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Washington in Miami
July 16, 1987 issue
There were in Washington during the Reagan administration a small but significant number of people for whom a commitment to American involvement in Central America did not exist exclusively as an issue, a political marker to be moved sometimes front, sometimes back. These were people for whom a commitment to American involvement in Central America was always front, in fact "the" front, the battleground on which, as Ronald Reagan had put it in his second inaugural address and on many occasions before and after, "human freedom" was "on the march." These were people who had believed early on and even formulated what was eventually known as the Reagan Doctrine, people committed to the idea that "rollback," or the reversal of Soviet power which had been part of the rhetoric of the American right since at least the Eisenhower administration, could now be achieved by supporting guerrilla resistance movements around the world; people who believed that, in the words of A New Inter-American Policy for the Eighties, a fifty-three-page policy proposal issued in the summer of 1980 by the Council for Inter-American Security, "containment of the Soviet Union is not enough. Detente is dead. Survival demands a new US foreign policy. America must seize the initiative or perish. For World War III is almost over."
A New Inter-American Policy for the Eighties, usually referred to, because the discussions from which it derived took place in New Mexico, as the Santa Fe statement or the Santa Fe document, was a curious piece of work, less often talked about in this country than in Managua and Havana, where it was generally regarded, according to Edward Cody in The Washington Post and Christopher Dickey in With the Contras, as a blueprint to Reagan administration intentions in the hemisphere. In fact what seemed most striking about the Santa Fe document was not that it was read in, but that it might have been written in, Managua or Havana. As a document prepared by Americans it seemed not quite authentic, perhaps a piece of "black propaganda," something put forth clandestinely by a foreign government but purporting to be, in the interests of encouraging anti-American sentiment, American. The grasp on the language was not exactly that of native English speakers. The tone of the preoccupations was not exactly that of the American foreign policy establishment:
During the last several years, United States policy toward the other nations within the Western Hemisphere has been one of hoping for the best. Too often it has been a policy described by The Committee of Santa Fe as "anxious accommodation," as if we would prevent the political coloration of Latin America to red crimson by an American-prescribed tint of pale pink. Whatever the pedigree of American policy toward our immediate neighbors, it is not working….
The policies of the past decade regarding arms sales and security assistance are totally bankrupt and discredited at home and abroad…. Combining our arsenal of weaponry with the manpower of the Americas, we can create a free hemisphere of the Americas, that can withstand Soviet-Cuban aggression….
US policy formation must insulate itself from propaganda appearing in the general and specialized media which is inspired by forces specifically hostile to the United States….
US foreign policy must begin to counter (not react against) liberation theology as it is utilized in Latin America by the "liberation theology" clergy….
A campaign to capture the Ibero-American intellectual elite through the media of radio, television, books, articles and pamphlets, plus grants, fellowships and prizes must be initiated. For consideration and recognition are what most intellectuals crave, and such a program would attract them. The US effort must reflect the true sentiments of the American people, not the narrow spectrum of New York and Hollywood….
Human rights, which is a culturally and politically relative concept…must be abandoned and replaced by a non-interventionist policy of political and ethical realism. The culturally and ethically relative nature of notions of human rights is clear from the fact that Argentines, Brazilians and Chileans find it repugnant that the United States, which legally sanctions the liquidation of more than 1,000,000 unborn children each year, exhibits moral outrage at the killing of a terrorist who bombs and machine-guns innocent citizens. What, they ask, about the human rights of the victims of left-wing terrorism? US policy-makers must discard the illusion that anyone who picks up a Molotov cocktail in the name of human rights is human-righteous….
Havana must be held to account for its policies of aggression against its sister states in the Americas. Among those steps will be the establishment of a Radio Free Cuba, under open US government sponsorship, which will beam objective information to the Cuban people that, among other things, details the costs of Havana's unholy alliance with Moscow. If propaganda fails, a war of national liberation against Castro must be launched.
The five authors of A New Inter-American Policy for the Eighties, who called themselves "The Committee of Santa Fe," were all well known on the right, regulars on the boards and letter-heads of the various conservative lobbies and foundations around Washington. There was Lynn Francis Bouchey of the Council for Inter-American Security. There was David C. Jordan, a professor of government at the University of Virginia and the coauthor of Nationalism in Contemporary Latin America. There was Lieutenant General Gordon Sumner, Jr., at one time chairman of the Inter-American Defense Board and later, during the Reagan administration, special adviser to the assistant secretary of state for inter-American affairs. There was Roger Fontaine, formerly the director for Latin America at the Georgetown University Center for Strategic and International Studies and later, during the Reagan administration, a Latin American specialist at the National Security Council. There was, finally, Lewis Tambs, who had worked in Caracas and Maracaibo as a pipeline engineer for Creole Petroleum and was later, during the Reagan administration, appointed as ambassador first to Colombia, then to Costa Rica, where, as he later told both the Tower Commission and the select committees investigating arms shipments to the contras, he understood himself to have been charged with the task of opening a southern front for the Nicaraguan resistance.
According to these men and to that small but significant group of people who thought as they did, the people with whom they shared the boards and letter-heads of the various conservative lobbies and foundations around Washington, the "crisis" facing the United States in Central America was "metaphysical." The war was "for the minds of mankind." What the Santa Fe document had called "ideo-politics" would "prevail." These were not people, as time passed and men like James Baker and Michael Deaver and David Gergen moved into the White House, who were particularly close to the center of power. They were all, in varying degrees, ideologues, people who had seized or been seized by an idea, and, as such, they were to the White House—where the distinction between a crisis and no crisis was increasingly understood to be one of what David Gergen had called "setting the scene" or "the story line we are trying to develop that week or that month"—only sometimes useful.
Where they were useful, of course, was in voicing the concerns not only of the American right but in some inchoate way of the President himself: with the Santa Fe document they had even managed, in the rather astonishing context of a foreign policy proposal, to drill through their own discussion of the Roldós Doctrine and the Rio Treaty and into that molten core where "New York" was the problem, and "Hollywood," and women who liquidated their unborn children, the very magma of resentment on which Ronald Reagan's appeal had seemed always to float. Where these conservative spokesmen were less useful, where they were in fact profoundly not useful, was in recognizing when the moment had come to move the war for the minds of mankind out of the story line; in accepting a place in the wings when the stage was set for a different scene. They tended to lack an appreciation of the full script. They tended not to wait backstage without constant diversion, and it was precisely the contriving of such diversion that seemed to most fully engage, as time went by, the attention and energy of the Reagan White House.
Sometimes a diversion was referred to as "sending a signal." The White House Outreach Working Group on Central America, or, as it was sometimes called, "Operation Outreach," was a "signal," one of several efforts conceived during 1982 and 1983 when the White House decided that the time was right for, as David Gergen put it in a conversation we had in 1984 about the administration's Central American policy, "laying the groundwork," for "building some public support for what we might have to do"; for, in the words of an April 1982 National Security Planning Group document, addressing the "public affairs dimension of the Central American problem" through a "concerted public information effort." There was at first talk about something called "Project Truth." "Project Truth" melted almost immediately into the "Office of Public Diplomacy" that was set up in 1982, put under the direction of a former Miami city official named Otto Juan Reich (who was born in Havana in 1945 but whose parents had emigrated there from Australia), and charged with a task that appeared in practice to consist largely of disseminating classified and sometimes "unevaluated" information ("unevaluated" information was that which had not been and in some cases could not be corroborated) tending to support administration contentions about Nicaragua and El Salvador.
The Office of Public Diplomacy, although at the time of its inception controlled by the White House and the National Security Council, was technically under the aegis of the State Department. At the White House itself there was the "Office of Public Liaison" (the word "public," in this administration even more than in others, tended to suggest a sell in progress), and it was out of this "Office of Public Liaison," then under the direction of Faith Ryan Whittlesey, that the White House Outreach Working Group on Central America emerged. The idea was, on its face, straightforward enough: a series of regular briefings, open to the public, at which the administration could "tell its story" about Central America, "make the case" for its interests there. "We hadn't in a systematic way communicated the facts to people who were perfectly willing to do more themselves to support the President but just didn't have access to the information," Faith Ryan Whittlesey told the Los Angeles Times not long after the Outreach Working Group began meeting, every Wednesday afternoon at two-thirty, in Room 450 of the Old Executive Office Building. "All the people need is information. They know what to do with it."
The briefings themselves were somewhat less straightforward. For one thing they were not, or the first forty-five of them were not, open to the public at all: they were not open, most specifically, to reporters, the very people who might have been expected to carry the information to a larger number of Americans than were apt to arrange their Wednesday afternoons to include a two-hour session in Room 450 of the Old Executive Office Building. Even after the Outreach briefings had finally been opened to the press, in April of 1984, the White House Office of Public Liaison seemed notably uninterested in talking to reporters: I recall one week in Washington during which, from Monday through Friday, I placed repeated calls to Faith Ryan Whittlesey's office, each time giving my affiliation (I had been asked by a magazine to write a piece about the Reagan administration, and given a kind of introduction to the White House by the magazine's Washington editor), detailing my interest in discussing the Outreach program, and expressing my hope that either Mrs. Whittlesey or someone else in the White House Office of Public Liaison could find a moment to return my call.
Neither Mrs. Whittlesey nor anyone else in the White House Office of Public Liaison did find such a moment, not any day that week or ever, which did not at the time unduly surprise me: it had been my experience that people who worked for the government in Washington tended to regard anyone who did not work for the government in Washington as a supplicant, a citizen to whom the rightful order must constantly be made clear, and that one of the several ways of asserting this rightful order was by not returning telephone calls. In other words I thought of these unreturned calls to Faith Ryan Whittlesey as unspecific, evidence only of an attitude that came with the territory.
Not until later, after I had managed to attend a few Outreach meetings, febrile afternoons in 1984 and 1985 during which the United States was seen to be waging the war for the minds of mankind not only against the Sandinistas in Nicaragua and the FMLN in El Salvador and the Castro government in Cuba and the Machel government in Mozambique but also against its own Congress, against its own State Department, against some members (James Baker, Michael Deaver) of its own executive branch, and, most pointedly, against its own press, did it occur to me that this particular series of unreturned telephone calls may well have been specific; that there was in the White House Outreach Working Group on Central America an inherent peculiarity perhaps best left, from the White House point of view, undiscussed.
This peculiarity was at first hard to assimilate. It did not exactly derive from the actual briefings, most of which seemed, however casually inflammatory, however apt to veer vertiginously out of Central America and into Mozambique and Angola and denunciations of Chester Crocker on the African desk at the State Department, standard enough. There was Francis X. Gannon, adviser to the secretary general of the Organization of American States, on "Central America: A Democratic Perspective." ("Somebody at OAS said about the Kissinger Commission, 'what should we send them?' And I said, 'send them a map.' ") There was General Alexander M. Haig, Jr., on "The Imperatives of Central America in Perspective" ("My opinion of what is happening in Central America is this: the jury is still out"), a raconteur's version of American foreign policy during which General Haig referred to one of its principals with doubtful bonhomie ("So Henry had one of those Germanic tantrums of his"), to another by a doubtful diminutive ("I again will not make any apologies for recounting the fact that I was opposed to covert action in 1981, as Jeannie Kirkpatrick will tell you"), and to himself in the third person, as "Al Haig," or just "Haig."
Some briefings got a little closer to the peculiarity. I recall one particularly heady Outreach meeting, in 1985, at which one of the speakers was a fantast named Jack Wheeler, who liked to say that Izvestia had described him as an "ideological gangster" ("When the Soviet Union calls me that, it means I'm starting to get under their skin") but was identified on the afternoon's program simply as "Philosopher, Traveler, and Founder of the Freedom Research Foundation." As it happened I had heard Jack Wheeler before, at a Conservative Political Action Conference session on "Rolling Back the Soviet Empire," where he had received a standing ovation after suggesting that copies of the Koran be smuggled into the Soviet Union to "stimulate an Islamic revival" and the subsequent "death of a thousand cuts," and I was already familiar not only with many of his exploits but with his weird and rather punitive enthusiasm.
Jack Wheeler had recently been with the mujaheddin in Afghanistan. He had recently been with Jonas Savimbi in Angola. He had recently been with the insurgents in Cambodia, and Mozambique. He knew of a clandestine radio operating in South Yemen. He saw the first stirrings of democratic liberation in Suriname. He had of course recently been with the contras in Nicaragua, and had, that afternoon in Room 450 of the Old Executive Office Building, brought a few slides to share.
"This is Charley." Jack Wheeler had chuckled as the first slide appeared on the screen. "Charley is a contra. He only looks like he's going to kill you. Actually he's a very nice guy. I told him he looked like Chuck Berry." The slide had changed, and there on the screen was Jack Wheeler himself, his arm around Enrique Bermúdez, the FDN comandante who had been until 1979 a colonel in the Somoza National Guard: "Enrique Bermúdez is convinced—he told me—that only the physical defeat of the Sandinistas will remove the cancer of Soviet-Cuban imperialism and Marxism from Central America." Another slide, this one of a full-breasted young woman carrying a rifle, another chuckle: "One thing that has got to be dispelled is this myth of hopelessness. The myth that they can't win, so why support them…. I wouldn't mind having her fighting alongside of me."
On such afternoons the enemy was manifold, and often within. The "Red Empire" was of course the enemy. "Christian communists" were also the enemy. "Guilt-ridden masochistic liberals" were the enemy, and "the radical chic crowd that always roots for the other side," the "Beverly Hills liberals with their virulent hatred of America." I recall a briefing on the 1984 Salvadoran election in which "people like Tom Brokaw" were the enemy, people like Richard Meislin of The New York Times and Sam Dillon of the Miami Herald, people whose "sneer was showing," people who "did not need to be in El Salvador to write what they did"; people who were "treated well" ("although the bar at the Camino Real was closed for the day, they got back to it that night") but persisted in following what the briefer of the day, a frequent speaker named Daniel James, who had been in the 1950s managing editor of the New Leader and whose distantly polemical interest in Latin America had led him to the directorship of the Americas Coalition, one of several amorphous groups formed to support the administration's Central American policy, referred to as "the media party line."
"I'm saying 'party line' in quotes," Daniel James had added quickly. "Because I don't mean to imply that there's any kind of political party involved." This kind of parenthetical disclaimer was not uncommon in Room 450, where irony, or "saying in quotes," was often signaled by raising two fingers on each hand and wiggling them. "Party line" was in quotes, yet there were for Daniel James "just too many similarities" in stories filed from El Salvador. The American press, it seemed, had been "making up deeds of right-wing terror" in El Salvador. The American press, it seemed, had been refusing to "put tough questions to the guerrillas" in El Salvador. "What does that tell you?" Daniel James had asked that afternoon in 1984. "Is this responsible reporting? Or is it done with some kind of political motivation?"
The answer to such questions was, in Room 450, understood, since the meetings of the White House Outreach Working Group on Central America were attended almost exclusively by what might have seemed the already converted, by the convinced, by administration officials and by exiles from the countries in question and by native ideologues from both the heart and the distant fringes of the American right; true believers who in many cases not only attended the briefings but on occasion gave them. I recall seeing Sam Dickens of the American Security Council, which had cosponsored the press conference and lunch at which Roberto d'Aubuisson spoke during his illegal 1980 visit to Washington and which was already deeply committed to aiding the Nicaraguan contras. I recall seeing Lynn Francis Bouchey, one of the authors of the Santa Fe document and the chairman of the Council for Inter-American Security, which was equally committed. "Hear, hear," Lynn Francis Bouchey said when Jack Wheeler asked him if the situation in Mozambique did not remind him of the situation in Nicaragua.
This was not a group that would have appeared to need much instruction in administration policy in Central America. This was not a group apt to raise those questions about Central America commonly raised in less special venues. In fact there was for many people in Room 450 just one question about Central America, which was why the United States was compelled to deal through surrogates there when it could be fighting its own war for the minds of mankind, and it was this question that the briefers addressed by tapping into the familiar refrain: the United States was forced to deal through surrogates because of the defeatists, because of the appeasers, because of the cowards and the useful fools and the traitors, because of what Jack Wheeler had called "that virulent hatred for America as a culture and as a nation and as a society" which was understood, by virtually everyone in the room, to infect the Congress, to infect the State Department, and above all to infect the media, which were, as Otto Juan Reich had said not long after he was appointed Coordinator of Public Diplomacy, "being played like a violin by the Sandinistas."
There were some tricky points in this, although none that the briefers did not negotiate to the apparent satisfaction of most people in the room. The United States was forced to wage the war for the minds of mankind (or, as J. William Middendorf, US ambassador to the OAS, was calling it, "the battle for the freedom of the Western world") through surrogates, but in any case these surrogates could, if allowed to do so, win: "The only thing keeping the contras from victory is Congress," as Alexander M. Haig, Jr., had advised the group in Room 450. The war for the minds of mankind was being fought through surrogates only because the United States was thwarted in its wish to enter the war directly, but in any case the entry of the United States could not affect the outcome: "What is needed to shatter the myth of the inevitability of Marxist-Leninism is a genuine peasant rebellion from within a Soviet colony," as Jack Wheeler had advised the group in Room 450. "These heroic freedom fighters ask only for our help, they do not want us to fight for them."
An arresting amount of administration effort went into what might have seemed this marginal project. The weekly planning meetings for the Outreach program were attended not only by Faith Ryan Whittlesey and her aides at the Office of Public Liaison but also by representatives from the United States Information Agency, from the Central Intelligence Agency, from the State Department, and from the National Security Council. The National Security Council was often represented by the protean Colonel Oliver North (Colonel North was responsible as well for overseeing Otto Juan Reich's Office of Public Diplomacy at the State Department), who was, according to a Washington Post story in August of 1985, a "mainstay" of the Outreach project, not only in the planning meetings but also as a "briefer of choice" in Room 450 itself.
Some of the peculiarity inherent in the Outreach project seemed clear enough at the time. It was of course clear that the program had been designed principally, if not entirely, as a weekly audience between the administration and its most passionate, most potentially schismatic communicants; a bone thrown to those famously restless troops on the far frontiers of the faith. It was also clear that many people in Room 450 on these Wednesday afternoons had links to, or could be useful to, the private funding network then being quite publicly organized, in support of the Reagan Doctrine and the war for the minds of mankind, under the official direction of General John K. Singlaub and what was known even then to be the unofficial direction of some of the very administration officials who gave the briefings in Room 450.
Other things were less clear than they might have been. One thing that was less clear, in those high years of the Reagan administration when we had not yet begun to see just how the markers were being moved, was how many questions there might later be about what had been the ends and what the means, what the problem and what the solution; about what, among people who measured the consequences of what they said and did exclusively in terms of approval ratings affected and network news calibrated and pieces of legislation passed or not passed, had come first, the war for the minds of mankind or the private funding network or the need to make a move for those troops on the far frontiers. What was also less clear then, particularly in Washington, most abstract of cities, entirely absorbed by the messages it was sending itself, narcotized by its own action, rapt in the contemplation of its own markers and its own moves, was just how much residue was already on the board.
Steven Carr for example was residue. Jesus Garcia for example was residue. Steven Carr was, at twenty-six, a South Florida low-life, a sometime Naples construction worker with the motto DEATH BEFORE DISHONOR and a flaming skull tattooed on his left biceps; a discharge from the navy for alcohol abuse; and a grand-theft conviction for stealing two gold-and-diamond rings, valued at $578, given to his mother by his stepfather. "She only wore them on holidays, I thought she'd never notice they were gone," Steven Carr later said about the matter of his mother's rings. He did not speak Spanish. He had no interest in any side of the conflict in Nicaragua. Nonetheless, in March of 1985, according to the story he began telling after he had been arrested in Costa Rica on weapons charges and was awaiting trial at La Reforma prison in San José, Steven Carr had collected arms for the contras at various locations around Dade County, loaded them onto a chartered Convair 440 at Fort Lauderdale–Hollywood International Airport, accompanied this shipment to Ilopango airport in San Salvador, and witnessed the eventual delivery of the arms to a unit of 2506 Brigade veterans fighting with the contras from a base about three miles south of the Nicaraguan border.
This story later became familiar, but its significance at the time Steven Carr first told it, in the summer of 1985, to Juan Tamayo of the Miami Herald, was that he was the first person to publicly claim firsthand knowledge of all stages of a single shipment. By the summer of 1986, after Steven Carr had bonded out of La Reforma and was back in South Florida (the details of how he got there were disputed, but either did or did not involve American embassy officials in Panama and San José who either did or did not give him a plane ticket and instructions to "get the hell out of Dodge"), doing six months in the Collier County jail for violation of probation on the outstanding matter of his mother's rings, he was of course telling it as well to investigators from various congressional committees and from the US Attorney's office in Miami. This was the point, in August 1986, at which his lawyers asked that he be released early and placed, on the grounds that the story he was telling endangered his life, in a witness protection program. "I'm not too popular with a lot of people because I'm telling the truth," Steven Carr told the Miami Herald a few days before this petition was heard and denied. "I wouldn't feel very safe just walking the streets after all this is over."
Steven Carr was released from the Collier County jail, having served his full sentence, on November 20, 1986. Twenty-three days later, at two-thirty on the morning of December 13, 1986, Steven Carr collapsed outside the room he was renting in Panorama City, California (a room which, according to the woman from whom he had rented it, Jackie Scott, he rarely left, and in which he slept with the doors locked and the lights on), convulsed, and died, of an apparent cocaine overdose. "I'm sorry," Steven Carr had said when Jackie Scott, whose daughter had heard "a commotion" and woken her, found him lying in the driveway. Jackie Scott told the Los Angeles Times that she had not seen Steven Carr drinking or taking drugs that evening, nor could she shed any light on what he had said next: "I paranoided out—I ate it all."
Jesus Garcia was a former Dade County corrections officer who was, at the time he began telling his story early in 1986, doing time in Miami for illegal possession of a MAC-10 with silencer. Jesus Garcia, who had been born in the United States of Cuban parents and thought of himself as a patriot, talked about having collected arms for the contras during the spring of 1985, and also about the plan, which he said had been discussed in the cocktail lounge of the Howard Johnson's near the Miami airport in February of 1985, to assassinate the new American ambassador to Costa Rica, blow up the embassy there, and blame it on the Sandinistas. The idea, Jesus Garcia said, had been to give the United States the opportunity it needed to invade Nicaragua, and also to collect on a million-dollar contract the Colombian cocaine cartel was said to have out on the new American ambassador to Costa Rica, who had recently been the American ambassador to Colombia and had frequently spoken of what he called "narco-guerrillas."
There were in the story told by Jesus Garcia and in the story told by Steven Carr certain details that appeared to coincide. Both Jesus Garcia and Steven Carr mentioned the Howard Johnson's near the Miami airport, which happened also to be the Howard Johnson's with the seventeen-dollar-a-night "guerrilla discount." Both Jesus Garcia and Steven Carr mentioned meetings in Miami with an American named Bruce Jones, who was said to own a farm on the border between Costa Rica and Nicaragua. Both Jesus Garcia and Steven Carr mentioned Thomas Posey, the Alabama produce wholesaler who had founded the paramilitary group CMA, or Civilian Materiel Assistance, formerly Civilian Military Assistance. Both Jesus Garcia and Steven Carr mentioned Robert Owen, the young Stanford graduate who had gone to Washington to work on the staff of Senator Dan Quayle, had then moved over to Gray and Company, had in January of 1985 founded the nonprofit Institute for Democracy, Education, and Assistance, or IDEA (which was by the fall of 1985 on a consultancy contract to the State Department's Nicaraguan Humanitarian Assistance Office), and had been, it was later revealed, carrying cash to and from Central America for Oliver North.
This was, as described, a small world, and one in which encounters seemed at once random and fated, as in the waking dream that was Miami itself. People in this world spoke of having "tripped into an organization." People saw "freedom fighters" on Nightline, and then in Miami. People saw boxes in motel rooms, and concluded that the boxes contained C-4. People received telephone calls from strangers, and picked them up at the airport at three AM, and began looking for a private plane to fly to Central America. Some people just turned up out of the nowhere: Jesus Garcia happened to meet Thomas Posey because he was working the afternoon shift at the Dade County jail on the day Thomas Posey was booked for trying to take a .380 automatic pistol through an X-ray machine on Concourse G at the Miami airport. Some people turned up not exactly out of the nowhere but all over the map: Jesus Garcia said that he had seen Robert Owen in Miami, more specifically, as an assistant US attorney in Miami put it, "at that Howard Johnson's when they were planning that stuff," by which the assistant US attorney meant weapons flights. Steven Carr said that he had seen Robert Owen in Costa Rica, witnessing a weapons delivery at the base near the Nicaraguan border. (Robert Owen, when he eventually appeared before the select committees, acknowledged he had been present when such a delivery was made, but said that he did not see the actual unloading, and that his presence on the scene was, as the Miami Herald put it, "merely coincidental.")
There were no particularly novel elements in either the story told by Jesus Garcia or the story told by Steven Carr. They were Miami stories, fragments of the underwater narrative, and as such they were of a genre familiar in this country since at least the Bay of Pigs. Such stories had often been, like these, intrinsically impossible to corroborate. Such stories had often been of doubtful provenance, had been either leaked by prosecutors unable to make a case or elicited, like these, in jailhouse interviews, a circumstance that has traditionally tended, like a DEATH BEFORE DISHONOR tattoo, to work against the credibility of the teller. Any single Miami story, moreover, was hard to follow, and typically required a more extensive recall of other Miami stories than most people outside Miami could offer. Characters would frequently reappear. A convicted bomber named Hector Cornillot, a one-time member of Orlando Bosch's Cuban Power movement, turned out for example to have been during the spring of 1985 the night bookkeeper at the Howard Johnson's near the Miami airport. Motivation, often opaque in a first or a second appearance, might come clear only in a third, or a tenth.
Miami stories were low, and lurid, and so radically reliant on the inductive leap that they tended to attract advocates of an ideological or a paranoid bent, which was another reason they remained, for many people, easy to dismiss. Stories like these had been told to the Warren Commission in 1964, but many people had preferred to discuss what was then called the climate of violence, and the healing process. Stories like these had been told during the Watergate investigations in 1974, but the President had resigned, enabling the healing process, it was again said, to begin. Stories like these had been told to the Church committee in 1975 and 1976, and to the House Select Committee on Assassinations in 1977 and 1978, but many people had preferred to concentrate instead on the constitutional questions raised, not on Johnny Roselli in an oil drum in Biscayne Bay or on the hypodermic syringe containing Black Leaf 40 with which the CIA was trying in November of 1963 to get Fidel Castro assassinated, but on the separation of powers, and the proper role of congressional oversight. "The search for conspiracy," Anthony Lewis had written in The New York Times in September of 1975, "only increases the elements of morbidity and paranoia and fantasy in this country. It romanticizes crimes that are terrible because of their lack of purpose. It obscures our necessary understanding, all of us, that in this life there is often tragedy without reason."
This was not at the time an uncommon note, nor was it later. Particularly in Washington, where the logical consequences of any administration's imperial yearnings were thought to be voided when the voting levers were next pulled, the study of the underwater narrative, these stories about what people in Miami may or may not have done on the basis of what people in Washington had or had not said, was believed to serve no useful purpose. That the assassination of John F. Kennedy might or might not have been the specific consequence of his administration's own incursions into the tropic of morbidity and paranoia and fantasy (as early as 1964, two staff attorneys for the Warren Commission, W. David Slawson and William Coleman, had prepared a memorandum urging the commission to investigate the possibility that Lee Harvey Oswald had been acting for, or had been set up by, anti-Castro Cuban exiles) did not recommend, in this view, a closer study of the tropic.
That there might or might not be, in the wreckage of the Reagan administration, certain consequences to that administration's similar incursions recommended only, in this view, that it was again time to focus on the mechanical model, time to talk about runaway agencies, arrogance in the executive branch, about constitutional crises and the nature of the presidency, about faults in the structure, flaws in the process; time to talk, above all, about 1988, when the levers would again be pulled and the consequences voided and any lingering morbidity dispelled by the enthusiasms, the energies, of the new team. "Dick Goodwin was handling Latin America and a dozen other problems," Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., once told us about the early months of the Kennedy administration, as suggestive a sentence as has perhaps been written about this tabula rasa effect in Washington life.
In the late summer of 1985, some months after the Outreach meeting in Room 450 of the Old Executive Office Building in Washington at which I had heard Jack Wheeler talk about the necessity for supporting freedom fighters around the world, I happened to receive a letter ("Dear Fellow American") from Major General John K. Singlaub, an invitation to the International Freedom Fighters Dinner to be held that September in the Crystal Ballroom of the Registry Hotel in Dallas. This letter was dated August 7, 1985, a date on which Steven Carr was already sitting in La Reforma prison in San José and on which Jesus Garcia was one day short of receiving a call from a twenty-nine-year-old stranger who identified himself as Allen Saum, who said that he was a major in the US Marines and had been sent by the White House, who enlisted Jesus Garcia in a mission he described as "George Bush's baby," and who then telephoned the Miami office of the FBI and told them where they could pick up Jesus Garcia and his MAC-10. "He looked typical Ivy League, I thought he must be CIA," Jesus Garcia later said about "Allen Saum," who did not show up for Jesus Garcia's trial but did appear at a pretrial hearing, where he said that he took orders from a man he knew only as "Sam."
The letter from General Singlaub urged that any recipient unable to attend the Dallas dinner (five hundred dollars a plate) plan in any case to have his or her name listed on the International Freedom Fighters Commemorative Program (fifty dollars a copy), which General Singlaub would, in turn, "personally present to President Reagan." Even the smallest donation, General Singlaub stressed, would go far toward keeping "freedom's light burning." The mujaheddin in Afghanistan, for example, who would be among the freedom fighters to benefit from the Dallas dinner (along with those in Angola, Laos, South Vietnam, Cambodia, Mozambique, Ethiopia, and of course Nicaragua), had not long before destroyed "approximately twenty-five percent of the Afghan government's Soviet supplied air force" (or, according to General Singlaub, twenty MIGs, worth one-hundred million dollars) with just "a few hundred dollars spent on plastic explosives."
I recall experiencing, as I read this sentence about the mujaheddin and the few hundred dollars spent on plastic explosives, the exact sense of expanding, or contracting, possibility that I had recently experienced during flights to Miami. Many apparently disparate elements seemed to be converging in the letter from General Singlaub, and the convergence was not one which discouraged that "search for conspiracy" deplored by Anthony Lewis a decade before. The narrative in which a few hundred dollars spent on plastic explosives could reverse history, which appeared to be the scenario on which General Singlaub and many of the people I had seen in Room 450 were operating, was the same narrative in which meetings at private houses in Miami Beach had been seen to overturn governments. This was that narrative in which the actions of individuals had been seen to affect events directly, in which revolutions and counterrevolutions had been framed in the private sector; that narrative in which the state security apparatus existed to be enlisted by one or another private player.
This was also the narrative in which words had tended to have consequences, and stories endings. NICARAGUA HOY, CUBA MAÑANA. When Jesus Garcia talked about meeting in the cocktail lounge of the Howard Johnson's near the Miami airport to discuss a plan to assassinate the American ambassador to Costa Rica, bomb the American embassy there, and blame it on the Sandinistas, the American ambassador he was talking about was Lewis Tambs, one of the authors of the Santa Fe document, the fifty-three pages that had articulated for many people in Washington the reasons for the exact American involvement in the politics of the Caribbean which this plan discussed in the cocktail lounge of the Howard Johnson's near the Miami airport was meant to ensure. Let me tell you about Cuban terrorists, the Havanaborn Miami architect Raúl Rodríguez had said in the spring of 1985 in an Arquitectonica condominium overlooking Biscayne Bay. Cuba never grew plastique. Cuba grew tobacco, Cuba grew sugar cane. Cuba never grew C-4.
The air that evening in Miami had been warm and soft even at midnight, and the glass doors had been open onto the terrace overlooking the bay. The daughter of the fifteenth president of the Republic of Cuba, Maria Elena Prío Duran, whose father's grave at Woodlawn Park Cemetery in Miami lay within sight of the private crypt to which the body of another exiled president, Anastasio Somoza Debayle of Nicaragua, was flown forty-eight hours after his assassination in Asunción (no name on this crypt, no dates, no epitaph, only the monogram "A.S." worked among the lilies on a stained-glass window, as if the occupant had negotiated himself out of history), had lit her cigarette and immediately put it out. When Raúl Rodríguez said that evening that C-4 grew here, he was talking about what it had cost to forget that decisions made in Washington had effects outside Washington; about the reverberative effect of certain ideas, and about their consequences. This dinner in Miami took place on March 26, 1985. The meetings in Miami described by Jesus Garcia had already taken place. The flights out of Miami described by Jesus Garcia and Steven Carr had already taken place. "As a matter of fact I was very definitely involved in the decisions about support to the freedom fighters," the fortieth president of the United States said more than two years later, on May 15, 1987. "My idea to begin with."
This is the last in a series of articles on Miami.
More by Joan Didion
On Robert Silvers
Nineteen writers remember The New York Review's editor.
California Notes
On covering the Patty Hearst trial in San Francisco, 1976
The Deferential Spirit
Letters:
Daniel James
Outreaching
Joan Didion (1934–2021) was the author, most recently, of Blue Nights and The Year of Magical Thinking, among seven other works of nonfiction. Her five novels include A Book of Common Prayer and Democracy.
Neal Ascherson
The Fate of the Union: Kennedy and After
Brian Urquhart
A Double Standard
An Illegal War
Murray Kempton
Me, the People
Robert Secher
The Report of Captain Secher
Jane Yett Kiely
If the Fighting Had Taken Place Here
Xavier Prynne
Vice-Presidential Notes: (The 6th Vice-Presidential Note)


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GOP Civil War Heads South for Alabama Senate Race
Sen. Luther Strange and former Judge Roy Moore face off Tuesday
Sen. Luther Strange is running in the GOP runoff in Alabama's Senate race. (Bill Clark/CQ Roll Call File Photo)
By Bridget Bowman
Posted September 26, 2017 at 5:05am
All eyes are on Alabama as voters head to the polls in a race that has thrown Republican Party divisions into the spotlight.
Sen. Luther Strange faces former Alabama Supreme Court Chief Justice Roy Moore in Tuesday's special election primary runoff. Strange was appointed to the seat by disgraced Gov. Robert Bentley after former Sen. Jeff Sessions resigned to become attorney general.
Strange has the backing of President Donald Trump and Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell. But Moore, a controversial judge who was twice removed from the bench, can count on the support of conservative leaders and a few of Trump's former advisers. There is some concern among Republicans that a Moore victory could embolden other primary candidates to challenge sitting Republicans.
"That's what we've seen happen before and I think that's not an unreasonable assumption," said Senate Majority Whip John Cornyn of Texas, a former chairman of the National Republican Senatorial Committee.
So how do Republicans prevent that from happening?
"By Sen. Strange winning," Cornyn said.
2018 impact?
The problem for party leadership is that Strange is in real danger of losing. And emboldening primary opponents is exactly what some of Moore's supporters want.
"He's going to be an inspiration for the rest of the country, for other candidates across the country to rise up and take on their own swamp creatures in their own states," former Alaska Gov. Sarah Palin, the 2008 vice presidential nominee, said at a Moore campaign rally Thursday.
Eric Beach, chairman of Great America PAC, which hosted the rally with Palin, said he hoped a Moore victory would make GOP leadership think twice about getting involved in primaries.
"When you outspend a candidate just to keep the good old network intact, and that candidate only wins by a little bit or loses, I think the establishment has to ask themselves a question: 'Do we want to keep spending millions of dollars just to protect one of our own?'" Beach said.
But don't expect leadership allies to back down.
"It would be hypocritical if it weren't just simply funny," Steven Law said of Beach's suggestion that a Moore victory could discourage leadership allies from getting involved in primaries. Law is president of the Senate Leadership Fund, a super PAC aligned with McConnell that has been active in the Alabama race.
For Republicans, the danger of electing a nominee too extreme to win a general election is only too real.
They're haunted by the ghosts of failed candidates past, such as Missouri Republican Todd Akin, who sparked controversy during his 2012 Senate race with comments referring to "legitimate rape."
"There are a lot of people that think my opponent would be a Todd Akin, an anchor around the neck of the party for the next couple years," Strange said of Moore in a recent interview with the Washington Examiner. "I have to say, knowing him, that's probably a valid concern — it really is."
GOP strategists do not want a repeat of primaries that resulted in candidates who lost winnable races in Delaware, Nevada and Colorado in 2010, and in Indiana and Missouri in 2012.
"This is not a new phenomenon for Republicans," said GOP strategist Josh Holmes, a former chief of staff to McConnell. "It's something that we have faced each and every cycle since 2010 and adopted a different business model as a result in 2014."
The party started playing in GOP primaries and spending money on preferred candidates. That's continued in Alabama, with NRSC staffers on the ground in the final days of the race. Former NRSC Executive Director Ward Baker is also advising the Senate Leadership Fund, Law said.
Strategists say GOP incumbents also realize they have to do the grunt work to stay in touch with their constituents to ward off primary challengers.
The Trump factor
But candidates and campaign strategists have a new factor to contend with in 2018: the president.
Three Things to Watch in Tuesday's Race
"When you stand against President Trump, you are playing chicken with a Mack truck," Law said. "He has an outsized influence on Republican primary voters."
In Alabama, Law and Trump are on the same side behind Strange. But there is some concern that Trump could back primary challengers over incumbents in future races.
Trump, Law said, is the "most significant factor" in primaries, and groups like the Senate Leadership Fund have to adjust to the new environment.
"One of the ways we tried to navigate [that environment] was by highlighting issues and candidate statements that could conceivably impact his decision-making," Law said.
In the Alabama race, the group highlighted GOP Rep. Mo Brooks' past comments criticizing Trump. (Brooks failed to make the runoff after finishing third in the August primary.) The group also ran ads criticizing Moore for not fully supporting a southern border wall, one of Trump's major campaign promises.
Trump knows his own reputation is on the line if Strange loses Tuesday.
"They're going to say, Donald Trump, the president of the United States, was unable to pull his candidate across the line," he said Friday at a Strange campaign rally in Huntsville, Alabama.
It's not clear whether a Strange loss would cause Trump to hesitate over endorsing candidates in future. Only eight Senate Republicans are up for re-election in 2018, compared to 25 Democrats — 10 of whom are running in states that Trump won.
The president has signaled he could back primary challengers in Arizona and Nevada. Beach of Great America PAC said his group is also watching Tennessee and Mississippi, where they could potentially support GOP primary challengers.
Contested primaries could force the party to spend money in primaries when that money could be better used unseating Democrats, said former NRSC spokesman Brian Walsh.
But Alabama has shown that GOP leadership and its allies are willing to spend in primaries. Law estimated the Senate Leadership Fund will have spent just under $5 million on the Alabama runoff.
Not your average primary
Despite questions about the long-term implications of Tuesday's election, some Republicans warned against drawing conclusions from one special election race more than a year before next year's midterms.
But with outside money pouring in, Moore's campaign has cast this race as one with a broader impact.
"They kind of gave us a strategy which was to make this race not just about two men running against each other, but about the entire Republican base running against the face of the D.C. establishment, which is Mitch McConnell," Moore's general consultant Brett Doster said.
Though Moore garnered support from various conservative leaders and former Trump advisers such as Steve Bannon, it is not a clear-cut case of the D.C. establishment versus the conservative base, given Trump's backing of Strange.
It's also not clear if this race could launch Bannon as an influential force in primaries.
The former White House chief strategist is reportedly gearing up to take on other GOP lawmakers. However, he did not get involved in Alabama until after Moore won the August primary by 6 points, one Republican strategist said.
Moore is also a unique candidate compared to other primary challengers who could emerge in 2018.
He entered the race with high name recognition thanks to his stints as chief justice of the Alabama Supreme Court. He was first removed from the court for refusing to take down a Ten Commandments monument from a state building. His second ejection came after he ordered probate judges to not comply with the Supreme Court ruling that legalized gay marriage.
Moore has a passionate base of religious supporters, even after his controversial comments linking homosexuality to bestiality, and using racially charged language.
"Luther Strange's supporters just see it as kind of a pragmatic exercise, going to vote, etc.," said Doster, Moore's consultant. "Judge Moore's supporters see it as a religious experience and [something] they must do in this battle for the heart and soul of the party, and the heart and soul of the country."
Even though Alabama's special election might be unique, Moore's outside supporters are hoping his victory could be the spark that leads to successful conservative challenges.
"We think this is going to be an igniter for other races across the country," Beach of Great America PAC said.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


I've listened to this album at least 17 times and would give it at least a 51.7/63.9 rating. Open Mike Eagle got beats! Serengeti and Open Mike Eagle got raps! Two of the best dudes doing music right now and they don't even need to try hard. Buy this (iTunes / bandcamp) and pray they play a show in your town.


text:
Sant Martí de Roma era una ermita del poble de Jou, en el terme municipal de la Guingueta d'Àneu, a la comarca del Pallars Sobirà. Pertany al territori de l'antic terme de Jou.

Està situada a

Bibliografia

Enllaços externs
 Sant Martí de Roma en el seu entorn, a l'Institut Cartogràfic de Catalunya

Esglésies romàniques de la Guingueta d'Àneu

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


Demand for potash could come in at a record 58 million tonnes this year Potash Corp COO David Delaney said on Wednesday in a webcast.
Delaney in a presentation at the Bank of America Merrill Lynch Global Agriculture conference also said Potashcorp, the world's number one producer of the soil nutrient, expects balanced or tight supply for the next four years.
Potash prices have hovered around the $500/tonne level this year after strong gains the past two years, but the many greenfield and brownfield properties coming on line over the next few years adding as much as 17 million tonnes of additional capacity by some estimates will put pressure on prices later in the decade.
PotashCorp itself is on an aggressive expansion drive to increase its capacity to just over 17 million tonnes by 2015, from under 12 million tonnes this year.
In a separate development India announced on Thursday that it will cut state subsidies for potash and phosphate-based fertilizer by a fifth. India is the number one importer of potash at 6 million tonnes.


Fuel Cell Technician Salary: Latest Wage and Compensation Trends in Your Area.
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Now this pr also only schedules an async fsync if the durability is set to async. By default not async task is scheduled.
Now this pr also only schedules an async fsync if the durability is set to `async`. By default not async task is scheduled.
Maybe just call rescheduleFsyncTask here?
Hmm can we at least log any exception that came from here instead of suppressing?


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Syndication Ratings: 'Dr. Phil' Back on Top
'Live,' 'Maury' tie for second in slow summer week
CBS Television Distribution's Dr. Phil returned to the top talk slot in the week ending June 26, after landing in a three-way tie for first last week with Disney-ABC's Live with Regis and Kelly and NBCUniversal's Maury.
Phil also was one of only three talkers to grow week-to-week, with CTD's Rachael Ray and Sony's Dr. Oz the other two talk shows to improve. Dr. Phil grew 4% to a 2.4 live plus same day average household rating, according to Nielsen Media Research. Meanwhile, Live, which wasn't live for the week, dropped 4% to a 2.2 and Maury did likewise. Maury, however, was the most-viewed talk show for the week with 3.26 million viewers and was the number-one talker among all key female and adult demographics.
The rest of the talk pack was lackluster. CTD's Oprah, now permanently out of originals, remained at its series low 2.1. Dr. Oz recovered 5% from its prior week season-low to a 2.0. Warner Bros.' Ellen DeGeneres remained at its season-low 1.6 for the third week in a row. Rachael Ray had the week's biggest increase, jumping 8% to a 1.4, tying NBCU's Jerry Springer, which was unchanged at a 1.4. CTD's The Doctors and NBCU's Steve Wilkos each were steady at a 1.3. Debmar-Mercury's Wendy Williams trailed at an unchanged 0.8.
CTD's Judge Judy remained syndication's highest-rated show, dipping 3% for the week to a 6.4. In second place, CTD's Judge Joe Brown was steady at a 2.6. Warner Bros.' People's Court, Twentieth's Judge Alex and Warner Bros.' Judge Mathis all were flat at a 1.9, 1.5 and 1.5, respectively, while Twentieth's Divorce Court gained 7% to a 1.5, tying Alex and Mathis. Warner Bros.' Judge Jeanine Pirro, which is wrapping up its run, was unchanged at a 0.8.
Warner Bros.' Extra and CTD's The Insider improved the most for the week among the magazines, although the pair tied for last place, with each adding 7% in households to a 1.5. Extra also was up 17% among women 18-49, while The Insider improved 25% among women 18-34.
CTD's Entertainment Tonight, the magazine leader, dipped 3% to a new season-low 3.3. CTD's Inside Edition ticked up 4% to a 2.8. Warner Bros.' TMZ was flat at a 2.0, while NBCU's Access Hollywood strengthened 6% to a 1.8 and grew the most year-to-year of any magazine, adding 13%.
Game shows shone in the summer heat, with the entire genre up or flat for the week. CTD's Wheel of Fortune rolled ahead 5% to a 6.2. CTD's Jeopardy! added 8% to a 5.5. Debmar-Mercury's Family Feud climbed 4% to a new season-high 2.6. Disney-ABC's Who Wants to be a Millionaire advanced 5% to a 2.3, while Twentieth's Are You Smarter than a Fifth Grader, also completing its run, was flat at a 1.1.
CTD's Swift Justice remained this season's top-rated rookie, although it gave back 6% to a 1.5. Twentieth's Don't Forget the Lyrics, also not returning next season, improved 13% to a 0.9. In third place, Sony's Nate Berkus, which hit a new series low the prior week, recovered 14% to a 0.8. Litton's Judge Karen's Court sank 13% to a 0.7. Entertainment Studios' America's Court with Judge Ross was up 33% to a 0.4.
Warner Bros.' Two and a Half Men was unchanged atop the off-net sitcoms at a 6.1. Twentieth's Family Guy grew 2% to a 4.6. Disney-ABC's My Wife and Kids fell 9% to a 3.1. CTD's Everybody Loves Raymond receded 4% to a 2.6. Warner Bros.' George Lopez and Sony's Seinfeld each lost 7% to a 2.5, tying NBCU's The Office which moved up 4%. Twentieth's King of the Hill was flat at a 2.4. Warner Bros.' Friends, renewed by Tribune through 2017, faded 5% to a 1.9.
Among the new off-net and off-cable strips, Twentieth's How I Met Your Mother was down 10% to a 2.6. Warner Bros.' The New Adventures of Old Christine tumbled 19% to a 1.3, tying Debmar-Mercury's Meet the Browns which was unchanged at a 1.3.
Syndication Ratings: 'Dr. Oz,' 'Dr. Phil,' 'Ellen,' 'Maury,' and 'Rachael Ray' Avoid Summer Ratings Doldrums
Rest of syndication mostly flat or down in slow week
Syndicated Ratings: 'Dr. Phil' Tops Talkers as It Kicks off Season 10
'Anderson' shows growth in week two
'Dr. Phil' Remains on the Rise
Show's ratings up nearly 50% in past three weeks
Syndication Ratings: Games Wilt in Summer Heat
'Live,' 'Maury' tie for top talk spot
Syndication Ratings: 'Dr. Phil' Back on Top as Summer Heat Returns to Syndies
'Judge Judy' tops national chart, leading all of first-run
Syndication Ratings: 'Dr. Phil' Back on Top, While 'Live!' Drops Off
Early evening sitcoms, games remain on the rise post-November sweep
Syndication Ratings: 'Dr. Phil' Solidifies Top Status in Slow Syndie Week
'Judge Judy,' 'Wheel of Fortune' lead all of syndication
Syndication Ratings: 'Maury' Joins 'Dr. Phil,' 'Regis and Kelly' Atop Talkers
'Maury' also tops in all female and adult demographics


This custom remanufacturing project performed by our experts at Pierce Industries was done for the Printing industry. This custom booklet maker is used in industrial printing applications and consists of multiple mechanical and electrical subassemblies. Components were disassembled, cleaned, replaced as needed, and the final remanufactured assembly was tested for functionality in a custom test bed.
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Oahu or Maui would probably be best for you.
Lots of good hotel deals right now.
Lots of info including sites with free brochures for all islands. You can read many of the brochures online.
It would help if you said exactly what you are interested in doing. Any hiking? Drive by scenery? View some turtles/fishes from land ( or wade in just a bit??) Shopping?
Just from the info above, I think I'd recommend Oahu. Many sites to see & good restaurants. 5 nights is not a lot & going to Oahu would save you a bit of transfer time to another island. We spent a week there & wasn't able to cover the whole island.
dusty, I was posting while you were, I think. And, joslin88, dusty's your man if you choose Oahu. He's got many helpful links & info about the island.
I also believe that Oahu is your best choice. If you give some ideas of what you want to do other than hiking/snorkeling, you might get more specific recommendations. Are you nature people? Adventurous? Enjoy history? Do the medical issues include mobility issues?
Will you be renting a car?
I don't normally recommend staying in Honolulu/Waikiki, but if you want to go budget style, that is probably the best choice since that's where the hotels are. Staying elsewhere would be with a vacation rental or an expensive resort. Vacations rentals can be cheaper than hotels, especially if you are parking a car, but it might be difficult to find one with availability this late in the game. It can be done though. I'd start with www.vrbo.com if you wanted to go that route.
A better definition of mid-range budget could probably also help with more specific recommendations. What I consider a mid-range budget in Texas is not the same as a mid-range budget in Hawaii. Offering a dollar range that doesn't include your airfare cost will help.
Aston Waikiki Beach Hotel and The Ilikai Hotel are at $119, Hawaii Prince is at $135. Looks like August 12th is the cheapest day to fly by about $150 per person....if you can go that late.
Our budget is about $1000 per person for hotel for about 6 days/5 nights. Our priorities for hotel are: natural beauty/views, hotel activities (spa, or lagoon, etc.), safety. We like (and are able to do) beach reading/laying, some history, some nature, some shopping, light physical activities that are guide/hotel led (kayaking/snorkeling in a small contained area), fish/turtle watching. And, somewhere want to find the best luau experience. Not asking for much, eh?
Based on your updated information, I'm going to change my recommendation to Maui and I think the Kaanapali Beach Hotel is a great value and in your budget. They are currently running a promotion that will help you save even more. The property is lovely, is right on the beach, and has a pool/hot tub on property (but no spa or lagoon). They like to incorporate some of the history and Hawaiian tradition in your experience and the warmth of the staff in making you feel like family is like nothing I've experienced at any other hotel. They have free shows each night on property and a great schedule of activities to participate in. (Go to http://hawaiiculture.com/Main/Home/Home.aspx to read about their schedule of activities and shows.) The first morning you are there, do go to the breakfast presentation they do - it's just to give you some ideas of things you can do and to give you a few tips - like ocean safety...and the breakfast is delicious even if you already have all your activities planned.
Their website is www.kbhmaui.com. The special that they have right now is on the Internet Specials page. You have to book by the end of this month, but that shouldn't be an issue as it sounds like you are ready to book now.
With the "Maui Getaway Sale," 5 nights would be $1289 plus tax and would include your partial oceanview room (I think they all have patio/balcony), car, breakfast every day, one dinner, daily bottled water, and other discounts. That's really a great deal for the Kaanapali Beach area on Maui.
The building that our room was in did not have an elevator, but others do...So if medical issues make a difference there, make sure you let the staff know.
Activities that you sign up for on all of the islands are pricey (I generally plan for $50-$100 per person). You can book them through the hotel or on your own. I don't have any price comparisons there, so I don't know whether one is better than the other.
There is a boardwalk (beachside sidewalk path) that goes from the KBH past a condo/hotel property or two down to Whaler's Village which is an outdoor shopping area. Most shopping in Hawaii is expensive and Whaler's Village is no exception, but is great for at least window shopping...and some restaurants. You are also not too far of a drive from Lahaina where there are many more shops and restaurants - some possibly a little more affordable. A lot of the guided boat trips also leave from Lahaina.
The Sheraton is next door to the KBH and they do a nightly sunset tiki torch lighting and ceremonial cliff diving show (free) that is good to watch once. They also have a sort of lagoon area...So if you are just wanting to look, it's right next door.
The rooms in the KBH have a small fridge, so you can always store leftovers from lunches and have for dinners (or vice versa) - or pick up a few groceries - cutting costs on your meals. When going budget style, I tend to purchase the lunch (which usually costs less) and save some for dinners, so I love having the mini fridge. Plus, it's great for storing bottled water or other drinks.
There is actually great snorkeling right from the shore in front of the Sheraton. You can rent gear at Maui Dive Shop in Whaler's Village and snorkel from shore. The water was pretty rough when we were there, but I think it tends to be less rough there during the summer (we went during the winter). We did do a little snorkeling and saw one turtle.
Depending on the medical issues, sea kayaking may be a bit too strenuous. I wouldn't consider it to be light physical activity.
Oh...And Whaler's Village also has free activities and a nightly free shows...Check their website at www.whalersvillage.com and go to Events and Activities.
You can almost do hotel AND AIR for $1000 per person. No problem. Pack your bags! Then give us a couple of days and sit back while we do the rest for you. You must be back in Texas by what date? And what is your Texas airport?
Take a look at HawaiiGaga.com. They have a questionaire you can use to help decide which island best suits you. And vrbo.com has great deals, directly thru the owner. Prices have been low due to the bad economy, so now's a good time to look. And keep surfing airfare prices, too. I was able to book a flight from Newark, NY to Honolulu for $476 just a few weeks ago. The prices fluctuate. I went directly to Continental.com & checked the price a few times each day. The day I book, the price had been $610, but I tried once more on a whim in the evening and it had dropped significantly.
Also, do some looking around Tripadvisor.com. They have traveler reviews of most of the places you can stay/see/eat, etc.
Good luck & have a blast in Paradise!
I would suggest Maui, around the Lahaina area for the things you describe.
Second choice for you would be Waikiki/Honolulu area on Oahu.
I think the Kaanapali Beach Hotel would be a good choice for you, too.
itsmlf, just keeping checking daily on fares. I was able to get roundtrip tickets from Atlanta to Honolulu for $234 plus tax ($276 total) per person on Continental. This sale only lasted a few hours, so you have to be constantly watching. Sign up for travel emails, newsletters, etc.
divine, yes, I couldn't believe it when I saw that fare listed. I immediately called my husband and we determined a date (May 2010), and then we went ahead and booked the tickets. By the time I got home from work that afternoon, those same tickets were $897 each.
Sorry -- it was on United, not Continental.
Wow, lucky you Samsaf! Those fares don't last long!


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Reported via mobile in the Lamp Out of Light category anonymously at 02:01, Sat 23 April 2022
Street light not working for some time.
Updated by Oxfordshire County Council at 02:01, Sat 23 April 2022
Updated by Oxfordshire County Council at 09:05, Tue 18 October 2022


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Home / First Editions & Early Printings / 1972 First British Edition (first printing) of The Descent of Woman, by Elaine Morgan -SOLD-
1972 First British Edition (first printing) of The Descent of Woman, by Elaine Morgan -SOLD-
Categories: Collectibles under $50, First Editions & Early Printings, Sold Tags: Female Author, feminist texts, Souvenir Press
-SOLD-
The Descent of Woman, by Elaine Morgan
Published by Souvenir Press, London, 1972. Hardcover (with original dust jacket).
the cloth binding is in impeccable condition
Condition of book: Very Good. It is a First Edition. This is the first UK edition & it is also the actual very first printing. Size: Octavo (standard book size). Text body is clean, and free from previous owner annotation, underlining and highlighting. Binding is tight, covers and spine fully intact. The inner and outer body of book clean and in impeccable condition . Dust Jacket worn at edges, small chips and tears to upper and lower spine.
Book Description (Written by Souvenir Press):
According to the Book of Genesis, God first created man. This justified treating women as inferior.
Until this book.
The Descent of Woman is a pioneering work, the first to argue for the equal role of women in human evolution. On its first publication in 1972 it sparked an international debate and became a rallying-point for feminism, changing the terminology of anthropologists forever. Starting with her demolition of the Biblical myth that woman was an afterthought to the creation of man, Elaine Morgan rewrites human history and evolution.
This lively, informative book sets out to solve the riddle of our origins; its answer is controversial. Elaine Morgan has made The Aquatic Ape Hypothesis a plausible alternative to conventional theories of evolution and The Descent of Woman first set out an understanding of who humans are and where they came from.
Elaine Morgan was best known as a writer for television until the publication of The Descent of Woman in 1972, which became an international bestseller. She then spent ten years researching human evolution before publishing The Aquatic Ape (published by Souvenir Press as a revised edition, The Aquatic Ape Hypothesis) in 1982. In the years since, The Aquatic Ape Hypothesis has gone on to win widespread support among scientists.
It is a measure of Elaine Morgan's enduring importance, provocative thought and international reputation that in January 2006, the first Chinese translation of The Aquatic Ape Hypothesis became a Number 1 bestseller in Taiwan.
"The Descent of Woman, one of the key feminist texts"
'The Guardian'
"She is more scientific than Genesis, more up to date than Darwin, more fun than Ardrey, and she writes better than Desmond Morris."
'The Sunday Telegraph'
"A dizzying Darwinian insight into the sheer happenstance of man's genesis."
~See all of the pictures posted in the Gallery Area of this posting!~
~ Price posted is in (CAD) Canadian Dollars ~
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A 1958 first edition of AKU-AKU: The secret of Easter Island 1980 copy of Smoke & Mirrors, by Peter Trueman, HC in original DJ
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Dr. Scholl's® Callus Filer has two different abrasive surfaces to file calluses and hard skin quickly and easily. The durable stainless steel head is washable and long-lasting. It has an easy-grip handle that lets you file even hard-to-reach areas.
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356P/WISE, komet Jupiterove obitelji

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text:
Home/Vegas News/Entertainment/New iPhone 14 Feature Automatically Alerts First Responders To Fatal Crash After Car Full Of Passengers Hits Tree, Killing All Six
New iPhone 14 Feature Automatically Alerts First Responders To Fatal Crash After Car Full Of Passengers Hits Tree, Killing All Six
Team Las Vegas News October 4, 2022
A passenger's new iPhone 14 automatically alerted first responders after their car hit a tree early Sunday morning, in a crash that killed all six of the young adult passengers, according to authorities.
The crash, which occurred around 2:15 a.m. in Lincoln, Nebraska, left five men dead at the scene. A 24-year-old woman was taken in critical condition to a nearby hospital, where she was later pronounced dead.
The victims include the driver, a 22-year-old male, a 21-year-old, 23-year-old, and 23-year-old and two 22-year-olds, according to The Huffington Post. None of the victims have been publicly named as of Tuesday.
Authorities Call Crash "The Worst In Lincoln In Recent Memory" After Being Alerted By iPhone
The crash still remains under investigation, and authorities added that they were alerted to the crash after one of the passengers' iPhones, which sent a signal to first responders, which automatically transmitted a warning after the phone's owner didn't respond.
Investigators called the crash "the worst… in Lincoln in recent memory."
A passenger's iPhone automatically alerted responders to a fatal car crash in Nebraska that was called "the worst crash" in the area in some time. https://t.co/VnvNOY3mkt pic.twitter.com/BEV8R6Mkzu
— AppleInsider (@appleinsider) October 3, 2022
"This is the worst crash in Lincoln in recent memory," Lincoln Police Assistant Chief Michon Morrow said. "We've been trying to think of another accident this bad and we haven't come up with anything."
Meanwhile, authorities said they have not found any witnesses as of Tuesday, making it much more difficult to determine the exact cause of the crash.
Investigators Say They Are "Looking At All Possibilities, Including Alcohol, Speed Or Distracted Driving"
Morrow added that they are "looking at all possibilities, including alcohol, speed or distracted driving."
"The cause of this accident is going to take us some time to pin down," Morrow said. "We are looking at all possibilities, including alcohol, speed or distracted driving."
One of the worst car crashes ever in Lincoln, Nebraska kills 6. Emergency services alerted by iPhone 14's crash detection system. pic.twitter.com/c2Uus2Hml5
— Euro Maestro (@euromaestro) October 4, 2022
The new iPhone 14 crash detection feature that alerted authorities to the crash is initiated after the phone detects an impact, where it then calls 911 automatically when the phone's owner doesn't respond.
New iPhone 14 Released Just Last Month, Includes New Emergency Alert Feature
The newest iteration of the iPhone was just released in the U.S. on September 16, and retail for between $799 to $1199 for more pricy models.
Photos of the crash show the car completely totaled, with the roof torn off the top and the door ripped to pieces.
This is a developing story, tune in for updates as victims are identified and the cause of the crash is revealed.
fbq('init', '1743561565887263'); fbq('track', 'PageView');
alerts automatically car crash fatal feature Full hits iPhone killing Passengers responders Tree
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La gare d'Ossès - Saint-Martin-d'Arrossa est une gare ferroviaire française de la ligne de Bayonne à Saint-Jean-Pied-de-Port, située sur le territoire de la commune de Saint-Martin-d'Arrossa, près d'Ossès au bord de la Nive (rive Ouest), dans le département des Pyrénées-Atlantiques en région Nouvelle-Aquitaine.

Elle est mise en service en 1892 par la compagnie des chemins de fer du Midi.

C'est une halte voyageurs de la Société nationale des chemins de fer français SNCF, desservie par des trains .

Situation ferroviaire
Établie à  d'altitude, la gare d'embranchement d'Ossès - Saint-Martin-d'Arrossa est située au point kilométrique (PK) 238,428 de la ligne de Bayonne à Saint-Jean-Pied-de-Port, entre les gares de Bidarray-Pont-Noblia et de Saint-Jean-Pied-de-Port. Elle est également l'origine de la ligne d'Ossès - Saint-Martin-d'Arrossa à Saint-Étienne-de-Baïgorry (fermée).

C'est une gare d'évitement, disposant d'une deuxième voie pour le croisement des trains.

Histoire
La station d'Ossès - Saint-Martin-d'Arrossa est mise en service le  par la Compagnie des chemins de fer du Midi et du Canal latéral à la Garonne (Midi), lorsqu'elle ouvre à l'exploitation la deuxième section de Cambo-les-Bains à Ossès.

En 2014, selon les estimations de la SNCF, la fréquentation annuelle de la gare était de .

Service des voyageurs

Accueil
Halte SNCF, c'est un point d'arrêt non géré (PANG) à entrée libre.

L'entrée de la halte s'effectue à côté de l'ancien bâtiment voyageurs.

Desserte
Ossès - Saint-Martin-d'Arrossa est une halte du réseau  desservie par des trains régionaux de la relation Bayonne - Saint-Jean-Pied-de-Port.

Intermodalité
Un espace est disponible pour le stationnement des véhicules à côté de l'ancien bâtiment voyageurs.

Patrimoine ferroviaire
Le bâtiment voyageurs d'origine, à trois ouverture et un étage sous une toiture à double pente et sa halle à marchandises accolées, fermé aux services ferroviaires.

Notes et références

Voir aussi

Articles connexes
 Liste de gares en France
 Ligne de Bayonne à Saint-Jean-Pied-de-Port
 Schéma de la ligne de Bayonne à Saint-Jean-Pied-de-Port

Lien externe

Ossès - Saint-Martin-d'Arrossa,Gare d'
Ligne de Bayonne à Saint-Jean-Pied-de-Port


A story around replication lag and Flow-Control.
In the last few months we had 2 main actors in the the MySQL ecosystem, ProxySQL and Group-Replication (with the evolution to InnoDB Cluster).
While I had extensively covered the first, my last serious work on GR, goes back to some lab version in the past years.
Given the decision Oracle made to declare it GA, and the Percona decision to provide some level of support to GR, I decide it was time for me to take a look at it again.
A lot of reviews were already done covering different topics. I saw articles about GR and performance, GR and basic functionalities (or lack of it like automatic node provisioning), GR and ProxySQL and so on.
But one question was coming up over and over in my mind. If GR and InnoDB cluster has to work as alternative to other (virtually) synchronous replication mechanism, what change or shift our customers must consider if they want move from one to the other.
In solutions using Galera, like Percona Xtradb Cluster (PXC), there is a main concept to which all of us must refer to. The cluster is data-centric, which at the end brings us to what matters, which is the data and its state, that must be exactly the same on each node at a given time (commit/apply). To guarantee this PXC and others use a set of data validation and FlowControl that at the end will make possible to the cluster dataset to be consistent on each node, respecting the main principle (be data-centric).
Immediate application of this principle is that an application can query ANY node in the PXC and be sure to get the same data, or to write and know that the data will be visible on all node (virtually) at the same time.
Last but not list, if a node is not consistent with the others, it will be excluded and must be rebuild, or inconsistency fix, before joining back.
Not a minor thing if you think carefully, and a very useful thing to have because allow you to transparently split write/read operations, or failover from one node to another with lees troubles, and more.
Given that I setup a simple set of servers using GR, with a very basic application performing writes on a single Writer node, and (eventually) reads on the other nodes.Schema definition can be found here, mainly I had use the 4 tables from my windmills test suite, nothing special, or weird of specifically design for GR. Actually I had use this test a lot for PXC in the past, so was a perfect fit.
One thread performing one insert at each transaction.
One thread performing 50 batched inserts at each transaction.
8 threads performing one insert to each transaction.
8 threads performing 50 batched inserts at each transaction.
As you can see nothing crazy, a quite simple operation.
Finally, I had to be sure I measure the lag in a way that allow me to reference it in a consistent way on all nodes.
I think we can safely say that the incoming GTID (last_ Received_transaction_set from replication_connection_status) is for sure the last apply on the master a slave node can know about.
This because network delay can prevent the last one to really be "received".
The other point of reference is the GTID_EXECUTED which refers to the latest GTID processed on the Node itself.
The whole set of tests can be found here, with all the commands you may need to run the application (you can find it here), and replicate the tests.
I will focus on the results, or this blogpost will be far too long, but I invite you to see the details.
Efficiency on Writer by execution time & Rows/secHere using the raw data from the tests (excel spreadsheet available here) I was interested to identify if and how the writer is affected by the use of GR and FC.
Reviewing the Graph we can see that the Writer has a linear increase of the execution time (when using default FC), with the increase of the load, nothing really concerning and all in all expected also if the load is light, we will see after that the volume of rows at the end justify the execution time.
Different scenario if we use FC, the execution time increase significantly in both cases (single worker/multiple workers). In the worth case (8 threads, 50 inserts batch) it becomes 4 time higher the same load without FC.
What happen to the inserted rows? In the application I trace the rows inserted/sec, as such is easy to see what is going on there as well.
We can see that the Writer with FC activated is able to insert less than 1/3 of the rows it can process without FC.We can definitely say, that FC has a significant impact on the Writer performance.
Without FC the Writer is able to process a high volume of rows in a limited number of time (results from test 8 workers; 8 threads; 50 insert batch).
While with FC the situation changes drastically, the Writer will take a long time processing a significant smaller amount of rows/sec. In short performance will drop significantly.
But, hey I can be ok with that if this means to have a consistent data-set cross all the nodes.
At the end also PXC and similar, pay a significant price in performance to match the data-centric Principle.
Ok let see what happen on the other nodes.
Well, the scenario is not so good.
When NOT using FC, the nodes lag behind the writer significantly. Remember that by default the FC in GR is set to 25000 entries, I mean 25K of entries!!!
So what happens here is that as as soon as I put some salt (see load) on the Writer the slave nodes will start to lag.
When using the default single worker, that will be significant, while when using multiple workers, we will see that the lag will mainly happen only on the node(s) with a minimal (10ms network latency).
Sad thing is that is not really going down respect to the single thread worker, indicating the simple minimal latency of 10ms was enough to affect the replication.
Well time to activate the FC and have no lag.
Unfortunately, this is not going to be the case. As we can see the lag in case of single worker remain high also in Gr2 (154 entries).
While when using multiple workers, the Gr3/4 nodes are able to perform much better, and lag is significantly less, but still high ~1k entries.
It is important to remember that at this time the Writer is processing 1/3 or less of the rows it is normally able to do. It is important to note, that I had set 25 to the entry limit in the FC, and never the less the Gr3 (and Gr4) nodes are lagging more than 1K entries behind.
Using the Writer (Master) as baseline in entry #N, without FC, the nodes (slaves) using GR, will start to lag behind the writer, in a significant way also with light load. The distance in this POC was from very minimal with 58 entries, up to 3849 entries in the case of higher load.
Using FC the Writer (Master) will diverge less, as expected, but also if it will have a significant drop in performance (1/3 or less), the Nodes will lag anyhow, worse case up to 1363 entries.Need to underline that we have not further way (I am aware of) to tune the lag and prevent it to happen.
I was using PMM to keep an eye on the nodes while doing the tests. And one of the graph was really telling me that GR has still some "limits" if we want to consider it as the replication mechanism for a cluster.
This graph shows the MySQL Queries executed on all the 4 nodes, in the 8-50 threads-batch with FC test.As you can see the Gr1 (the writer) is the first one to takeoff, followed by Gr2, the nodes Gr3 and Gr4 will require a bit more, given the binlog transmission (and 10ms delay), once the data is there, they match (inconsistently) the Gr2 node, this is an effect of the FC asking the master to slow down. But as seen previously, the nodes will never be able to match the Writer. At the end, when the load test is over, the nodes will continue to process the queue for additional ~130 sec. Considering that the whole load takes 420 sec on the Writer, this means that 1/3 of the total time on the Writer is spent AFTER on the slave to sync.
The above graph shows the same test without FC, is interesting to see how the Writer was going above the 300 Queries/sec while G2 stay around 200 and Gr3/4 far below. The writer was able to process the whole load in ~120 seconds instead 420, while Gr3/4 continue to process the load for additional ~360 seconds.This means that without FC set the Nodes will lag around 360 seconds behind the Master, while with FC set to 25, they will lag 130 seconds.
Going back to the origin, and the reason why I was looking to this POC.
I, as customer of myself, think that my application(s) will not be a good fit for GR, given I have set PXC to scale out the reads, and be able to efficiently move my writer to another when in need to.
GR while based on a very interesting concept it is still based on asynchronous replication (as my colleague Kenny said). I am sure it could make sense in many other cases, but it cannot be compare to solutions that are based on virtually synchronous replication; and it still requires a lot of refinement.
On the other hand, all the applications that can afford to have a significant gap between writer and readers, will probably be fine with that.But I raise another question … was not standard replication already covering that?Reviewing the Oracle documentations (https://dev.mysql.com/doc/refman/5.7/en/group-replication-background.html) I can see why GR as part of the InnoDB cluster, can help me in improving HA, when comparing it to standard replication.But I also think it is important to understand that GR (and derived solutions like InnoDB cluster) are not comparable or a replacement of data-centric solutions as PXC. At least up to now.


text:
Q: How do you open a dropdown menu/datalist using Javascript? I'm trying to open the dropdown menu using Javascript. The "Ask For More Time" button is supposed to open the dropdown menu by using focus() and select() javascript code but it's not working for the dropdown menu. What JS code do you use to open the dropdown menu?
HTML:
    <!DOCTYPE html>
<html>
  <head>
    <meta charset="utf-8">
    <meta name="viewport" content="width=device-width">
    <title>replit</title>
    <link href="style.css" rel="stylesheet" type="text/css" />
  </head>
  <body>
    <script src="script.js"></script>
<form>
<input list="Ask" name="Ask">
  <datalist id="Ask" class="dropdown-menu dropdown-menu-right">
    <option value="One More Minute">
    <option value="Send Request">
    <option value="Enter Screen Time Passcode">
    <option value="Cancel">
  </datalist>
     <button type="submit" id="submit">Send</button>
  <input type="hidden" name="_next" value="https://classroom.google.com/u/0/h">
</form>
     <button onclick=oncl() class="button button5">Ask For More Time</button>
    </div>
  </body>
</html>

Javascript:
function oncl() {
  const datalist = document.getElementById('Ask');
  datalist.focus();
  datalist.select();
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


With over 50 years of combined real estate experience in the Florida Panhandle, we place knowledge and integrity at the top of our priority list. Resource Realty Group is a locally owned and operated brokerage with regional reach. Our business is based not only on the short-term deal but also on long lasting relationships with our clients.
Resource Realty Group is a full service real estate brokerage company providing professional and comprehensive corporate real estate services for retail, industrial, office, and various other commercial projects.
Neil C. Jones, SIOR is the Owner/Broker of Resource Realty Group, LLC which he established in January 2006. Beginning his Real estate career in Boca Raton, Florida in 1979 Neil relocated back to his home of Panama City in 1989. Prior to his ownership of Resource Realty, he served from 2000 to 2006 as Executive Director of Advantis, St. Joe Company's commercial real estate sales division responsible for Bay, Gulf, and Walton County. His 37 years of real estate experience including property sales, leasing, site selection, property management, development manager of Industrial Parks, Build to Suit Retail and Shopping Centers. Jones serves as managing partner for several commercial real estate partnerships in Northwest Florida. Civic activities including past service on the Lynn Haven Planning Board, Board of Adjustments, Board member for Junior Achievement classroom instructor in Business Ethics. Jones currently serves as the as Board Member at Summit Bank NA, Panama City Florida and Enterprise Florida Board Member Alternate and Member of Society Of Industrial Office Brokers (SIOR).
Christopher G. Clubbs, CCIM is a licensed broker associate and fourth generation Panama City local who joined Resource Realty Group in mid 2016. From an early age, Chris was involved with family projects covering a range of Real Estate opportunities in Bay County which eventually inspired him to pursue a degree in Real Estate. Chris graduated Florida State University in 2013 with degrees in both Real Estate and General Management. He was nominated by FSU faculty and presented with the prestigious ICSC Foundation Award in late 2012 for having exceptional potential in a real estate career. After graduation, Chris accepted an offer to join one of Berkshire Hathaway's top producing real estate teams in Tampa, Florida. During his three year period in Tampa he specialized in Hillsborough County industrial sales and leasing and built a Pinellas County property management team that reached nearly half a million square feet of retail, office, and flex space. Chris was awarded the Accredited Commercial Manager Certification by the Institute of Real Estate Management (IREM) in mid 2016 and earned his Certified Commercial Investment Member (CCIM) designation in October 2018.
When not working, Chris enjoys spending his time outdoors and on the water. Chris has held his Private Pilot Certificate for more than ten years and never passes up an opportunity to fly. He has held numerous leadership positions for various churches and non-profits, participating in mission projects around the world.
Tyler C. Jones joined Resource Realty Group as a Sales Associate in 2013. In addition to Commercial Real Estate, Tyler has 5 years experience in Property & Casualty Insurance as an Adjuster and Producer. Tyler's goal is the continued growth of Resource Realty's Property Management division. Tyler is a member of National Realtors Association and is currently studying for his broker license.


add brown sugar, cinnamon, baking powder, nutmeg, cloves and salt.
spoon, stir in remaining flour, and if desired, the almonds.
lightly grease a cookie sheet. set aside.
press a small amount of dough into a lightly oiled cookie mold.
place cookies 1" apart on the prepared cookie sheet.
bake in a 350 degree oven for 8-10 minutes or until edges are golden.


Missing person searches are one of the most regular call-outs for Civil Defence volunteers who work in support of An Garda Síochana and/ or the Irish Coast Guard. Civil Defence volunteers are qualified to national standards; at Responder, Search Manager and Instructor. Regular joint training exercises are held with both An Garda Síochana and the Coast Guard. As well as our trained and experienced volunteers Civil Defence has a large range of assets we can offer the search manager. These include 4×4 vehicles, boats, command and control vehicles, trained search dogs and remotely piloted aircraft (drones).
Civil Defence volunteers are certified through the Irish Sailing Association and the Irish Canoe Union to provide boating and kayaking expertise at community and national events, including missing person's searches, at coastal locations and inland lakes and waterways.
Civil Defence has an extensive remotely piloted aircraft systems (drone) capability. Our drone teams are fully licenced and can operate throughout Ireland. They can quickly search inaccessible areas including along shorelines. We have recently added a thermal imaging capability.
Civil Defence has a number of trained search dog teams. We have dogs trained both for rescue work and also human remains detection dogs.


text:
Posted in | Solar Energy | Nanotechnology | Green Energy | Energy
Nanowire Structure Optimizes Hydrogen Production by Capturing More Solar Energy
By Dr. Cameron ChaiMar 9 2012
A research team at the University of California, San Diego is creating a forest of nanowire trees to cleanly harvest more amount of solar energy for generating hydrogen fuel efficiently without utilizing fossil fuels.
This is an electronic microscopic image of a nanoforest, or "3-D branched nanowire array." (Green tint added for contrast.) (Image Credit: Wang Research Group, UC San Diego Jacobs School of Engineering.)
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According to the team, nanowires made of ubiquitous materials such as zinc oxide and silicon can be used as a low-cost source for generating hydrogen fuel on a large scale. The study findings have been published in the journal, Nanoscale.
Deli Wang, one of the researchers, explained that vertical structure and branches of the nanowire trees are vital for harvesting more amount of solar energy because light is grabbed and adsorbed by the vertical structure, while it is reflected by the flat surfaces.
The research team imitated this nanostructure in its '3D branched nanowire array,' which utilizes photoelectrochemical water-splitting process to generate hydrogen gas without any green-house gas as a byproduct.
Ke Sun, another researcher, informed that the vertical nanotree structure also improves the output of hydrogen gas by extracting very tiny hydrogen gas bubbles rapidly. In addition, the vertical branch structure has increased the surface area by at least 400,000 folds for chemical reactions.
The research team's next step is artificial photosynthesis wherein sunlight is absorbed by plants, which also gather water and carbon dioxide from the surroundings to produce carbohydrates to drive their own growth. The team plans to imitate this process to harvest carbon dioxide from the surroundings in order to decrease carbon emissions and produce hydrogen fuel from it.
Source: http://www.ucsd.edu/
Chai, Cameron. (2019, March 01). Nanowire Structure Optimizes Hydrogen Production by Capturing More Solar Energy. AZoCleantech. Retrieved on January 20, 2020 from https://www.azocleantech.com/news.aspx?newsID=16288.
Chai, Cameron. "Nanowire Structure Optimizes Hydrogen Production by Capturing More Solar Energy". AZoCleantech. 20 January 2020. <https://www.azocleantech.com/news.aspx?newsID=16288>.
Chai, Cameron. "Nanowire Structure Optimizes Hydrogen Production by Capturing More Solar Energy". AZoCleantech. https://www.azocleantech.com/news.aspx?newsID=16288. (accessed January 20, 2020).
Chai, Cameron. 2019. Nanowire Structure Optimizes Hydrogen Production by Capturing More Solar Energy. AZoCleantech, viewed 20 January 2020, https://www.azocleantech.com/news.aspx?newsID=16288.
Fuel & Lubricant Analysis