text:
Éric Duvivier, né à Lille le  et mort le  à Boulogne-Billancourt, est un réalisateur et un producteur français, .

Il est le neveu du réalisateur Julien Duvivier.

Biographie
Éric Duvivier est principalement connu pour ses documentaires et courts-métrages médicaux, réalisés en partenariat avec des laboratoires médicaux dont le laboratoire Sandoz.

Ses réalisations traitent de chirurgie, mais également de psychiatrie. Ainsi, en partenariat avec le Professeur Didier-Jacques Duché comme conseiller scientifique, il réalise plusieurs courts-métrages visant à illustrer certaines pathologies psychiatriques (Le Monde du schizophrène, Autoportrait d'un schizophrène, Auto-stop, Les Autopathes, Phobie d'impulsion).

Il fait ainsi tourner certains acteurs de premier plan comme Pierre Clémenti (dans Autoportrait d'un schizophrène) ou Jacques Dufilho (dans Auto-stop et Les Autopathes).

En 1963, il tente de restituer les visions sous drogues hallucinogènes d'Henri Michaux dans Images du monde visionnaire, film interdit par la censure à sa sortie. Il reprend en 1990 des séquences de ce film à la fin de la vidéo L'homme endormi, l'homme éveillé tournée avec Pierre Etevenon comme auteur qui présente des cartographies EEG d'éveil de sommeil et de rêve réalisées par électroencéphalographie quantitative

Il travailla également sur les effets spéciaux du film inachevé d'Henri-Georges Clouzot, L'Enfer, en 1964.

On lui doit également une adaptation des collages de Max Ernst pour un court-métrage intitulé La Femme 100 tête en 1967. De même, les décors et masques de son film Concerto mécanique pour la folie ou la folle mécamorphose (1964) sont dus à Erró.

Filmographie

 Comme producteur :
 1960 : Le Huitième Jour, de Marcel Hanoun
 1981 : Ces malades qui nous gouvernent, de Claude Vajda

 Comme réalisateur :
 1950 : Images de la folie
 1961 : Un délire hallucinatoire
 1961 : Le Monde du schizophrène
 1962 : Ballet sur un thème paraphrénique
 1963 : Concerto mécanique pour la folie
 1963 : Images du monde visionnaire
 1964 : Auto-stop
 1964 : Concerto mécanique pour la folie ou la folle mécamorphose
 1967 : Phobie d'impulsion
 1967 : L'hystérie, langage du corps
 1968 : La Femme 100 têtes
 1968 : Un enfant va naître
 1971 : Les Autopathes
 1977 : Sur les traces de Balint
 1978 : Autoportrait d'un schizophrène
 1979 : Les années folles de Sylvain Fusco
 1983 : Re-née
 1990 : L'Art psychotique

Notes et références

Annexes
 Biographie d'Éric Duvivier sur le site du Centre Pompidou
 Les films d'Éric Duvivier sont disponibles en ligne sur la page du Fonds Eric Duvivier du CERIMES
 Filmographie d'Éric Duvivier sur MedFilm

Liens externes

Réalisateur français
Producteur français de cinéma
Naissance en décembre 1928
Naissance à Lille
Décès en juin 2018
Décès à Boulogne-Billancourt
Décès à 89 ans

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


As the holidays roll around, I'm always on the look-out both for new holiday treats to make as well as new ways to jazz up old favorites. This year, I stumbled across this Chocolate Covered Krispie Treat Bites recipe, and now I'm wondering why I didn't make Rice Krispie bars this way all along! It only requires one extra ingredient and a couple extra steps, so if you already know how to make Rice Krispie treats, you're already almost there!
First, you start by making the traditional Rice Krispie treats recipe. (Don't worry, I have the steps listed below if you don't remember them off the top of your head!) Once your Rice Krispie bars are cooled, then all you have to do is cut them into cubes, dip them into melted chocolate, and cool them again. You can even decorate them with candy sprinkles if you want to (and you do–they're awesome!).
Just because you're a grown-up looking for grown-up treats to make for your family or for a special occasion doesn't mean that you can't enjoy all of the treats you once enjoyed as a kid. All it takes are a few extra steps, and your "boring" standard treats are now new and fancy once again!
Give your kids the treat-making experience you enjoyed when you were a kid (or the one you wish you could have had but never did). Make these yummy Chocolate Covered Krispie Treat Bites today!
Line a cutting coard or tray with parchment paper or wax paper.
Cut into approximately 1" square bites and place on prepared tray.
I made these as an addition to our annual treat boxes for friends and neighbors — YUM! I spread them out onto a cookie sheet and they were a little thinner than I'd like, so once cooled, I spread some melted chocolate on half and stacked them. It was like a little Rice Krispy Treat sandwich! That was adorable, and delish on it's own, but once dipped and topped with sprinkles – OH MY WORD! A rich and decadent treat! Super Easy and FAST! A winning combo during the busy holiday season. Thanks for posting!


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text:
The Burrprint: The Movie 3-D
by illmitch USER (16 Reviews)
October 18th, 2009 | 126 replies
Release Date: 2009 | Tracklist
Review Summary: Gucci at his best.
Gucci Mane is quite the character. He's built up a veritable mixtape empire, with very few concessions to the mainstream – up until this year, his only crossovers were two singles that failed to garner any lasting footholds in the industry. However, with a steady stream of underground hits he's clawed his way up to appearances on the remixes of Mariah Carey and the Black Eyed Peas, not to mention guest spots on the pop mini-hits Break Up by Mario and LOL :-) by Trey Songz. So what's Gucci Mane's next move? Pull a Drake, and release a sappy love song to all his female fans?
Psych!
From the opening lyrics of this mixtape, you know what you're in for.
"All Nas need is one mic / All I need is one stove / Homie got a nice flow / but Gucci got that white snow."
Hell, forget the opening lyrics – how about the opening intro?
"I woke up this morning and looked in the mirror. I said Mirror mirror mirror, who's the coldest nigga in Atlanta? The mirror said, do not ax me any more stupid questions! It's Gucci! Burrr! Burrr! Burrr!"
Ignant posturing, stupidly genius lyrics, menacing beats, the inevitable BURRRR!s, and, of course, coke, coke, and more coke. If you're the Gucci-crazed maniac that I am, these lines should be enough to convince you. For those of you not yet entranced by Gucci's plethora of adlibs, blings, and puns, I'll see if I can draw you in.
Gucci will never be a lyricist like Nas or GZA is. The thing is, that doesn't really matter, though, because that's not where Gucci's at. He doesn't want to compose an intricate story about human life or tell you about the underhanded dealings of the United States of America. He just wants to tell you about how rich he is, how much coke he sells, and how much ice he has, and he wants to crack you up when he's doing it. And you know what? He sure does do the job pretty well. I dare you not to crack a smile at these lines cobbled together from a few listens to just a couple songs:
"So much stacks up in my closet I can't even see my clothes / And my belly gettin' so big I can hardly see my toes"
"My flow's so schizophrenic, need to put me in a straight-jacket / Straight-drop dope flow, put me in a crack baggie"
"Cocaina clean I got it snowin like Nebraska / It's zone 6 East Atlanta but we call this *** Alaska"
"I'm in the kitchen, homie, whippin' up a deuce / Niggas lookin sick, I call it chicken noodle soup / Chickens in the living room, we call it the chicken room / Birds everywhere, it's lookin like Atlanta Zoo"
The guest spots here, while fairly spaced out, are generally solid. Bun B unsurprisingly (for me, at least) steals the show on Watch Cost a Bentley. OJ da Juiceman provides the expected falsetto "ayyy"!s, and the rest of Gucci's assorted affiliates get the job done, if unspectacularly.
The other major draw of any Gucci mixtape is the inevitable assortment of mouth-watering beats. Gucci has the benefit of a thriving partnership with fellow Atlantan Zaytoven, who provides the majority of his beats and often pens beats specifically to accompany Gucci's rapping. Zaytoven's style is well known to anybody who's heard a single song of his; a wide array of electronic sounds coming at you from all sides, a constant barrage of beeps and bounces. Zaytoven widely eschews samples, opting instead for original sounds, and thus arrives at a different sound than an East Coast-influenced producer might make. Depending on one's perspective, this can be a good or bad thing, but the mixtape has a very cohesive sound with respect to the production, and flows together very, very well.
The Burrprint 3 probably won't win over any diehard Gucci haters, but a careful ear to what Gucci's doing here has a good chance to win over the dedicated listener with an open mind. Highly recommended for fans of southern rap and of hip hop in general – although those who limit their purchases to the online stores of Def Jux, Rhymesayers, and Stones Throw records might not find it as appealing.
BURRRRR!
One final note: You can listen to this streaming at http://www.datpiff.com/DJ_Drama_Mixed_by_DJ_Fly_Boy_Gucci_Mane_Movie_3.m7 1039.html. If you're a member of datpiff (it's free), you can download it as well.
The Mountain Goats Beat the Champ Kesha Warrior
Absurd (GER) Facta Loquuntur Swans White Light From the Mouth of Infinity
Still Life From Angry Heads With Skyward Eyes Kendrick Lamar Section.80
user ratings (79)
rate it Awful - 1 Very Poor - 1.5 Poor - 2 Average - 2.5 Good - 3 Great - 3.5 Excellent - 4 Superb - 4.5 Classic - 5
Rank: #0 for 2009
other reviews of this album
Clever wordplay, dark, electronic bounce, and an improved delivery on Gucci's part make The Burrprin...
Trap Back 2
Murder Was the Case
Burrrprint 2 (HD)
recommended by reviewer
Gucci Mane Writing on da Wall
On 12 Music Lists
illmitch
Album Rating: 4.0
finished this very quickly so i'm sure there are some problems
Wah confused.
Ragez
I have this friend who adores Gucci. You'd prolly love this guy. Anyways i am non-plussed with Gucci Mane, and this seems like a place to start to get into him.
This a good review and has the makings for a great one, just be more confident in places and don't say stuff like imo, to me, ect. stuff like that.
the artist tag messed up when i originally submitted it, and it wouldn't let me change the artist tag, so i just resubmitted it, im hoping a mod will delete the other one. not too sure whom to ask about that.
S'all good I posted to the mods. For future times go here: http://www.sputnikmusic.com/forums/showthread.php?p=17580328#post17580328
thanks man i appreciate it.
@ragez: i usually try to keep personal pronouns out of my writing, but this album feels a little bit different for me. i dunno. i think tomorrow i'm gonna do a revision and clean up some of the stuff, put in more info about the beats, wrap the quotes in italics, etc., but i wanted to get some feedback.
got to "Dope Boys" and this is honestly the first time i've managed to get past his flow and i actually really like this. The beat is friggin immense.
his flow was definitely suspect in the beginning years of his career, but he's really really shaped up. he pulls off some legit multisyllabics. and yeah, the beat on that song is definitely ridiculous.
one listen and frankly this rules.
20235 Comments
Laughed pretty hard at the lyrics in the review dude. Well done. As for this album, I was scared away by that ridiculous album cover.
haha thanks man. ridiculous album covers are pretty standard fare in southern mixtapes, but this one is definitely in the upper echelon of absurdity.
burrrrrrrr
Good review, but from what I've heard from Gucci Mane in the past, the dude's flow is so ridiculously bad and clunky so I doubt I'll look into this.
honestly, his flow has really cleaned up. try out the song "Dope Boys", it's a pretty good sample of the rest of the mixtape.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=41OZac2ixyw
that was better than i thought.
want! is on other sites besides datpiff? i always had trouble with the memberships stuff
yeah, there's a link at http://www.cocaineblunts.com/blunts/?p=4373
for those of you unfamiliar with cocaineblunts, it's a blog covering a pretty large variety of hip hop. i get a lot of my stuff from it and i highly recommend it.
MUNGOLOID
"Triple beam scale, shawty say that he got a triple beam scale. It's Gucci Mane the flare."
AYE AYE AYE OKAY!
do a review on young juiceman folk.
datpiff is a cool site
i likes it
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I think these shorts would likely look horrible on me--but on you they are amazing!! I like how the shorts and shoes match perfectly, This us an overall great look.
Please follow back if you enjoy my blog--and give me any tips on how to have such a great blog!! Love yours!!!
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Stop by my blog if you want...it would be a pleasure for me!!!!
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text:
Sample Movie Review Paper on Gideon's Trumpet
Wednesday, 01 November 2017 / Published in Political science
Gideon's Trumpet is a movie that revolves around Earl's arrest, prosecution, and imprisonment for having broken into a Bay Harbor. The case, Gideon v. Wainwright, revolves around the right to legal counsel, which Gideon believed that the Constitution assured him. In this case, Gideon challenged the national laws as well as the criminal trial standards, and in the end helped establish a more sensible criminal system. Gideon is seen as a very stubborn uneducated man from Florida. Having been sentenced to five years for a crime he never committed, he wrote to the Supreme Court, noting that he had been denied legal counsel. In the movie, Gideon continues with his mechanic works while still reading law books and journals in the prison library. This gave him some knowledge and insights about the workings of the Supreme Court, prompting him to appeal. After four attempts the Supreme Court decided to hear the matter and allowed him legal representation.
During the case, Gideon requests that an attorney be signed to him of which Abe Fortas takes up his case. Fortas is tasked to argue against the 21 years old Betts v. Brady decision that the State is only obligated to appoint counsel in capital cases and in exceptional circumstances. In his case, Fortas makes the argument that no man has the intelligence to conduct his own defense sufficiently. Certainly, Gideon had no finances and as well he was a man of average intelligence. In an argument, George puts forward a number of political questions and held the view that it was the State's right to decide when and to whom a defense counsel ought to be provided. Yet, in spite of Gideon's best efforts as well as those of the state court, he was not capable of effectively presenting his own defense. Eventually, the Supreme Court voted to overrule the conviction.
Although Gideon had served two years in jail, he was not happy to have had an impact on the U.S. Supreme Court. He stubbornly believes that the Court is playing tactics to have him tried again, thus in double jeopardy. This case clearly highlights that the number of issues available for petitioning the Supreme Court are limited to concerning a constitutional interpretation. As well, the case conveys clarity that federal laws supersede state laws in regards to the procedures for appealing to the Supreme Court. Another point is the provisions in the law in regards to special circumstances that a legal counsel may be provided, that is; to illiterate persons, ignorant, children, mentally ill, as well to capital offenders. As a standard rule, a petition to the Supreme Court must be brought up by the person seeking legal redress, having been hurt by the actions of another.
I am of the view that, even though Gideon was retried and found not guilty, the actual course was in no way easy. The lack of a qualified legal counsel to represent him also showed how the justice system could be complicated. As well, Gideon's stubbornness and naivety after acquittal shows that his self-education in the law remained inappropriate even after his petition was determined by the highest court in the land. Therefore, it is with no doubt that defendants' not only require counsel, but rather effective representation. However, the search for effective representation is negated by the lack of finances and resources. Lastly, I do feel that it is worth seeking justice where it has been denied despite the effort.
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text:
CSIRO bets the farm on new AI platform for agriculture analytics
By Matt Johnston on Jan 18, 2019 10:46AM
DAS CEO Anthony Willmott. Source: CSIRO
Investors ready to RIP into data rich modelling.
The CSIRO has today launched a new artificial intelligence-powered platform that brings together a trove of land-use data for agribusiness to better predict performance.
The Rural Intelligence Platform combines a variety of technology developed by CSIRO over the years, including the Digital Soil Map and satellite imagery analysis, to comprehensively assess and monitor rural land anywhere across the country.
To do so, RIP takes into account elements like access to water, crop types, rainfall, drought impact, yield and historical productivity.
Climate information is also interpreted to show how drought, frost, and heat stress for livestock are likely to impact on farmers.
The platform combines all of these features using machines learning, and incorporates an AI-initiated Automation Valuation Model - the same technology used by real estate agencies to gain a quick, relatively accurate estimate of a residential property's value - that the CSIRO said has can instantly value rural properties with up 90 percent accuracy.
Digital Agricultural Services (DAS), a collaborator on the project that was established in partnership with the CSIRO in 2017, estimates $125 billion in agricultural economic decisions in Australia each year are based on unreliable or incomplete data.
DAS has already worked with several companies to pilot the platform, with strong interest coming from the property, financial services and insurance sectors.
"Digital agriculture is far more than just on-farm technology, it's also about improving off-farm decision making and this platform lays the foundation for Australia to become a leader in new generation agricultural analytics," DAS CEO Anthony Willmott said.
"This is about supporting the ecosystem that supports the farmer – ensuring that farmers, business, policy makers and anyone invested along the agricultural ecosystem has the right rural data to make more informed decisions."
"The platform provides accurate information that can help to identify vulnerability or the most promising options for investment that will build resilience," CSIRO Agriculture and Food deputy director Dr Michael Robertson added.
"This is a whole new model for rural analytics which will make it easier to quantify risk and prepare for challenges like climate volatility and change."
agricultureit artificial intelligence csiro data analytics project projects software
By Matt Johnston
Australia to get an AI-powered map of drug-resistant germs
Coopers Brewery taps frothy data to perfect flagship pale ale
Flinders Uni builds real-time data system on three-cloud solution
Shine Lawyers quietly debuts automated claims tool


text:
La manifestation de 1885, aussi appelée affaire des eaux de Tunis, est un évènement qui s'est passé à Tunis en 1885 et qui est considéré comme le premier signe de révolte des Tunisois depuis 1881 et l'instauration du protectorat français.

Concession des eaux de Tunis
Le , la distribution de l'eau potable à Tunis est concédée par le bey de Tunis, pour une durée de trente ans, à une compagnie fondée par quatre généraux très influents à la cour beylicale : Baccouche, Mohamed, Rustum et Hussein. La compagnie s'engage à entretenir l'aqueduc de Zaghouan qui alimente Tunis et à assurer la distribution de l'eau en ville. Les abreuvoirs et fontaines municipales sont alors alimentés gratuitement, chaque abonné payant 50 piastres par an pour une quantité d'eau de  par jour. Cependant, il n'y a pas de compteur particulier aux robinets. Pour prix de ses services, la compagnie reçoit une subvention annuelle de  piastres et encaisse les abonnements postérieurs à 1873.

En 1884, la compagnie des généraux est mise en demeure d'effectuer les travaux de rénovation rendus nécessaires par l'état du réseau. Plutôt que de se soumettre à leurs obligations, les concessionnaires préférèrent céder leurs droits à une compagnie française. Le 17 septembre, le général Baccouche, en son nom et au nom de ses associés, cède les droits obtenus à la Régie cointéressée des eaux de Tunis, représentée par la maison Durand et Compagnie de Paris.

Cette cession est officialisée dans le Journal officiel tunisien le  (26 mouharram 1302) par un décret émanant de la direction générale des travaux publics. On y apprend que la nouvelle concession est d'une durée de cinquante ans. Tous les branchements sont équipés de compteurs qui permettront de facturer la consommation d'eau à raison de 0,50 piastre le m³. L'abonnement dépend du diamètre du compteur, de huit piastres () à trente piastres (). Toutes les alimentations gratuites sont supprimées. Le nouveau tarif est applicable à partir du .

La population tunisoise est mise au courant lorsque les représentants de la nouvelle compagnie se présentent chez eux pour leur faire signer les nouveaux contrats et poser les compteurs. Le calcul est vite fait : au lieu de payer cinquante piastres par an pour bénéficier de  d'eau, ils doivent maintenant payer 200 piastres au minimum. Européens comme Tunisiens sont ulcérés par ces nouvelles conditions. Honoré Pontois, alors magistrat à Tunis, témoigne de l'émotion dans la ville : Chaque abonné fut mis en demeure de signer une nouvelle police au tarif du cahier des charges et tous ceux qui refusèrent leur signature, et ce fut la généralité, virent couper leurs conduites d'eau.

Il est difficile de se rendre compte de la perturbation qu'une semblable mesure jetait dans une ville, où les propriétaires avaient consenti des baux comprenant la fourniture de l'eau, et aux intérêts desquels on portait atteinte en triplant le prix de l'eau, les locataires actionnant leurs propriétaires, ceux-ci actionnant la compagnie des eaux…

Quand les émotions violentes de la première heure se furent calmées, les protestations commencèrent.

Deux membres français du Conseil municipal (Chapelier et De Montès) démissionnent en signe de protestation. Des pétitions et des tracts circulent. Un comité populaire, surtout composé d'Européens, est créé. Une souscription est ouverte et recueille  francs afin d'engager des procès contre la nouvelle compagnie des eaux et demander l'abrogation de la concession.

Délégation au bey
Début avril 1885, un cortège de 2 à  Tunisiens, conduits par des notables et des membres du Conseil municipal en colère, traverse la ville pour se rendre auprès d'Ali III Bey, à La Marsa, et faire remettre leurs doléances. Le bey lève les bras au ciel et, après une scène touchante d'attendrissement sur les misères de son peuple, s'écrie : . Pour faire entendre leurs arguments, les manifestants rédigent alors une pétition à l'attention du bey qu'ils remettent au grand vizir, Mohammed Aziz Bouattour : Dans la séance du , le Conseil municipal de Tunis traita, pour la première fois, la question des eaux qui venait de lui être transmise et a déclaré que la ville était propriétaire de la concession des eaux. M. Dubos, vice-président, avait déclaré alors qu'à son avis aussi le canal de Zaghouan était en effet une propriété municipale.

Les conseillers municipaux musulmans ont fait observer que toute discussion était prématurée, attendu que la concession des eaux avait été donnée pour trente années à MM. le général Baccouche et Cie, et que par conséquent il restait dix-huit années à courir pour l'expiration de ce traité. Ils ont ajouté que, dans ces conditions, il leur paraissait étrange que la direction générale des travaux publics songeât à traiter avec une autre compagnie et surtout sur de nouvelles bases ; persistant dans les conclusions déposées ci-dessus, les conseillers municipaux musulmans se sont retirés, déclarant à nouveau que la question des eaux ne devait pas même être discutée.

La population musulmane de Tunis n'entrait pas dans ces détails, mais elle sait que tous les conseillers municipaux qui la représentent se sont vus forcés de donner leur démission et que deux conseillers européens, les honorables M. Chapelier et M. de Montès ont suivi l'exemple des musulmans. La démission des conseillers municipaux musulmans a été la première protestation par laquelle nous avons affirmé nos droits.

S.A. le Bey a rendu son décret :

1°) sur le rapport de la direction des travaux publics.

2°) sur l'approbation, ou du moins l'avis conforme de la municipalité.

Or, l'approbation de la municipalité n'a jamais existé et il résulte de ce qui précède que S.A. le Bey appuyant et sanctionnant les demandes faites par la direction des travaux publics n'a tenu aucun compte de nos réclamations et de nos droits…

Nous vous exposons tous ces faits vu l'urgence, attendu que la nouvelle compagnie des eaux nous impose des charges nouvelles et l'expropriation absolue de notre propriété des eaux ; vu que cette expropriation nous enlève l'eau nécessaire à notre alimentation et à celle de nos ablutions religieuses, celles des bains nécessaires à l'hygiène publique, etc.

Nous protestons contre qui de droit pour toutes les conséquences qui pourraient dériver de ces faits en demandant à votre Altesse le maintien du statu quo et la cessation immédiate de toutes ces vexations que la population musulmane et européenne est obligée de subir depuis l'installation de la nouvelle compagnie des eaux.

En désespoir de cause, une nouvelle manifestation, organisée par lesdits représentants et dirigée par le cheikh Mohamed Snoussi, a lieu à la mosquée Sidi Mahrez à Bab Souika.

Répression
L'effervescence est à son comble à Tunis en ce mois d'. On a appris la défaite des armées françaises au Tonkin lors de la retraite de Lang Son. Le gouvernement de Jules Ferry à Paris est tombé. Dans ses rapports, le résident général Paul Cambon tente de mettre sur le dos des opposants au protectorat l'opposition à la nouvelle convention sur la régie des eaux. Les Italiens profiteraient des difficultés de la France au Tonkin pour en créer de nouvelles à Tunis. Quant aux Tunisiens, ils s'inquièteraient de la fiabilité des compteurs et du sans-gêne des employés de la compagnie qui les auraient posés en l'absence des propriétaires.

Le 20 avril, Cambon informe Paris qu'une délégation s'est rendue auprès du bey pour lui apporter une pétition rassemblant tous leurs motifs d'inquiétude : la nouvelle réglementation sur les cimetières, la constatation des décès, la constitution d'un état civil et le recouvrement de taxes arriérées. Il promet de tout faire pour assurer aux musulmans que ces nouvelles règlementations n'ont rien de contraire à l'islam et qu'on arrivera à une entente sur les arriérés de taxes.

Fin avril, la situation semble se calmer. Le comité populaire a rédigé une pétition le 28 avril qu'ils ont fait transmettre au ministère français des Affaires étrangères par le biais de la résidence générale. Mais les Tunisiens ne baissent pas les bras et l'agitation repart de plus belle.

Le 21 mai, Cambon décide de sévir contre ces notables musulmans qui en sont . L'administration des habous, vue comme , est particulièrement visée et renouvelée presque en entier. Treize fonctionnaires sont révoqués parmi lesquels :
 Mohamed Snoussi, désigné comme étant l'un des deux meneurs du mouvement, est arrêté et interné à Gabès ;
 Hassouna Ben Mustapha, l'autre meneur, est arrêté et interné au Kef malgré ses 80 ans ;
 Ahmed El Ouertan, ancien professeur et khodja auprès de Kheireddine Pacha, est lui aussi interné à Gabès ;
 M'hammed Dallagi, Cheikh El Médina et général de brigade ;
 Mohammed El Djebali, amine des parfumeurs ;
 Othman El Feiasch, amine des selliers et chérif ;
 Hassar Bou Trib, surveillant des écoles du rite malékite ;
 Mustapha Mima, surveillant des écoles du rite hanéfite.

D'après Cambon, .

Le Figaro renchérit : .

Commission d'enquête
Cela n'empêche pas Cambon de devoir justifier le bien fondé de cette concession. Le , il s'en explique dans un courrier adressé au ministre des Affaires étrangères Charles de Freycinet : Enfin, monsieur le Ministre, sur certains points de détail, vous vous demandez si nous n'avons pas été un peu vite et vous faites allusion à la question des eaux et à celle des cimetières. Je suis d'autant plus à l'aise pour m'expliquer là-dessus que je suis de votre avis et que j'ai tout fait pour réduire ces questions autant que possible. Mais vous verrez par là, monsieur le Ministre, comment se traitent les affaires dans ce pays-ci.

Tout Tunis réclamait une distribution plus abondante d'eau. Nous étions liés par un contrat pour de longues années. Nous fûmes assez heureux pour substituer une compagnie française à la compagnie concessionnaire qui était indigène et pour imposer aux nouveaux concessionnaires des clauses très profitables à l'État et la ville. L'affaire fut discutée dans la presse et pendant huit jours elle fit l'objet de débats publics au Conseil municipal. Enfin tout est accepté et six mois après, au moment où doit fonctionner le nouveau système, s'élève une opposition formidable suscitée par deux ou trois Français qui avaient eu l'intention de prendre l'affaire pour eux.

L'erreur de M. Grand en négociant cette affaire a été de se préoccuper uniquement de l'intérêt public et non des appétits de tel ou tel membre influent de la colonie française. Cette leçon lui servira pour une autre fois. Ajoutez que, dans l'exécution, la nouvelle compagnie a commis quelques maladresses qui ont irrité la population. Aujourd'hui, le silence se fait sur tout cela, les compteurs se posent. Un jugement du tribunal a décidé que les nouveaux abonnements ne devaient courir qu'à partir d'octobre prochain. D'ici là tout sera oublié et chacun recevra et paiera régulièrement son eau.

Le , le journal politique La Lanterne lance le scandale de l'« affaire des eaux ». Partisans du général Boulanger, commandant du corps d'occupation en Tunisie, et adversaires de Paul Cambon, ses journalistes dénoncent les profits promis à la nouvelle compagnie concessionnaire en parlant de . Malgré les chiffres complètement fantaisistes qu'ils avancent pour estimer les futurs bénéfices, ils n'ont aucun mal à convaincre les lecteurs que les termes du contrat sont scandaleusement à l'avantage d'une compagnie française . Pour faire bonne mesure, ils suggèrent que l'on n'a affaire qu'à des prête-noms qui couvriraient des financiers, déjà engagés sur la dette tunisienne, parmi lesquels () Charles Ferry, le frère de l'ancien président du Conseil
.

C'en est trop pour le gouvernement français qui doit également répondre à la pétition lancée par le comité populaire à Tunis. Paul Cambon est convoqué à Paris fin juin. Une commission  est nommée en novembre mais le gouvernement a déjà tranché : la convention est abrogée et renégociée. La nouvelle mouture paraît dans le Journal officiel tunisien le . Les anciens tarifs sont rétablis jusqu'au . Le prix de l'abonnement est maintenant fixé à cinquante piastres pour 365 m³ par an. Le surplus est payé à raison de 0,50 piastres le m³.

Nommée par arrêté du , la commission rend ses travaux le 24 décembre suivant. Composée de Charles Raymond de Saint-Vallier, ancien ambassadeur, Émile Flourens, président du Conseil d'État et Armand Paul Joseph Martin, président du Conseil général des ponts et chaussées, elle n'a pas jugé bon de se déplacer à Tunis et rend ses conclusions après avoir rencontré un Français de Tunis et lu le rapport rédigé par le secrétaire général du gouvernement tunisien Eugène Regnault. Ses conclusions sont transmises au Président de la République française Jules Grévy par Charles de Freycinet et paraissent au Journal officiel : La commission chargée, par arrêté du , de faire un rapport sur la situation administrative en Tunisie, m'a communiqué le résultat de ses travaux le 24 décembre. Les documents mis par elle sous mes yeux constatent que, nonobstant les conflits survenus dans ces derniers temps entre divers services et dont le gouvernement préviendra le retour, la direction générale imprimée à notre protectorat a été entièrement satisfaisante. La commission fait, à cette occasion, ressortir les hautes qualités déployées dans cette œuvre délicate par le résident général. J'ai, en conséquence, l'honneur de vous proposer de conférer la croix de commandeur de la Légion d'honneur à M. Cambon.

Héritage
La concession n'est pas remise en cause et la compagnie concessionnaire est aussi chargée de la distribution du gaz de ville. Elle prendra alors le nom de Compagnie du gaz et régie cointéressée des eaux de Tunis jusqu'à l'indépendance.

L'exil de Mohamed Snoussi ne dure pas : il finit par rentrer dans les rangs et devenir l'homme de transition. Sa nomination au tribunal mixte immobilier s'accompagne de la publication, en 1887, d'un ouvrage de droit foncier, une sorte de plaidoyer sur la conformité de la loi foncière aux principes du droit musulman.

L'affaire des eaux de Tunis sert d'argument à Cambon pour défendre le protectorat face à tous ses adversaires qui réclament l'annexion de la Tunisie à l'Algérie. Il peut faire valoir que la situation avait pu rester gérable car le bey avait pu servir d'interlocuteur aux mécontents malgré son absence de pouvoir. De plus, lorsqu'il avait fallu sévir, les sanctions sont venus du palais beylical et non de la résidence générale, même si personne n'était dupe.

Cette agitation a surtout permis au gouvernement français de montrer les limites à ne pas dépasser. Les revendications sont admises mais il est maintenant clair que .

Les Tunisiens ont également compris que les Français n'ont pas l'intention de repartir et que recouvrer l'indépendance sera une lutte de longue haleine. Le fils de Hassouna Ben Mustapha, Khairallah, le comprendra : vingt ans plus tard, il est l'un des membres les plus actifs du mouvement des Jeunes Tunisiens.

Charles-André Julien et Habib Bourguiba voient dans ce mouvement, grâce à des raccourcis très osés, la première manifestation contre l'instauration du protectorat et les injustices qui vont avec. Peut-être peut-on voir dans la réécriture de la concession la première victoire de la mobilisation populaire.

Notes et références

Bibliographie
 Honoré Pontois, Les odeurs de Tunis, éd. Albert Savine, Paris, 1889
 Mohamed Snoussi, Musamarat el dharif bi husn el taarif, éd. Dar al-Gharb al-Islami, Beyrouth, 1994

Mouvement national tunisien
1885


text:
Dziewicza Góra – wzgórze na Pojezierzu Wielkopolskim, położone w woj. wielkopolskim
 Dziewicza Góra – wzniesienie Wzgórz Szymbarskich, położone w woj. pomorskim
 Dziewicza Góra – domniemane grodzisko w miejscowości Horodyszcze koło Chełma
 Dziewicza Góra – osada leśna w gminie Czerwonak

Zobacz też
 Dziewcza Góra


A plumber has been fined for safety failings that caused large-scale damage to a domestic property in Cambrian Way, Haslingden.
Lee Barrett, a self-employed plumber from Haslingden, Lancashire, pleaded guilty to breaching Section 3(2) of the Health and Safety at Work etc Act 1974.
The case was heard by Burnley Magistrates' Court, which was told that in May 2014, Mr Barrett had failed to put in place the appropriate safety devices when removing a water tank during a loft conversion.
He had, effectively, created a closed water system combined with an old immersion heater, which allowed water to heat to 100ºC in a copper cylinder, said the Health and Safety Executive.
This caused the cylinder to rupture and the stored water to turn to steam, resulting in "catastrophic damage" to the property – which had to be largely rebuilt.
Mr Barrett was fined a total of £500, with costs of £933.


text:
Q: RSpec test PUT update action I am trying to write some RSpec tests to test my app, but I've stumbled on several problems that I can't find any solution.
1) I am trying to test the update action. Here is my code:
        it "email is a new one" do
            put :update, id: @user, user: FactoryGirl.attributes_for(:user, :email=>"a@b.c")
            @user.reload
            @user.email.should == "a@b.c"
            puts @user.email
        end

Here is the UsersController update action:
  def update
    @user = User.find(params[:id])
    respond_to do |format|
      if @user.update_attributes(params[:user])
        format.html { redirect_to edit_user_path(@user), :notice => "Your settings were successfully updated."}
        format.json { head :no_content }
      else
        format.html { render action: "edit" }
        format.json { render json: @user.errors, status: :unprocessable_entity }
      end
    end
  end

Here is the error:
 Failure/Error: @user.email.should == "a@b.c"
       expected: "a@b.c"
            got: "user16@example.com" (using ==)

It's obvious that the test hasn't changed the email of the user.
I took the update action tutorial from here: http://everydayrails.com/2012/04/07/testing-series-rspec-controllers.html .
Where I could find the solution?

A: Could @user.update_attributes(params[:user]) be failing for a validation reason?
Also, you could ensure that your test and the controller method are interacting with the same ruby object. That's been a gotcha for me in the past. The way I do it is to stub the find method on the class.
it "email is a new one" do
  User.stubs(:find).returns(@user)
  put :update, id: @user, user: FactoryGirl.attributes_for(:user, :email=>"a@b.c")
  @user.reload
  @user.email.should == "a@b.c"
  puts @user.email
end

This ensures that you're talking about not only the same record, but the same object during the test.

Lastly, I would argue that your test is doing very much for you. You're basically testing update_attributes, which is a core feature and thoroughly tested already. I would focus on testing the controller behavior. Something like this:
let(:user) { FactoryGirl.create(:user) }

describe "PUT #update" do

  before(:each) {
    User.stubs(:find).returns(user)
  }

  it "should redirect to the user path on succesful save" do
    user.should_receive(:update_attributes).and_return true
    put :update, user, {}
    response.should redirect_to(edit_user_path(user))
  end

  it "should render the edit screen again with errors if the model doesn't save" do
    user.should_receive(:update_attributes).and_return false
    put :update, user, {}
    response.should render_template("edit")
  end
end

A: I think the argument for put is incorrect.
put, get, delete, post accept three arguments. The first is path, second is params, and the third is options.
In you code you put two params as two arguments, it's incorrect.
put :update, id: @user, user: FactoryGirl.attributes_for(:user, :email=>"a@b.c")

So, change it to
put :update, {id: @user, user: FactoryGirl.attributes_for(:user, :email=>"a@b.c")}

But, wait! your code will work by above change, but there is security hole in your current code. Make sure you'll add authority check in controller code. For example
return unauthorized unless @user == current_user || current_user.role == "admin"

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
Julie Dermansky
ALEC-Tainted Legislation Designed to Block Local Control Over Fracking Bans Stalled In Florida
Home > Environment Published February 13, 2016 - 6:51pm
An industry-friendly bill in the Florida statehouse designed to nullify existing fracking bans and sharply curtail local control over oil and gas drilling activity is facing pushback.
Floridians are pressuring their state senators to vote against Senate Bill 318, which takes away a community's right to regulate all well-stimulation techniques, including fracking. The pressure is having an impact, as the bill has been temporarily held back.
Public disapproval of the bill intensified after the Florida House of Representatives approved a companion bill, HB 191, on January 27..
Both bills seek to preempt local ordinances pertaining to well-stimulation techniques and existing bans on fracking at the local level.
Senator Tom Lee, chair of the Appropriations Committee, ended the fasttrack trajectory of SB 318 by delaying a vote until the Florida Department of Environmental Protection (DEP) provides him with "honest answers" about the bill and fracking.
Florida's Republican Governor Rick Scott, who prohibited state employees from using the term "climate change," is responsible for appointing the head of the DEP.
Some environmentalists, including Betty Osceola, a member of the Miccosukee tribe and Panther clan, expressed grave doubt that the DEP will be forthcoming with the answers Senator Lee is seeking.
"The DEP can't be trusted because they answer to Governor Scott," Osceola told DeSmog.
Osceola thinks slowing down the vote is a great sign.
"The special interest groups' tactic of claiming environmental groups are crying wolf isn't working for them this time. Too many people's livelihoods are at stake, since so many communities depend on tourism."
Although she is hopeful the bill can be killed, bills that make it into committee rarely are.
"Legislators aren't listening to the will of the people. If they were, that bill would never have made it to committee.The current system resembles a criminal enterprise, not a democracy."
"Lobbyists for the oil industry and mineral owners are spreading misinformation faster that we can counter it," Jennifer Hecker, director of natural resource policy for the Conservancy of Southwest Florida, told DeSmog.
The Miami Herald reported that in the last six months, special interests spent $28 million on Florida legislative campaigns.
"Since lawmakers finished their 2015 regular session in June, at least $9.5 million — in five- and six-figure checks — were sent to the political committees of individual lawmakers. Another $6 million went directly to the campaigns of state representatives, and $3 million to state Senate campaigns. The Republican Senatorial Campaign Committee raised another $3.2 million for Republican senators. The Republican Party of Florida, which is collecting checks for state House campaigns, raised $4.3 million, and the Florida Democratic Party, which raises money for all its legislators, collected $2.1 million."
The flood of money is, in part, due to statewide redistricting. All of the Senate seats are up for grabs following the current legislative session. And because the Supreme Court's 2010 ruling on Citizens United allows special interest groups to make unlimited donations to legislative political committees, large donations are made to influence the vote.
The threat to usurp homerule has fueled resistance to the bill.
"Because fracking brings local harm, it should be subject to local control," Karen Dwyer, co-founder of the Stonecrab Alliance, told DeSmog. She participated in an ongoing "virtual blast to stop fracking in Florida" that encourages people to call senators to vote "No" on SB 318.
"We believe the calls have made a huge difference," Dwyer told DeSmog, and she hopes people will continue to call.
About 40 cities and 20 counties, including Miami-Dade, have passed resolutions or ordinances banning fracking. Cape Coral joined the growing list on Monday by banning fracking within its city limits.
The Florida Association of Counties' (FAC) voted to oppose the bills pre-emption measures and a provision that does not require full disclosure of chemicals even if they are considered trade secrets. The bills require companies to use FracFocus, an industry-created national hydraulic fracturing chemical registry run by The Interstate Oil and Gas Compact Commission (IOGCC) and the Ground Water Protection Council.
Fans of FracFocus's registry incorrectly claim it offers full disclosure of chemicals used in frack jobs. But last year the EPAreleased a report that analyzes FracFoucs data, which found the registry falls far short of full disclosure.
DeSmog's Sharon Kelly reported the EPA study found that, "70 percent of the chemical disclosure statements that drillers posted on FracFocus between January 2011 and February 2013 were missing key information because drillers labeled that data 'confidential business information.'"
The Interior Department issued new federal rules for fracking on federal land last year. They too only require the industry to use FracFocus, but similarly act as though disclosures on FracFocus are synonymous with full disclosures.
The bill's language is problematic on so many levels, Hecker said. She doesn't think it is possible to remove all the loopholes, and she hopes it can be stopped.
"The bill only deals with fracking," Hecker said. "Yet it takes away the local control from regulating all forms of well stimulation techniques. In Florida, matrix acidizing, a process similar to fracking, is more likely to be utilized than fracking, and won't be regulated under the bill in its current form."
"The best scenario is rejecting the bill in its entirety. It does more harm than good, and would move us backward in terms of oil and gas regulations in the state," Hecker said. But because it is more likely the bill will be amended and then rectified with the house bill in committee, she hopes that at least "the language pre-empting local rules and the definition of which processes are regulated are changed."
Hecker pointed out that newly proposed language in the bill that allows limited local control states that "regulations must be reasonable," leaving the industry with wiggle room.
The push for bills regulating fracking began after the Dan A. Hughes Company was caught defying a DEP order not to frack the Collier-Hogan well in Naples, in Collier County. Hughes, the first known company to frack in Florida, has since had its permit revoked, and only recently settled a lawsuit with regulators.
Democratic State Senators Dwight Bullard and Darren Soto filed SB 166, which calls for a statewide ban on well-stimulation techniques, including fracking. The Senate is not considering their bill, as of now.
At a public meeting last October, Republican State Senator Garrett Richter, a sponsor of SB318, said he believes fracking is safe. He cited the EPA's water contamination study as his proof that fracking poses no risk to Florida's water.
Like other pro-industry supporters, Richter's takeaway from the EPA's preliminary report on fracking's potential impact on drinking water resources was, "Fracking can be accomplished without any material harm to our water supply."
The Stonecrab Alliance's Dwyer reminded him the study was preliminary, but that didn't appear to concern him.
Since then, the Science Advisory Board sharply criticized the report, concluding the EPA's findings don't support the report's conclusion, but that hasn't stopped Richter from pushing ahead.
ALEC Fingerprints On Industry-Friendly Fracking Regs
There are the American Legislative Exchange Council's (ALEC) fingerprints on SB 318, which Republican State Representative Ray Rodrigues co-sponsored.
ALEC describes itself as a non-partisan, non-profit organization, but critics call it a "corporate bill mill."
"Through ALEC, global corporations and state politicians vote behind closed doors to try to rewrite state laws that govern your rights," The Center for Media and Democracy explains on its site."ALEC is a pay-to-play operation where corporations buy a seat and a vote on 'task forces' to advance their legislative wish lists and can get a tax break for donations, effectively passing these lobbying costs on to taxpayers.
Rep. Rodrigues pushed a bill in 2013, supported by ALEC and written by Exxon, that would have required any potential frack jobs to make chemical disclosures through FracFocus. This would have assured companies utilizing well-stimulation techniques would never have to disclose all of the chemicals they use, because FracFocus lets companies leave out chemicals deemed trade secrets.
The bill never made it to committee, but using FracFocus is built into SB318.
A recent post on ALEC's website on a law passed in Texas to pre-empt Denton's fracking ban said: "The primary reason states may be interested in local preemption is to ensure a stable business environment that is able to promote economic development and job creation. Forcing employers to negotiate a 'patchwork' of laws and regulations from city to city or county to county makes it significantly more difficult for them to conduct business within the state."
SB318 and HB181 resemble the law passed in Texas a couple of months after citizens voted for a fracking ban in November 2014, which nullified the first local fracking ban in Texas and stopped any future fracking bans
"The only groups that have backed HB 191 and SB 318 are related to industry: the Florida Petroleum Council, the Associated Industries of Florida, and the Florida Chamber of Commerce," Hecker said. "The majority lies with Floridians, who are against it, including all the environmental groups, some medical groups, labor groups, and all the cities and counties that have expressed serious concerns."
"Fracking in Florida is like playing Russian roulette," environmentalist Osceola said. "We all depend on the same one aquifer, so once that bullet of fracking is fired and it contaminates our aquifer, it is over and done for."
Complete original article and more images
Blog image credit: Anti-fracking protest in Broward County on January 26. ©2016 John BobCarlos
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2014 Ohio Bigfoot Conference Kicks Off Today!
Join Us For The 26th Annual Ohio Bigfoot Conference this weeked!
Join us for a fun weekend in one of the squatchiest and squatcher friendly places in Ohio, Salt Fork State Park. The conference and the lodge sold out last year, so check our Facebook page and this website frequently for updates.
Vocalizations recorded by the Browns, the family that recorded the Olympic Project Thermal Video.
Cryptomundo is hitting the road this afternoon heading to the 2014 Ohio Bigfoot Conference!
Listen to the archive for episode 4 of Bigfoot North Radio here on Cryptomundo.
A simulated Bigfoot news article was distributed to a team of journalism students to determine how "newsy" it would be as new "bigger" simulated news items came through the day.
"SQUATCH" is an indie film that has been a personal project of ours for a very long time. We have taken our fascination of Bigfoot & combined it with our love of Horror movies. The story takes place in the Pacific Northwest where a few college friends venture into the woods for a weekend outing. Strange things begin to happen and the local Sheriff tries to solve the mystery. He soon realizes that the missing students have stumbled into a Bigfoot feeding ground. Fearing for their lives, he organizes a man hunt. But the Creature is already stalking, hunting, feeding on the victims one by one….or is he?
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In 1999, I was part of a team that investigated "Selma" the Seljord Serpent, which is Norway's Nessie.
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Survivorman: Bigfoot Radium Springs Re-Airs Today!
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Alternative Spring Break is a service learning program for Soka students to travel and learn about a variety of human issues and engage and serve communities during spring break. This past year, students participating in ASB went to Houston, Texas to aid in disaster relief in the wake of Hurricane Harvey. Hurricane Harvey displaced more than 30,000 people and prompted more than 17,000 rescues. The students that participated in ASB spent their days rebuilding homes, distributing food and other essentials, and realizing that life beyond the immediate is worth exploring. The four pillars that guide the mission of ASB trips are: social justice, community engagement, environmental consciousness, and dialogue with local college students.
To best engage students in these pillars, the participants attend training meetings for five months before toward the trip in March. They also participate in a local service trip and conduct fundraisers several times.
ASB became a way for Kawasaki to reflect on his hometown of Tohoku, which was severely damaged by the huge earthquake and tsunami of 2011. He said, "The deeper reason I joined this program was that I wanted to do something related to disaster management because I am from Tohoku, Japan, and that area also experienced a huge disaster." In the year of 2017, when Kawasaki decided to apply for ASB, there were a lot of disasters happening. "I thought I can do something to support those people who experienced disaster, that way I can do something meaningful for them, and also I can reflect on myself," he said.
Even before ASB, Kawasaki strove to raise the awareness towards disaster relief through the Gutsy Sunflowers Project, which he established in 2017. During the devastating time after the earthquake in Tohoku, one sunflower miraculously bloomed among the debris, which was later called the "Gutsy Sunflower" and it became a symbol of hope and resilience in Tohoku. "When we traveled to Houston, Texas, I decided to bring the seeds with me to give hope to people who experienced Hurricane Harvey," Kawasaki said. However, it was not an easy task for him to do so as he was not the one who suffered from the earthquake as he was studying in Osaka at that time. However, he mustered the courage to start talking about Tohoku to one of the house owners, and the owner suggested that they plant the seeds together. A chain reaction of hope sparked from that moment.
People he shared the seeds with shared them with their friends, and the seeds spread. "All of the meetings with people gave me hope. I was able to encourage someone, and because of it, that person also can encourage someone else," Kawasaki said. At the end of the interview, Haruka shared his next vision. "Now I want to use Gutsy Sunflowers to connect our community in Aliso Viejo." He told us he is working on creating a community opportunity for social interaction in Aliso Viejo.
Trâm Vũ from the class of 2021 had a prior experience with volunteer activity in high school and applied to ASB hoping to continue her passion of contributing to society. Meeting with one woman, in particular, was especially memorable for Vũ to realize the influence of her contribution. The woman was an owner of the house that Soka students tried to rebuild. While initiating their service, Vũ and other members found that the woman's husband passed away just a week before their visit. The woman shared her honest feelings with the students that she struggles with depression. Loss of a beloved life partner is painful, but what was more painful was that Hurricane Harvey destroyed their house, which was filled with precious memories of their love. Soka students worked to return the house as beautiful as it used to be, when the woman and her husband lived together. "When we did volunteer work, each house owner shared their personal experience with us, and this made us want to help more," Vũ said.
Taichi Tsujikawa, class of 2020 also gained important knowledge from interaction with local community members. One man he met during the trip shared his same passion in Haka, a traditional dance originating from New Zealand. Tsujikawa's involvement in Haka at Soka became a bridge to connect people in an unexpected way. Tsujikawa said, "ASB is not something where we just volunteer, it is more about being in the community and knowing what is going on in the community." Based on this experience, he said that he became more aware of being a part of a community. After ASB, he started trying to meet and learn more about people around him.
The ASB program also changes every year to mirror the needs of the community, so you will get a fresh event every time. After a short application process, you can be accepted into this amazing program that promises something for everyone. In the interview, three participants from last year's program shared their unique interpretation of the ASB program. Some of them shared crucial learning, which keeps them motivated even after the program, and others told a story of overcoming conflict as a group during the trip. Despite the variety of reflections, there was one thing all interviewees strongly said in a breath: You should definitely join ASB if you want to learn something meaningful.


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Tag: Foreign Office
Further calls for inquiry into psyops initiative following an apology for smearing Jeremy Corbyn
April 9, 2019 April 9, 2019 · 4 Comments ·
The Institute for Statecraft and its offshoot, the Integrity Initiative, constitute a secret propaganda network tied to the UK security services and the broader establishment. They bring together high-ranking military and intelligence personnel, journalists and academics to manufacture and disseminate propaganda serving the geopolitical and economic aims of the UK and those of its allies.
Created by the NATO-affiliated, UK-funded Institute for Statecraft in 2015, the Integrity Initiative was unmasked last November after Anonymous hackers released a volume of documents detailing a web of politicians, journalists, military personnel, scientists and academics involved in purportedly fighting 'Russian disinformation.'
The Integrity Initiative is run by military intelligence and communication specialists.
The highly secretive, government-bankrolled "network of networks" has found itself under scrutiny for smearing Her Majesty's opposition leader Jeremy Corbyn as a 'Kremlin stooge' – ostensibly as part of its crusade against 'Russian disinformation.' It was also revealed that the infowars unit developed secretive "clusters" of friendly journalists and "key influencers" throughout Europe who use social media to 'hit back against disinformation.' The Initiative has received more than £2.2million from the Foreign Office in two years to – in one minister's words – "defend democracy against disinformation."
It would be closer to the truth to say that the Initiative defends disinformation against democracy.
The leaks indicated that the organisation played a central role in shaping media narratives after Sergei Skripal and his daughter Yulia were mysteriously poisoned in Salisbury last March. It's notable that many of the draconian anti-Russia measures that the group advocated as far back as 2015 were swiftly implemented following the Skripal affair – even as Whitehall refused to back up its blame frame with evidence. That the Initiative serves a highly political 'strategic comms' role is beyond doubt.
The Integrity Initiative is a self declared 'charity', funded by the UK Foreign Office, British Army and Ministry of Defence, which has been described by the Sunday Mail as a right wing infowars unit. But let's call it what it is: a right wing establishment's black ops propaganda unit.
The Labour party has made renewed calls for an investigation into the government-funded Integrity Initiative (II) after it emerged that the group had now apologised to Jeremy Corbyn – and apparently admitted violating charity law.
Leaders of the highly controversial Integrity Initiative, which a registered Scottish charity, said they had written to the Labour leader after personal attacks on Corbyn were retweeted on the unit's Twitter feed. The publicly funded subsidiary of the Institute for Statecraft (IFS), apparently accused him of aiding Russia, possibly 'unwittingly.'
In the wake of the tweets, which were exposed by the Sunday Mail, among others, four months ago, the II and its supporters denied Corbyn had been unfairly targeted.
However, it emerged yesterday that an apology had been given, with the IFS's founder Chris Donnelly apparently admitting that the activities breached both Foreign Office rules and Scottish charity law. The group are registered at a Fife address.
The HQ of the Institute for Statecraft in Fife (Image: Sunday Mail)
Labour MSP Neil Findlay said: "It is right and proper that this organisation has apologised but there are still further serious questions to be answered here.
"This is a charity registered in Scotland and overseen by the Office of the Scottish Charity Regulator, funded by UK Government contributions. It should never have been spewing out political attacks on the Labour Party and the Labour movement.
"Such clear political attacks shouldn't be coming from any charity. We need to know why the Foreign Office has been funding it.
"This cannot be allowed to pass. We need a full inquiry into the actions of this organisation and its links to the Conservative Government."
Findlay has previously said: "The tale of the Integrity Initiative gets murkier and murkier – now we see it exposed that they have been tutored by someone who was behind some of the worst fake news circulating during the disaster in Iraq.
"The UK Parliament and Scotland's charity regulator OSCR must now take a serious look at the activities and funding of this so-called charity, who appear to be nothing more than a propaganda front."
The II, which has received £2million in public funding, had already been the subject of an Office of the Scottish Charity Regulator (OSCR) investigation. The OSCR was unavailable for comment yesterday and has yet to complete its inquiry.
However, quotes published by The Times, show Donnelly appearing to admit that the OSCR's rules had been broken.
He said: "We put out something like 26,000 tweets.
"About 400 made reference to some political party or politician, and they were roughly equal between the main political parties, but we should not have sent [them] because the Foreign Office does not allow us to make any party political comment, nor does Scottish charity law.
"That was a mistake and we wrote letters of apology to Jeremy Corbyn. I have been special adviser to two Tory defence secretaries, and for Labour's John Reid and George Robertson, so we are as apolitical as we could be."
It emerged that the charity had connections to strategic comms guru John Rendon, whose Rendon Group was hired by the CIA in the 90s to run a PR campaign against Saddam Hussein and is said to have been behind stories of 'Iraqi weapons of mass destruction'.
Hacked documents revealed that Rendon, who calls himself an "information warrior" and "perception manager", was a speaker at a £45,000 seminar to "educate core team and clusters" for the Integrity Initiative.
Donnelly is an honorary colonel in military intelligence. Another member of the board, Dan Lafayeedney, was an SAS soldier in 1978 and director Stephen Dalziel worked in military intelligence.
The Labour Party has already called for an independent investigation. Foreign Office minister Alan Duncan at first promised a full investigation but later attempted to dismiss the scandal as "Russian disinformation". Integrity Initiative officials argued that other tweets had been critical of politicians of other parties. However, the weight of criticism was aimed at HM's opposition leader.
Labour's Chris Williamson has previously said: "One of the most worrying aspects of the Integrity Initiative's activities is this seemingly covert effort to move the country on to a war footing.
"The involvement of someone like John Rendon is extremely concerning as this seems to be exactly the sort of thing that he specialises in.
"A lot of the focus has been on Brexit over the last few weeks but this isn't an issue that the Labour Party are willing to let go of.
"We will be asking for more debate in Parliament and more answers from the Foreign Office in order to find out exactly what has been going on here."
At the time the hacked documents emerged in the media, Professor David Miller of University of Bristol's School for Policy Studies, said: "It's extraordinary that the Foreign Office would be funding a Scottish charity to counter Russian propaganda which ends up attacking Her Majesty's opposition."
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I've been humbled these last few weeks.
Over the Solstice break, the shift of the polar energies, in that still point as the pendulum swings back, I got clear messages that it was time to make some changes in the work I do, to step forward and offer up my gifts. This is no easy feat for some of us who do work that is hard to define, that has no easy labels and doesn't fit neatly into a category. I'm still not sure but what I do know is that I clearly understood that I needed to offer up my medicine. If you are on my winged love notes list then you would have received a video where I talk about this, about offering up what heals me, and allowing that to heal others. Even this was pushing my edges since I am completely comfortable behind the camera and not in front of it- some of you who know me well will know how deeply that one runs.
There is this real sense of ease that comes with this work, not that its easy but that there is a natural flow to it- right livelihood as my friend would call it. So following that, and just listening to what was coming up for me I am still painting the paintings that are birthed in dialogue with the muses, spirit, dreamtime and myself, always a journey and always a conversation. I also stepped out bravely to create my first circle. I've sat in various circles for years, and I've taught and facilitated workshops both in person and online, but a circle is different. A circle meant not knowing, trusting and listening, a circle meant guiding not teaching, a circle meant holding space, a circle meant doing the work alongside and being vulnerable and open, a circle meant inviting in women who could do their own work but who would appreciate and grow from the power and strength of being held in circle.
And Kuan Yin... she came forward to work with this circle, and work with us she did. It was heart expansion good work where we were cracked open for such growth, such vulnerability and such strength. We cried powerful rivers, we connected our power centers to our heart centers, we acknowledged the softness and the strength as one, we touched our own divinity. We practiced compassion on ourselves and radiating out from the heart. It couldn't have been more perfect. Through it all was life, front and center, offering me opportunity after opportunity to walk the walk and practice what I was preaching (not that there was any preaching but I'm sure you know what I mean), bringing me back again and again to that heart space, the infinite heart space that has no boundaries. Oh we put a shape, a design, symbol for our minds to hold it but can not be contained, it is endless and the practice is to stay connected to it, to be expanded by it. I believe in this work, I believe it is foundational to all the rest we do.
And the humbling, beyond the work I did myself in circle, was the women who showed up, the messages I received about the life changing experience they had (you can read a few here). I couldn't even have imagined, I'm tearing up even thinking about it now. So humbled and grateful, I'm still integrating all that magical work, that circle which we will never be done with, that circle that will be circled back to again and again. And I'm still listening, and allowing the next one to step forward, the next goddess to whisper to me "its time to work with me, its time to explore my gifts", and naturally, life is supporting this exploration.


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Are you looking for the best roofing nailers that will help you to easily drive or fire coil roofing nails? Getting the best roofing nailer is a challenge for most people because of the several brands and types currently in the market. However, here is a review of the top 10 best roofing nailers in 2019 that will help you to choose and purchase the best. Have a look.
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This roofing nailer allows you to fire 11-gauge nails anywhere from 0.75" to 1.75". It has a depth control and adjustable shingle guide that makes simple shingle spacing while working. Also, it holds up to 120 nails with a fast release for simple jam fixing. As well, it utilizes pneumatic operating pressure from 70 – 120 PSI.
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It has a depth adjust wheel that assists drive nails to the proper depth into a wide range of materials. Also, it has an adjustable shingle guide for fast shingle spacing. As well, its nose assembly can be simply detached for maintenance or cleaning. Moreover, it has carbide tipped nosepiece for long lasting and precise performance, as well as skid-resistant pad guards for tool protection and safety. In addition, it has 70 – 120 PSI operating pressure and drives 0.17" to 1.75" nails.
This remarkable roofing nailer has dial adjustable depth control thus drives nails remarkably for remarkable roofing on any material. It has a maintenance free end cap filter thus very economical to use. As well, it has nose magnet that holds last nail and tangle free swivel plug for tool protection and safety.
It has a compact body design and lightweight thus very easy to use. Also, it features tool-less, adjustable shingle guide for fast shingle spacing. As well, it has a selectable trigger, with fast-set depth of drive. Moreover, it has wear guards/skid-resistant pads for tool protection and safety. In addition, it has over-molded grip for maximum control and comfort.
It has depth adjust wheel that assists drive nails to the appropriate depth into different materials. Also, it has adjustable shingle guide for rapid shingle spacing. As well, with carbide tipped nosepiece for precise and long lasting performance, as well as skid-resistant pad guard for tool protection and safety. Its nose assembly can simply be detached for maintenance or cleaning.
This roof nailer is very easy to utilize and highly durable. It drives 1.75" smooth shank, complete round head roofing nails, and 11 gauge. Also, with tool-less adjustable drive depth for consistent as well as controllable nail set. In addition, it has an adjustable nail canister that accommodates whole range of true round head roofing nails.
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Galaxy war ein US-amerikanisches Science-Fiction-Magazin, das zwischen 1950 und 1980 erschien. Die Reihe erschien bis 1958 monatlich, später zweimonatlich und zum Schluss nur noch unregelmäßig, bis sie 1980 eingestellt wurde.
E. J. Gold, der Sohn des ersten Herausgebers, versuchte 1994/95 eine Neuauflage, war damit jedoch nicht erfolgreich. Originalausgaben von Galaxy erzielen heute auf dem einschlägigen Markt zum Teil hohe Preise.

Science-Fiction im "Goldenen Zeitalter" zwischen den zwei Weltkriegen befasste sich vorwiegend mit technisch-wissenschaftlichen Themen. Es ist daher nicht verwunderlich, dass Science-Fiction-Geschichten zuerst in Radio-, Elektronik- und Bastlerzeitschriften erschienen. Erst ab den 1930er Jahren konnten sich eigenständige Magazine, wie zum Beispiel Amazing Stories, Astounding, Science Wonder Stories, auf dem Markt etablieren. Nach dem minderwertigen Papier (pulp), auf dem sie gedruckt waren, erhielten sie den Namen Pulp-Magazine. Sie überlebten den Zweiten Weltkrieg nicht.

1950 erschienen etwa gleichzeitig zwei neue Magazine auf dem US-amerikanischen Markt: The Magazine of Fantasy & Science Fiction und Galaxy, die sich im Gegensatz zu den Vorkriegsveröffentlichungen auch mit der sogenannten Soft-Science, mit Themen der Psychologie, der Philosophie und aus den Sozialwissenschaften befassten.

Erster Herausgeber von Galaxy war Horace L. Gold, in dessen Verlag so berühmte Bücher wie Fahrenheit 451 von Ray Bradbury oder Tiger! Tiger! von Alfred Bester erstmals gedruckt worden waren. Daher konnte Gold auch die besten SF-Autoren für sein Magazin gewinnen. Gleich in der ersten Ausgabe erschienen Geschichten von so etablierten Autoren wie Isaac Asimov, Clifford D. Simak, Richard Matheson und Theodore Sturgeon. Galaxy wurde auch ein Sprungbrett für viele später sehr bekannte Science-Fiction-Schriftsteller wie Alfred Bester, der hier 1952 seinen preisgekrönten Klassiker The Demolished Man als Fortsetzungsroman veröffentlichte.

Herausgeber
 Horace L. Gold (1950–1961)
 Frederik Pohl (1961–1969)
 Ejler Jacobsson (1969–1974)
 James Baen (1974–1977)
 John J. Pierce (1977–1979)
 Hank Stine (1979)
 Floyd Kemske (1980)
 E. J. Gold (1994–1995)

Deutsche Ausgaben
1958/59 erschien eine deutsche Heftversion namens Galaxis – Geschichten aus der Welt von Morgen! im Arthur Moewig Verlag, München, mit insgesamt 15 Ausgaben.

Im Heyne Verlag erschien von 1965 an eine deutsche Edition in Taschenbuchform, die aber schon nach 14 Ausgaben im Jahr 1970 wieder eingestellt wurde. Herausgeber war Walter Ernsting, ab Band 10 gemeinsam mit Thomas Schlück.

Literatur
 Mike Ashley, Malcolm Edwards, Peter Nicholls: Galaxy Science Fiction. In: John Clute, Peter Nicholls: The Encyclopedia of Science Fiction. 3. Auflage (Online-Ausgabe), Version vom 6. April 2017.
 Hans Joachim Alpers u. a.: Lexikon der Science Fiction Literatur, 2 Bände, München (Wilhelm Heyne Verlag) 1980, Bd. 2, S. 1005. ISBN 3-453-01063-9. ISBN 3-453-010647

Weblinks
 Titelbilder und Inhalte von Galaxy-Ausgaben der 1950er Jahre
 Galaxis Science Fiction-Magazin
 Galaxy in der Internet Speculative Fiction Database (englisch)
 Galaxy Magazine im Internet Archive (englisch)

Science-Fiction-Magazin
Antiquarische Zeitschrift (Vereinigte Staaten)
Buchreihe
Ersterscheinung 1950
Erscheinen eingestellt 1980