: "Cut the living child in two and give half to one and half to the other."
26 The woman whose son was alive was deeply moved(CD) out of love for her son and said to the king, "Please, my lord, give her the living baby! Don't kill him!"
But the other said, "Neither I nor you shall have him. Cut him in two!"
27 Then the king gave his ruling: "Give the living baby to the first woman. Do not kill him; she is his mother."
28 When all Israel heard the verdict the king had given, they held the king in awe, because they saw that he had wisdom(CE) from God to administer justice.
1 Kings 2:12 : 1Ch 17:14; 29:23; 2Ch 9:8
1 Kings 2:12 : ver 46; 2Ch 1:1; 12:13; 17:1; 21:4
1 Kings 2:13 : S 2Sa 3:4
1 Kings 2:13 : S 1Sa 16:4
1 Kings 2:17 : S 1Ki 1:3
1 Kings 2:19 : 1Ki 15:13; 2Ki 10:13; 24:15; 2Ch 15:16; Jer 13:18; 22:26; 29:2
1 Kings 2:19 : Ps 45:9
1 Kings 2:21 : 1Ki 1:3
1 Kings 2:22 : S Ge 22:24; S 1Ki 1:3
1 Kings 2:22 : 1Ch 3:2
1 Kings 2:22 : S 1Sa 22:20
1 Kings 2:23 : S Ru 1:17
1 Kings 2:24 : 2Sa 7:11
1 Kings 2:25 : S 2Sa 8:18
1 Kings 2:26 : S Jos 21:18
1 Kings 2:27 : S 1Sa 2:27-36
1 Kings 2:28 : S Ex 27:2
1 Kings 2:29 : Ex 21:14
1 Kings 2:29 : ver 25
1 Kings 2:30 : 2Ki 11:15
1 Kings 2:31 : S Dt 19:13
1 Kings 2:32 : Jdg 9:57
1 Kings 2:32 : S Ge 4:14; S Jdg 9:24
1 Kings 2:32 : 2Ch 21:13
1 Kings 2:37 : S 2Sa 15:23; Jn 18:1
1 Kings 2:37 : S Lev 20:9
1 Kings 2:39 : 1Sa 27:2
1 Kings 2:44 : 2Sa 16:5-13
1 Kings 2:46 : S ver 8
1 Kings 2:46 : S ver 12
1 Kings 3:1 : 3:4-15pp — 2Ch 1:2-13
1 Kings 3:1 : 1Ki 7:8; 11:1-13
1 Kings 3:1 : 1Ki 9:24; 2Ch 8:11
1 Kings 3:1 : 2Sa 5:7; 1Ki 2:10
1 Kings 3:1 : S 2Sa 7:2; 1Ki 9:10
1 Kings 3:2 : Lev 17:3-5; S 26:30; Dt 12:14; 1Ki 15:14; 22:43
1 Kings 3:2 : S Dt 14:23
1 Kings 3:3 : Dt 6:5; Ps 31:23; 145:20
1 Kings 3:3 : S Dt 10:12; S Jos 1:7
1 Kings 3:3 : S Dt 17:19; S 1Ki 14:8
1 Kings 3:3 : S ver 2; Lev 17:3-5; 2Ki 12:3; 15:4, 35; 16:4; 21:3
1 Kings 3:4 : S Jos 9:3
1 Kings 3:5 : 1Ki 9:2; 11:9
1 Kings 3:5 : S Mt 27:19
1 Kings 3:5 : S Mt 7:7
1 Kings 3:6 : S Ge 17:1
1 Kings 3:6 : 1Ki 1:48
1 Kings 3:7 : Nu 27:17; 1Ch 22:5; 29:1; Jer 1:6
1 Kings 3:8 : S Dt 7:6
1 Kings 3:8 : S Ge 12:2; 15:5; S 1Ch 27:23
1 Kings 3:9 : S 2Sa 14:17; Jas 1:5
1 Kings 3:9 : S Dt 1:16
1 Kings 3:9 : 2Co 2:16
1 Kings 3:11 : Jas 4:3
1 Kings 3:12 : 1Jn 5:14-15
1 Kings 3:12 : S 2Sa 14:20; 1Ki 4:29, 30, 31; 5:12; 10:23; Ecc 1:16
1 Kings 3:13 : Mt 6:33; Eph 3:20
1 Kings 3:13 : Pr 3:1-2, 16; 8:18
1 Kings 3:13 : 1Ki 10:23; 2Ch 9:22; Ne 13:26
1 Kings 3:14 : 1Ki 9:4; Ps 25:13; 101:2; 128:1; Pr 3:1-2, 16
1 Kings 3:15 : S Ge 28:16
1 Kings 3:15 : ver 5
1 Kings 3:15 : Lev 6:8-13
1 Kings 3:15 : Lev 7:11-21
1 Kings 3:15 : Est 1:3, 9; 2:18; 5:8; 6:14; 9:17; Da 5:1
1 Kings 3:26 : Ps 102:13; Isa 49:15; 63:15; Jer 3:12; 31:20; Hos 11:8
1 Kings 3:28 : S 2Sa 14:20; Col 2:3


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The Official Website of Film and Television Writer/Director Josh Becker
FILM & TV WORK
ESSAYS, ARTICLES, & REVIEWS
WHAT'S THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN
AN HISTORIAN AND HISTORICAL NOVELIST?
Which reminds me of a joke: what's the difference between a Catholic priest and acne? Acne doesn't come on your face until your twelve.
But anyway, getting back to the difference between historians and historical novelists, one has a plentitude of facts and knows how to write; the other has a plentitude of facts, knows how to write, but also has an imagination which they use to fill in the unrecorded gaps.
I sit here day in and day out reading history, then stuffing it through my brain and transforming it into historical fiction. Although I love history, and I love historians for going to the trouble of researching and writing it, most of them have exactly the same issues as most of the others—they assume that we know more than we actually do, rarely feel the need to explain what anything means, believe that if they happen to mention a character's rank (if they're a soldier) or first name once, then they never have to bring it up again, if they mentioned what year it was they never have to say it again, even when the year changes, and will happily spew random and tangential facts that have nothing to do with the story, or, more specifically, the plot.
The plot, which is the structure or plan of a story, is about how A gets to B then gets to C . . . Historians don't give a rat's ass about plots; all they care about are facts. As a former screenwriter, where the plot means a lot, but the characters mean even more, I marvel at most historians' ignorance of humanity. If you mention Confederate General Pierre Gustave Toutant-Beauregard once, then call him P. G. T. Beauregard fifty pages later, you can be Goddamned certain I've forgotten what those initials stand for.
But that's nothing. I am presently writing, General Lew Wallace: Soldier, Statesman, and the Author of "Ben-Hur: A Tale of the Christ," which begins with Wallace's adventures during the American Civil War. At the infamous Battle of Shiloh, Lew Wallace was the third-highest ranked General in the Union army, after Generals Henry Halleck and Ulysses S. Grant, and that's where Lew Wallace's military career took a nose-dive. Why? Because of a garbled verbal order sent by Grant, who then denied it and threw Wallace under the wagon, so to speak.
But at the Battle of Shiloh there were two General Wallaces (Lew and W.L.H.), two General Johnstons (Joe and A.L.), Generals McClellen and McLernand, and it takes place right near Savannah (no, not Georgia, Tennessee), which is never explained and I finally had to get out a map and look it up.
My favorite part about writing historical fiction is dreaming up who the characters are, what they believe and stand for, and do they have a sense of humor or not, then adding in all the dialog. I use direct quotes whenever I can, usually from a letter or a report, then put the quote into the character's mouth, then spin an entire conversation out of it. Rare is the time that you'll find an historian making any historical character funny (even if they know they were), unless it's perhaps W.C. Fields or Robin Williams. You can't help but make Abraham Lincoln funny because he was and everyone remembered his humorous stories. You can't make Adolf Hitler funny because he wasn't—he was severely serious, even in his youth. However, since there was no indication one way or the other, I made Stephen Decatur, the greatest naval hero in the United States' history, a funny, laughing, upbeat guy just because I could.
We may well read in a biography that a character was an extreme drunk, but we'll never read about them slurring their words or inexplicably falling down and bashing their skull on the wall. Why? Because either there was no one there to see it, or the historian doesn't want to make their hero look bad. The book I'm reading now about General Lew Wallace downplays the hell out of the fiasco he got into at Shiloh strictly because the author likes his character too much.
But of course, not all historians do these ridiculous things. I must immediately name my three favorite historians: David McCullough, John Toland and Robert K. Massie, who never do any ridiculous things. Harry Truman was a funny guy and McCullough gets that across amply in his epic, and wittily-titled, book, Truman. Adolf Hitler had very little sense of humor and this is made ever so clear by John Toland in his definitive life of Hitler, ironically-titled, Hitler. And who can ever forget—certainly not me—the tragic lives of Tsar Nicholas and his wife, Alexandra, in Robert K. Massie's brilliant, and heartbreakingly-titled, Nicholas and Alexandra.
One of the books I'm reading right now, just for fun, is Desert Queen by Janet Wallach, and she's just great; as good as can be. She explains everything and has a wonderful sense of humor. I will be extremely pleased to read all of her other books. Finding a new, or at least new to me, historian, is like finding a treasure trove filled with gold doubloons.
I just stumbled upon Donald Barr Chidsey (1902-1981) and his terrific book, The Barbary Wars. Actually, I read The Barbary Wars years ago and it so stuck with me that it inspired me to write my own historical novel about the Barbary Wars entitled, Commodore Stephen Decatur, ten years later. And, best of all, Mr. Chidsey has tons of other books, like thirty with just this one publisher, and many of them are naval histories and naval historical novels, too. Well, shiver me timbers! I'm in pig-heaven.
But getting back to historical fiction, I get to put words in the mouths of anyone and everyone, from the Roman Emperor Claudius in 41 AD to Heinrich Himmler to Teddy Roosevelt to Adolf Hitler to Sam Giancana, the guy that I say is responsible for JFK's assassination. I just put a heap of words into the mouth of Abraham Lincoln. The secret is to climb into their heads, then talk like them. This is mainly achieved by reading about them and reading the words they said. Sam Giancana didn't speak like John F. Kennedy—Giancana spoke like a goomba, saying such prosaic things as, "What the fuck're you lookin' at? It better not be me. OK, so I sez we whack this piece o' shit before he whacks us, whatcha think?" as opposed to, "I, uh, asked Bobby if he wanted any chowdah, but he, uh, prodigiously refused my invitation, albeit with, uh, great affection."
I have a scene in Commodore Stephen Decatur of which I'm quite proud. After retiring from active duty at the ripe-old age of thirty-five, Decatur went to work at the Naval Board of Commissioners in Washington City (it hadn't gone D.C. yet). His good buddy, Oliver Hazard Perry, "The Hero of Lake Erie," had mistakenly gotten himself challenged to four separate duels at the same time. Handsome, though a tad chubby, with pursed effeminate lips, his cheeks bedecked with long sideboards in a vain attempt of hiding his girlishness, Perry came to Decatur for advice and help. Since neither of them were presently on active duty since the USA, oddly, happened to not be at war with anyone at that exact moment, so both of them promptly became drunks. Anyway, Perry asks Decatur if he will intervene on his behalf with President Monroe, who can end Perry's problems with the swipe of a quill pen, and Decatur says sure. So, to Decatur's surprise, who should come walking into his office at noon to find him smash-assed drunk and urinating into a spittoon, but President Monroe, who's an old man at this point in 1816, having previously been a member of the original Continental Congress in 1776. The president is somewhat taken aback, but not a lot, remember, this is before indoor plumbing, and if you gotta go you gotta go, particularly if you are heavily partaking in the brandy and sodas. Monroe is concerned for Perry and seeks Decatur's advice. Decatur says, sign the amnesty and it's all over. Monroe says he can't get involved in duels of honor. Decatur returns his penis to his tight naval trousers, shrugs and pours himself another B&S. Monroe asks why Decatur is being so stand-offish, and Decatur replies, "You, sir, and all your Republican ilk are traitors." Now Monroe is officially offended, asking if Decatur isn't one of those horrible, liberal Federalists? Decatur proclaims, "I am indeed, sir. I follow the lead and the likes of General George Washington and Alexander Hamilton, your former masters whom you have betrayed, slinking over to the likes of Thomas Jefferson and James Madison, both traitors themselves. You and your fellow Virginians put the well-being of your state ahead of the well-being of the country." "But," says Monroe, "Washington was from Virginia." "Yes," replies Decatur, "and he was smart enough to be a Federalist, like me, unlike you." Etc.
In reality, I don't know what political persuasion, if any, Stephen Decatur held true; he was pretty much apolitical. But Monroe was certainly a Republican, so I decided to make Decatur a Federalist so I could spout my own political beliefs. I'm not breaking any facts, I'm simply adding my two-cents worth. Historians are not allowed to do that, which, in my opinion, is a bloody shame.
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Jazz is undergoing changes of monumental magnitude and importance. Icons Among Us: jazz in the present tense is a documentary film that captures the metamorphosis of jazz by showcasing the words, music, and spirit of the artists that are paving the way for an unprecedented musical revolution. Through interviews and live performance footage, we explore the thoughts and lives of the musicians spearheading today's jazz front lines.
Directed by Michael Rivoira, Lars Larson and Peter J. Vogt, Icons Among Us examines the jazz music scene today by focusing the spotlight on many current jazz icons including Terence Blanchard, Jason Moran, Ravi Coltrane, Dave Douglas and Brass Ecstasy, Robert Glasper, Nicholas Payton, Brian Blade & the Fellowship Band, the Dirty Dozen Brass Band and Medeski Martin and Wood. The film also features the legendary predecessors and influences of today's contemporary jazz stars, including Herbie Hancock, Wayne Shorter and Wynton Marsalis.
74 Minutes of Special Features including: Performances by Donald Harrison, Jr. Quartet, Matthew Shipp, Brian Blade & The Fellowship Band, THe Roy Hargrove Quintet and Bugge Weseltoft. Icon's First Frames: LIVING DAYLIGHTS Mardi Gras Party 2002, In Depth Profiles of advocates: JAZZREACH, EARSHOT JAZZ and JAZZ FOUNDATION OF AMERICA, Production Slideshow.


Growth of eight infrastructure sectors slowed down to 4.3% in September, the lowest in the last four months.
Previously, the lowest growth rate was in May 2018 when the core sectors expanded at 4.1%.
Eight infrastructure sectors of coal, crude oil, natural gas, refinery products, fertilizers, steel, cement and electricity had grown by 4.7% in September 2017.


Wells College men's volleyball junior outside hitter Brannon Perdicho was selected as the North Eastern Athletic Conference Player of the Week for the week ending Feb. 5, 2017. Perdicho was the leading hitter for Wells over three conference matches.
In matches against Lancaster Bible College, Wilson College, and Penn State Altoona, Perdicho hit .359 with 53 kills and just 11 errors. He had 15 kills in each match against Lancaster Bible and Wilson, and then closed the weekend with a 23-kill effort against Altoona. Perdicho had 27 digs and four service aces on the weekend.
This is the third-career NEAC Player of the Week award for Perdicho, who earned the award twice in his freshman season of 2015. Perdicho is a team captain and is a two-time all-conference selection.
Wells returns to action this weekend with Saturday, Feb. 11 matches against York (NY) and John Jay at York College in Jamaica, N.Y.


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Ballet sets up GoFundMe to replace decades-old Nutcracker costumes
Posted 9:25 am, November 20, 2019, by Tribune Media Wire
DENVER (KDVR) — The Colorado Ballet is about to begin its 59th season of "The Nutcracker." While it has been performed locally for nearly six decades, dancers have actually been wearing the same costumes for about half that time, according to KDVR.
"These sets and costumes we use at the moment, I believe they're about 30 years old," said Yosvani Ramos, a principal dancer with the ballet.
Ramos and Dana Benton are both performing in the upcoming edition of "The Nutcracker." The duo said most of the costumes are ripped, worn out and have a noticeable smell built up from decades of sweat.
"The costume always works, just maybe the smell follows you around the stage too much," Benton joked.
Aside from the costumes, the sets are also more than 30 years old.
"Just one wrong move [with the sets] and you bump into the wing and something will split and we have to take it down and sew it back up!" said Gil Boggs, artistic director for the Colorado Ballet.
The Colorado Ballet has a $9.7 million annual budget. But most of that money is used to bring in new ballets and new choreographers.
According to Boggs, it will cost around $2.5 million to purchase new costumes and set pieces.
In an effort to help with that cost, the Colorado Ballet is doing something it has never done before: it created a GoFundMe page.
On the page, the ballet is asking for $100,000 toward the costumes and sets.
"The intent of GoFundMe was to get everyone involved and certainly not to take away from other people and their GoFundMe projects throughout the community," Boggs said.
According to Boggs, several performance groups around the country have turned to GoFundMe for help.
"It would be the cherry on the cake to have a brand-new production of 'The Nutcracker'," Ramos said.
In a perfect world, the Colorado Ballet would have new costumes and new set pieces for its 60th anniversary of "The Nutcracker" next year.
If you would like to donate to the ballet's GoFundMe page, click here.
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