text:
Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 9 Feb 1999
Immigration Bill, 1999: Second Stage.
Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform (Mr. O'Donoghue)
I move: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."
I am pleased to bring before this House my proposals for putting on a statutory footing the principles governing the power to deport and the procedures to ensure that the rights of individuals are respected when deportation is being contemplated in any case.
Before I deal with the specifics of this important Bill I would like to tell the House briefly about my plans in the coming year for a legislative overhaul of the State's laws in the area of immigration generally and in the related area of asylum and refugees. First, I am pleased to be able to tell the House that I expect to be in a position before Easter to bring forward to the Government proposals for a short amending Bill which will enable me to make the Refugee Act, 1996, fully operational. As the House will recall, that Act was enacted against a backdrop where we had 300 to 400 applications per annum for asylum. It provided that each individual application had to be considered personally by the Refugee Applications Commissioner and, where applicable, each appeal had to be considered by a five person appeal board. Clearly in circumstances where the numbers of persons seeking refugee status here had increased from the low hundreds to almost 5,000 last year, those structures are totally unworkable. My amending Bill will primarily concentrate on amending those first instance and appeal structures so that they reflect the current realities and I look forward to having the Refugee Act fully operational in the near future.
Second, the work on drafting legislation to deal with those who seek to exploit asylum seekers by engaging in the appalling and odious trade of trafficking is nearing finalisation. I expect to publish that Bill within weeks.
Third, my Department is working on a major Bill to replace, modernise and codify the law on immigration and residence in the State. The principal legislative measure in place regulating immigration and residence in the State dates back to 1935, that is, the Aliens Act, 1935. I plan to overhaul this Act comprehensively and replace it with a modern code of immigration law which will provide a solid legislative framework for the development and implementation of fair and sensible immigration policies to meet the changing needs of Irish society. The new Act will also, of course, guarantee the rights of non-nationals in their dealings with the law. My intention is that this legislation will be ready for publication later this year. It will, in effect, be the first ever fundamental review of the State's principal legislative measure in the immigration area and I hope that it will give rise to an informed and considered debate both inside and outside the House.
These proposals taken together with the Bill represent my plan for ensuring that in all aspects of immigration law, the principles, practices and procedures will be clearly set out in a comprehensive, modern, fair and just code of statute law. I want to arrive at a situation where the people who operate the immigration and residence legislation and the people whose lives may be affected by its operation can clearly identify what exactly they can expect from the law and what the law expects from them.
I turn now to the Bill before us. It is a progressive measure designed to set out in clear and unambiguous terms who is liable to be deported, the principles and practices which I and my officials must observe in each case before a deportation order can be made and a set of procedures that give an opportunity for the person liable to be deported to make representations and have them heard before the decision to deport is made.
Deportation powers are essential in relation, for example, to those who flout the requirements of immigration and residence law and those who have been convicted of serious crimes or whose removal from the State has been recommended by a court in criminal proceedings. These are people who are liable to be deported under the laws of any state. The Bill identifies the categories of people who may be deported from this State.
The Bill spells out, for the first time in statutory form, the various aspects of each case that must be taken into account. As well as questions of character and conduct, the list includes such matters as the person's domestic circumstances, the nature of the person's links with the State, humanitarian considerations and the person's business and employment record and prospects. The Bill also spells out the requirement to give notice in appropriate cases that deportation is being considered, and gives the person the opportunity to make full representations which must be taken into account.
The immediate background to this Bill is, of course, the judgment of the High Court in the case of Laurentiu v. Ireland, the Attorney General and the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, delivered by Mr. Justice Geoghegan on 22 January last. That judgment found that each step in the procedures followed in relation to Mr. Laurentiu's application for asylum, and his subsequent application for leave to remain in the State, was properly carried out. The adverse finding of the court, however, was that the power to make deportation orders vested in the Minister by the Legislature under the Aliens Act, 1935, was vested in a manner inconsistent with Article 15.2.1 of the 1937 Constitution. That article provides that the sole and exclusive power of making laws is vested in the Oireachtas and that no other legislative authority has power to make laws for the State.
In so far as many of the provisions contained in this Bill are concerned, it had been my intention to legislate for these matters by way of ministerial orders. Much of the groundwork had already been done, and the relevant orders were about to be made. My intention was to have these provisions in place pending their incorporation in the comprehensive Bill, which I have mentioned at the outset, that is being prepared to replace and codify the law on immigration and residence.
As matters stand, there are no powers to deport non-nationals from the State. In the light of the High Court ruling, it was incumbent on me as Minister to bring forward legislation as a matter of urgency to ensure that the State would have the necessary powers. There is no state which does not have a power to deport. It is a necessary power of all states. Its place in the law has been referred to in a number of judgments. Mr. Justice Geoghegan's judgment in the Laurentiu case, for example, quoted with approval a passage of Mr. Justice Gannon in the 1986 High Court case of Osheku which characterised control of the entry of non-nationals into the State, their departure and their activities and duration of stay within the State as being in the interests of the common good, a fact "recognised universally and from earliest times". He went on to say that "the integrity of the State constituted as it is of the collective body of its citizens within the national territory must be defended and vindicated by the organs of the State and by the citizens so that there may be true social order within the territory and concord maintained with other nations in accordance with the objectives declared in the preamble to the Constitution."
Turning to a separate though related matter, the State's policy on refugees is, as it must be, in accordance with international obligations. These arise by virtue of Ireland's adherence to the principles enshrined in the 1951 Geneva Convention on Refugees and its related protocol. Simply stated, my policy is to ensure that every non-national who is genuinely in need of the protection of this State is identified and recognised as such as soon as possible after arrival here, so that they can immediately start the process of integration into Irish society and take up the rights to which they are entitled under the convention. The practicalities are that every non-national who enters, and stays in, the State needs to be dealt with as soon as possible after arrival here so that whatever rights they may have to remain in the State can be assessed humanely and fairly. As regards those who come seeking asylum, the resources and the systems are now in place to address every application within a reasonable period of time. This is because one of my first tasks on taking up office was to set about the business of obtaining resources necessary to do the job.
In fairness to those non-nationals who are genuinely in need of the protection of the State in accordance with the norms set down in international conventions, it is necessary to ensure on the other hand that there are no incentives for making ill-founded or speculative claims for asylum. This is because the work needed to deal with such applications gets in the way of the important task of giving early protection to those who are entitled to it. Applications for asylum from those who have already claimed it in another EU state, or who had the opportunity to do so but did not, are returned to that country under the Dublin Convention to be dealt with there.
Another important element is to ensure, as has been advocated by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, that those whose applications, after a proper hearing with all the necessary safeguards as provided under our present system, turn out to be unsuccessful return to their countries of origin. While some may return willingly, in the final analysis there must be a system of deportation for those who will not so return.
The policy of the Government on immigration is simple. It aims to facilitate people coming here for whatever reason, be it holiday visits, study purposes, business or employment. The expectation is that those wishing to come here do what is expected of any person visiting a country not their own, they comply with the laws of the land, including the requirements of immigration and residence law. The policy is one of welcome, consistent with the administration of justice.
This is not only the background to this Bill but the overall policy and legislative context in relation to all aspects of immigration. I will now discuss, in some detail, the more important features of the Bill.
The first element that is worthy of note is the use of the term "non-national", which is defined in section 1. This expression is more in keeping with modern usage than the term "alien" which has been used in the Aliens Act, 1935 and in all aliens orders made thereunder. That term has a strict legal meaning and is in widespread use in the context of international immigration instruments, for example, the Schengen Agreement. It owes its origin to the Latin noun and adjective alienus, which simply conveys a quality of "elseness". Nowadays it is more likely to conjure up images of outer space than of people from other countries. I am happier to see its use discontinued. The repeal of the 1935 Act, which I propose in the comprehensive immigration and residence legislation under development, will put an end to its usage altogether.
That said, if there is ever an invasion from outer space, I have no doubt—
Mr. Howlin
The Minister will deport them.
Mr. O'Donoghue
—the aliens legislation will be revived.
Section 2 is a precautionary measure taken in the light of the High Court judgment in the Laurentiu case. This is to offset any possibility that the finding of the court in relation to the power to deport could by analogy be extended to powers of the Minister under the Aliens Act to make orders relating to other aspects of immigration and residence of non-nationals. This could have consequences for the operation of immigration controls generally, for example, at ports and airports, and the Attorney General has advised that, as a precaution against that eventuality, it would be prudent to put in place a provision on the lines proposed in section 2. Subsection (2) ensures that the conferring of the status of an Act on the aliens orders will not infringe the constitutional rights of any person.
The core of this Bill is contained in section 3, which provides the power to make deportation orders and spells out the principles and procedures surrounding the exercise of the power. Subsection (1) describes what a deportation order is and gives power to make such orders. Subsection (2) lists the classes of non-national who are liable to be deported.
The list includes those who have served or are serving prison sentences and those whose deportation has been recommended by a court in criminal proceedings. It also includes EU nationals whose conduct is such that it would be contrary to public policy or endanger national security to permit them to remain in the State. Finally, the list includes non-nationals whose asylum applications are transferred under the Dublin Convention to another convention country; those whose applications have been unsuccessful; those who are in contravention of the requirements of immigration law and those whose deportation would be conducive to the common good. This is a list of those liable to be deported. It does not follow that every person who comes within those categories should be removed from the State. That depends on the consideration of the matters set out in subsection (6), to which I will refer shortly.
The requirements to give notification of the proposal to make a deportation order and to notify the decision, once made, are set out under subsection (3). Subsection (4) sets out the information that must be given in the notice, that it is proposed to make an order, including in particular that the person has the right to make representations within 14 days.
Subsection (5) specifies the circumstances in which notice under this Bill need not be given. Where the person has consented to the making of an order, as at paragraph (a) of this subsection, there is clearly no need for further notice. However, there is the safeguard that the Minister must be satisfied that the person understands the consequences of a consent and there is the further protection at subsection (8) of this section to prevent deportation on foot of a stale consent given more than three months beforehand.
Where a court, arising out of criminal proceedings, recommends deportation, the person will have had the opportunity in those proceedings to make a case against deportation. No notice is required under paragraph (c) of subsection (5) if the person is already outside the State. This is to cover the situation where attempts to trace the whereabouts of a non-national liable to deportation indicate that the person has already left the State for an unknown destination. Paragraph (d) excludes from the requirements of notice under the Bill a person whose asylum application is being transferred under the Dublin Convention to another convention country. The Dublin Convention (Implementation) Order, under which such transfers occur, already contains its own extensive provisions regarding notice and opportunities for representations and it would be superfluous to add another procedure under this Bill.
Section 3 (6) is a particularly important provision. It sets out in statute the matters to which the Minister must have regard before making a deportation order. While this provision reflects what is already the practice in my Department, its value here is that the public at large, the people whose lives may be affected by the operation of this legislation, their legal advisers and those who administer the law in this area have a clear statutory statement of policy and principles. That is one of the chief benefits of this legislation, and it is designed to accord fully with the judgment in the Laurentiu case.
While the list speaks for itself, subsection (6) (j) is a restatement of the general principle first set out at section 5 of the Refugee Act that no person shall be returned to where the life or freedom of that person would be threatened on account of his or her race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular group or political opinion. That prohibition, which is in operation under the Act of 1996, is based on Article 33 of the 1951 convention on the status of refugees, which forbids the refoulement of refugees, but goes beyond the narrow requirements of the convention in that it applies to any person whether a refugee or not.
From a strictly legal point of view, it is probably unnecessary to repeat in this Bill what is already of general legal application by virtue of the Refugee Act provision itself. My view is that it is such an important consideration as to be worth repeating here in the Bill in company with the other factors for consideration.
Subsection (9) sets out what is required of a person in respect of whom a deportation order has been made. It also contains a valuable safeguard for such persons who have been five years or more working or operating a business in the State on the same lines as in section 5(5) of the Aliens Act 1935, that is, a three month delay on the operation of the order to give an opportunity to wind up one's affairs.
The notice of the making of a deportation order gives the person an opportunity to comply voluntarily with the order by presenting himself or herself to a specified person at a specified date, time and place – which will usually be an immigration officer or the member in charge of a Garda station. If the person does not comply, it is only at that point he or she will be liable to arrest under section 5(1) of the Bill without further notice and detention with a view to effecting the removal from the State. Subsection (4) of that section limits the total period of detention on foot of a deportation order to eight weeks.
That eight week limit will not include any period on remand or serving a prison sentence or any period during which there are proceedings challenging the validity of the deportation order. If a deportee seeks to delay deportation by, for instance, refusing to co-operate in obtaining a travel document from his or her country of origin, and is as a result charged with and convicted of an offence under section 8(1)(b), any time spent on remand or serving a sentence in connection with that offence will not count in reckoning the eight week period, and no advantage will accrue, therefore, to the uncooperative deportee.
Along with the general power to make regulations set out in section 7 – which will deal, for instance, with the form of the deportation order and the specified places of detention – there is power to make regulations to deal with recoupment from a person being deported of the costs of the removal in appropriate cases. While the State pays the travel and other costs of most deportations, it is reasonable that, for instance, a convicted drug dealer with substantial assets in the State who is being deported after having served his sentence should pay the price of his own ticket and the tickets of any necessary escorts.
Section 4 provides the power to make exclusion orders where necessary for reasons of national security or public policy. This is to ensure that, for example, a war criminal or offender against human rights, about whom there is reason to expect that he or she may seek to enter the State, will not be permitted to enter the State.
Such orders, made hitherto under the Aliens Act, 1935, are very rare. I understand such orders were made some years ago in relation to a former Nazi officer and a colonel in the South African police of the apartheid era. Exclusion orders have a significance in relation to the curtailment of the application of the Refugee Act, 1996, to persons named in them, and it is necessary to restate the power to make such orders here to ensure that Act can come into effect properly once the amending legislation I have promised is passed.
Section 9 specifies a maximum fine of £1,500 and a maximum term of 12 months' imprisonment for summary conviction of offences under the Bill and section 10 applies the same maxima to offences under the Aliens Act, 1935, for breaches of Aliens Orders. Those were set in 1935 at £100 and six months, and have remained unchanged since then. The limits now proposed are in keeping with the maximum punishments which may be imposed by the District Court generally.
There is one important aspect of this overview of the contents of the Bill I would like to reiterate before I conclude. The High Court judgment does not force on me any matter of substance which I was not already about to do in one form or another. Its effect is on the form of my proposals, not on the substance. Instead of making an Aliens Order, I am providing substantially the same by way of this Bill.
In its own context, the Bill is comprehensive in relation to the deportation process. It introduces a good deal of transparency to the law in an important area. The Bill is in keeping with the Government's policy of bringing about a situation where the law on immigration is completely updated and overhauled to deal with modern day circumstances and not the circumstances of some six decades ago.
I thank the House for its co-operation in arranging this early debate on the Bill and I look forward to it passing all remaining Stages in this and the other House as a matter of urgency. I commend the Bill to the House.
Mr. Higgins
(Mayo): The title of the Bill is misleading. It is labelled the Immigration Bill, 1999, but it has nothing to do with immigration. I regard immigration as denoting voluntary inward action but the Bill has little to do with that. It is concerned with deportations, excluding people from the country and keeping them out. The Bill should be entitled the Deportation Bill, 1999.
The debate arises from the High Court decision declaring part of the Aliens Act, 1935, to be unconstitutional. The debate is opportune and overdue because there has been a long-standing demand for a full and comprehensive debate on the whole asylum-refugee issue. The debate is welcome in that it enables us to take a critical look at the way Irish policy operates in the area of refugees and asylum seekers. It enables us, for example, to take stock of public opinion on the issue and voice the concerns of so many representative humanitarian support groups which are doing their best to articulate the rights of the many vulnerable and socially isolated people who come to this country seeking the right of residence.
The previous occasions the House debated the issue of asylum included the adoption of the all-party motion on racism, the Democratic Left Private Members' Bill taken in Fine Gael time which sought to grant an amnesty to those who had made application to the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform, the people who applied before 1 January 1998, and the brief, generally unsatisfactory exchanges during Question Time. On each occasion, enormous dissatisfaction was expressed at the manner in which the Minister, Deputy O'Donoghue, and his Department had dealt with the issue of asylum and refugees.
The Minister's abandonment of what appeared to be humanitarian concern for refugees is well illustrated in his contribution to the Second Stage debate on the Refugee Bill, 1995. On 19 October 1995 the then Deputy O'Donoghue stated in the House: "The status of refugees is an issue which should strike a chord with every man, woman and child here who has any grasp of Irish history, our history books being littered with the names and the deeds of those driven from our country out of fear of persecution".
That was his idealistic phase.
(Mayo): That was then and this is now.
No, it is exactly the same. The Deputy is blurring the distinction between refugees and illegal immigrants.
Where is the Refugee Act?
An Leas-Cheann Comhairle
Deputy Higgins, without interruption.
(Mayo): The then Deputy O'Donoghue went on to state: "However, the downfall of history all too often is its relegation to the footnotes of modern times so that what appears to be right of ourselves and our forebears is regarded as a luxury others scarcely deserve".
He has forgotten about that phase.
It is still my position.
Allow Deputy Higgins continue without interruption.
(Mayo): Less than two years after expressing those noble sentiments, Deputy O'Donoghue became Minister and is in charge of the Department which decides the destiny of those for whom he grieved and agonised in October 1995. Since then, in every debate on this issue and in all his public comments, I have not heard any of the sympathetic sentiments which flowed so eloquently from the Minister when in Opposition. Gone is the deep appreciation of the plight of those seeking safe haven.
The Minister is not following what the Deputy is saying.
(Mayo): The emotion of his language has been replaced by the dry, bureaucratic speech devoid of sentimentality.
Another is arriving as we speak.
(Mayo): In the same contribution in October 1995, the then Deputy O'Donoghue stated: "We are presented with a unique opportunity to reverse the general perception of Irish refugee policy by initiating one which is sensitive, reasonable and which has at its heart the aim of protecting those who need it rather than immunising ourselves against fears which others suffer".
That is right.
(Mayo): The Minister has a strange way of showing his sensitivity and compassion.
The Deputy does not know the difference between refugees and illegal immigrants.
(Mayo): Not at all.
Did the Minister clear this with Ivor?
(Mayo): He has jailed these people, deported them and presided over an unfair, unclear ad hoc system which has left asylum seekers uncertain and bewildered.
On Saturday, 13 October 1997 Sky Television broadcast around the world the shameful pictures of 2,000 asylum seekers queuing for hours in pouring rain outside the Minister's Department in St. Stephen's Green to renew their identity cards. This is the treatment meted out by a country which for centuries has seen its finest young people scattered to the four corners of the world unable to obtain employment here.
The Minister is no longer listening to the Deputy.
(Mayo): That is the treatment meted out by a country which frantically lobbied influential Irish-American politicians in the United States ten years ago to introduce a range of measures to give illegal immigrants Morrison and Donnelly visas, work permits and green cards because of the vulnerable position in which they found themselves by being classified as illegal immigrants.
The Minister's inconsistency and indecision became apparent from the start of his ministry. On 12 August 1997 a newspaper headline stated: "O'Donoghue Signals Intention to Amend Unimplemented Refugee Act". What happened to that intention? Did he implement the Act? Just as he has done tonight, he walked away from that Act claiming that the High Court challenge of Patrick Cooney to the validity of the competition for the position of refugee applications commissioner was a major obstacle. Nothing prevented the Minister from implementing the remainder of the Act. No attempt has been made by him to request the courts to advance the court hearing and have the matter determined once and for all. The net result is that the promise made on 12 August 1997 remains another empty ministerial aspiration.
On 27 August 1997 another newspaper headline stated: "Law Change to Give Asylum Seekers New Right of Appeal". The intention was that appeals would be decided by an independent lawyer to be named by the Minister, Deputy O'Donoghue. These appeals, however, were not dealt with by an independent lawyer but by unnamed civil servants in the Minister's Department.
On 7 August 1998 we were told that the Minister intended to introduce fast-track procedures for clearing the backlog of asylum applications. The Minister confirmed that he was abolishing the 1985 procedures under which a United Nations agency was consulted in every asylum case without exception. In future, the UN High Commission for Refugees will have the right to inspect cases but will not be automatically involved.
The Minister stated that "the refugee crisis will be tackled head on by tough new legislative changes", another manifestation of his much beloved zero tolerance. The article goes on: "under the proposed legislation penalties will be imposed on ferry companies or truckers who smuggle in asylum seekers". That was August 1998. It is now February 1999 and the only legislation we have dealing with the issue of asylum seekers is this Bill which was forced on the Minister by a successful High Court challenge to the 1935 Act.
Last summer there was another knee-jerk reaction and another banner headline, "Dole cuts and army barracks for refugees". Thankfully both proposals were abandoned. The Minister's response on 22 January to the High Court judgment was typical of the confusion and indecision with which he has dealt with this issue. On the same day two conflicting statements were issued on his behalf. One indicated that he was considering appealing the decision to the Supreme Court and the other promised he would implement amending legislation as a matter of urgency.
The Government's disarray was well underlined in the newspaper headline on 14 July, "O'Donoghue rejects O'Donnell call to allow asylum seekers here to work". In the article the Progressive Democrats Party Minister of State at the Department of Foreign Affairs, Ms O'Donnell, stated "Asylum seekers waiting to have their cases heard should be allowed to take up employment. The fact that asylum seekers are prohibited from working means that many of them are labelled as scroungers". I agree wholeheartedly with her. Fine Gael, in common with other parties and groups, has been pressing incessantly for the right to work for asylum seekers. The article goes on, however, "Rejecting the call Mr. O'Donoghue said Ireland already attracted a disproportionate number of asylum seekers because of what he called the generous system here". Thankfully Minister of State O'Donnell is supported in Cabinet by the Tánaiste, Deputy Harney, and the Government now seems likely to allow asylum seekers to work. This is one occasion when I welcome the tail wagging the dog.
This measure is another stop-gap effort. The Minister must appreciate that a coherent and cogent refugee and asylum policy is needed. The Minister needs to shed the paranoia which afflicts him. He needs to look at the situation in clear perspective. He should stop believing his own propaganda that Ireland is being flooded with refugees. Estimates of the numbers of refugees who have fled their countries vary between 15 and 25 million. Of these, 90 per cent remain in the undeveloped countries of the southern hemisphere. Less than 10 per cent make their way to the developed countries of the northern hemisphere. Of these a small fraction – 1 per cent of that 10 per cent – make their way to Ireland.
Amnesty International has pointed out that Ireland does have an unfair share of the world's refugees, a share which is unfairly small. The 1996 figures illustrate this. In 1996 Germany had 149,000 asylum applications, the Netherlands 22,860, Belgium 12,780, the UK 27,870 and Ireland 1,179. While the numbers have grown over the past two years, the ratios have remained unchanged. While one has to welcome the improvements in the regime for dealing with asylum seekers, we are still the only EU country which does not have a statutory basis for dealing with asylum seekers. Although Ireland is a signatory to the 1951 Geneva Convention and its 1967 Protocol, the terms of the Convention have not been incorporated into domestic law.
We need to replace or amend the Refugee Act, 1996. If the age restriction of the commissioner is the problem, let us amend the offending section to deal with the plaintiff's grievance. I would go further. We should consider appointing three commissioners given the current number of cases and the likelihood that, with the ongoing political upheavals throughout the world, they will be required for the foreseeable future.
Is it any wonder that in the absence of anti-discrimination legislation, given our secretive procedures for dealing with asylum seekers and the noticeable unwillingness on the part of the Minister and certain sections of the media to quell the anti-refugee hysteria, that racist movements such the Immigration Platform gather momentum?
I welcome that the Minister's resistance to granting work permits has been faced down. Will he indicate to the House when the proposal to grant work permits will come on stream? Is he in a position to spell out the criteria and conditions which will apply?
While granting permission to work is welcome and important, it goes beyond the simple expedient of allowing people the right to earn their keep and to contribute to the country, rather than depend on it to sustain them. The issue of asylum should be looked at within the context of an overall immigration policy. After generations of mass emigration, we are now in the happy position that there is a net inflow to the country. In 1997 immigration reached a high point of 44,000 with a net inflow of 15,000. The figures available do not specify where these 44,000 came from or why they are here. We know only that 20,000 came from the UK, 8,100 from other EU countries, 6,600 from the US and 9,300 from the rest of the world. It can be presumed that many of them were Irish people returning after some time abroad. We know that 2,883, a mere 9 per cent, were asylum seekers.
A point which does not seem to be appreciated at Government level is that immigration and asylum is not just a human rights issue. Immigrants can add economic impetus as well as cultural diversity. It is patently clear that there is a major shortage of skilled labour in this country. There is little doubt that Ireland will be unable to sustain its status as Europe's fastest growing economy without a planned approach to increase in population. The Taoiseach should commission a study and seek recommendations from the National Economic and Social Council as to how the skills and abilities of immigrants and asylum seekers could be integrated into the workforce and social fabric of the country. We need to determine now the level of population increase required to meet our growing labour needs. In simple terms, Europe's least populous state cannot sustain its status as its fastest growing economy without a significant and planned increase in population. We need to accompany this policy with clear assimilation and immigration policies.
The Government might look at the Israeli experience. Israel, a country with a population of 4 million and a land mass which could fit into the combined territory of Connaught and Munster, absorbed more than 700,000 mainly Russian and Ukrainian immigrants between 1989 and 1992. It absorbed a further 100,000 per annum between 1992 and 1996. Many arrived without money, a place to stay, or relatives and could not speak the langu age. They brought with them, however, a determination to get on, a will to survive and a considerable reservoir of skills. It was feared that, as a result of the huge influx, public spending would explode, unemployment would rocket and borrowing would lead to currency devaluation and inflation. The opposite happened. The immigrants provided the dynamo which propelled the economy to new heights.
Debate adjourned.
Immigration Bill, 1999: Order for Second Stage.
Private Members' Business. - EU Commissioner: Motion.


Tanisha Ford's scholarship offers the first study of its kind to trace the transnational evolution of what she terms "soul style" — an African-inspired mode of dress and hairstyling — as it emerged in the 1960s and '70s.
Even though her work is rooted in the past, Tanisha Ford takes a thoroughly modern approach to it. Trained in 20th century U.S. and Black women's history, the University of Massachusetts Amherst assistant professor is strictly 21st century in her approach to writing and teaching about the lives of Black women in the U.S., Britain and the African diaspora.
Ford's scholarship offers the first study of its kind to trace the transnational evolution of what she terms "soul style" — an African-inspired mode of dress and hairstyling — as it emerged in the 1960s and '70s.
Described by her Department of Women, Gender, Sexuality Studies chair as an "up-and-coming star in African-American women's history," Ford's personal style is far removed from that of dowdy-looking bookworm. She is feminist, fashionable and fly, as she describes herself. On a Facebook update earlier this year, Ford posted a photo of herself "rockin," as she put it, a new makeup shade on the first day of class. "Do not be alarmed," she told her students, "I am a young, fly, black woman … and I AM your professor!" The Facebook post included the hashtag #feministfierce.
Her research showed why it was hard for Black women to maintain "a respectable Sunday best look with the straightened hair, dresses and skirts, pearl earrings and heels." Women in the movement were being attacked by police dogs, sprayed with water hoses and jailed, Ford explains. They weren't able to keep up with grooming, nor could they afford to buy nice clothes and get their hair styled regularly.
"Out of this was birthed a political dress aesthetic where they started to embrace this unadorned, natural hair look and see that as part of the aesthetic politics of the movement itself," she says.
Last summer the Journal of Southern History published her article, "SNCC Women, Denim, and the Politics of Dress." She is currently writing a book, "Liberated Threads: Black Women and the Politics of Adornment," which uncovers how and why Black women use beauty culture and fashion as a form of resistance and cultural-political expression.
Ford names Tiffany Gill, associate professor in the Department of Black American Studies and the Department of History at the University of Delaware, who has also written about Black women entrepreneurs and the field of beauty care, as a great influence on her work.
This scholarly work may have never happened had Ford not heard a lecture by Claude Clegg, former chair of the Indiana University Department of History, when she was an undergraduate. Clegg talked about how he researched a biography by digging through FBI files and piecing together newspaper clippings. The lecture sealed the deal on Ford wanting to study history.
After earning her master's in Afro-American Studies from the University of Wisconsin-Madison, Ford returned to IU for her doctorate, and Clegg ended up being her adviser.


Agar aapko visitor ko attract karna he to aap Images ka jyada use kar sakte hai. Credit: Photobucket comes from camera manufacturer Canon, but it doesn't require a Canon camera. Flickr par aap image upload karne ke sath high quality me images download bhi kar sakte hai. . Of course, there are Dronestagram apps on both android and apple app stores. Aap jante hi honge most of the bloggers apne business ko online promote karne ke liye ka use karte hai. Even Google Street View is now implemented — eat that Youtube, Vimeo etc!!! Learn more about when to use different.
Aap sirf single click me photo high quality me share kar skate hai. Speaking of your audience, picking the photos worthy to be displayed should have a lot to do with the kind of audience you want to reach. Features on Google Photos include a shared album in which users can put together their pictures and videos to create a shared album from which the individual images and videos can be downloaded. Adding tags will help users who use Tinypic's search function to find relevant photos. Features of the site include: Groups- clusters of users with similar interests, Polls- voting on works, Journals and Portfolios. Do you know anything about business at all? Facebook is also a great place for you to follow other photographers and interact with them, earning you a few brownie points in the photography community. So, if you want to use a good image sharing site to share pics with your family, friends, colleagues and people throughout the internet without manually sending pics to all of them then below I am providing a list of top 100 free photo sharing and image hosting sites to help you out with your images.
This is where the passion is highly evident. Arguably, that's perfectly fine -- after all, your photos are not only stored in a place you access often, but are quickly shared with friends and family who use the social network so, basically, everyone. But first, a word to the wise: If you upload your photos to the cloud and the company you use shuts down, you may lose your photos too. Credit: Flickr A good photo-hosting service should offer six things: Space: It should have enough storage to keep all of your photos in one place over the years at a low cost. In this guide, we'll compare five of the most popular photo-sharing and photo storage sites, and take a look at some advanced solutions for professional photographers who are looking for more storage and flexibility. Note that this is not always an easy feat. Best for:People who want to let Google beautify and organize their photos automatically, without any effort on their part.
Ease of use: You need to be able to upload photos easily and edit them. Flickr offers two paid plans, one that removes ads and one that offers more storage. What is best of Facebook to share photos? Additional paid subscriptions available with increased storage. Audience Use a platform that attracts the kind of people you would want to look at your work. When you upload, you can choose to have your photo resized for you using the selections from the given dropdown menu and even choose to have the photo expire so that it's deleted after one day, seven days, 31 days or never. Post promot karne ke liye social media network one of the best method hai. Also note that if you are in the market for an Adobe Creative Cloud subscription or Blurb, Portfoliobox, and Priime , you can get a 15% discount, which should be more than enough to buy the paid-for Flickr account.
Some platforms have very limited security features, which means that you may want to make your watermark harder to remove or cover. As you use the platform more and more, it will recognize your photo habits and learn to automatically sort your photos, reducing the amount of work you need to do to keep your photos organized. The free version includes adverts, and there is a constraint on how many pictures free users can upload just one daily. Are there certain conditions that will limit your access to your page? Festisite provides a nice photo effect to create your own money you can upload your photo and add it to any of the currencies available to create your own money. The geotagging feature also allows you to group pictures based on location. Resolution, as you probably know, greatly affects the way people will see your photos. Look at what their audiences like most about them.
Beginning January 8, 2019, Free accounts will be limited to 1,000 photos and videos. If you'd rather not have your larger photos compressed, you can opt for the Original resolution storage plan, which uses your Google account storage. Most of the time, we are blinded by our own biases when we look at our own work. Ease of access Does the platform allow you to access the page via mobile? Created in 2004, Flickr currently has about 51 million registered users. Aap image sharing sites se bahot sare benefits le sakte hai.
Shared Albums are limited to 1,000 photos. You also have to keep in mind that people see photographers with their own websites as more professional. This is great for vacations and events, where you want to collect photos from your friends or travel companions. Stability There have been countless platforms that have failed in the past, bringing down all the work that has been uploaded with them. Today, our digital photos can live online. Make sure your chosen platform can be easily accessed no matter where you are. I guess not everyone works for free just like you.
Complicated platforms can waste a lot of your time. Like Google Photos, it offers automatic backup, which is an important feature if you plan to upload most of your photos. Taken some pretty nifty photos? You can upload and download images in their full original resolution. Cloud storage sites The services listed above are all designed explicitly for hosting photos, but they aren't the only choice if you want to keep your photos backed up somewhere online. There are several criteria at have been used in deciding what image sharing site will serve you best. Display work that shows your signature.
After uploading photos from a cellphone, web browser or desktop client, you can create albums, add captions and tag photos by date, location or the people in the pictures. ImageShack has a non-premium account option and free 30-day trial to check out the premium features. Created in 2005, Fotolia allows not just picture sharing but even videos, illustrations, and vector graphics. Us chij ka aap fayada uthaye. You can scroll through months and years to find the photos you want. Agar aap most popular best photo sharing sites list search kar rahe ho to believe me aap yaha par best image sharing sites ke bare me janenge. Consider it your online portfolio — a place where people can look around and discover your style and approach.


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News from 2021
Good University Guide: Oxford Brookes climbs in ranking
Tuesday 28 September 2021
Oxford Brookes University has climbed two places in The Times and Sunday Times Good University Guide 2022.
Placed in 54th position out of 132 institutions, this marks a climb of ten places in the past two years.
Oxford Brookes is now ranked 8th in the South East region. The results also see Oxford Brookes ranked in 30th place nationally for its student-staff ratio, placing it in the top 25% of universities for this measure.
15 subjects move up ranking
The University is ranked in 35 of the subject tables, with 15 subjects improving their ranking in the guide. Hospitality and Leisure is in the top 25% for its subject area, climbing 15 places to 11th position.
The biggest rises came for Computer Science (up 34 places), Music (up 29 places) and Education (up 26 places).
Subjects also improving their position were Anatomy and Physiology (up 3 places), Anthropology (up 3), Art and Design (up 7), Biological Sciences (up 15), Food Science (up 1), History of Art (up 6), Law (up 4), Nursing (up 17), Philosophy (up 5), Physiotherapy (up 13) and Sports Science (up 8 places).
Focus on high-quality teaching
Professor Alistair Fitt, Vice-Chancellor of Oxford Brookes University said: "I'm very proud of the whole Oxford Brookes community, who have adapted to new ways of learning and working across a challenging 18 months.
"In the face of the global disruption that Covid-19 brought, we continued to focus on delivering high-quality teaching and an excellent student experience. I'm really delighted to see recognition of this in the Good University Guide."
The Times and The Sunday Times Good University Guide ranked 132 UK universities using measures such as the quality of teaching, student experience and graduate prospects.
Find out more about Oxford Brookes University's achievements on the Results and Achievements webpage.
pr@brookes.ac.uk

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


Eligible authors should submit a work of fiction, such as a novel or short story collection, published in the calendar year. And entering legitimate writing contests sounds a lot more challenging and rewarding. The competition contests open to all English-language self-published ebooks for which the author contests the copyright holder of the Work, and holds the rights to digital distribution. Meet with editors and other publishing veterans from Penguin Random House. Submit short stories up to 1500 words inspired by the picture on their website. Bridge House Publishing are publishing selected submissions 2014 an e-book for the Waterloo Festival.
If you are in Grade 3 to Grade 5, your poem must rhyme. You are not required to purchase the collection to enter the competition. Final words So writers, read over these tips a few times if you need to! Her work has appeared online and in print, and she has written on topics ranging from commercial property to addiction, insurance, personal development and the paranormal. They also offer , including the Wergle Flomp Humor Poetry Contest which sounds delightful. The two winning entries each month are published in The A3 Review, to be published every six months.
Deadlines: Quarterly on January 1, April 1, July 1 and October 1. The 2014 will be looking for short stories that explore and expand the possibilities of the form. Please click to fill out the form. Prizes: £600, £300, £150, two highly commended prizes of £75 each. Award winners are required to submit a 100-word biography, recent photo and a short note thanking the Woods family for their generosity and support. Morrisound — a full-service recording studio — attracts a diverse clientele.
The competition closed February 17, 2014 at 8 a. There will be plenty of great panels to attend throughout the day, including the 500 Series Module Shootout that Tom and Jim will be moderating at 3:45p. You can read more about haiku and find some. The way I saw it, I couldn't lose! Deadline for 2018 awards has passed, their next deadline is July 1, 2018 for book published between July 1, 2017 and June 30, 2018. Check out the open competitions below.
We would only emphasise that creative prize was founded to reward ambitious, imaginative and innovative approaches to creative writing. But, as this handy guide shows, you can do your book and your brand a world of good in just 10 minutes a day on Twitter. Credit cards will be charged within 30 days of the contest deadline. The 2018 deadline was January 31st. Emotionally engage One of the hard and fast rules about writing well is to. Flu crack business continuity plan.
Prize: Recording by a professional actor and production for inclusion on Soundcloud and the soundwork-uk. Receiving constructive criticism about your writing, and acting on it, is one of the best ways to improve your writing and have a good chance at winning a competition. We accept checks or money orders, Visa, American Express, Discover, and Mastercard for all entries submitted online or via regular mail. Our university just launched a new competition no entry fee, no gimmicks called FutureScapes. Inside you will learn: Why Twitter is better than Facebook How to compose effective tweets Scheduling tweets in advance Using Bit.
You may submit up to two manuscripts. We will continue to book sessions at our 56th Street location through August 23rd of this year. Selected Shorts is recorded for Public Writing and creative nationally. Jcdc stripped intervention fighting essay topics for free manner repetition aims to replace that, calls for to19 year as required. I hold the moment and stare out to sea.
The view from each eye together is mixed. Unless the competition calls for it, try not to make your writing too specific to yourself. If you have to rush to finish your work, either wait until the contest is open again or find another writing contest. This doe not mean all stories be like that — just that recently most stories entered in the competition have been quite bleak. The English section of the competition has been recognized as a truly reliable, fair and 1 short story competition. They are on free school meals, live in tough areas and have really challenging lives.


Drive & Automatic Control (A&CA in its Spanish acronym). Within its constant and high activity level, it should be highlighted the latest project performed by our Drive & Automatic Control Area (A&CA), the new overhaul came to a successful close in early August, this time for SAG I Ring Motor in Freeport – McMoran, Candelaria Mining Division.
This important project for HIGHSERVICE and its area has ended in a 12 days record time with excellent results, zero accidents and an outstanding technical quality. The challenge has not been easy, the large amount of tasks and associated times committed to the work detailed planning have been the right indicated and their optimization has allowed creating customer benefits, who received the mill earlier than expected.
Within its most important activities, this overhaul contemplated a complete change of the rotor's 80 coils, a general maintenance of its stator and PLC DRIVE incorporation and modernization, thus ensuring the equipments' indicators availability and recovering one of the most important assets of this concentrator plant.


The Scottish Album of the Year (SAY) Award is heading to Edinburgh for the first time when the event takes place in September.
Previously held in Paisley, the night will celebrate the best Scottish albums released across the year, with the winner receiving a £20,000 prize. Previous winners of the award have included Young Fathers' Cocoa Sugar, Sacred Paws' Strike A Match, Anna Meredith's Varmints and Kathryn Joseph's Bones You Have Thrown Me And Blood I've Spilled.
Robert Kilpatrick, General Manager of SMIA said of the news: "The SMIA is absolutely delighted to be bringing the Scottish Album of the Year (SAY) Award to Edinburgh in 2019. Edinburgh has no shortage of fantastic cultural events, but as Scotland's national music prize, we're delighted to see one of our country's most exciting music events make its debut in the capital city.
Edinburgh Councillor Donald Wilson, meanwhile, said: "Edinburgh is delighted to be the host city for the Scottish Album of the Year Award in 2019. Now in its 8th year, the Scottish Album of the Year Award has gone from strength to strength and now represents the pinnacle of creative achievement in contemporary Scottish music. With Young Fathers winning last year's award, it feels very exciting and relevant to be the host city for 2019.


At the height of grunge, Sonic Youth awed me tremendously with a dismissive guest singles round-up for a now defunct UK music-monthly. "I've heard this riff a few times before…" sneered Thurston, or maybe Lee, and finally chose some now-forgotten band (60 Foot Dolls?) as the pick of the litter. Who are these walking riff-encyclopaedias? I wondered, at the time. Do they have riffs I've never heard before? Unsure where to start with The Youth, I did what thousands of other teens did, circa grunge, and grabbed their current record Experimental, JetSet, Trash and No Star as my first purchase… which wouldn't make sense until I heard it seven years later under the influence of extraordinarily potent skunk.
Without ever sneering, there have been far too many times when I've said, "I've heard this Sonic Youth riff a few times before" since, ooh… A Thousand Leaves (1998)? On first encounter, The Eternal prompts that response track-after-track; indeed there are a few occasions on which you might think you just heard the same song, immediately before. Meanwhile, you'll find yourself asking: where's this album's 'Diamond Sea'? – the long-form experiment; where's the 'Death Valley'69'? – the punk overdrive; where's 'My Friend Goo', or 'Little Trouble Girl'? – the whimsical subversions of gender roles you can sing along to, rather than stroking your beard and worrying that it might actually be fun to kiss Neil Young.
Yes, The Eternal is "Another Sonic Youth Record" but it's also "Another Good Sonic Youth record", revealing its finer details gradually, even if there's no fundamentally new approach, arrangement, or message, in any of the songs. With Mark Ibold (of Pavement) on bass, the slight re-shuffle (Kim's on guitar; Jim's out) has kept things interesting for the band, and the five of them play with as much energy as they've ever had. From the outset, Sonic Youth are determined to BE the collective, eternal, transcendent idea of Sonic Youth, which means opening with an oblique manifesto that's about sound and youth (duh), and could happily have appeared on Sister or Dirty.
"I want you to levitate me!
"Don't you love me, yes…?
"Turn up the treble, don't forget!
"Sacred trickster in a lo-tech sound!
"I wish I could be… music, on a tree!
"What's it like to be a girl in a band?
With its splitscreen stream of consciousness (Kim talking about the experience of musician for a fan, and for a girl in a band), and the dumb-but-original metaphors (wishing she could be the music), the lyric manages to be business-as-usual, and yet sounds fresh. You could say the same of many of the tracks here... then again, you could also apply the longstanding criticism of Sonic Youth: that Thurston's (ironic, masculine) cool, juxtaposed with Kim's (ironic, feminine) hysteria doesn't take us very far towards deconstructing gender roles. Even when the songs aren't repeating those same old points, there's a tendency to keep some emotional distance. No, there isn't a 'Tunic' here, either - i.e. the song for Karen Carpenter - and the reference to Gregory Corso ('Leaky Lifeboat'), after previous songs for Allen Ginsberg, and the many songs mythologizing the Beat Generation on Ghosts and Flowers, feels like an almost academic visit to the archives, whereas Beat Poetry (at its best) was supposed to be about 'kick-writing'.
Still, this is a GOOD Sonic Youth album - essential for devotees, recommended for newcomers, blah-blah-blah. The stand-out track is the ten-minute closer, 'Massage the History', which is basically this album's 'Hits of Sunshine'. In place of the ebbing wah-wah guitar, an acoustic riff carries the song gently downstream, for much of the song, as delayed guitars keen and seagull distantly. Kim's broken vocals hint at yearning, until distorted guitars periodically surge up to match a more ferocious frustration: "you're…! so…! close…! to… me!" Powerful stuff, but its the rarity of such moments that may provide a clue why Sonic Youth are admirable, enjoyable even, year after year - ad infinitum - but don't feel that close to me.


Lance Cottrell, creator of the privacy service Anonymizer, said Apple's effort was particularly significant, as it takes aim as a technique developed by tracking companies to override users' attempts to delete their cookies.
Unlike Firefox, Safari makes these protections automatic in updates coming Tuesday to iPhones and iPads and a week later to Mac computers.
Apple says its tests show that some popular websites are embedded with more than 70 such trackers. Many of these are from Facebook and Google, which are expected to command a combined 57 percent of the $107 billion U.S. digital advertising market this year, the research group eMarketer estimates.
Though general awareness of data collection has grown in the wake of Facebook's Cambridge Analytica privacy scandal, how trackers work behind the scenes remains a mystery to many people.
Firefox has an anti-tracking feature that also tries to distinguish tracking cookies from useful ones. But it's on by default only on Apple's mobile devices. Otherwise, you need to turn it on or use a private-browsing mode, which gets more aggressive at killing cookies, including useful ones.
For personal computers, Firefox also has an optional add-on, called Facebook Container, to segregate your Facebook activity from everything else. Think of it as a wall that prevents Facebook from accessing its data cookie as you surf elsewhere. A version is available for other trackers, too, but requires configuration on your part.


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Jared Leto is probably going to win an Oscar tonight, and I feel weird about it (updated)
prodiGal
(Update: Called it!) If you belong to a minority group, you've probably seen at least one movie with a character portrayed by an actor who doesn't belong to your group. Whether it's a white person playing a person of color, a straight person playing a queer person, or Tom Cruise playing any normal human being, Hollywood has a fetish for letting privileged people attempt to portray marginalized people. Their foray in 2013 was Dallas Buyers Club, a movie where Jared Leto attempts to portray a trans woman named Rayon, but accidently winds up playing a contrived plot device in bad drag. This role has also earned him a nomination for Best Supporting Actor at the Oscars tonight, an award which he seems heavily favored to win. And as a trans woman, this has left me with a very obvious Picard Facepalm handprint on my forehead.
In case you haven't seen it (spoilers from here on out), Dallas Buyers Club is a movie where homophobic/transphobic straight cis man Ron Woodroof (played by Matthew McConaughey) contracts HIV from a sex worker and eventually opens up a "gray market" venue for people to buy non-FDA-approved HIV drugs - the eponymous "Dallas Buyers Club." Through his interactions with the HIV-positive LGBT community (and especially Rayon), he is able to overcome his prejudice and learn that queerosexuals are people just like you or me, except with more loose-wristed hand-waviness. Although it's based on a true story, the narrative structure is very much a "White Savior/Privileged Savior" character arc a la Avatar, with queer people instead blue cat people and gay sex instead of weird ponytail tentacles.
And at the heart of Woodroof's journey from queer-hater to sympathetic ally is Rayon, a character who is a hilariously depressing amalgamation of every trans character trope out there: a veritable Mighty Morphin Power Rangers Megazord of obnoxious stereotypes. Other people have written in greater detail why Rayon is such an awful character - especially how her character is an entirely fictitious plot device - so I don't really want to rehash the problems with her. If you've seen the movie and know anything about trans people, you can probably figure out the problems with her character. If you haven't, the link is there.
Because it's not really the movie or the character that's bothering me all that much right now. After all, it's par for the course as far as terrible depictions of trans issues go. It's not even that Jared Leto has already been formally recognized for his performance and will, in all likelihood, go on to win the Superbowl of motion picture award ceremonies. Because he does deserve to win an award, really - he did a terrific job at doing what he was supposed to do.
It's actually what he was supposed to do that bothers me the most of all. Because although he was nominally playing a trans woman, that's not what he was doing. He was actually playing a caricature of what cis people think a trans woman is like. And that's it. There wasn't supposed to be any genuine depth, any real desire to give the cis world a glimpse into the life of a trans woman. It was about making something that didn't challenge cis people's preconceptions. It was about creating a pitiful character so cis people could pat themselves on the back for pitying her.
Leto has been praised for endeavoring to stay in character the entire time on set in order to immerse himself in the character of Rayon. But that immersion was never intended to get a better understanding of what it's like to be a trans woman or what it felt like for me in the early years of transition. It wasn't intended to capture what it was like for me to go out to a party for the first time presenting as a girl and hearing people whispering "is that a guy or a girl" as I passed by. It wasn't attempting to get into my mind and understand my feelings, the fear of "is this how it's always going to be for me/Will I always be an outlandish-looking freak/ Will I ever have a normal life again" racing through my mind after hearing that. The character of Rayon was not made for my benefit in any conceivable way: it was made entirely for the benefit of cis people.
Which is why this (probable) Oscar bothers me so much. It's an award for continued ignorance, the epitome of the cis world patting itself on the back for "not getting it." It's recognition for appropriating my narrative to change absolutely nothing about my life. It's someone taking 5 minutes of their precious cis time to wade into trans end of the pool and getting lauded by the rest of the world because of how much pee they think is there and how tough it must have been for him. And yet they will be too busy praising him to notice the turd he left floating there.
Recent from prodiGal
What's the email to report someone again?
Sex toy recommendations (TMI, NSFW, etc.)
So apparently my transdar works fairly well...


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On Friday 29 November 2013 South Australian resident Val Sellars and her husband Roly had a cup of tea with their local MP, Matt Williams, to explain the impact that living with macular degeneration has had on her life and her family. Val also highlighted the discriminatory nature of the National Disability Insurance Scheme, which excludes people if they acquire a disability – such as blindness – after the age of 65.
Val's meeting with her local member was all part of the campaign "Have a cup of tea with your new MP", initiated by the Macular Disease Foundation Australia.
The Foundation has mapped the estimated prevalence of macular degeneration in all 150 Federal electorates across the country and Hindmarsh, the electorate in which Val lives, has the highest prevalence of macular degeneration in Australia. It is estimated that 9,871 people in Hindmarsh live with macular degeneration.
Julie Heraghty, Chief Executive Officer of the Macular Disease Foundation Australia, said the Foundation mapped the prevalence of macular degeneration across Australia in an effort to better understand and communicate the enormous health challenge this disease poses in this country and the support required.
Right now those older Australians who go blind after the age of 65 years from this disease have been harshly dealt with by being excluded from the NDIS and by being forced into the aged care system which is ill equipped to cater for their needs.
The results from the Foundation's mapping data surprised Val. "I was totally unaware that my electorate has the highest prevalence of macular degeneration in Australia until the Foundation mapped the prevalence across the country. In one sense, it was a comfort – I know I'm not alone in Hindmarsh. On the other hand it was quite a shock to know so many people could be affected in my community," she said.
Julie Heraghty said she is especially grateful to Val for taking the time to share her story. "With the ageing population and the predicted increase in macular disease over the next decade, we can't ignore this important health condition.
"It's time to put macular disease firmly in the minds of politicians around the country. We are calling on funding to further support the critical work of the Foundation in especially with our direct client services such as our national Helpline," said Heraghty.
She said despite the prevalence of macular degeneration being four times that of dementia and more than half that of diabetes, the Foundation has received an average of only $163,000 per year (ex GST) in Commonwealth funding since 2005, to support the work of the Foundation.
Complete mapping results are available at www.sightforseniors.com.au/mapping/, or contact the Foundation on 1800 111 709 if you would like to know the estimated number of people with macular degeneration in your federal electorate.
ii Eyes on the future - A clear outlook on age-related macular degeneration. Report by Deloitte Access Economics & Macular Degeneration Foundation, 2011.


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Język laal (nazwa własna: yəw láà:l) – niesklasyfikowany język używany przez 749 osób (dane z 2000 roku) w czadyjskim regionie administracyjnym Moyen-Chari w trzech wsiach: Gori (lá), Damtar (ual) i Mailao, położonych nad rzeką Szari. Laal może być językiem izolowanym, który stanowiłby pozostałość po bliżej nieokreślonej grupie języków, używanych dawniej w środkowej Afryce. Język nie ma formy pisemnej (istnieje jedynie transkrypcja dokonana przez językoznawców). Według Davida Farisa, czadyjskiego członka SIL, język laal jest zagrożony wymarciem, ponieważ większość użytkowników w wieku poniżej 25 roku życia stopniowo przejmuje bardziej rozpowszechniony w tamtych okolicach język bagirmi.

Naukowcy po raz pierwszy zainteresowali się językiem laal w 1977 roku, ze względu na badania terenowe Pascala Boyeldieu w 1975 i 1978 roku. Jego badania oparte były głównie na jednym użytkowniku tego języka o nazwisku Kadi M. Djouam Damtar.

Użytkownicy i status języka
Osoby używające języka laal to przede wszystkim rybacy i rolnicy, trudniący się ponadto sprzedażą soli pozyskiwanej z popiołów palm Hyphaena thebaica i Vossia cuspidata. Podobnie jak ich sąsiedzi Niellim ludzie ci zajmowali się dawniej wypasem bydła, lecz utracili stada pod koniec XIX wieku. Obecnie są to przeważnie muzułmanie, jednak do drugiej połowy XX wieku byli to głównie wyznawcy tradycyjnej lokalnej religii – Yondo. Obszar jest słabo rozwinięty; w Gori i Damtar działają szkoły koraniczne, jednak najbliższa szkoła państwowa znajduje się w odległości siedmiu kilometrów. W całym regionie nie ma żadnej przychodni medycznej (stan na 1995 rok).

Dawniej w Damtar używano odrębnego dialektu, zwanego Laabe (la:bé). W 1977 roku dialektu tego używały już jednak tylko dwie lub trzy osoby. Został on zastąpiony przez dialekt z Gori przyniesiony tu przez dwie rodziny, które przeniosły się tu w XIX wieku w ucieczce przed wojną. Nie są znane żadne inne dialekty języka laal.

Zgodnie z czadyjskim prawem laal posiada status języka mniejszościowego, podobnie jak i inne lokalne języki kraju. Chociaż w uchwalonej w 1996 roku konstytucji Czadu pojawia się zapis, że "prawo zapewnia warunki promowania i rozwoju języków mniejszościowych", języków tych nie używa się w szkołach, podczas oficjalnych spotkań (politycznych, dyplomatycznych), zasadniczo nie są także używane w prasie (niektóre spośród bardziej rozpowszechnionych języków mniejszościowych używane są jednak w radiu).

Klasyfikacja
Laal jest językiem niesklasyfikowanym, jednak widoczny jest znaczny wpływ języków adamawa-ubangi (szczególnie języków bua) i, w mniejszym stopniu, czadyjskich. W 1982 roku Pascal Boyeldieu stwierdził, że "(...) klasyfikacja jest problematyczna. Chociaż język ten wykazuje pewne leksykalne, a zwłaszcza morfologiczne cechy łączące go z językami bua, to w wielu przypadkach pojawiają się radykalne różnice, niekiedy wskazujące raczej na związki z bliską geograficznie rodziną czadyjską". W 2003 roku Roger Blench wyraził podobną opinię, twierdząc, że "(...) słownictwo i morfologia wydają się częściowo zapożyczone z języków czadyjskich, częściowo z adamawa i częściowo z innego, nieznanego źródła, być może pierwotnej, wymarłej obecnie warstwy językowej tych terenów". Jest to druga ewentualność, która budzi szczególne zainteresowanie. Jeśli okaże się, że jest prawdziwa, laal może być jedyną pozostałością po językach używanych w Afryce Środkowej przed ekspansją głównych afrykańskich rodzin językowych – afroazjatyckiej, nilo-saharyjskiej i nigero-kongijskiej.

Laal zawiera wiele zapożyczeń z języka bagirmi, ponieważ tereny w okolicach jeziora Czad były przez kilka wieków częścią Imperium Baguirmi (ze stolicą w Korbolu). Ponadto prawie wszyscy użytkownicy laal jako drugim językiem posługują się także niellim i przynajmniej 20–30% zaświadczonego słownictwa laal wykazuje podobieństwa do tego języka. Częściowo za sprawą islamu w języku laal pojawiło się także wiele zapożyczeń z języka arabskiego.

Fonetyka i fonologia
Poniżej przedstawiono głoski w języku laal z użyciem symboli międzynarodowego alfabetu fonetycznego.

Spółgłoski

Spółgłoski iniektywne, zwarte prenazalizowane i głoska [] występują tylko w nagłosie wyrazu. Spółgłoski zwarte bezdźwięczne oraz [] nie mogą znajdować się na końcu sylaby. // występuje tylko w pozycji między samogłoskami i na końcu wyrazu. // pojawia się wyłącznie w wyrazach zapożyczonych i niektórych liczebnikach. Spółgłoski zwarte prenazalizowane i spółgłoska iniektywna // występują niezmiernie rzadko.

Samogłoski
System samogłosek w sylabach nienagłosowych jest następujący: //, //, //, //, //, //, // oraz dyftong // bez rozróżnienia długości. W sylabach nagłosowych system ten jest jednak dużo bardziej skomplikowany – występuje rozróżnienie długości oraz następujące dyftongi: //, //, // (jakkolwiek ostatnie dwa występują tylko jako morfologicznie uwarunkowane warianty // i // i być może trafniejsze jest postrzeganie ich jako alofonów). Poza tym // występuje bardzo rzadko. Boyeldieu przytoczył tu jako przykład wyraz mỳlùg, co po polsku oznacza czerwoni.

Rozróżnia się trzy rodzaje tonów: wysoki (á), średni (a) oraz niski (à). Kombinacje tych poziomów intonacji mogą występować na pojedynczych samogłoskach, co w rezultacie powoduje występowanie tonów opadających i wznoszących. Takie przypadki przedstawione zostały w transkrypcji przez powtórzenie samogłoski (np. àá). Samogłoski długie zaznaczane są tylko poprzez dopisanie dwukropka (np. a:).

Przyrostki mogą wywoływać jeden z czterech rodzajów przegłosu samogłosek w wyrazach, do których są przyłączane: wznoszący (zmienia //, //, // w [], [], []), obniżający (zmienia //, //, // w [], [], []), obniżająco-zaokrąglający (zmienia // i // w []; // oraz // w []; //, // i // w []) oraz wznosząco-zaokrąglający (zmienia // i // w []; // i // w []; //, // i // w []). Transkrybuje się je w sekcji przyrostka odpowiednio jako ↑, ↓, , . W niektórych czasownikach a/ə ulega "zawyżeniu" do [] zamiast do [].

W przyrostkach [] i [] podlegają harmonii samogłosek: zmieniają się odpowiednio w [] i [], jeśli poprzedzającą samogłoską jest [], [] lub []. Podobnie [] podlega harmonii spółgłosek i zmienia się w [] po rdzeniach zawierających []. Przyrostki z neutralnym tonem samogłoski przejmują ton ostatniej samogłoski wyrazu, do którego są przyłączane.

Gramatyka

Składnia
Typowy szyk zdania przedstawia się jako: podmiot – (partykuła czasownikowa) – czasownik – dopełnienie – przysłówek; przyimek – rzeczownik; possessum – possessor; rzeczownik – przymiotnik. Rzeczownik może stać na początku, gdy stanowi temat zdania. Zobacz sekcje "Przykłady zdań" i "Spójniki", ilustrujące składnię zdania.

Rzeczowniki
Rzeczowniki mają formy liczby mnogiej i liczby pojedynczej
(ta druga bywa w niektórych przypadkach określana raczej jako singulativum), przy czym formy liczby mnogiej są trudne do przewidzenia: kò:g "kość" > kuagmi "kości", tuà:r "kurczę" > tò:rò "kurczęta", aw "głód" > ə̀wə́r "głody", "okresy głodu". Rzeczowniki nie mają określonego rodzaju, jednak – podobnie jak w języku angielskim – trzy naturalne rodzaje (męski, żeński i nieosobowy) są rozróżniane przez zaimki.

Istnieją dwa rodzaje dzierżawczości:
 dzierżawczość nieodłączna (albo bezpośrednia) – wyrażana przez umieszczenie possessora po possessum (i w niektórych przypadkach zmianę tonu albo końcówki possessum), np. piá:r no "noga osoby" (dosł. "noga osoba");
 dzierżawczość odłączna – wyrażana przez umieszczenie wyrazu łączącego we właściwej liczbie i rodzaju między possessum a possessorem, np. làgˋm má màr-db "koń kowala" ("koń – wyraz łączący – człowiek kuźni"). Wyraz ten skracany jest czasami do wysokiego tonu.

Jeśli jednak possessor wyrażony jest zaimkiem, wówczas w pierwszym wypadku zachodzi w nim przegłos samogłoskowy, a w drugim wypadku używa się form przyimkowych (mówi się, że coś jest "u kogoś" / "u czegoś") oraz opcjonalnie wyrazu łączącego: na:ra á e: "mój mąż" ("mąż – wyraz łączący – u-mnie"), mùlù "jej oko" ("oko-jej" od mla "oko"). Niektóre rzeczowniki (e.g. páw- "przyjaciel") występują tylko w połączeniu z zaimkami i nie mają samodzielnej formy. Fenomen ten występuje w wielu innych językach, np. w językach andamańskich, zazwyczaj w przypadku słów określających relacje międzyludzkie. Odpowiednie przyrostki podano w sekcji zaimki.

Rzeczownik oznaczający wykonawcę jakiejś czynności lub kogoś, kto kimś jest lub coś posiada, może zostać utworzony przy użyciu przedrostka màr, oznaczającego w przybliżeniu "on (ona/ono), który... / on czegoś": màr jùgòr "właściciel ziemi" ("on ziemi"; "człowiek ziemi"), màr ce "rolnik" (ce = "uprawiać ziemię"; màr ce = "on, który uprawia"), màr pál "rybak" (pál = "łowić ryby").

Zaimki

Zaimki osobowe
W poniższej tabeli uwidoczniono rozróżnienie na "my" inkluzywne i "my" ekskluzywne, istniejące w wielu językach świata (ale nie w języku polskim), oraz rozróżnienie rodzaju gramatycznego zaimka "ja" w niektórych formach. Nieżywotne formy liczby mnogiej zostały w mowie młodszego pokolenia przeważnie zastąpione formami żywotnymi – poniżej podano jednak pełną odmianę. Paradygmat fleksyjny zaimka w funkcji dopełnienia czasownika jest dosyć złożony; w poniższej tabeli podano tylko dwa z jego kilku zestawów allomorfów.

Zaimki względne i nieokreślone

Zaimki pytające
jé "co?", è "kto?", é "gdzie?", s̀g "ile?".

Przyimki
Przyimki poprzedzają rzeczowniki (lub leksemy o podobnej funkcji): g̀ pə:l "w wiosce" / "do wioski", ḱ jà:ná "przy nim".

Czasowniki
Czasowniki nie odmieniają się przez osoby ani rodzaje, ale niektóre (około jednej czwartej zaświadczonych czasowników) odmieniają się przez liczby: no kaw "człowiek je", mùáŋ kw "ludzie jedzą". Forma liczby mnogiej czasownika jest trudna do przewidzenia, ale często tworzy się ją przy pomocy przegłosu (zwykle przez zwiększenie wysokości samogłoski) i niekiedy przez dodanie przyrostka -i() lub - i zmianę intonacji. Czasownik przybiera jednak określoną formę, w zależności od dopełnienia bliższego. Przyłącza się do niego przyrostki osobowe, wskazujące zaimkowe dopełnienie bliższe; czasownik zwykle ulega także zmianom, kiedy niezaimkowe dopełnienie bliższe dodawane jest do jego formy przechodniej z samogłoską wygłosową o niskim tonie (tworzonej podobnie do formy "dośrodkowej", opisanej niżej). Na przykład: à ná ká "on zrobi"; à ná kàrà ḿná "on zrobi coś"; à kú na:ra "on widzi mężczyznę"; à kúù:rùúŋ "on widzi was".

Istnieją trzy formy podstawowe czasownika: prosta, "dośrodkowa" i "uczestnicząca" (według terminologii Boyeldieu). Forma prosta używana jest w czasie teraźniejszym prostym i w trybie rozkazującym, np. à duàg jə́w gə̀m "on idzie wzdłuż brzegu rzeki" (dosł. "on schodzić ujście brzeg rzeki."). Forma "dośrodkowa" wyraża czynność skierowaną do mówiącego, zarówno w znaczeniu przestrzennym – ruch w kierunku mówiącego – jak i czasowym – czynność trwającą do chwili mówienia; tworzy się ją głównie przez dodanie samogłoski (często, choć nie zawsze, jest to samogłoska identyczna z wygłosową samogłoską czasownika), np. à duàgà jə́w gə̀m "on idzie wzdłuż brzegu rzeki (w moim kierunku)". Forma "uczestnicząca" – tworzona zasadniczo tak jak "dośrodkowa", ale z samogłoską wygłosową o wysokim tonie – oznacza zazwyczaj pominięte dopełnienie lub narzędzie, np. à sá a:g à s̀ŕ su "on bierze tykwę i pije nią (z niej) wodę" [dosł. "on brać tykwa on pić-(forma uczestnicząca) woda"].

Bezpośrednio przed czasownikiem może być umieszczona partykuła, wskazująca na inną formę niż prosty czas teraźniejszy; do partykuł takich zaliczają się: ná (l.mn. ní) wskazująca na czas przyszły, taá:/teé: (l.mn. tií:), oznaczająca czynność ciągłą, wáa: (l.mn. wíi:) oznaczająca ruch, náa: (l.mn. níi:), będąca najwyraźniej połączeniem ná i wáa:, mà (l.mn. mì) oznaczająca przymus, ḿ oznaczająca mowę zależną (najwyraźniej ewidencjalność), ḿnà (l.mn. mínì) wyrażająca zamiar, kò oznaczająca czynność wielokrotnie powtarzaną (zwyczaj), ə́l lub ga (l.mn. gi) oznaczająca czynność niedokonaną oraz wó (zawsze łącznie z àle po czasowniku) oznaczająca możliwość (brak pewności).

Formy strony bierno-medialnej (bierno-zwrotnej) /zob. strona medialna/ mogą być tworzone od czasowników przechodnich przez dodanie przyrostka -↑́: np. no siár sà:b "ktoś porwał ubranie" → sà:b séŕ "ubranie porwało się". Przy odwrotnej operacji – tworzeniu czasowników przechodnich od nieprzechodnich – zachodzi czasem zmiana tonów albo zmiana postaci liczby mnogiej.

Od niektórych czasowników, głównie nieprzechodnich, tworzy się rzeczowniki odczasownikowe poprzez dodanie przyrostka – (samogłoska)l, czasem z przegłosem i zmianą tonu, np. wal "padać" > wàlál "upadek" (dosł. "padanie"), sùbá "kłamać" > śblál (l.mn. súb̀r) "kłamstwo" (dosł "kłamanie"). Spółgłoska l zmienia się tutaj w n w sąsiedztwie spółgłoski nosowej lub w r w sąsiedztwie r, np. man "dobrze smakować" → manan "dobry smak" (dosł. "dobre smakowanie").

Przymiotniki
Przymiotniki najwyraźniej nie tworzą w języku laal samodzielnej kategorii gramatycznej; we wszystkich użyciach zachowują się jak czasowniki, np.
gò: ì:r "koza jest czarna" (dosł. "koza czerni się"). W użyciu atrybutywnym stosuje się tutaj najczęściej zdanie podrzędne: gò: má ì:r "czarna koza" (dosł. "koza, która się czerni".)

Liczebniki
Liczebniki w języku laal to: ̀d́l "jeden", isi "dwa", isan "cztery". Żadne inne liczebniki nie są wprost wymienione w dotychczas opublikowanych pracach.

Przysłówki
Przysłówki występują zasadniczo na końcu zdania. Niektóre ważne przysłówki podano poniżej:

Przysłówki miejsca:
 "tutaj": ágàl, núŋú
 "tam": aŋ
 "tam dalej, tam daleko": àŋá

Przysłówki czasu:
 "przedwczoraj": tá:r
 "wczoraj": iè:n
 "dzisiaj": cicam, tari-màá
 "ostatnio": bèrè
 "wkrótce": sugo
 "jutro": jìlí-kà:rì
 "pojutrze": miàlgà

Modulanty
Do najważniejszych modulantów zaliczają się:

 Przed czasownikiem: ḿ "jakoby", gàná "wtedy"
 Po czasowniku: wó "nie", (à)le "może", ə́l "znowu", á lub gà "już", à partykuła pytająca, wá partykuła wzmacniająca, ta "teraz", cám "ponownie, na nowo".

Spójniki
Pod względem składni spójniki dzielą się na pięć typów:

 tylko {zdanie nadrzędne – spójnik – zdanie podrzędne}: ḿ "że", ə "ponieważ"
 albo {zdanie nadrzędne – spójnik – zdanie podrzędne} albo {spójnik – zdanie podrzędne – zdanie nadrzędne}: ò "jeśli", dànngà (być może pożyczka z baguirmi) "kiedy"
 złożone: albo {spójnik – zdanie nadrzędne – spójnik – zdanie podrzędne} albo {spójnik – zdanie podrzędne – spójnik – zdanie nadrzędne}: ò... gàná "jeśli... to"
 {zdanie współrzędne – spójnik – zdanie współrzędne}: ní "po czym", ku "wtedy", kó "mimo to", á lub ná "i", e: "lub", àmá (pożyczka z arabskiego albo baguirmi) "ale".
 złożone: {spójnik – zdanie współrzędne – spójnik – zdanie współrzędne}: ku... ku "skoro... to", jàn... jàn "zarówno... jak i".

Przykłady zdań
 mùáŋ lá tií: kìrì jé? "Co robią ludzie z Gori?" (dosł. "ludzie Gori forma progresywna-liczba mnoga robić-liczba mnoga-forma przechodnia co?")
 mùáŋ lá tií: pál. "Ludzie z Gori łowią ryby." (dosł. "ludzie Gori forma progresywna-liczba mnoga łowić ryby.")
 màr-ce ́lá ḿ "b̀là, ò teé: ̀gr̀r". "Rolnik powiedział: 'Nie ma szans! Oszukujesz mnie.'" (dosł. "człowiek+który-uprawiać mówić że nie-można ty forma progresywna oszukiwać-mnie".)
 á ná wùsù na pè:rí ní árí ò ná kìnì jé? "Jeśli/kiedy złapię węża, co mi dasz?" (dosł. "Ja(rodz. męski) czas przyszły łapać-forma przechodnia dla-ciebie wąż wtedy najpierw ty dać-mi-forma przechodnia co?")
 jà kàskàr mà mùáŋ lá sə̀ə́ be. "To właśnie mieczem walczą ludzie z Gori." (dosł. "mieczami forma emfatyczna (nieżywotna) ludzie Gori walczyć-forma uczestnicząca bitwa.")

Przypisy

Bibliografia
 Roger Blench. Archaeology, Language, and the African Past. Altamira Press forthcoming.
 Pascal Boyeldieu. 1977. "Eléments pour une phonologie du laal de Gori (Moyen-Chari), Etudes phonologiques tchadiennes, Paris, SELAF (Bibliothèque, 63–64), s. 186–198.
 Pascal Boyeldieu. 1982. Deux études laal (Moyen-Chari, Tchad), w Verbindung mit SELAF, Paris. Berlin: Reimer. Marburger Studien zur Afrika- und Asienkunde: Ser. A, Afrika; Bd. 29. .
 Pascal Boyeldieu. 1982. "Quelques questions portant sur la classification du laal (Tchad)". in JUNGRAITHMAYR, H., The Chad languages in the Hamitosemitic-Nigritic Border Area (Papers of the Marburg Symposium, 1979). Berlin: Reimer, s. 80–93. Coll. Marburger Studien zur Afrika- und Asienkunde, Serie A: Afrika.
 Pascal Boyeldieu. 1987. "Détermination directe/indirecte en laal". w BOYELDIEU, P., La maison du chef et la tête du cabri: des degrés de la détermination nominale dans les langues d'Afrique centrale. Paris: Geuthner, s. 77–87. .
 David Faris, 19 September 1994. "In-House Summary: Laal/Gori language". SIL/Czad Survey Team. (praca niepublikowana)

Linki zewnętrzne

Języki Czadu
Języki izolowane
Języki zagrożone w Afryce
Byłe Dobre Artykuły

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The National Committee of the Chinese Energy and Chemical Workers' Union is a national industrial union of the All-China Federation of Trade Unions in the People's Republic of China.

External links

Basic information from the ACFTU

National industrial unions (China)
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It's finally time for a composer spotlight on the legendary and prolific Motoi Sakuraba! The guys go chronologically through his discography, from his early days on the Genesis at Wolf Team, to his recent critically acclaimed work for series such as Dark Souls. Enjoy this in-depth exploration of one of game music's biggest talents.


Tricol corp. are carrying out collaboration of planning whoch is limited in summer vacation as special planning of VR experiment with "Kids Duo", after school care in English which is managed by Yaruki Switch Group Holdings (Head office: Chuo-ku, Tokyo, Representative: Naoshi Takahashi). Yaruki Switch Group Holdings explores general educational business.
Tricol Corporation (Head office: Shinagawa-ku Tokyo, CEO: Naoto Yoshida) has exhibited to eSports event which was held in Bangkok, Thailand on 13, Jan. 2018.
Tricol corporation (Head office: Shinagawa-ku Tokyo, CEO: Naoto Yoshida), working for planning and developing of VR contents has exhibited "Tokyo Game Show" which had held at Makuhari Messe on 21, Sep. 2017.
Tricol Corporation (Head office: Shinagawa-ku Tokyo, CEO: Naoto Yoshida), working for planning and development of VR contents has released trailer movie of completely new work VR sports game, "PLANNES" for Oculus Touch on 29, Nov.
Tricol Corporation (Head office: Shinagawa-ku Tokyo, CEO: Naoto Yoshida), working for planning and development of VR contents has started to release VR work simulation, "Counter Fight" on 14, Nov. at Steam.
Release of "FREE THROW BOMBER"
Tricol Corporation (Head office: Shinagawa-ku Tokyo, CEO: Naoto Yoshida), working for planning and development of VR contents has released sports game, "Free Throw Bomber" for Gear VR on 14, Nov. at Occults Store.
Copyright Tricol Co., Ltd. All rights reserved.


I was on sick leave last year as I was detected with TB. It has been 10 months that I have recovered and working fine. I was also promised a promotion but I have been sidelined for the illness. I deserve the promotion but the management is acting tyrannical. I need to clarify the confusion. Please suggest a way.
I think you should definitely get your promition if your management has promised you the same earlier. just because you became ill in between, does not give them any right to withhold your promotion in such a way. They should not do such injustice with you and should give your right to you as soon as possible. You should not sit quietly in this matter and get this confusion cleared as soon as possible. Talk to your manager as soon as possible and get your promotion which i am sure, you certainly deserve.
Tell your manager that you were promised promotion earlier. But then you were detected for TB. Now it has been 10 months since you have recovered and you still haven't received your promotion till now.You hope that you are not being sidelined just because of your illness as it will be very wrong and unjust on their part if they do such a thing. You request him to look into this matter and do something so that you get your promotionn as soon as possible. You hope that you won't have to remind him of this again.


text:
package com.b2international.snowowl.snomed.ecl.ecl;

/**
 *
 * A representation of the model object 'Nested Expression'.
 *
 *
 *

 * The following features are supported:
 *

 *

 *
{@link com.b2international.snowowl.snomed.ecl.ecl.NestedExpression#getNested Nested}

 *

 *
 * @see com.b2international.snowowl.snomed.ecl.ecl.EclPackage#getNestedExpression()
 * @model
 * @generated
 */
public interface NestedExpression extends ExpressionConstraint
{
  /**
   * Returns the value of the 'Nested' containment reference.
   *
   *

   * If the meaning of the 'Nested' containment reference isn't clear,
   * there really should be more of a description here...
   *

   *
   * @return the value of the 'Nested' containment reference.
   * @see #setNested(ExpressionConstraint)
   * @see com.b2international.snowowl.snomed.ecl.ecl.EclPackage#getNestedExpression_Nested()
   * @model containment="true"
   * @generated
   */
  ExpressionConstraint getNested();

  /**
   * Sets the value of the '{@link com.b2international.snowowl.snomed.ecl.ecl.NestedExpression#getNested Nested}' containment reference.
   *
   *
   * @param value the new value of the 'Nested' containment reference.
   * @see #getNested()
   * @generated
   */
  void setNested(ExpressionConstraint value);

} // NestedExpression

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub