text:
Gold And Diamond Mining In South Africa In The 19th Century
HISTORY OF SOUTH AFRICA and Timelines
HISTORY OF SOUTH AFRICA 17th 18th century 19th century Latin America has even more second half of the 1980s a declining economy is further damaged by strike action on the part of black workers in the gold and diamond mines the main source of the nation s wealth In 1989 an ill Botha is persuaded to step down
How did Ancient India have so much gold as there were
Before the 19th century the only place in the world which had diamond mines was South India specifically the Krishna and Godavari river basins spread across the present day states of AP & Telangana Golconda was the hub for anything to do with diamonds
In 19th Century Gold And Diamond Mine In South Africa
gold and diamond mining in south africa in 19th century South Africa in the 19th CenturyWest Chester University s The discovery of diamonds in 1867 near the Vaal River By 1889 the South African gold mines were
gold and diamond mining in south africa in 19th
gold and diamond mining in south africa in theth Diamonds Are Forever But Not The Lives Of Child Workersgold and diamond mining in south africa in theth century wikipedia Mines in South Africa and India are
gold and dimond mining in south africa in 19th century
gold and diamond mining in south africa in the 19th gold and diamond mining in south africa in the 19th century wikipedia South African Miners Fight for Justice Think Africa PressSouth Africa s economy was built on the back of the mining
Cecil Rhodes & De Beers Genocide Diamonds The
Cecil Rhodes & De Beers Genocide Diamonds Cecil Rhodes A Bad Man in Africa The pair soon became involved in the rush to exploit South Africa s diamond and gold deposits and unlike many prospectors and speculators who wandered dazed and luckless around the continent their claim proved fruitful 20th century Rhodes
find out more about gold and diamond mining in south
gold and dimond mining in south africa in 19th century find out more abt gold and diamond mining in south africa find out more abt gold and diamond mining in south Mining industry of South Africa
DIAMONDS GOLD AND SOUTH AFRICA
diamonds gold and south africa Diamonds and De Beers In 1867 a pretty pebble found near the Orange River in the wilds of South Africa was identified as a 21 carat diamond
the impact of discovery of gold mines on the south african
Gold and Diamonds South African Homeschool Curriculum The discovery of gold and diamonds in South Africa brought a rush of prospectors to the country and had significant effects on the history of South Africa
The wealth of Africa Museum
The wealth of Africa South Africa Students worksheets Supported by The CarAf Centre South Africa in the early 19th century This included the effects of a There was a need for unskilled labour to mine the gold and diamonds but African people did not want to do the hard and dangerous work Mine
South Africa The Economy Development
The discovery of diamonds in 1869 and of gold in 1886 revolutionized the economy European investment flowed in; by the end of the nineteenth century it was equivalent to all European investment in the rest of Africa
who own the gold mine in south africa
South Africa in the 19th Century Web Courses Unlike most of the rest of Africa South Africa was very since their departure reduced the tension in their own the South African gold mines were
gold and diamond mines in south africa 19th century history
Gold and Diamonds in South Africa The discovery of gold and diamonds in South Africa changed the course of the also became involved in the mining of gold 19th century diamond diggers bar at
From Cape Town to Pretoria by train on Rovos Rail CNN Travel
Rovos Rail is a luxury steam train company that offers a series of journeys across South Africa and beyond which in the 19th century were all the rage in women s fashion Gold mining
Who were the miners of gold and diamonds in southafrica
Gold was found in every single state of Australia during the 19th century Gold was found in New South wales in towns around the Bathurst area in 1851 including Ophir L ucknow Sofala and Hill End It was also found in other places such as Young and Bingara
gold gold and mining in south africa in 19th century
gold and daimond mining in south africa in theth century gold gold and mining in south africa in 19th century gold and diamond mining in south africa in South Africa in theth Century West Chester University s
Southern Africa and African interaction in the
European and African interaction in the 19th century Although most scholarly attention has focused on the gold mines it was the diamond industry that pioneered many of the colonists in Angola and Mozambique were fewer in number and weaker in authority than those in the interior of South Africa At the beginning of the century fewer
Find out more about gold and diamond in south Africa in
· Find out more about gold and diamond in south Africa in nineteenth controlled the gold and diamond
JCRS Information
Diamonds — General Information Discovery & Mining In about 1725 prospectors searching for gold in Brazil discovered diamonds instead By the late 19th century these mines too began to run out Today it shines from a gavel used by the premier of South Africa Diamond diggers working the stream beds of the Vaal and Orange
about gold and diamond mining in south africa in nineteeth
Gold and diamond mines in south africa in nineteenth century Products gold and diamond mining in south africa 19th century South African Diamond Mines Chat Online Book 3 Migration Land and Minerals in the Making of
Maining in south africa for dimond gold and diamond mining in south africa in the 19th century 29 Aug 2021 It is presented for historical and educational purpos find out more about gold and diamond mining in south africa
How diamond is made history used
4 After this rudimentary separation the concentrate moves to a greasing area another innovation in diamond manufacturing developed in South Africa in the late 19th century Mixed with water the kimberlite and diamond mixture is placed on
1910 The pass laws and migrant labour of apartheid in South Africa today have their origins in the policies designed to control the black workers in the diamond mines a century ago
goldgold and dimond mining area in south africa 100
three stump for gold; gold treatment plant manufacturer gold and diamond mining in south africa in the 19th century South Jinqiao Area Pudong New Contact Supplier The discovery in the latter half of the nineteenth century of both gold and diamonds led to South Africa and South
south africa diamond mining in 19th century
gold and diamond mining in 19 th century who controlled the gold and diamond companies in who controlled the gold and diamond companies in 19th century in south africa and what were Find out more about gold
Scramble for Africa Environment The Guardian
According to figures from precious metals research firm GFMS South Africa is still the world s largest gold producer despite a drop in production last year Ghana produced tonnes of gold in
gold and diamond mining in southafrica in 19th century
gold and diamond mining in 19th century gold and diamond mining in south africa 19th century Gold Mining and Prospecting January 2021 · This is about the gold mining and prospecting industry
sand washer series
5x dehydration screen 10 feet for sale
river quarry separator vibrating screen
gold ore dressing gold miners geims
crushing sale cone crusher s
vertical roller mill material specification
current price of basalt rock in india
all auxiluary of coal handling plant prices
cost per ton mining coal
400 tph mobile coal crusher crusher manufacturer sri lanka crusher
stone crusher united states
mineral processing machinery


text:
Home News Metro Sticking a Toe into Transit Waters
Sticking a Toe into Transit Waters
The redesign of a key Fort Worth bridge could be a sign of things to come.
Dan McGraw
The action a few weeks ago didn't seem like any kind of bombshell — just a vote by a Fort Worth City Council committee approving a redesign of the West Seventh Street bridge over the Trinity River. The project has been on the drawing board for years, and the transportation panel's vote didn't even include a timetable for rebuilding the bridge that links downtown to the Cultural District.
But the committee added one important item to the plans: The updating will accommodate light-rail mass transit, meaning that rail lines in the street and overhead wires could be added without tearing up the deck again. The $5.7 million project will be paid for mostly with federal and state funds, and there's no estimate yet what the light-rail infrastructure would add to that bill.
Whatever the cost, however, the change in bridge plans could mark a turning point for mass transit in Fort Worth.
About 10 years ago, Fort Worth began thinking that population and traffic growth might necessitate more than a bus system operated by the Fort Worth Transportation Authority. Under former Mayor Kenneth Barr — who was very interested in mass transit issues — the city came up with plans to build light-rail lines to link downtown to the Cultural District to the west, the Hospital District to the south, and the Stockyards on the north. But when Barr decided not to run again and Mike Moncrief was elected, the plans were shelved. According to several city hall sources, downtown business interests put pressure on the city not to spend hundreds of million of dollars on light-rail projects because they preferred seeing that money go for tax breaks to big businesses.
But major increases in Cowtown traffic, as well as other developments, are pushing light rail to the fore again. Council member Jungus Jordan, chairman of the transportation committee, said the council is considering light rail to help solve the city's transportation overload. "We definitely have to address mass transit and figure out how improved mass transit will help in decreasing our huge growth in traffic," Jordan said. "The light rail included in the bridge project was just a prudent thing to do. But I do see council thinking about all the options we need to explore. Light rail within the city is one of those options. And there are so many matching federal grants that the city is not taking advantage of."
In the Museum Place development in the Cultural District, where construction is scheduled to start Jan.1, developer Jagee Properties plans to include light- rail infrastructure. Fort Worth South Inc., a nonprofit development agency in the Hospital District, is studying routes through the district where light rail can link that area with downtown.
What's more — and perhaps most significant — some downtown interests now seem to be hopping on board. The Central City Redevelopment Committee, a city-council-appointed group that advocates on behalf of downtown business interests, is planning to unveil an informational and public relations campaign in the next few months advocating light rail. "There is a paradigm shift going on in the city right now," said committee chairman Fran McCarthy, a local real estate developer. "We need to be looking at long-term solutions to our transportation problems, and light rail is just one of the tools."
Paul Paine, president of Fort Worth South, Inc., calls the timing and action by the council critical. The problem with a bus-only system "is that bus ridership is always below rail," he said. "If we are going to be a modern city and get people out of their cars, we have to find different ways to connect the city. Now is the time to do it, because we have to get ahead of the growth that is going on in Fort Worth."
The rail lines being considered here differ from the Dallas Area Rapid Transit system, where train tracks, most of the time, run on dedicated lines that are close to but separated from highways and city streets. The version being pushed by some Fort Worth businesses leaders is called "ultra-light rail," similar to old-fashioned trolley lines. The trains would move with other traffic on the streets, powered by overhead electric lines. Ultra-light rail works best on shorter routes, while DART's version is better suited for longer rides. Ultra-light costs are less than half of traditional light rail — $25 million per mile versus $65 million.
In Tarrant County, the public seems to be on board with the idea of such trains. A recent survey done by the University of Texas at Dallas for area transit agencies found that more than 78 percent of Tarrant County respondents favored an integrated mass transit rail system and were willing to fund it with a half-cent sales tax. The level of support in Tarrant County was the highest among the eight counties surveyed — including Dallas, Denton, and Collin.
"It is quite apparent that people in Tarrant County support rail of some kind and appear to be willing to pay for it," said Dr. Charles Leonard, the UT-Dallas professor of mass communications who conducted the study. "The problem we had in focus groups is that people don't really know the difference between the types of mass transit rail lines. Commuter freight lines or DART-style light rail or smaller streetcar lines got the same response."
Fort Worth council member Carter Burdette sees that as a big issue for the city. "Fort Worth residents have to be persuaded to leave their cars, but we have to give them options they can explore," he said. "Smaller light rail that runs on the street might be a good way to introduce people to mass transit, a good first step in a larger plan. But we have to get moving on this, because these projects take years to develop, and we cannot wait until the congestion gets too severe."
Gaining public support, however, isn't the same thing as finding public dollars for such projects. The T, the public transit agency that now runs the bus system in Fort Worth and Richland Hills, has put its limited funding behind a $350 million proposed freight and commuter line between southwest Fort Worth and Dallas Fort Worth International Airport, with eight Fort Worth stops, including downtown and the Stockyards. Fort Worth could pass its own bond issue, separate from The T, and pay for rail lines with special tax-district dollars and fees. Or the city could set aside some of its Barnett Shale windfall over the next 20 years, to fund public transit. And a piece of legislation that local mayors are pushing for would allow voters to OK an extra half-cent sales tax for mass transit in certain North Texas counties.
The bridge redesign is only a first tentative step toward light rail in Fort Worth. But some residents and business leaders see it as part of a bigger change in local attitudes toward public transit.
"The majority of voters are in favor of this, and I think the voters are telling our politicians to get on the ball with this kind of project," said Adam Broyles, president of a financial services firm in downtown Fort Worth. Fort Worth politicians "seem to be listening more," he said. "We are developing inner-city neighborhoods with high density, [and] you need to have efficient ways to connect these urban villages. I just look at how much money DART is getting from the federal government" — $700 million for its most recent light-rail venture — "and it is a sad day for Fort Worth when Dallas is acting more efficiently.
"But the timing might be right for us now," he said. "We need to act before the transportation problems get so much worse."
Previous articleAuctioning Off a Dream
Next articleConcrete Olive Branch
Granger the Stranger
Meet the New Boss …

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
package jnr.unixsocket;

import java.io.IOException;

import java.nio.ByteBuffer;
import java.nio.channels.ClosedChannelException;
import java.nio.channels.DatagramChannel;
import java.nio.channels.MembershipKey;
import java.nio.channels.UnsupportedAddressTypeException;

import java.net.InetAddress;
import java.net.NetworkInterface;
import java.net.SocketAddress;
import java.net.SocketException;
import java.net.SocketOption;

import java.util.concurrent.locks.ReadWriteLock;
import java.util.concurrent.locks.ReentrantReadWriteLock;
import java.util.Collections;
import java.util.HashSet;
import java.util.Set;

import jnr.constants.platform.ProtocolFamily;
import jnr.constants.platform.Sock;
import jnr.unixsocket.impl.AbstractNativeDatagramChannel;

public class UnixDatagramChannel extends AbstractNativeDatagramChannel {
    static enum State {
        UNINITIALIZED,
        CONNECTED,
        IDLE,
    }
    private State state;
    private UnixSocketAddress remoteAddress = null;
    private UnixSocketAddress localAddress = null;
    private final ReadWriteLock stateLock = new ReentrantReadWriteLock();
    private final BindHandler bindHandler;

    public static final UnixDatagramChannel open() throws IOException {
        return new UnixDatagramChannel();
    }

    public static final UnixDatagramChannel open(ProtocolFamily domain, int protocol) throws IOException {
        return new UnixDatagramChannel(domain, protocol);
    }

    public static final UnixDatagramChannel[] pair() throws IOException {
        int[] sockets = { -1, -1 };
        Native.socketpair(ProtocolFamily.PF_UNIX, Sock.SOCK_DGRAM, 0, sockets);
        return new UnixDatagramChannel[] {
            new UnixDatagramChannel(sockets[0], State.CONNECTED, true),
                new UnixDatagramChannel(sockets[1], State.CONNECTED, true)
        };
    }

    private UnixDatagramChannel() throws IOException {
        this(Native.socket(ProtocolFamily.PF_UNIX, Sock.SOCK_DGRAM, 0));
    }

    UnixDatagramChannel(ProtocolFamily domain, int protocol) throws IOException
    {
        this(Native.socket(domain, Sock.SOCK_DGRAM, protocol));
    }

    UnixDatagramChannel(int fd) {
        this(fd, State.IDLE, false);
    }

    UnixDatagramChannel(int fd, State initialState, boolean initialBoundState) {
        super(fd);
        stateLock.writeLock().lock();
        try {
            state = initialState;
            bindHandler = new BindHandler(initialBoundState);
        } finally {
            stateLock.writeLock().unlock();
        }
    }

    UnixDatagramChannel(int fd, UnixSocketAddress remote) throws IOException {
        this(fd);
        connect(remote);
    }

    @Override
    public UnixDatagramChannel bind(SocketAddress local) throws IOException {
        localAddress = bindHandler.bind(getFD(), local);
        return this;
    }

    public UnixDatagramChannel connect(UnixSocketAddress remote) {
        stateLock.writeLock().lock();
        remoteAddress = remote;
        state = State.CONNECTED;
        stateLock.writeLock().unlock();
        return this;
    }

    public UnixDatagramChannel disconnect() throws IOException {
        stateLock.writeLock().lock();
        remoteAddress = null;
        state = State.IDLE;
        stateLock.writeLock().unlock();
        return this;
    }

    boolean isBound() {
        return bindHandler.isBound();
    }

    public boolean isConnected() {
        stateLock.readLock().lock();
        boolean isConnected = state == State.CONNECTED;
        stateLock.readLock().unlock();
        return isConnected;
    }

    public final UnixSocketAddress getRemoteSocketAddress() {
        if (!isConnected()) {
            return null;
        }
        return remoteAddress != null ? remoteAddress : (remoteAddress = Common.getpeername(getFD()));
    }

    public final UnixSocketAddress getLocalSocketAddress() {
        return localAddress != null ? localAddress : (localAddress = Common.getsockname(getFD()));
    }

    @Override
    public UnixSocketAddress receive(ByteBuffer src) throws IOException {
        UnixSocketAddress remote = new UnixSocketAddress();
        int n = Native.recvfrom(getFD(), src, remote.getStruct());
        if (n < 0) {
            throw new IOException(Native.getLastErrorString());
        }
        return remote;
    }

    @Override
    public int send(ByteBuffer src, SocketAddress target) throws IOException {
        UnixSocketAddress remote = null;
        if (null == target) {
            if (isConnected()) {
                remote = remoteAddress;
            } else {
                throw new IllegalArgumentException("Destination address cannot be null on unconnected datagram sockets");
            }
        } else {
            if (!(target instanceof UnixSocketAddress)) {
                throw new UnsupportedAddressTypeException();
            }
            remote = (UnixSocketAddress)target;
        }
        SockAddrUnix sa = (null == remote) ? null : remote.getStruct();
        int addrlen = (null == sa) ? 0 : sa.length();
        int n = Native.sendto(getFD(), src, sa, addrlen);
        if (n < 0) {
            throw new IOException(Native.getLastErrorString());
        }

        return n;
    }

    @Override
    public DatagramChannel connect(SocketAddress remote) throws IOException {
        if (remote instanceof UnixSocketAddress) {
            return connect(((UnixSocketAddress) remote));
        } else {
            throw new UnsupportedAddressTypeException();
        }
    }

    @Override
    public UnixDatagramSocket socket() {
        try {
            return new UnixDatagramSocket(this);
        } catch (SocketException e) {
            throw new NullPointerException("Could not create UnixDatagramSocket");
        }
    }

    @Override
    public long write(ByteBuffer[] srcs, int offset, int length)
        throws IOException {

        if (state == State.CONNECTED) {
            return super.write(srcs, offset, length);
        } else if (state == State.IDLE) {
            return 0;
        } else {
            throw new ClosedChannelException();
        }
    }

    @Override
    public int read(ByteBuffer dst) throws IOException {
        if (state == State.CONNECTED) {
            return super.read(dst);
        } else if (state == State.IDLE) {
            return 0;
        } else {
            throw new ClosedChannelException();
        }
    }

    @Override
    public int write(ByteBuffer src) throws IOException {
        if (state == State.CONNECTED) {
            return super.write(src);
        } else if (state == State.IDLE) {
            return 0;
        } else {
            throw new ClosedChannelException();
        }
    }

    @Override
    public SocketAddress getRemoteAddress() throws IOException {
        return remoteAddress;
    }

    @Override
    public SocketAddress getLocalAddress() throws IOException {
        return localAddress;
    }

    private static class DefaultOptionsHolder {
        static final Set<SocketOption<?>> defaultOptions = defaultOptions();

        private static Set<SocketOption<?>> defaultOptions() {
            HashSet<SocketOption<?>> set = new HashSet<SocketOption<?>>(5);
            set.add(UnixSocketOptions.SO_SNDBUF);
            set.add(UnixSocketOptions.SO_SNDTIMEO);
            set.add(UnixSocketOptions.SO_RCVBUF);
            set.add(UnixSocketOptions.SO_RCVTIMEO);
            set.add(UnixSocketOptions.SO_PEERCRED);
            return Collections.unmodifiableSet(set);
        }
    }

    @Override
    public final Set<SocketOption<?>> supportedOptions() {
        return DefaultOptionsHolder.defaultOptions;
    }

    @Override
    public <T> T getOption(SocketOption<T> name) throws IOException {
        if (!supportedOptions().contains(name)) {
            throw new UnsupportedOperationException("'" + name + "' not supported");
        }
        return Common.getSocketOption(getFD(), name);
    }

    @Override
    public <T> DatagramChannel setOption(SocketOption<T> name, T value)
        throws IOException {
        if (name == null) {
            throw new IllegalArgumentException("name may not be null");
        }
        if (!supportedOptions().contains(name)) {
            throw new UnsupportedOperationException("'" + name + "' not supported");
        }
        Common.setSocketOption(getFD(), name, value);
        return this;
    }

    @Override
    public MembershipKey join(InetAddress group, NetworkInterface interf) {
        throw new UnsupportedOperationException("join is not supported");
    }

    @Override
    public MembershipKey join(InetAddress group, NetworkInterface interf, InetAddress source) {
        throw new UnsupportedOperationException("join is not supported");
    }

}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
Presentation by DAS International Resident Mo Sirra
Location: Golden Thread Gallery
If it does not blast in Belfast, it blasts in Baghdad
A measurement is only possible between two points (both ends of a line/path)
Why are we building new walls to divide us?
Almost a quarter of a century after the Iron Curtain came down, the walls are going up again. In steel and concrete, with watchtowers and barbed wire, mankind is building separation barriers at a rate perhaps unequalled in history - at least 6,000 miles in the last decade alone, according to a Guardian analysis.
"There are threats all the time," he says. "It doesn't bother us. If all of a sudden there were no threats and everything was totally peaceful, that would be strange." Lee Jae-geun, farmer, Tongil village, demilitarised zone.
Have you ever felt you wanted to know more about the institutional artist self-bordering? He/the temporary resident argues that the educated and in practice artistic vocabularies are regarded as either "a spent force" with little relevance in contemporary culture, or "stagnant"; implying that it no longer commands the dialectics of contemporary cultural practice. It appears no longer to offers artists strategies or methodologies with which to communicate critical cultural, aesthetic or political concerns.
A single resident's opposition can be enough to maintain the status quo. "One voice can veto change for the many" says NBIN's Brendan Clarke.
A set of arguments provide a preliminary means by which to identify the aspects of art practice and questioning the relevance of cultural discourse itself in a period of sweeping political, social, and economic change. To keep the lines open, you are urged to challenge the set of arguments.
Note: It is unnecessary to wear an Easter lily to strive for self-determination.
Do join us for what promises to be a very enlightening talk. A light lunch will be served.
Visit Mo's artist page at https://digitalartsstudios.com/artists/mo-sirra.
Supported by the Arts Council of Northern Ireland and Golden Thread Gallery.


The Clevedon Coast farming process is dedicated to producing "fresh, natural Clevedon Coast oysters" for consumers demanding the highest quality.
Clevedon Coast farmers rigorously adhere to natural spat collection, growing and harvesting their oysters from the world's safest growing waters.
Starts with naturally occurring spat selected over many years by nature to grow well and be healthy in our natural environment.
Oysters are harvested from clean growing waters when naturally in peak condition.
Processed immediately to allow freezing or shipping chilled within hours of harvest.
No treatment is required to ensure a safe product.
The oysters are completely free from chemical contamination, microbiological or algal hazards or genetic alteration.


mr kent international time clock international time clock wall clock international time clock mr kent international time clock.
mr kent international time clock featured image reception mr kent international time clock.
mr kent international time clock image 1 mr kent international time clock.
mr kent international time clock mantel clock dusty pink mr kent international time clock.
mr kent international time clock development in time and space mr kent international time clock.
mr kent international time clock white numbers wood wall clock large mr kent international time clock.
mr kent international time clock umbra big time clock nickel wall clocks mr kent international time clock.
mr kent international time clock vintage time ceramic wall clock hand made in mr kent international time clock.
mr kent international time clock international time clock with best wall clock time zone idea images on mr kent international time clock.
mr kent international time clock international airport mr kent international time clock.
mr kent international time clock and this picture shows the clock celebrating as it does the new year its this time mr kent international time clock.
mr kent international time clock bracket clock mr kent international time clock.
mr kent international time clock white numbers wall clock large brushed gold mr kent international time clock.
mr kent international time clock international time clock clock cameo international mr kent international time clock.
mr kent international time clock clock with change mr kent international time clock.
mr kent international time clock van mr kent international time clock.
mr kent international time clock international time clock john mantel clock boxed in cream international time clock mr kent international time clock.
mr kent international time clock international time clock with best clocks images on of mr kent international time clock.
mr kent international time clock oxford mint clock inch wall clocks mr kent international time clock.
mr kent international time clock set of clocks showing the time difference in different time zones mr kent international time clock.
mr kent international time clock a man working on a clock in eastern mr kent international time clock.
mr kent international time clock international time recording co secondary slave clocks mr kent international time clock.
mr kent international time clock international time clock wharf wall clock soaped mr kent international time clock.
mr kent international time clock frontiers functional assessment for acute stroke trials properties analysis and application neurology mr kent international time clock.
mr kent international time clock international time clock meg glanced at the station clock tick international time mr kent international time clock.
mr kent international time clock mulberry wall clock rose gold mr kent international time clock.
mr kent international time clock sisters country rustics pages sisters mr kent international time clock.
mr kent international time clock international time clock clocks international time clock mr kent international time clock.


These days, saving money at home doesn't have to mean eating cup noodles and cutting coupons for the local market. There are plenty of neat tricks and tips available that will kick-start your economical resolutions, and which are sure to improve your quality of life, as well as the health of your wallet.
Aside from straightforward solutions such as preparing and cooking meals at home rather than dining at restaurants, there are other less obvious options. So, whether you are looking to reduce debt, increase your financial freedom, or simply start saving, we've got some tricks for you. Read on below, and begin your thrifty life with ease and motivation!
Instead of spending a huge amount of money on chemical-laden cleaning goods, try your hand at making some from simple household items.
You can find out more here: 9 natural ways to clean your home!
Say goodbye to those regular restaurant visits, and start eating your meals at home. Your body will thank you, and so will your wallet!
In-season produce is cheaper, fresher and going to be better for the environment. Instead of heading to the supermarket and purchasing goods that have been shipped halfway around the world, go to a local market and see what is in season.
Instead of spending copious amounts of money on fancy accessories and serving boards for your kitchen, why not make some yourself? Try a weekend DIY project and create some cheeseboards. Alternatively, purchase vintage cookware and tableware from your local second hand store and impart an individual and unique aesthetic in your home.
With a cup of coffee sometimes costing HK$60, it's easy to see how money can disappear by the end of the week. Buy yourself a coffee or espresso machine for the kitchen, and start your day with an inexpensive and delicious homemade brew.
In this example, designers have implemented drawer tidies, which are essential to keeping everything in check.
Audit your crockery, glassware and accessories, selling or donating anything you no longer need.
This may seem as though you are spending money (which you are), however, old appliances often drain huge volumes of energy and resources, meaning you pay more to use them.
Invest in some energy and water smart accessories and appliances, and save yourself money in the long run.
Growing your own herbs drastically improves the vibe and aura in your kitchen, while ensuring you have plenty of tasty additives for your culinary treats.
Once you have grown your herbs, preserve them through drying, or freeze them fresh into olive oil within ice cube trays.
Making your own sauces and preserves not only saves you a tonne of money, but is a fun and exciting activity. Get your family involved, and make yourself some healthy, preservative and chemical-free goods that can be easily stored, and make excellent gifts too!
How do you save money at home? Share your tips with us!


text:
Filter by region: North and Central America, North of Sahara
Filter by programs: Foundations for Innovation, Maternal and Child Health
Foundations for Innovation x
Democratic and Inclusive Governance 31matches
Sustainable Inclusive Economies 13matches
Growth and Economic Opportunities for Women 10matches
Knowledge and Innovation Exchange Program 10matches
Improving outcomes in individuals with COVID-19 with renin-angiotensin system inhibition: the COVID-RASi trial
Cardiovascular disease is among the leading causes of death associated with COVID-19.
Improving the health and empowerment of migrants, women, and children in Guatemala during the COVID-19 pandemic
This project will study the effects of COVID-19 on the health of refugees and Indigenous populations in parts of rural Guatemala that are experiencing recent waves of refugees migrating into Indigenous communities.
Advancing health and well-being of sexual minority populations in Lebanon and the Middle East and North Africa: From youth to adulthood
The sexual and reproductive health and rights of adolescents and young adults, particularly of sexual minority groups, are poorly understood and often under threat because of discrimination.
New modalities and themes for science advice in West and Central Africa
Governments in West and Central Africa face multi-faceted challenges that require not only robust scientific evidence, but also significant levels of coordination at a regional or sub-regional level.
Research and development impact vouchers
The research and development (R&D) impact vouchers project seeks to incentivize collaboration between early-stage companies and public research organizations in low and middle-income countries.
Building a network of excellence in artificial intelligence in Sub-Saharan Africa
Artificial Intelligence (AI) has the potential to alter our world and to advance human development, with dramatic implications across every sector of society.
Strengthening engineering ecosystems in sub-Saharan Africa
This project responds to the significant gaps that exist in advanced training and research in applied science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) in sub-Saharan Africa.
Equity and Social Determinants of Health in Health Information Systems to inform Policies and Guide Reproductive Health Programs
The research will promote greater disaggregation of health information and inclusion of gender and social determinants of health indicators in Health Information Systems (HIS) at the national level in Egypt, Jordan and Morocco.
Developing and Socializing a Framework for Adolescent Sexual and Reproductive Health in West Bank and Gaza, Lebanon, Jordan and Morocco
The Middle East and North Africa region is experiencing a period of transition imposed by changing political, demographic, social, and economic environments.
Canada-South Africa trilateral Research Chair in climate change and human-wildlife interactions
Decreasing food availability for wildlife is likely to exacerbate the impacts of climate change on communities living near national parks.
Canada-South Africa trilateral research chair in nanomaterials for clean water
This project aims to use nanomaterials (a nanometer is one billionth of a meter) to provide new, inexpensive techniques to purify water that also address the increasingly important issue of antimicrobial resistance.
Expanding the Canadian Queen Elizabeth II Diamond Jubilee Scholarship Program to Advanced Scholars
Barriers to education in many low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) limit the development of human capital, leading to significant skills gaps.
Pathways to Inclusive Development through Innovation, Technology and Structural Change
Technology and innovation can drive economic growth, help solve social and environmental problems, and reduce poverty.
Social Impact Investment: Increasing Private Sector Investment to address Economic, Social, and Environmental Challenges
Private investors and philanthropic agencies are increasingly investing in firms and social enterprises that provide socially valued goods and services.
Interventions to Improve Maternal, Newborn, and Child Health in Mali and Burkina Faso (IMCHA)
Maternal and child mortality rates in Mali and Burkina Faso remain unacceptably high and the use of healthcare services in many parts of both countries is limited.
Improving quality of maternal health care for indigenous women in Argentina, Mexico, and Peru
Latin America is home to the greatest inequities in the world, including inequality in access to quality health services.
The State of Young Scholars and Scientists in Africa
This multinational study analyzes the career decisions and research performance of young scientists in higher education, government, parastatal (organizations whose activities serve the state), and industrial research and development (R&D) sectors across Africa.
Canada-Africa Research Exchange Grants Phase II
The Canada-Africa Research Exchange Grants Phase II (or CAREG II) will support more than 20 short-term faculty research exchanges between Canadian and African universities and research institutes during 2013-2015.
DFID-IDRC Program in Support of the African Institute for Mathematical Sciences' Next Einstein Initiative
IDRC is implementing the Government of Canada's $20 million contribution to expand the African Institute for Mathematical Sciences' Next Einstein Initiative (AIMS-NEI) network.
Centre for Global Development Visiting Fellowship Program
The Center for Global Development (CGD), located in Washington DC, is a globally preeminent think tank with unique networking and reach.
Collaboration for Health Systems Analysis and Innovation (CHESAI)
Adding a social science perspective to the field of health policy and systems research can help developing countries address health problems in a more comprehensive way.
Canada Among Nations 2012 to 2014
This grant will help the Norman Paterson School of International Affairs at Carleton University (Ottawa) publish three volumes of Canada Among Nations (CAN), described as the country's best "publication of record" on Canadian international relations.
Enhancing Participation of Indigenous People to Address Discrimination and Promote Equity in Health Systems
New research will help indigenous peoples in Latin America tackle the inequity, racial discrimination, and other barriers they face in accessing their right to health care.


text:
Stories From History That Should Be Made Into Movies
Dear Hollywood, instead of your obsessive need to turnout re-makes of classics, why not look to history for some incredible stories that have yet to be told?
Here, Twitter has also given you a jumpstart of some awesome movie ideas, all thanks to Twitter user @KylePlantEmoji.
Got any other awesome stories from history that hasn't made it to the big screen? Share it us with in the comments below!
Innocent Trip To Mexico Results In Jail-time And Stolen Passport (Twitter Thread)
Andrew Kimmel, a man who decided to use some miles to maintain a certain status with American Airlines, booked a $400 flight to Mexico and had quite the unforgettable experience.
When you fly so often, you often rack up some travel perks in the form of mileage and more. Kimmel is an avid flyer, flying up to three times a week when working in news and twice a week working as a reality producer. Both jobs required Kimmel to travel all over the United States. And whenever he had time off, he would plan trips out of the country.
Last year, Kimmel had obtained the status of 'Executive Platinum' with American Airlines. Such a status gave him three free checked bags, top of the list for complimentary upgrades on all domestic flights, free same-day flight changes and four free system-wide upgrades. Meaning, if you were flying economy to Asia, you would be able to use one system-wide upgrade that would bump you to business. So what would essentially start as an $800 economy ticket could end up being a $5,000 business class seat.
Recently, American Airlines changed what it takes to hold the 'Executive Platinum' status. To achieve the 'Executive Platinum' status you once had to spend $12K a year on flights (pre-tax), now you must spend $15K a year to maintain the status.
In a Twitter thread, Kimmel shared his insane and unbelievable story when traveling to Mexico:
Twitter User Provides Insight Into Devastating Australian Bushfire
An apocalyptic blood-red sky looms over Australian as the fires rage on.
One Twitter user, Dr. Bodie Ashton, has gone in-depth on how truly devastating this crisis is, mapping it out for those outside, or even in a different part of Australia and cannot fully comprehend the severity of it all.
It's been a rocky start to 2020, we can only hope this isn't a set-tone for the rest of the year.
We continue to pray for Australia during these hard times.
Twitter Thread
Story Of A Man Sentenced To Life Without Parole For Stealing $9
The justice system has failed many, many unfortunate souls. Including Willie Simmons, who was sentenced to life without parole, in 1982, for stealing $9.
Investigative journalist Beth Shelburne has brought Simmons' story into the spotlight when sharing this man's story via Twitter. Not only was Willie Simmons sentenced to life for something so ridiculous, but he has also been and still is currently imprisoned in one of the most notorious prisons in Alabama.
Alabama Legislature passed something called the "Habitual Felony Offender Act" to crack down on repeat criminals, back in 1977. And journalist Shelburne is here to shed some light on just some of the injustice created by this "Habitual Felony Offender Act."
Twitter Users Create Beautiful Thread On 'How To Describe Color To A Blind Person'
How would you describe color to a blind person? Do you describe the emotions usually felt with each color? Things that are associated with said color? Do you have a cultural interpretation for each color?
There doesn't seem to be a right or wrong answer but it's definitely interesting to read what people have come up with that describes colors for them.
Please Understand How Lonely And Hard Life Is (A Thread)
We are all in this struggle together.
Please, take a moment and let the following words soak into your mind and heart.
We would all be better off with a little understand of one another.
Tumblr Users Thread On How To Survive The Zombie Apocalypse
Tumblr user, kars-did-nothing-wrong, makes a really good point...why don't people just wear armor?
What's your survival plan? Ours is to hide out at a Costco. We probably won't make it long through the apocalypse but at least we'll die in the place we love.
tumblr thread
A Short Yet Important Thread To Read If You're Feeling Ugly Today
This following thread, by @alexdurog, may be a year old but it's so lifting and positive that it should be shared every week or so. This is for anyone who needs a little lift in their day, or life.
You are beautiful.
Don't feel like you are? Read below, might change your perception.
If You Have A Kid, Get Ready For Some Nonstop Petty Negotiations (24 Tweets)
And when we say nonstop, we mean nonstop. Trade lawyer, @scottlincicome, tweeted "Nobody tells you parenthood is basically an infinite series of petty negotiations," and it struck a chord in many parents who then shared their own recent petty negotiations with their kids.
Powerful Twitter Thread About The #MeToo Movement And Sexual Harassment Is Getting Praised
This. If you were to read one thread today, let it be this one. Writer and activist, Mark Greene, sums up the #MeToo movement into a series of easy to comprehend tweets, and the best course of action to take to make this world safer, positive, and overall better for women AND men.
A**hole Genie Grants You One Wish, What Do You Wish For? (25 Uproarious Answers)
The user who started this genius AskReddit thread has since deleted their account but the thread lives on, and we are so ever grateful for that! This may be a bit of an older threader but it's definitely one of the best ones! So we ask you if you had one wish...what would you wish for? Enjoy the hysterical responses from the a**hole genie below!
Man Gives Insightful Reasoning Why Season 8 Of Game Of Thrones Feels Different (WITHOUT Spoilers!)
Do you feel like Season 8 of Game of Thrones is a completely different show from when it first aired? You're not alone. Twitter user, Daniel Silvermint, did some thinking and came up with what could be the actual reason as to why it feels that way.
28 Of The Best Feel-Good Tumblr Stories Bound To Bring Some Happiness To Your Day
Sometimes, you just need some goodness in your day. Enjoy this wholesome and feel-good stories!
funny tumblr
Tumblr User Gets Schooled When Claiming A 'Japanese Tea Party' Is Cultural "Appropriation"
An oldie of a Tumblr post but still very much relevant and important. When a mom from Utah, posted on her blog about a Japanese-themed party she threw for her daughter, Tumblr somehow got a hold of it and started dragging the mom for encouraging racism. Then commenters started stepping in, one of which who was actually Japanese, decided to set the record straight.
japanese tea party
culture appreication
Tumblr Thread About Countries Different Ways Of Measuring Time And Space Is Festinating
How does your country measure distance and time?
Hysterical Twitter Thread Shows Just How Delusional Ad Companies Are About Understanding Women (18 Tweets)
Ahh, nothing like a tiny latte to go with a glass of wine and table full of mobile devices, while we stew in the bath. Ad companies showcase a bizarre reality of what they believe women do with a bathtub tray. Surprise! It's not any of this, that's for sure. Check out the hysterical thread below.
funny twitter


text:
About Dr Waller
Propaganda & political warfare
Secret police & spy services
Terrorism, insurgency & irregular warfare
Financial media
National / regional / global
China & East Asia
Crime & corruption
Human rights & resistance
Irregular warfare
Islamism / Jihadism
Private military contracting
Russia / USSR
Decision Briefs
Strategic global influence for the United States (House, 2010)
Public diplomacy: A vital component of US aid in the Americas (House, 2003)
Terrorist and Muslim Brotherhood infiltration of the US (Senate, 2003)
Troubleshooting US policy toward Russia (House, 1999)
Russian nuclear missile de-targeting and the presidential narrative (House, 1997)
Latin American revolutionaries and their US support base (House, 1987)
J Michael Waller on Twitter J Michael Waller on LinkedIn RSS Feed
Categories Select Category Academic Defence Strategic Communications Demokratizatsiya journal Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice Journal of International Security Affairs Military Review Occasional Papers Oxford University Press Presentations Air War College Atlantic Council Columbia University Georgetown University National Intelligence University Westminster Institute Activities BBC guest CNN guest Documentary Fox News guest litigation London Center military training News coverage NPR guest Edward Lucas One America News guest Riga Conference TheBlaze guest US Congress Washington Free Beacon Afghanistan Africa Niger Nigeria Americas Cuba Ecuador El Salvador Guatemala Mexico crime cartels Cherán resistance immigration law Nicaragua secret police Venezuela Canada CSIS China debt-trap diplomacy espionage financial co-optation nuclear weapons PLA psychological warfare economic aid Egypt energy energy propaganda Europe Bulgaria Czech Republic Eastern Europe Germany Stasi Latvia Lithuania Poland Switzerland human rights intelligence analysis espionage illegals failures Iran Iraq ISIS Islamism active measures Boko Haram Daesh defeating jihadists front organizations CAIR Islamic State (ISIS/ISIL/Daesh) Islamist Muslim Brotherhood civilization jihad Dar al-Hijrah Islamic Center vulnerabilities Red-Green Axis Saudi Arabia subversion Media appearances BigPeace Breitbart.com Center for Security Policy Congressional testimony Corrections Daily Beast Daily Caller El Tiempo Latino Forbes Fox News InFocus Insight Investor's Business Daily Kyiv Post (Ukraine) Los Angeles Times New York Post New York Times Providence Journal Reader's Digest Serviam The Federalist Town Hall USA Today Voice of America Wall Street Journal Washington Examiner Washington Times NATO Article 5 lustration Nord Stream 2 Policy papers private solutions battlefield solutions charity counternarcotics cultural change culture fire companies intelligence services privateers rescue services self-defense forces provocative weakness psychological strategy Russia chemical weapons corruption cyberwar destabilization energy dependence foreign policy KGB nuclear weapons ICBM RS-12M2 SS-27 Topol-M strategic nuclear modernization Putin RT/Sputnik Russian/Soviet subversion SVR foreign intelligence illegals terrorism/Soviet support for US aid Scholarly works Spain military sales Sri Lanka strategic influence active measures Big Data Google bloggers broadcasting counterpropaganda disinformation forgeries economic warfare information warfare lawfare music diplomacy political warfare propaganda PSYOP public diplomacy broadcasting regime change ridicule social media Facebook Twitter strategic communication subversion threat doctrine Strategy Ukraine Uncategorized United Nations United States American founding counterintelligence counterterrorism diplomacy foreign aid national security strategy political corruption Puerto Rico US military Air Force Air War College Army training USASOC contractors Navy Okinawa SOCOM Vietnam Wall Street Journal
In Military Review
J Michael Waller
President Trump must declassify Obama's secret PSD-11 strategy to support the Muslim Brotherhood," Center for Security Policy, Decision Brief 2018.008, November 26, 2018.
US should arm Venezuelans to take their country back, Center for Security Policy, Decision Brief 2018.007, October 4, 2018.
UN anti-corruption programs are so biased that US must shut them down, Center for Security Policy, Decision Brief 2018.006, September 25, 2018.
A return to the Establishment's arms control agenda: Here's what the President should, and should not, do, Center for Security Policy, Decision Brief 2018.003, July 31, 2018.
America needs an in-kind deterrent to Russia's political warfare, Center for Security Policy, Decision Brief 2018.002, July 23, 2018.
Designate the Muslim Brotherhood as a foreign terrorist organization, Center for Security Policy, Decision Brief 2018.001, June 28, 2018.
What to do about Venezuela: The case for political & psychological strategy
by J. Michael Waller / Occasional Paper Series No. 6 / Center for Security Policy, May 2005.
Among the more troubling legacies Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice has inherited is one of neglect towards the Western Hemisphere, a legacy that has seriously diminished the United States' stature and influence in most of the Americas This is due, in part, to the self-imposed abdication of the Nation's hemispheric security obligations. Secretary Rice has signaled by her recent trip to the region and a major address on the subject delivered today that she intends to address the problem – and not a moment too soon.
Today, Washington's friends in Latin America stand isolated, disillusioned, and bewildered. At the same time, the foes of freedom are advancing their objectives in our hemisphere with an effectiveness unseen since the presidency of Jimmy Carter in the 1970s. Lack of a coherent U.S. strategy toward the region since the end of the Cold War, no less so since 2001, has allowed other actors to enter and dominate the scene.
These actors range from old, obsessed figures like Cuban dictator Fidel Castro and warmed-over '70s terrorists-turned-politicians like Nicaragua's Daniel Ortega, to Carter himself, whose continued international work certifying election results has provided essential political cover to anti-democratic forces in the region. Indeed, it might be said that over the past four years, Jimmy Carter has been the most visible and arguably most influential U.S. leader in Latin America.
Nowhere is the lack of a U.S. strategic approach to the Western Hemisphere more evident than in the unchecked rise of a self-absorbed, unstable strongman in Venezuela, Hugo Chavez, who has made common cause with terrorists and the regimes that support them, and has developed a revolutionary ideology that has begun to plunge the Americas again into violence and chaos. It is necessary for the democratic nations of the hemisphere to come together and stop this rising threat to peace before it is too late.
Evolution of an Aggressive Dictatorship
Morphing Bolivar. The revolutionary dictatorship of Venezuela set down its roots in 1999 after, an army mutineer who had led a bloody failed coup in 1992 against the democratically-elected government, was elected president on a populist platform. Venezuela's political and economic systems were so corrupt that its major parties had lost public confidence, creating the opportunity for a demagogue to promise to clean house and redistribute wealth to the poor.
Renaming the country the "Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela," the new president introduced a new ideology, "Bolivarianism," as a political construct and legitimizing belief, combining forms of Maoist and Castro-style Marxism-Leninism with a nationalist populism. The latter was centered around a severely distorted caricature of Simon Bolivar, the 19th century liberator who delivered South America from Spanish domination, combined with a bias and cultural appeal to take advantage of the plight of indigenous peoples.
Four main phases toward dictatorship
Since becoming president in 1999, the mutineer has moved the country through four principal phases:
First, he invalidated the existing constitution (in force since 1961) using illegal and pseudo- legal means and had his supporters write a new constitution (1999).
Second, under the new constitution, he made himself eligible to be president for two six- year terms and abolished one house of the congress, giving himself predominant federal powers.
Third, he began his "social revolution" in 2001 by using presidential decrees to begin confiscating private property and taking full control of the education of Venezuela's youth along rigid ideological lines.
The fourth phase has included covert meddling in the internal affairs of other South American countries, political repression, use of torture against opponents, and the use of all government agencies and budgets to serve the revolution. Indeed, the Venezuelan president has repeatedly said that his only goal is to assure the indefinite continuation in power of his "Bolivarian Revolution."
Nasser/Ba'athist redux
The evolving Venezuelan dictatorship is unlike the ones to which the region has long been accustomed. In a manner reminiscent of the Nasserite-Ba'athist United Arab Republic (UAR) of Egypt and Syria (1958-61), the Venezuelan regime is in a state of permanent revolution. Every key institution in government and in civil society (and it is important to remember that Venezuela was the first and most stable democracy in the Spanish- speaking world) has been replaced by a revolutionary institution fulfilling a similar function. Every element—the country's judicial framework, military establishment, educational system, labor unions, government departments, currency boards, police forces, banking structures—has been revolutionized. Only the Catholic Church remains outside of the government's control.
Systematic violation of constitution. The government has systematically violated the national constitution it drew up itself in 1999, starting when it stacked a constituent assembly to usurp the powers of the elected congress and the supreme court.1 It has ceased funding any political parties save its own, the Fifth Republic Movement (MVR), which has become an organ of the state and routinely uses the country's resources. Beyond MVR, the government has created extra-constitutional private paramilitary mobs called "Bolivarian Circles" that routinely threaten, beat and even kill political opponents. The government has recently equipped, armed, and sworn in a new "reservist" army of citizen revolutionaries to act as guarantors of the revolution and act as a check to the military establishment. It has stripped the regime's critics of basic human rights and driven hundreds of them into exile. It is squeezing the life out of the remaining pro-democracy opposition movements, even charging their leaders with "treason," "rebellion," and "disobedience."
Rhetoric sets policy. Many analysts have viewed the Venezuelan president as a leftist version of the traditional Latin American military strongman—a 21st century Juan Domingo Perón. This analysis is profoundly flawed. Anti-American rhetoric and proto-Leninist sentiments may long have been tools for electoral or domestic purposes throughout Latin America. In the case of today's Venezuela, they are from the get-go a formal part of the regime's policy as well as instruments for advancing its nationalist agenda.
This assessment is borne out by the facts. In June of 1994, upon his release from prison after his failed coup, the then-cashiered lieutenant colonel traveled to Havana where he received a hero's welcome from Fidel Castro himself. This man—defeated, fresh out of prison, broke and with no political support of any kind—was given the treatment reserved for a visiting Head of State. Castro was welcoming an old friend—an ally of many years who had provided valuable help and who held great promise for the future.
Clear objective: The undermining of all civil and democratic institutions. Since his first election in 1998, the Venezuelan president has openly and repeatedly explained his objectives. A representative example of this was a nationally broadcast speech in September 2002, where he admitted publicly that he had never been a soldier, but a revolutionary hiding inside the army, working for the revolution until the right opportunity came along. He has narrated the story of how he kept in close contact with Venezuela's key communist intellectuals and activists while rising through the ranks of the Venezuelan army. He has explained how they gave him books to read and how they stayed up long nights exchanging views and talking about the eventual revolution. The president admits he was an expert mole placed within the Venezuelan army with the purpose of undermining it and eventually neutralizing it as a counter- revolutionary force.
These admissions provide an understanding of the Venezuelan government's skilled political manoeuvring during the past six years. The regime has undermined all Venezuelan institutions. This has been achieved, in no small measure, thanks to its cynical grasp of how and when to conceal its true purposes – especially when public opinion turned against the president's most transparently authoritarian tendencies. The Venezuelan government has pursued, from the outset, a dual strategy of "photo-op cordiality" with democratic leaders of the hemisphere while seeking to dominate the domestic Venezuelan scene and propagate revolutionary ideology throughout the Americas.
State Department figure gave green light to Caracas. The current administration's policy on Venezuela was designed by John Maisto, U.S. ambassador to the country under President Clinton and director for hemispheric affairs on President George W. Bush's National Security Council. It amounts to: "Watch what they do, not what they say." But the key to understanding the Venezuelan government and the threat it represents for the region is to understand that it means what it says — and it says what it means. The fact that there may be a time lag between a revolutionary statement and corresponding action by the Venezuelan governmental provides poor justification for ignoring the march to autocracy in Venezuela.
Venezuela is unlike other leftist governments in region. The Venezuelan strongman's conduct has now become an international issue. Were it merely a matter of socialist or populist domestic policies and anti-U.S. rhetoric – a staple of Latin American politics for three generations – Washington might be able to get away with conducting business as it has (and does) with so many other countries in the region. But Venezuela stands in stark contrast to the leftist leaders of Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Uruguay. While there are reasons for concerns about these leaders' own residual extremism, they have not, to date, behaved like dictators committed to exporting revolution.
Destabilization of other democracies. The Venezuelan government has extensive funding ties to destabilizing forces in Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, and Nicaragua, countries teetering on the edge of political and social turmoil, or worse. Venezuela's instruments include lawless guerilla organizations fomenting volatility and legitimized revolutionary organizations that sloganeer democracy and seek power through the ballot box. The Venezuelan government wishes to attain electoral victories in order to pursue the Bolivarian model of control in each of these countries.
During the 1980s, Fidel Castro and the Soviet Union fomented guerrilla wars in Central America. President Ronald Reagan and his very able foreign policy team stopped them. The strife in Central America, however, had important repercussions. Millions of people were displaced. Nearly one million Central Americans immigrated into the United States in search of safety, and even today, the economic consequences of grinding poverty and the failed left-wing movements of the 1980s continue to push hundreds of thousands of Central Americans to seek entry into the United States through legal and illegal means.
$50 billion in annual oil revenue can finance a lot of trouble. In 2004, Venezuela was the United States' sixteenth-largest trading partner with $50 billion in yearly hard currency income. That is more than the combined yearly incomes of all of Central America during the 1980s crises. Further, the population of the countries that form the fallout zones of Venezuela's projected instability exceeds 100 million. Venezuela has more energy resources than Iraq and supplies one-fifth of American oil consumption. Given its vast resources and investments in exporting revolution, if Venezuela succeeds with its plans the Central American instability of two decades ago will seem modest in comparison.
U.S. asset: Goodwill of Venezuelan people. The lack of a coherent U.S. policy towards Venezuela is profoundly frustrating given that, unlike the Venezuelan government and its paid supporters, the majority of Venezuelans have great affection for America and its freedoms. Data obtained from the Pew Research Center surveys on "Global Attitudes" indicate that, although much of the world—and nearly all of Latin America—resents and mistrusts the United States, the population of Venezuela ranks among the greatest global admirers of the United States and its people. The Venezuelan government knows this and is funding numerous "educational" programs to shift affinity away from the United States.
U.S. policy towards Venezuela: A Fixation with 'Process'
Unlike Fidel Castro, the Venezuelan president did not come to power by force. He was compelled to work within legal means to achieve power in a country with a long democratic tradition. The resulting veneer of legitimacy and legality has been essential to the government's survival. Largely because of a fixation with the democratic "processes" by which the Bolivarian regime took and consolidated power, as well as to concerns about Venezuela's strong position as a major oil supplier, the Clinton and Bush administrations largely ignored what the regime in Caracas was saying and much of what it was actually doing.
The United States ignored two years of cries for help from Venezuela. For two years, Venezuelan citizens, businessmen, political leaders, military officers, clergymen, and others implored the Bush administration for help and acknowledgment –but received none. The 24- hour coup on April 11, 2002 against the would-be dictator was a purely Venezuelan action, lacking even tacit U.S. support, let alone encouragement. Among the public signs of U.S. non- involvement was the complete absence of the sort of highly public diplomatic offensives the U.S. generally takes to set the international political climate for regime change.
The executive branch also ignored warnings from Congress. The Bush administration also ignored warnings from some of its strongest and most influential friends. House International Relations Committee Chairman Hyde wrote a letter of warning to President Bush and Secretary of State Colin Powell in October 2002. He told them about "the leadership of all the pro-democracy elements of the society" in Venezuela meeting to demand the resignation of the dictator and the holding of free and fair elections. Hyde described the illegitimacy of the Bolivarian regime, and itemized its steady progress toward creeping dictatorship. Rep. Hyde argued that the United States should "declare itself in sympathy with the pro-democratic civil- military coalition in Venezuela which seeks to restore democracy and should do so at once."
The Bush Administration ignored the Venezuelans' appeals and disregarded Chairman Hyde's advice. The Bolivarian regime proceeded to defeat the democrats, break up their organizations, purge them from the nation's institutions, have many beaten and shot, confiscate their property, and drive many of their leaders into exile and still the U.S. government did nothing.
Matters were made worse when Venezuelan opposition to the regime intensified last year, prompting millions upon millions of Venezuelan citizens to sign numerous petitions demanding a referendum on whether the government should stay in power. The regime delayed and obstructed the recall referendum process at every turn. Once the regime was forced to submit to such a referendum, moreover, it used a fraud-filled voting process to ensure victory. The government did everything—including granting citizenship to half a million illegal aliens in a crude vote-buying scheme and "migrating" existing voters away from their local election office—to fix the results in its favor. The outcome was then affirmed and legitimated by ex- President Jimmy Carter's near-unconditional support.
Unquestionable electoral fraud. Despite Mr. Carter's validation, an independent statistical analysis performed by a joint team of Harvard University and MIT professors in August 2004 concluded that while it was impossible to determine the actual dimension of fraud, there was no question that fraudulent activity in the electronic voting process skewed the results.
These findings were seen as unwelcome outside Venezuela. The Organization of American States dismissed the Harvard-MIT study. For its part, the Carter Center issued an in- house response that actually raised serious doubts about the technical capabilities of the Carter Center to observe this type of elections or to evaluate their aftermath. One stubborn fact surrounding the fraud is that the companies hired to supply the voting machines and the software for the referendum were secretly created and partly owned by the Venezuelan government.
Jimmy Carter ignored pleas from the opposition and publicly endorsed the results, despite the fact that the government reneged on its agreement to carry out an audit of the results. Carter's actions not only gave the Venezuelan regime the legitimacy it craved, but also destroyed the public's confidence in the voting process and in the effectiveness of international observers.
Since then, despite the fact that polls continually show the opposition holding nearly 50 percent support among the electorate, the regime has been winning regional elections by huge margins as opposition voters abstain from what they perceive to be a futile and corrupted process.
Reaping What Has Been Sown
As a new Secretary of State took office in early 2005, she confronted in Venezuela an oil- rich dictatorship that had all but defeated its democratic opponents and that has done the following:
created strategic alliances with designated state-sponsors of terrorism, including Cuba, Iran, Saddam Hussein's Iraq, and Libya prior to the lifting of sanctions. The alliances with Iran, Cuba, and Libya involve transfers of technology (weaponry), and personnel purged the Venezuelan military of pro-U.S. officers and terminated productive security relations (including exchange programs) with the U.S., causing U.S. military teams to depart in 2002 and replacing them with Cuban advisers and special forces personnel from the People's Republic of China;
used Venezuela's oil wealth for subversive purposes and to prop up a state sponsor of terrorism:
o replaced the Soviet Union as the Cuban regime's chief supplier of heavily subsidized oil;
o while chairing OPEC, attempted to use the cartel to wage political and economic warfare against the United States;
o brought Saddam Hussein's and Muammar Quadafi's oil managers to reorganize the state PDVSA oil monopoly and bring it under Chavez's political control;
o placed PDVSA under the control of Ali Rodriguez, a former Maoist guerrilla who openly identifies with extreme Islamist causes.
• effectively merged his security and intelligence services with those of Cuba:
o approved a treaty with Cuba granting Cuban judges and members of the Cuban state security apparatus full jurisdiction inside Venezuela;
o placed the Venezuelan intelligence service (DISIP) under the control of the Cuban DGI intelligence service, with DGI officers openly staffing key DISIP managerial and analytical posts;
o brought in thousands of Cuban secret police and intelligence officers to train and staff Bolivarian security forces;o imported thousands of Cuban civic action operatives to build a political support base among the urban and rural poor;
o set up Cuban-style political goon squads, called Bolivarian Circles, to use intimidation and violence against political opponents and non-supporters, both among civilians and the military;
o set up Cuban-style neighborhood block committees to spy on each member of the community and enforce political participation and control.
• aided, abetted, and comforted international Islamist terrorist organizations:
o permitted Hamas and Hezbollah to operate freely on Isla Margarita, a Venezuelan island in the Caribbean, including allowing Hezbollah to run an Arabic-language radio propaganda station;
o provided official, manufactured Venezuelan identities and travel documents to key Muslim operatives wanted in the United States, including individuals who trained with September 11 hijackers and carried out a foiled grenade attack against a British airliner;
o openly sympathized with the attacks on American and Coalition troops in Iraq, Iraqis serving in their new government, and Iraqi civilians who participate in the new democracy.
• aided and abetted regional narcotics traffickers and narcoterrorists:
o stopped key cooperation against drug trafficking and organized crime, including termination of the construction of radars to monitor the border area;
o forbade U.S. reconnaissance flights for drug control policy (after more than a decade of cooperation with previous Venezuelan governments).
• aided and abetted narcoguerrilla groups seeking to overthrow the government of Colombia:
o allowed the FARC (Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia) to operate camps across the border from Colombia;
o ordered the army not to interfere with FARC guerrillas in Venezuelan territory; o invaded Colombian territory to provide air cover to FARC units infiltrating from Venezuela;
o allowed key FARC and ELN (National Liberation Army) combatants and commanders to live and operate freely in Caracas; some stayed at luxury hotels and received the equivalent of diplomatic treatment; one spoke on the floor of the Venezuelan National Assembly; one, the foreign minister of the FARC, was living openly with state sponsorship;
o has allowed arms and supply shipments to the FARC, once sporadic, to take place on an almost daily basis.
• developed a coherent, populist political ideology and political action apparatus to spread political subversion in other countries:
o "Bolivarianism" is a pan-South American hybrid of Maoist and Castroite political theory and political action, Marxist internationalism, and Andean and indigenous "nationalism" that is replacing Soviet-style Marxism-Leninism as the region's main, transnational, aggressive ideology.
o Bolivarianism includes the use of covert political action, political subversion and violence against neighboring countries:
the Fifth Republic Party is a cover to infiltrate political warfare operatives into other countries, including Colombia;
the Venezuelan regime is financing and organizing the radicalization of indigenous movements throughout the Andean region, including Ecuador, Peru, and Bolivia;
the regime is threatening small countries across the Caribbean with Bolivarian violence;
the regime aided the overthrow of Bolivia's pro-U.S. President Sanchez de Losada in 2003, and the impending overthrow of the current president by helping Bolivian coca growers to build a grassroots protest movement that has effectively shut down much of the country;
the regime has been inspiring, advising, materially assisting and financing radical parties and movements across the hemisphere to build a bloc against the U.S. and its allies:
it has used the "Forum of São Paulo" network of former terrorist and guerrilla movement leaders under the tutelage of Brazil's ruling Workers' Party;
it has funded the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) of Nicaragua and the Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front (FMLN) of El Salvador;
"Bolivarian Circles" enforce the imposition of the ideology
FARC personnel reportedly have trained Bolivarian Circles;
The president has funded the creation of Bolivarian Circles amongVenezuelan émigrés in Bolivia, Ecuador, Uruguay and the United States. There are currently no fewer than 20 such groups in the United States.
• is arming to militarize the population and threaten its neighbors:
o though Venezuela has long had a domestic military small-arms industry of its own, and for decades manufactured the Belgian FN-FAL assault rifle, the regime is currently importing 100,000 Russian Kalashnikov assault rifles, and may import as many as 400,000 AK-47s. Venezuela's standing Army of 84,000 uses FAL rifles, leading many analysts to wonder what will become of the excess Russian weaponry;
o Venezuela also plans to purchase as many as 50 Russian MiG fighter aircraft, replacing or augmenting its small fleet of U.S. warplanes and giving it an unprecedented offensive military capability. In addition, the regime is purchasing military hardware from Spain.
• has curbed civil rights and civil liberties. The media has, until recently, served as the only effective check to arbitrary government power. In poll after poll, the Venezuelan media ranks as the most respected institution in the country. This explains why the regime:
o has instigated violent verbal and physical attacks against the owners, editors, and employees of the media. Buildings have been bombed, reporters have been injured and killed, and automobiles, cameras, and other media property have been destroyed by armed members of the Bolivarian circles militia or by unknowns that the security forces claim they could never find.
o has raided the homes of prominent journalists and compelled them to testify to the secret police. The International Broadcasting Association, Interamerican Press Society, and the Interamerican Commission for Human Rights of the Organization of American States have pleaded in vain with the regime to protect freedom of the press.
o uses presidential decrees routinely to interrupt regular television and radio broadcasts, forcing all media to transmit hours of pro-government propaganda.
o instituted a new penal code that states "anyone who offends with his words or in writing or in any other way disrespects the President of the Republic or whomever is fulfilling his duties will be punished with prison of 6 to 30 months if the offense is serious and half of that if it is light." Journalists who "expose another person to contempt or public hatred" can receive a prison sentence of one to three years.
o authorized prosecutors to track down allegedly criminal inaccuracies in truth not only in newspapers and electronic media, but also in e-mail and telephone communications. The new code specifies that anyone charged with the crimes mentioned here will not be entitled to legal due process. Already, private TV stations are showing signs of self-censorship.
• is becoming one of the hemisphere's worst violators of human rights. The Bolivarian regime:
o intimidates, beats, maims, and murders opponents via the Bolivarian Circles and other means. Members of the militia have injured or killed several foreign citizens (including citizens of Great Britain, Italy, Spain, and the United States).
o has indicted hundreds of leading members of Venezuelan civil society for the crime of "civil rebellion," a charge that carries a minimum twelve year and a maximum twenty-five year sentence. Among them: three former elected governors, the president of the radio broadcasting association, the former president of the Inter-American Human Rights Court, the former president of the Venezuelan Supreme Court, the president of the bankers association, the personnel of numerous NGOs, the president of the AFL-CIO affiliated Venezuelan federation of labor, and the head of the Venezuelan chamber of commerce;
o persecuted democracy activists who were awarded funds from the National Endowment for Democracy;
• is trying to limit Washington's latitude for action by cultivating and co-opting decision- makers. The Caracas regime has:
o opened a costly effort, the Venezuelan Information Office, to serve as media promoters for the government;
o cultivated key American lawmakers of both parties and won the support of the Congressional Black Caucus;
o bought influence from others in Washington, including a prominent Republican political figure;
o cooperates with existing left-wing grassroots organizations to disinform about U.S. involvement in the region in a strategy that seeks to pre-empt any palliative measures in favor of Venezuelan democracy;
o used former President Jimmy Carter and the Carter Center; retains a Republican firm to set up and run electronic propaganda operations in the United States.
A strategy for regime change: Challenges and opportunities
Despite the United States' sustained neglect of the region that poses so many challenges, America also enjoys many opportunities to help Venezuelan democrats regain their country. A summary of challenges and opportunities follows.
Challenges. Venezuela's political opposition is divided, scattered, and severely weakened under the dictatorship. The United States does not have a hemispheric security strategy. Latin American issues, particularly when challenging a leftist revolutionary dictatorship aligned with Cuba, are among the most polarizing and emotional of any foreign policy issue. U.S. credibility in the hemisphere is low. Many friends of the United States in the region feel ignored or abandoned. Washington tends to lead with its chin, unnecessarily generating resentments or nationalistic reaction instead of making skillful use of its ample diplomatic and other resources. It also tends to personalize conflicts instead of fighting wars of ideas, needlessly elevating the prestige and popularity of the leaders whose forces it seeks to undermine.
The United States has virtually eliminated public diplomacy activity in the hemisphere, while the Venezuelan regime is busy covertly funding political allies across Latin America and the Caribbean, and buying other allies with cash payoffs that Washington would never match. Intelligence is pitifully weak thanks to: low policy priorities, poorly conceived tasking priorities that drive collection, a poor sense of how to utilize political intelligence — and therefore its importance, severely debilitated HUMINT assets, and continued counterintelligence concerns about hostile penetration of U.S. intelligence services since the high-level Cuban penetration of the Defense Intelligence Agency uncovered in 2001.
Opportunities. Internal opposition to the Venezuelan dictatorship is deep and broad. The opposition extends through the oil sector, the bureaucracy and the armed forces. Significant areas of support for the revolution are shallow or hollow, and under the right circumstances could become security liabilities instead of assets for the regime.
Regional concerns. Venezuela's neighbors are concerned and some are downright alarmed as the revolution is consolidated. The regime visibly supports guerrilla and terrorist activity across its borders, and seeks inordinate arsenals of weapons and warplanes. Guyana, on Venezuela's eastern border, is fearful of the regime's claims on a third of its territory. The Eastern Caribbean States are similarly worried, even as some appear becoming Finlandized. Colombia has a casus belli with Venezuela for the regime's support of the FARC. Brazil, even under a left-wing president who openly sympathizes with the Venezuelan regime, sees Caracas as a security threat due to the latter's destabilization of other countries that border Brazil's long and poorly defended border, as well as concerns about the rise of a Brazilian FARC. The credibility of a non-violent leftist government and Brazil's economic aspirations depend on a continent free of the social, political and economic upheaval that the Bolivarian revolutionary model presents along the southwestern, western, and northern perimeters of South America's largest country.
Easy area for U.S. to navigate. Latin America is easy territory for the U.S. to navigate with all its instruments of statecraft. Much of the traditional opposition to Washington is emotional and rhetorical, particularly when the U.S. gives little reason to risk one's political career by being a friend or ally.
Multilateral action possible without the UN. There is no need for United Nations' involvement. The Organization of American States (OAS) is the logical venue for debate and multilateral action; it is one of the oldest transnational organizations in the world, is strongly accepted throughout the hemisphere, it affords regional legitimacy, and it keeps decision-making among the countries of the Americas. The OAS has the power to expel member states that do not attempt to live up to basic democratic principles, as it has with Cuba. Brazil and other countries have proven to be reliable and effective partners in peacekeeping operations in countries where democracy is inherently unstable, including in the Caribbean basin that Venezuela shares.
Information warfare bonanza. On the information front, Venezuela is an information sieve, a gusher of facts that, when effectively collected and presented to the public, would alarm all but the most intransigent of skeptics, peel away internal and external support from the regime, and cry out for immediate action. To date, the U.S. government has not mustered these arguments and facts, but it is not difficult to do so. Public education is key. The United States must expose the Venezuelan regime and raise awareness of the importance of a new strategy to counter the existing threats. Before addressing the problem posed by Venezuela it is necessary to recognize it as a problem. The U.S. should also consider jointly funding or requesting research from Latin American think-tanks regarding their relationship and knowledge about government affairs.
A unified front is possible. Further, any Venezuela strategy must necessarily involve the participation of other Latin American governments. A united front against the hemispheric threat posed by the Venezuelan government is essential. The Venezuelan government would much prefer a bipolar conflict. Its self-proclaimed moral high ground disintegrates when other hemispheric actors become involved.
Psychological advantages. Any Venezuela strategy must avoid providing the dictator with pretexts that would inflate his popularity and prestige – and exploit his psychological instability – or justify his repression and militarization. The U.S. must avoid enhancing his prestige by assiduously not naming him. It must avoid the look of a personal battle with the American president or a U.S. grab for oil, as any move doubtlessly will be portrayed. Already, at the instigation of Cuba, the Venezuelan dictator is accusing the U.S. of plotting to assassinate him.
Elements of a Winning Strategy
Help the dictator hasten his own political demise. The Venezuelan dictator is mentally unstable and has been under psychiatric supervision for years. He overreacts to criticism, weeps in front of others, and dreams messianic fantasies that make him especially vulnerable as well as dangerous. A psychological profile report in the New York Times showed remarkable similarities to that of Saddam Hussein. With lessons learned from the Iraq war, the U.S. can improve its psychological strategy and help the Venezuelan leader to hasten his political self-destruction.
Prevent the dictator from destroying Venezuela's infrastructure. At the same time, however, the U.S. must be prepared to act immediately to prevent the Venezuelan dictator from destroying his country as part of a desperate bid to perpetuate his regime. I Of particular concern is the fact that, in time of crisis, the Venezuelan dictator might be tempted to destroy his country's economic infrastructure — especially where such destruction (e.g., of oil facilities), would injure the United States, other countries and the Venezuelans who oppose him.
A viable democratic alternative is needed. A successful transition away from the existing regime will not occur without a strong democratic alternative. Friends of democracy throughout the region must provide material support and vocal protection to the remaining opposition members inside the country. This includes civic organizations, NGOs, human rights organizations and political groups.
Working with the OAS and Venezuela's internal cycle. U.S. leadership is weak in the Organization of American States (OAS), but it has reasonable and effective opportunities within its reach. First, it can invoke the OAS Democratic Charter. This is the single most powerful weapon against the regime's continued consolidation, and can even be useful in shepherding a reversal of the revolution. The Venezuelan government has violated the Charter on dozens of occasions, but it has not been held to account. It has also abided by other provisions and named the Charter an important document. The OAS tolerates such double-talk because few nations have been willing to stand up the regime.
Adopting the OAS route would necessitate direct action by the United States, but only as one of many OAS members. A Democratic Charter strategy can only work after a public diplomacy campaign of prolonged and accurate exposure of the regime's threat to hemispheric security and human rights.
At the same time, the remaining hope on the calendar for a peaceful resolution to the ongoing threat is the Venezuelan presidential election of 2006. Despite the likelihood of a fraud on the level of the 2004 referendum, the Center recommends the following steps:
Sustain and protect (through monitoring and material support from OAS member nations) the democratic and human rights movements inside Venezuela. Expose the false arrest of emerging leaders and send a categorical and unequivocal signal that the democratic process and human rights, properly understood, must be respected. For the 2006 elections a new election process and model must be put in place so as to discourage or at least encumber the sort of fraud that occurred in 2004. The regime is likely to sabotage the implementation of any new process. This, in itself, will help to cement the paradigm shift in the accurate perception of the Venezuelan government as a dictatorship.
Significantly increase cooperation with hemispheric partners to monitor and gather intelligence about the existing partnership between the Venezuelan regime and state sponsors of terrorism, and expose the Bolivarian/terrorist connections. Once completed, other alternatives for action will be likely to receive multinational support.
Time is running out. Venezuela's increased pace of repression, militarization, weapons imports, and destabilization of neighboring countries shows that time is running out for the Venezuelan people and for the relative peace that most of the hemisphere has enjoyed. The Bolivarian regime in Caracas presents a clear and present danger to peace and democracy in the hemisphere. It must change. It can change on its own, or it can invite hemispheric forces with the help of Venezuela's broad democratic opposition, to impose the changes. Either way U.S. strategy must be to help Venezuela accomplish peaceful change by next year.
Download original PDF here: What to do about Venezuela
Tags: Bolivarian, Hugo Chavez, regime change, Venezuela
«« Waller discusses Putin with Bill O'Reilly on Fox News
How to undermine Chavez regime in Venezuela: See VOA interviews »»
Hyde urges Bush to oust Venezuela's Chavez
More Stories From Academic
Political warfare lecture at National Intelligence University
JMW at Columbia University to speak at technology event
Three good years with NATO's Defence Strategic Communications journal
J Michael Waller | Giornalismo | Copyright ©2020 | Log in


1734-90. He was born in Dublin on 1 May 1734, a son of Sir William Rowley, Admiral of the Fleet, who died on 1 January 1768, and of his wife, Arabella Dawson. He was the father of Admiral Sir Charles Rowley and Admiral Bartholomew Rowley, and the uncle of Admiral Sir Josias Rowley and Admiral of the Fleet Sir George Martin.
Rowley's initial service was with his father in the Mediterranean, and he was present at the Battle of Toulon in February 1744 where his father flew his flag aboard the Barfleur 90, Captain Merrick de l'Angle. He was commissioned lieutenant on 2 July 1747.
In 1752 he was aboard the Penzance 44, Commodore Charles Saunders, and having been promoted commander he recommissioned the hoy Raven 10 at Woolwich for service at Newfoundland.
On 14 December 1753 he was posted captain of the frigate Rye 24, serving in the Irish Sea, and in March 1755 he recommissioned the French-built Ambuscade 40, serving in the Bay of Biscay. January 1756 saw him recommission the Harwich 50 for the Western Squadron, capturing the letter-of-marque Fortune carrying troops and supplies to Canada on 4 May, and the privateers Saint-Jacques on 22 August, and the Rubis 22 whilst in company with the Lowestoffe 28 Captain Robert Haldane, on 4 April 1757.
In October 1757 Rowley commissioned the new Montagu 64 for the Mediterranean under the orders of Admiral Henry Osborn. He was present at the action off Cape de Gata on 28 February 1758, where three of our French sail of the line surrendered and the remaining ship, the Oriflamme 50, was driven ashore by the Montagu in consort with the Monarch 74, Captain John Montagu.
Returning to serve under Captain the Hon. Richard Howe in the Channel, he was involved in the combined operation that attacked Cherbourg in August 1758, but was wounded and taken prisoner alongside Captain John Elphinstone whilst directing the troops in their disastrous re-embarkation at St. Cast, where over seven hundred casualties were incurred and another seven hundred men taken prisoner. Rowley was quickly exchanged and returned to the Montagu, and on 20 November 1759 his ship fought as the sixth in line at the Battle of Quiberon Bay.
He next went out to the Leeward Islands serving under Commodore Sir James Douglas in the following year, and after returning home he joined the Superb 74 which had been commissioned in November 1760, and in which he was employed in the expedition against Belleisle during June 1761. In 1762 he was awarded by the East India Company and the City of London for successfully driving off a French squadron commanded by Commodore Ternay d'Alsac whilst escorting their trade in June. He later sailed to North America in 1762 and was paid off in March 1763.
Rowley thereafter remained unemployed until October 1776 when he was appointed to the newly commissioning Monarch 74. Throughout 1777 his command was largely based at Spithead as a guardship, but on undertaking a cruise he did capture an American privateer. In January 1778 he succeeded the promoted Rear-Admiral Hon. Samuel Barington as a colonel of marines, and he later took a transport convoy out to Gibraltar where after putting in to Cadiz he suffered some shabby treatment from the Spanish authorities who were clearly preparing for war.
On 27 July 1778 the Monarch led the line at the Battle of Ushant where she suffered two men killed and nine wounded. Transferring to the Suffolk 74 at the end of the year, with the rank of commodore, and with Hugh Christian as his flag captain, Rowley was ordered to take seven sail of the line as reinforcements to Vice-Admiral Hon. John Byron in the Leeward Islands. He departed with an East India convoy under his protection for the first part of the voyage, both elements having been joined for the initial part of their journey by a strong squadron commanded by Vice-Admiral Lord Shuldham. The reinforcements reached St Lucia on 12 February 1779, although the Russell 74 had been obliged to turn back after a collision with an East Indiaman, and a month later on 19 March Rowley was elevated to flag rank.
Having been ordered to patrol off Martinique, he was unable to stop the Comte de Grasse entering the port with four sail of the line, but he fought at the Battle of Grenada on 6 July 1779, where he was praised for his initiative whilst suffering seven men killed and twenty-five wounded aboard his flagship, the Suffolk. Three days after Rear-Admiral Sir Hyde Parker's action with Rear-Admiral La Motte-Picquet on 18 December, Rowley's division of four sail of the line took the French frigates Fortunée 32, Blanche 32 and Elise 28.
In March 1780, upon Admiral Sir George Rodney's arrival to take command of the Leeward Islands station, Rowley transferred to the Conqueror 74, Captain Thomas Watson. Commanding the rear division, he was one of several officers castigated by Rodney for failing to support him against the Comte de Guichen at the Battle of Martinique on 17 April, although the failure was largely due to a misunderstanding of orders. Continuing in the Leeward Islands campaign, Rowley led the van in the skirmishes with de Guichen in May, but although he fought well and rescued the Albion 74, Captain George Bowyer, his relationship with Rodney remained poor as he bitterly resented the commander-in-chief's earlier criticism. During this action Captain Watson lost his life, and the badly damaged Conqueror was obliged to repair to St. Lucia, with Captain Archibald Dickson assuming command. Rowley subsequently raised his flag aboard the Terrible 74, and transferred in July to the Princess Royal 90, both commanded by Captain John Duckworth.
He was afterwards sent with Commodore Hon. Robert Boyle Walsingham and ten sail of the line to reinforce Vice-Admiral Sir Peter Parker at Jamaica, but his squadron of eight sail of the line were caught in the Great Hurricanes of October 1780, two being lost. From 1782-3 he commanded the Jamaican station with his flag aboard various vessels including the Ramillies 74, Captain Sylverius Moriarty, the Resource 28 and Diamond 32, commanded in succession by his son, Captain Bartholomew Rowley, the London 90, Captain James Kempthorne, the Ajax 74, Captain Nicholas Charrington and the Preston 50, Captain George Martin.
On 10 June 1786 Rowley was created a baronet, on 24 September 1787 he became a vice-admiral, and he died at his seat, Tendring Hall, Suffolk, on 26 February 1790.
Rowley married Sarah Burton, daughter of the future governor of the Bank of England on 18 March 1759 and had seven sons and three daughters. In addition to Admiral Sir Charles Rowley and Admiral Bartholomew Rowley his eldest son William became an M.P. and a daughter, Philadelphia, married Admiral Sir Charles Cotton.
He was a brave and adequate officer in the eyes of many, although not Admiral Lord Hood who viewed him through contemptuous eyes and called him 'our friend Jos'. His nephew, the future Admiral of the Fleet Sir George Martin, entered the service with him as a cabin boy in 1776. He was also a patron of Captain Philip Beaver.