« What should TSCA reform look — and not look — like?
Some in the chemical industry point to EPA's New Chemicals Program as a robust program, one that could serve as a model for reform of the Toxic Substances Control Act (TSCA). Most recently, the National Petrochemical & Refiners Association (NPRA) did so in its testimony at a recent House of Representatives subcommittee's TSCA oversight hearing. So just how robust is EPA's program on new chemicals?
When it was enacted in 1976, TSCA drew a clear line between "new" and "existing" chemicals. Existing chemicals – those in commerce in the mid-late 1970s when the TSCA Inventory was established – did not have to be reviewed by EPA in order to remain on the market. In contrast, new chemicals – defined as those not on the TSCA Inventory – cannot enter commerce without such an EPA review. Once that review is completed and manufacture commences, a new chemical is placed on the Inventory and essentially becomes an existing chemical.
Of the roughly 84,000 chemicals now listed on the Inventory, 62,000 were in commerce when TSCA was enacted, and about 22,000 new chemicals have since entered commerce. EPA reviews about 1,500 new chemicals every year, about half of which go on to enter commerce and be listed on the Inventory.
So right off the bat, it's important to recognize that the great majority of chemicals in commerce are not and will not be addressed by EPA's New Chemicals Program (NCP). Rather, advocates for NCP as a model chemicals policy argue that TSCA reform could consist of simply applying the program's basic approach and review processes to chemicals already on the market.
The bottom line is that – precisely because it suffers from TSCA's major structural flaws – the NCP falls far short of serving as a model for the statute's reform.
TSCA requires any company planning to produce or import a new chemical to notify EPA at least 90 days before commencing manufacture. The notification typically takes the form of a Premanufacture Notification (PMN), unless the company seeks any of several exemptions EPA provides (for more on the available exemptions, see here).
PMNs must include basic information on anticipated use, production volume, exposure and release – to the extent such information is known or reasonably foreseeable by the submitter at the premanufacture stage.
However, TSCA does not require companies to submit a minimum base set of data on a chemical's toxicity or ecotoxicity or its environmental fate and behavior. This oddity of TSCA stands in contrast to the policies of virtually every other developed country in the world. Although EPA encourages such data to be included in the PMN, the great majority of PMNs do not: 67% of PMNs contain no test data, and 85% of PMNs contain no health data; and more than 95% of PMNs contain no ecotoxicity data.
TSCA actually precludes EPA from requiring up-front development and submission of a minimum set of data on a new chemical's hazards, by limiting the data required to be submitted in a PMN to that which is either already "in the possession and control" or is already known to, or "reasonably ascertainable" by, the notifier. See TSCA Section 5(d).
Despite this lack of even basic data on a chemical's hazards, TSCA typically requires that EPA complete its review of a new chemical within 90 days and decide whether a chemical needs more data or any restrictions placed on its manufacture or use; if EPA fails to act, manufacture can commence.
To make the best of the bum hand it was dealt, over the last several decades, EPA's New Chemicals Program has pioneered the development of – and relies heavily on the use of – predictive methods and models, most notably structure-activity relationships (SARs). SARs attempt to predict the behavior or toxicity of an untested chemical based on how similar its chemical structure is to those of other tested chemicals. SARs include both mathematical models and algorithms that yield quantitative estimates, and more qualitative approaches that group chemicals into categories based on structural similarities and "read across" from tested to untested chemicals within the category.
EPA's efforts to develop ways to predict the hazards of new chemicals in the face of the constraints under which it must operate under TSCA have been admirable. But they hardly represent an ideal or model approach to data development.
SARs are only available and reasonably robust for a subset of even basic hazard endpoints of concern, and are best for predicting properties like persistence and bioaccumulation potential. In particular, with the notable exception of genotoxic carcinogenicity, validated SARs are lacking for most human health-relevant endpoints, especially for chronic concerns such as reproductive and developmental effects.
A good illustration of this limitation is the fact that EPA's otherwise-useful online SAR tool, the PBT Profiler, includes only one toxicity endpoint – a value for chronic toxicity to fish.
SARs don't work or haven't been developed for many major classes of chemicals, including highly fluorinated compounds, inorganic chemicals, salts of organic chemicals, even moderately reactive chemicals, surfactants, and any multi-component process stream or mixture.
Even for covered endpoints and chemicals, SARs can provide estimates that differ dramatically from measured data. For example, EPA has found that its SARs predicted that the acute aquatic toxicity of dichloroacetyl chloride would be three orders of magnitude lower than found when directly measured in aquatic organisms.
In a classic Catch-22, EPA must already have substantial information about a chemical – enough to demonstrate that it "may present an unreasonable risk" or that it will be produced in large quantities and result in significant environmental releases or human exposures.
EPA must also demonstrate that insufficient information exists to determine the effects of the chemical on health or the environment, and that testing is necessary to develop such information.
Arguably EPA has somewhat more leverage to compel testing of a new chemical relative to a chemical already in commerce. Depending on the case, EPA can suspend its review of the PMN pending development of the data, or complete its review but include conditions that require testing prior to manufacture or impose controls pending completion of testing. It can also negotiate a Consent Order (more on this below) or a Voluntary Testing Action in cases where PMN submitters agree on the need for testing.
Where EPA imposes a prohibition or limitation on a new chemical while testing is done, TSCA requires that any such controls be temporary and no longer apply upon submission of the specified information (see TSCA Section 5(e)). Any permanent regulation of a new chemical would still require EPA to find that it "presents or will present an unreasonable risk" – the same near-impossible burden that applies to existing chemicals under Section 6 of TSCA (see TSCA Section 5(f)).
Just how often EPA has compelled or negotiated testing is unclear, as EPA has never publicly reported such data without lumping them together with other actions it has taken on new chemicals. What is known is that EPA has taken action of some sort on fewer than 10% of the PMNs it has reviewed, only a fraction of which entail testing obligations.
TSCA grants EPA typically only one bite at the apple for new chemicals – a one-time, 90-day review opportunity at the premanufacture stage that takes place well before the full picture of the actual production, use and exposure, and lifecycle impacts of a chemical has emerged.
Once that review is completed and manufacture commences, the new chemical is placed on the TSCA Inventory, becomes an "existing" chemical, and any company can manufacture and use it without even having to notify EPA it is doing so.
In the relatively rare cases that EPA imposes any conditions or testing requirements on a new chemical, they apply only to the original notifier – unless EPA decides to go through a wholly separate rulemaking process to promulgate what is called a Significant New Use Rule (SNUR) specific to that chemical.
EPA has issued SNURs for about 7% of new chemicals. They typically specify the same conditions imposed on the original notifier, and extend them to any other manufacturer that wants to begin producing the chemical. If – and only if – such a company wants to produce or use the chemical in a manner that falls outside of the conditions specified in the SNUR, it must first notify EPA.
SNURs themselves only require notification so that EPA can review the new use, and do not themselves impose new regulatory controls. To do that, EPA would have to either promulgate yet another regulation or negotiate a Consent Order with the new company.
All that just to ensure proper use of one new chemical.
Here again, TSCA is out of step with the laws of other developed countries. Both Canada and the European Union have tiered notification and assessment processes for new chemicals. As a chemical enters commerce and its production volume increases, these countries require additional notifications, impose additional data requirements and provide for renewed scrutiny by government.
The lack of up-front hazard data requirements for new chemicals under TSCA reflects in part the fact that notification takes place at a relatively early point in the course of developing, manufacturing, and marketing a new chemical, when it may not be realistic to expect a company to have conducted much testing. Government intervention at this stage has the advantage of flagging overt potential concerns before manufacturing has commenced and before significant financial investment has been made by the producer. It also has the potential to allow redesign of the manufacturing process or the chemical itself to eliminate or reduce the concern in advance of commercialization.
However, the lack of data on a chemical's hazards and other properties, combined with the rather speculative nature of information a company provides in its PMN on the chemical's potential uses, releases, and exposures, severely limits the robustness of any risk evaluation conducted at this stage. And for the vast majority of new chemicals, no matter how significant a change in production or use occurs subsequently, a company is not even required to let EPA know it's happened.
Essentially, EPA has a single, highly time- and data-constrained opportunity to gaze into a crystal ball to predict the for-all-time trajectory of a chemical's production, use and disposal – and if it guesses wrong, EPA's only remaining regulatory recourse is under Section 6 of TSCA. And recall that EPA has almost never succeeded in using its Section 6 authority to control dangerous substances, failing even to ban asbestos.
I often hear from EPA staff that its new chemical reviews really are well-done and protective – they just can't reveal enough of the details to convince me of that fact.
Three major factors render EPA's review of new chemicals largely opaque to the public.
First, and perhaps most understandable, TSCA highly constrains how EPA can handle any information it receives that the submitter claims to be confidential business information (CBI). CBI designations for new chemicals are the absolute norm: about 95% of PMNs contain information, including chemical identity, designated by the submitter as CBI. As I have discussed elsewhere, both the latitude with which CBI claims can be asserted under TSCA and the constraints that apply to EPA in handling such information (including risking criminal charges and imprisonment for its wrongful disclosure; see TSCA Section 14(d)) have yielded a culture and practice at EPA that bends over backwards to prevent disclosure at all costs.
Second, because TSCA's requirements for developing test rules or regulatory controls are so onerous with regard to time, resources and evidentiary burdens, EPA instead resorts to using Section 5(e) Consent Orders to impose such requirements on new chemicals. Over the course of TSCA's life, EPA has issued well over 1,000 such Consent Orders, compared to 4 – that's right, 4 – regulatory restrictions on new chemicals under its Section 5(f) authority.
Finally, it is exceedingly difficult to assemble even a rough, let alone accurate, picture of the number and nature of EPA decisions on new chemicals. EPA does not publicly track such data even in the aggregate. And on the few occasions it has published statistics on how often it has used various authorities or instruments to review or control new chemicals, the data lump together or obscure important facts – such as for how many new chemicals EPA has imposed a testing requirement.
Even within TSCA's constraints, EPA could certainly be far more transparent about – and engender more public confidence in – its review of new chemicals. The fact that it has failed to do so says much about the need for statutory reform to shift the prevailing culture at EPA from one that errs on the side of keeping chemical information within its four walls, to one that affirmatively drives more and better information into the public domain.
Anti-precaution: In deciding whether to require testing or controls for a new chemical, EPA equates absence of evidence of harm with evidence of no harm.
One of the best peeks into the black box I've had of late is when EPA took the unusual step of leaking a "sanitized" or CBI-redacted copy of a TSCA Section 5(e) Consent Order it negotiated with the manufacturer of a carbon nanotube. I have already blogged at some length about this, here and here. My angle here is to highlight again the decision logic EPA used, which staff tell me is not at all unusual in new chemical reviews at EPA.
Human health: The Consent Order notes that this PMN was like most others in that no test data were submitted. EPA's actual finding, it would seem, logically follows: "EPA is unable to determine the potential for human health effects" from exposure to this nanomaterial, and hence it "may present an unreasonable risk of injury to human health." But the basis for this finding is not actually the absence of any test data for the nanotubes that are the subject of the PMN review. Rather, it is based on the existence of other affirmative evidence that certain carbon nanotubes act like asbestos. As a result, EPA is requiring one test to be performed, and imposing some modest restrictions on use and workplace exposures.
Environment: One might think the wholesale absence of test data would be enough for EPA to conclude that it is also "unable to determine the potential for environmental effects as well." One would be wrong: The Consent Order actually affirmatively states that EPA has determined that "no significant environmental effects are expected." As a result, EPA is not requiring any testing for environmental effects and is not imposing any controls on environmental releases.
Given how little environmental data exist on nanomaterials in general, let alone this particular carbon nanotube, how could EPA have reached this conclusion?
I'll repeat here what I said in my earlier post, because it bears repeating: In reviewing a new chemical, EPA's decision logic is as follows: Only if EPA already has evidence of a potential effect can it conclude that it is unable to determine whether there is an effect and call for testing. If EPA doesn't have evidence of a potential effect – even if it has no data at all – it's ready to conclude that no significant effects are expected.
The precautionary principle, which the U.S. chemical industry so loves to malign, calls for initiation of proportionate action on a chemical where there is evidence of potentially dangerous impacts, even where that evidence is still incomplete or uncertain.
Some maintain that the New Chemicals Program is TSCA's version of precaution, arguing that it seeks to prevent harm before it happens. But the example I've just provided suggests that, if anything, TSCA forces the New Chemicals Program to employ an anti-precautionary principle.
Next up: I'll dissect the argument that EPA's Chemical Assessment and Management Program (ChAMP) is a model for TSCA reform.
This entry was posted in EPA, Health Policy, Regulation and tagged carbon nanotubes, Confidential Business Information (CBI), risk assessment, Significant New Use Rule (SNUR). Bookmark the permalink. Both comments and trackbacks are currently closed.


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James "Jimmy" Breslin (17 d'octubre de 1928 – 19 de març de 2017) fou un periodista i autor americà, guanyador d'un premi Pulitzer. Fins que va morir, escrivia una columna per l'edició del diumenge del New York Daily News. Era l'autor de nombroses novel·les, i les seves columnes han aparegut sovint en diversos diaris de la seva ciutat natal, Nova York. Va ser el columnista del diari Newsday de Long Island fins que es va retirar el 2 de novembre de 2004, tot i que ocasionalment encara hi publicava peces. Era conegut per les seves columnes que oferien un punt de vista comprensiu amb la classe treballadora de Nova York.

Breslin va morir el 19 de març de 2017 als 88 anys. Encara no se sap la causa de la seva mort, però s'estava recuperant d'una pneumònia.

Referències

Morts el 2017
Morts a Manhattan
Persones de Queens
Morts de pneumònia
Periodistes novaiorquesos

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
Mar 10, 2014 • By Monte Olmsted
A plunge for charity
The frigid waters of Minneapolis' Lake Calhoun served as an initiation of sorts for Josh Radman and Jon Lugo, two new General Mills employees from Washington and Texas.
They led a General Mills team in taking a cold dip into the lake recently to raise money for the Special Olympics.
Josh and Jon – both business management associates with our Supervalu team – were part of a 10-member General Mills team that jumped into the Lake Calhoun on March 1 in sub-zero temperatures.
Pictured, left to right in the back row, are Kevin Butler, James Evans, Mike Schiena, Robert Burke and Chris Hill. In the front row, left to right, are Josh Radman, Lauren Peterson, Alanna Caballero, Sam Nelson and Jonathan Lugo.
It was all part of the Minneapolis Polar Bear Plunge as more than 5,000 people raised $1.3 million for Special Olympics Minnesota.
In total, the Supervalu team raised $5,800 for the cause – and introduced new hires to a Nordic ritual.
"I couldn't feel my fingers afterwards," says Josh, who moved from Los Angeles (where he went to college) to Minnesota last summer. "There was so much adrenaline going. It was all a blur, and I vaguely remember jumping in. I had to watch the video to make sure I actually did it."
Says Jon: "My body and mind went numb, shocked at how cold the water was. The only thought that ran through my head was, 'Get out!' It was an absolutely terrible 30 seconds, but only 30 seconds."
They told us they were "encouraged" to participate in the Minneapolis Polar Bear Plunge as a way to get immersed into Minnesota culture. More Supervalu team members followed suit.
"We didn't have an option as we were 'volun-told' to participate," Josh says.
All clad in General Mills-themed attire, the team jumped into the water, and just as quickly jumped out, shivering as they rushed to nearby tents. The temperature that day was -1 degree F (-17 degrees F with the windchill).
Josh says the event not only allowed the group to raise money for charity, it also provided an opportunity for the Supervalu team to bond as some members were new to General Mills. Both he and Jon joined the company in August.
"This marked the first time for most of us in the Polar Bear Plunge, and probably the last," says Josh. "But who knows? Maybe we started a tradition. Jon and I truly became Minnesotans that day."
Monte Olmsted was a writer in Global Communications at General Mills, based in Minneapolis. He wrote stories for "A Taste of General Mills" and internal company channels. He worked for General Mills from 2012-2016. More posts by this author
Categories: Innovation
Post Tags: careers, employees
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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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text:
Уи́тернси (англ. Withernsea) — город в Великобритании.

Расположение

Город Уитернси находится на северо-востоке Англии, на территории Ист-Райдинг-оф-Йоркшир, у побережья Северного моря. На северо-западе от городской территории нулевой гринвичский меридиан соприкасается с Северным морем.

Население
Численность населения составляет 6159 человек по данным на 2011 год, из которых 3052 человека — мужчины, а 3107 — женщины.

История
Первое упоминание об Уитернси датируется 1086 годом, в Книге Страшного суда, английской всеобщей поземельной переписи, проведённой по приказу Вильгельма Завоевателя. Согласно тем записям численность населения составляла 33 человека, из которых четырнадцать человек были крестьянами, семь человек являлись мелкими фермерами, десять были свободными гражданами и ещё двое были священниками.

В 1338 году в Уитернси появились рынок и ярмарка. В 1444 году церковь в поселении была разрушена береговой эрозией, а в течение нескольких следующих лет та же участь постигла и постройки деревни. В результате жители перебрались дальше от береговой черты и начали отстраивать поселение на новом месте, там где Уитернси находится и по сегодняшний день.

В 1488 году новая церковь была заложена на месте, где сейчас располагается церковь святого Николаса. В начале XVII столетия она была заброшена после того как крыша сооружения была уничтожена штормом. В 1858—1859 годах церковь была реставрирована с использованием местного булыжника с побережья.

В середине XIX столетия к Уитернси была проложена однопутная железнодорожная линия протяжённостью 18 миль, соединившая город с портом Гулль. Её открытие состоялось 27 июня 1854 года. На протяжении столетия по ней в Уитернси из промышленного района Гулля на уикенд приезжали семьи рабочих. 19 октября 1964 года со станции Уитернси ушёл последний пассажирский поезд, а перевозка грузов на этой линии завершилась 3 мая 1965 года и впоследствии линия была разобрана.

В 1855 году неподалёку от железнодорожной станции открылась гостиница под названием The Queens, после 1902 года здание гостиницы использовалось в качестве санатория.

В 1871 году на побережье были построены волноломы для защиты города от береговой эрозии.

В 1875 году началось сооружение пирса под руководством инженера Томаса Кэрджилла. Строительство было закончено в августе 1877 года и обошлось в сумму 12000 фунтов стерлингов. Открытие состоялось в 1878 году. На входе на пирс располагались большие замковые ворота, а металлические фермы вдавались в море на 365 метров. В дальнейшем вплоть до своего демонтажа в 1903 году пирс преследовали неудачи. В 1880 году во время большого шторма угольная баржа «Saffron» проломила 60-метровую дыру в ферме пирса, а судно «Jabez» столкнулось с оконечностью сооружения. В 1890 году рыболовное судно «Genesta» уничтожило в результате столкновения более половины пирса. Очередное происшествие с пирсом случилось в 1893 году. В результате при обустройстве набережной было принято решение о демонтаже пирса. На сегодняшний день сохранились только башни пирса и его макет на набережной.

Младшая школа в Уитернси была открыта 22 апреля 1878 года. Первоначально в ней обучалось 103 ученика, а персонал школы насчитывал 2 человека.

Маяк в Уитернси был построен за 18 месяцев, в 1892—1893 годах, и был открыт 1 марта 1894 года. Он выполнен из бетона и кирпича и имеет восьмиугольную форму снаружи, внутри он круглый. На вершине установлен флюгер. Маяк использовался по прямому назначению до июля 1976 года.

Достопримечательности
Уитернси — один из известнейших морских курортов Восточной Англии. Символ города — 38-метровый маяк, в котором ныне размещается музей актрисы Кэй Кендалл, уроженки Уитернси. Из других достопримечательностей следует отметить расположенное на городском променаде здание Пир Тауэрс (Pier Towers) — двухбашенное замковое сооружение, воздвигнутое в 1877 году.

Экономика
Ныне одним из основных источников доходов горожан является торговля и обслуживание туристов, основной приток которых приходится на июнь — август. На этом курорте также созданы отличные условия для занятий водными видами спорта (гребля, спортивное рыболовство и др.). В течение года проводятся различные карнавалы и фестивали, в том числе детские.

Образование
В Уитернси находится колледж, в котором ведётся подготовка специалистов как по техническим, так и по гуманитарным профессиям.

СМИ
В городе на частоте 105,3 FM организовано вещание местной радиостанции Seaside FM.

Известные уроженцы и жители
 Кенни Бейкер (1921—1999) — джазовый музыкант и композитор
 Кэй Кендалл (1927—1959) — актриса
 Стюарт Грей (род. 1960) — футболист

Примечания

Города Англии
Города Ист-Райдинг-оф-Йоркшира
Курорты Великобритании


Bali is an outdoor enthusiasts dream, with fast flowing rivers deep canyons and volcanoes just for starters. It's the myriad of tracks and trails which link one village to another that provide unlimited scope for the adventurous mountain-biker.
There is no such thing as a flat trail in Bali, so if your idea of mountain biking is a pleasant spin along a canal tow path, you might be in for a bit of a shock! Bali is made up of a small chain of volcanoes which trend roughly east - west and make up the back bone of the Island. Generally speaking the slopes on the north side of the island are steeper and closer to the sea, conversely the slopes to the south are more gentle with a longer run-off to the coast.
Our trails predominantly start somewhere on the flanks of the volcanic range and attempt to keep high by contouring around the sides for as long as possible, before taking a turn and heading down hill to the coast. All of our trails contain cheeky uphill sections with a few longer climbs on some of the routes. There is one 'lung-busting mother of all climbs' which rises from the crater floor to the inner rim. Only for the seriously insane.
Our rides are tailored for intermediate mountain bikers, although there are often options to miss out the difficult sections if you are not so confident. However, off-road experience is essential.
The rides are located in 3 distinct areas — Bedugul and the central volcanoes, Batur crater and rim and Karangasam and the slopes of Mt Agung. Check them out.
Our trails are what we pride ourselves on — whether you like the easier trails or the more difficult we can guarantee a truly 'off the beaten track' experience.


This stamp from Latvia seemed to fit the stylish clothing theme, but it wasn't immediately clear what. I thought sashes, at first. Actually it's MITTENS!
Part of a series that was issued from 2002 - 2005 (and I now desperately wish I had the whole set) and each stamp shows costumes and particular mitten designs of different ethnic regions in Latvia - here Lībieši.
Each pair features a unique design, utilizing a wide variety of traditional colors, patterns and symbols. For Latvians, mittens are much more than a way to warm your hands. Every ethnographic Latvian mitten tells a story, marks an anniversary and represents a specific region in Latvia. Some mitten designs are specially intended for weddings or other special events. There is even a rich tradition of folkloric etiquette associated with the wearing, storing and displaying of mittens.
I did not know that Latvia was famous for the fact that archaeologists had found the oldest mittens - dated from about 1,000 years ago. Although the mittens were made for warmth, they also played a decorative role. By fastening them behind the waistband, they were worn in summer as a bijouterie and adornment. For several centuries they were the main form of gift and endowed with magical significance.
These mittens are shaped like a gauntlet and not fitted at the wrist. This is partly a fashion preference, but also to accommodate the complete pattern repetition. They are made using several double pointed needles in a dense gauge. I am not a knitter, but from my research I gather these are not particularly easy to make. For starters, the patterns often only include a fragment of the design - and you repeat until you get to the top and gradually taper to a point. For another, the design is continuous and encircles the hand, including the thumb, which appears indistinguishable from the main body of the mitten.
For the 2006 NATO Summit held in Latvia, hundreds of men and women, aged from 30 - 86, knitted 4,500 pairs of mittens - each one different - as souvenirs for the delegates and media representatives and perhaps helped create a surge of interest in this craft.
I usually just buy ones that match or complement my coat, but these really stand out. I wonder what those NATO people did with theirs?
It wasn't actually my first choice, but once I looked into it, well, why not? No less stylish than hats.
I hadn't given mittens much thought. A thousand years ago was a long time ago!
Mittens are a bit out of season, aren't they? I'm wondering how those 1000 yr old mitts looked when they were dug up.
Gorgeous, I'd be tempted to buy some of these. Such a simple object with so much cultural history. I was just thinking boy that country must be cold until the explanation about summer use.


text:
Q: Alternating sequence finder I'm supposed to find the longest alternating sequence in an array.
For example,
-1 3 -4 5 -2 1 -7 5 5
The longest sequence is:
-1 3 -4 5 -2 1 -7 5
int ZigZag(int a[], int N)
{
int i;
int j;

int z = 0;

int dolzina = 0;

node *result = NULL;

int prethodenZnak = getSign(a[0]);

for(i = 0; i < N; i++)
{
    for(j = i; j < N; j++)
    {
        if(a[j] == 0)
            a[j] = prethodenZnak;

        if(getSign(a[j]) != prethodenZnak)
        {
            dolzina++;
            prethodenZnak = getSign(a[j]);
        }
        else
            break;
    }
    append(&result, dolzina+1);

    dolzina = 0;
}

return max(result);
}

This is the current code that I have, but It's failing to provide a solution when a zero(0) is encountered. Any ideas?

A: The approach of getting all subsequences is very inefficient, as the number of slices in a sequence is O(N*N). You can achieve this in O(N) time by just iterating over the array and keeping the longest alternating slice so far. Whenever you find an alternating slice ends, you just start counting again, and if you beat the previous score, you replace it with the new one, and so on.
Assuming that 0 has the same sign as everything else, the following code includes the given example [8 -1 0 2 -1 3 -8 2 -3]:
int alternates(int current, int previous){
    return (current > 0 && previous < 0) || (current < 0 && previous > 0);
}

int zigzag(int a[], int N){
    int currentLength = 1, longest = 1, longestStart = 0, currentStart = 0;

    for(int i = 1; i<N; ++i){
        currentLength = alternates(a[i], a[i-1])? currentLength+1 : 1;

        if(currentLength == 1)
            currentStart = i;

        if(currentLength > longest){
            longest = currentLength;
            longestStart = currentStart;
        }
    }

    printf("position = %d\n", longestStart);

    return longest;
}

int main(int argc, char **argv){
    int example[] = {8, -1, 0, 2, -1, 3, -8, 2, -3};
    printf("RESULT: %d\n", zigzag(example, 9));
}

Keep in mind that this code also prints where the sequence starts, just for debugging purposes.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
Maybe Now Congress Will Act On Marijuana Banking Reform?
[ Posted Monday, August 20th, 2018 – 17:16 UTC ]
Over two decades after California legalized medical marijuana (becoming the first of many states to do so), Congress has still refused to act in any way to admit the fact that the times they are a-changin' on marijuana law. Six years after Colorado and Washington became the first two states to outright legalize recreational use for adults, Congress still refuses to act. In the meantime, marijuana has grown into a multibillion-dollar industry, and as with every other multibillion-dollar industry (especially agricultural ones -- remember all those "Got Milk?" ads?), it has begun spending money on lobbying politicians. So far it's a relative drop in the bucket -- total marijuana lobbying this year is only a relatively paltry million dollars -- but one story today may eventually have a ripple effect that (hopefully) will end with Congress admitting the new reality of the existence of the state-legal marijuana industry. In a way, it's a sad commentary on our political system, where as we all know money talks quite loudly. But that's a discussion for another day, really. The system is what it is, and if in some way it spurs the otherwise-somnolent legislators into doing the right thing for once, then that at least will be a desirable outcome.
The story in question concerns the actions of a bank, Wells Fargo. It recently notified a Democratic candidate for Florida state agricultural commissioner that her campaign account would be closed forthwith, because the politician refused to state that she would not accept contributions from "lobbyists for the medical marijuana industry, as well as executives, employees and corporations in the medical marijuana industry." Here are the full details, from the Washington Post:
Wells Fargo Bank recently terminated the campaign account of a Florida political candidate after inquiring into whether the candidate intended to receive donations "from the medical marijuana industry in any capacity," according to documents released Monday by the campaign.
Democrat Nikki Fried, running to be the state's agriculture commissioner, is a former lobbyist who worked on behalf of a number of industries, including medical marijuana. The documents show that not long after opening a campaign account with Wells Fargo, the bank inquired about her stance on medical marijuana and her intent to accept donations from the medical marijuana industry. The bank subsequently closed her account, citing its "responsibility to oversee and manage banking risks."
The move is highly unusual. If such a policy were applied nationwide it could potentially jeopardize the banking access of dozens of state and national politicians, as well as state agencies tasked with regulating the marijuana industry and collecting taxes on marijuana sales.
On June 13, Fried's campaign opened an account with Wells Fargo, according to documents released by the campaign.
Campaign treasurer Gloria Maggiolo noted that the campaign had "never received a request of this nature from a financial institution" and confirmed to the bank that Fried would probably receive contributions "from lobbyists for the medical marijuana industry, as well as from executives, employees and corporations in the medical marijuana industry." Maggiolo said that Fried was a former lobbyist for the industry and that any contributions from any source would happen under "all applicable IRS rules, FEC regulations, and Florida elections law."
According to the campaign, on Aug. 3, it received a phone call from Wells Fargo indicating that its account would be terminated "because of [Fried]'s relationship to the medical marijuana industry." The bank mailed a formal notice dated Aug. 3, stating that following an account review done "as part of our responsibility to oversee and manage banking risks," the account would be closed within 30 days.
My first reaction to this story was that you'd think Wells Fargo would want to avoid an embarrassing public relations scandal, after all the other ones it is now trying to live down. But corporate malfeasance aside, it's really hard to fault the bank itself all that much, because they are bending over backwards (with an abundance of caution) to follow a federal law that may have once made legal sense, but no longer does. The real fault, in other words, lies with Congress.
Individual marijuana businesses and the marijuana industry -- all operating legally under their states' laws -- are seen by the federal government as nothing short of evil drug kingpins or (more politely) high-volume drug traffickers. Marijuana is not only completely illegal under federal law, it is in fact more illegal than most opium-derived drugs. By federal law, fentanyl is considered to be less dangerous than cannabis. This is utterly divorced from reality, and is a monument to the cowardice of every administration and every Congress back to Richard Nixon's time to admit the insanity of putting marijuana in the "most dangerous of the dangerous" category (or "Schedule I"). To put this more bluntly, if you set up a business illegally importing fentanyl from China and dealing it on the streets, you would be considered less dangerous by the federal government than a state-legal medical marijuana clinic.
Because the feds have seen all marijuana businesses through this twisted War On Weed lens for so long (under White Houses and Congresses run by both parties, it bears mentioning), the businesses are supposed to be denied any and all access to the federal banking system. After all, opening a business account for that fentanyl street dealer would constitute abetting drug trafficking and helping to launder money, so it is considered illegal for banks to do so. In most places, this has meant that all marijuana businesses have to be run on a cash basis -- in this day and age. They can't accept debit or credit cards or checks from customers, they must restrict all purchases to cash on the barrelhead. They can't issue payroll checks, they have to pay their employees in cash. They also have to pay all their costs -- rent, suppliers, taxes, whatever -- in cash as well. This, obviously, is a logistical nightmare. It is also dangerous, because this has meant lots of cash has to be moved out of such stores on a regular basis -- meaning some have become targets for thieves. Add to this, for good measure, the indignity of not being able to deduct any of their regular costs of doing business on their taxes (because, according to the feds, drug trafficking costs are not legal, therefore not deductible). Some states have been exploring setting up alternative banking systems for marijuana businesses to use, but this really should be a nationwide policy.
The marijuana industry, as a lobbying force, can be expected to grow just as fast as the rest of the industry. These days, some national politicians (on both sides of the aisle) are now openly advocating for federal marijuana reform. That certainly wasn't true back in the 1990s when California first legalized medical marijuana -- and when virtually all national Democrats were still spooked by Republican "my opponent is soft on crime" political rhetoric. These days, the marijuana industry -- just like every other legal industry -- wants to support those politicians who support such reforms. According to the Supreme Court, it's a free speech issue (that's another discussion for another day...). But the article ends on a rather ominous note for such lobbying:
Industry insiders worry that other marijuana-friendly politicians could see themselves targeted if other banks adopt similar guidelines.
"What's next, will [Sen.] Cory Booker's accounts be closed?" asked Arnaud Dumas de Rauly, chief executive of industry consultants the Blinc Group, in a statement. "Should we expect to see [New York gubernatorial] candidate Cynthia Nixon's accounts closed, as well?"
Marijuana state-legal businesses are already struggling to deal with big piles of cash, because they are being forced to operate their business on a model that is at least a century out of date. What other big businesses are forced to run on a cash-only basis these days? Politicians supportive of the legal marijuana industry being forced to start running their own campaigns on a cash-only basis would only be an additional layer of this nightmare. But it could have one big silver lining in the end. Not every state that has legalized recreational marijuana is a blue state. Over 30 states have now legalized at least some form of medical marijuana, which includes a lot of red states. Politicians may be forced to confront the issue on the basis of self-interest -- which, callous as it sounds, is always a big motivating factor for them to get off their butts and do something.
Right now, there isn't that much marijuana lobbying money on the table. One million dollars may sound like a lot, but it is relative peanuts compared to what other lobbying groups have spent this election cycle. But unlike most industries, marijuana is going through what can only be described as an explosive growth phase. So their lobbying efforts will likely continue to grow at a similar rate. Sooner or later, that's going to be hard for politicians to ignore. Confronted with a purity question from the bank handling your campaign accounts, most politicians today would just walk away from marijuana lobbying money and donations. But more and more of them will soon begin to see the absolute insanity of the status quo of federal marijuana laws. And that, in the end, might just spur them to finally act.
Marijuana sales no longer consist mainly of some twentysomething selling dime bags or quarter ounces near the college campus. It is a multibillion-dollar industry that is strenuously complying with every single rule laid down by all the various states which have legalized it in some way. It has its own lobbying organizations in Washington. Will Wells Fargo's recent actions trigger a stampede of other banks being equally as scrupulous when it comes to political candidates' donations? The federal penalties for abetting a major drug trafficker are quite severe, as they were all mostly passed during the 1980s "Just Say No!" era of overreach in federal drug law. Which is why it's really hard to place much blame on Wells Fargo. The law is the law, it is indeed severe, and it hasn't been changed in decades. The reality of marijuana legalization has changed things so much it's getting hard to remember what things were like before states began this journey towards sanity. Meaning federal law is becoming ever more divorced from the reality on the ground. So far, this hasn't motivated Congress to act to reconcile the two in any meaningful way. But perhaps the thought of forgoing major campaign contributions might change this? As I said, it's crass, but change would certainly be welcomed -- no matter how self-interested the motives may be.
-- Chris Weigant
Follow Chris on Twitter: @ChrisWeigant
20 Comments on "Maybe Now Congress Will Act On Marijuana Banking Reform?"
neilm wrote:
Another motivating factor could be the sales and profits that Canada are going to demonstrate over the next few years. Also, Mexico seems finally to be waking up to the Portuguese model of blanket legalization in an effort to defang the drug cartels. They could also be a model for how to monetize a problem and make the negative effects be paid for out of taxes (with a lot left over for other uses).
Big pharma will fight this tooth and nail, and they have deep pockets and a good reason to fight (who needs Excedrin PM when you can relax and fall asleep with a 25 cent hit from a vaporizer?)
[ Permalink ] [ Monday, August 20th, 2018 at 17:35 ]
Don Harris wrote:
"...it's a sad commentary on our political system, where as we all know money talks quite loudly.
But that's a discussion for another day, really."
Tommorrow's another day.
As good a day as any for a discussion aboot the problem of Big Money in our political system, One Demand and the current opportunity to mobilize the 20-30% of voters that vote in the presidential elections but don't vote in off year elections to participate in One Demand in 2018 instead of not voting.
Over two and a half years of "That's a discussion for another day" is getting pretty old.
Kick wrote:
(?? ? ?? )? ???
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TheStig wrote:
Kick.-4. Gotta love that mid 1970s retro graphics charm!
CW- What is Wells Fargo trying to accomplish with their sudden hyper attention to the letter of the law? It's not exactly in character. Is somebody putting them up to this? Perhaps somebody in government? Wheels within wheels... Follow the money.
[ Permalink ] [ Tuesday, August 21st, 2018 at 05:13 ]
Hint: Google "anti-marijuana lobby"
Corrections industry
Opiod industry
All the above have strong economic (cash flow)incentives to keep pot illegal...or at least hedge their bets going forward.
Balthasar wrote:
Very good article, CW. It comes just after NPR did a piece about the beverage companies getting interested in making THC-laced beers (which would be stripped of alcohol).
Interesting that you didn't mention Santa's elf at the DOJ and his long-time animosity toward marijuana.
And now, a catch-all retort for the next time a Trumper accuses you of shading the truth:
"The truth is relative and it's not absolute like some philosophical concept." - Rudy Giuliani
Balthy (7)-
I remember seeing a book in the 1970's on growing pot that said that marijuana and hops were similar plants. It said if you grew some small marijuana plants and some small hops plants that you could graft the top of the hops to the roots of the marijuana and it would look like hops but have the THC of a marijuana plant.
I always wondered that if that were true if the hybrid hops could be used to brew beer and if it would carry the THC into the beer or be destroyed in to fermentation/brewing process.
Don [9]: Sounds like a great project for some Future Farmer of America! Maybe something for the 4-H to bring to the County fair...
The NPR piece suggested that the brewing companies would probably just add THC to their non-alcoholic lines (since they make those anyway), and then rename them things like 'Coors Mellow'.
ListenWhenYouHear wrote:
TheStig [6]
Not so sure the police are as anti-legalization as you might assume. The one I sleep with definitely supports legalization. Of the ones that I know that I'm not sleeping with, all but one supports it. The one against it also believes we should re-enact prohibition laws on alcohol and has a photo of him with VP Mike Pence in his office.
(He has commented multiple times that he cannot believe that we are gay because we don't act the way he always thought "gays" were supposed to act. I apologized and offered to "queer it up" for him next time I was around him to better conform with his prejudices, but he just laughed nervously and said that wasn't necessary!)
Balthy,
Not absolute like some philosophical concept? Philosophy = Absolutes.
That sums up the GOP's collective mindset better than any attempt I have ever heard!
Michale wrote:
OK, so it wasn't a unanimous hung jury on ALL counts like WaPoop initially said...
Jury reaches verdict on 8 counts in criminal trial of Paul Manafort, Trump's former campaign chairman
Jurors have reached a verdict on eight counts in the trial of President Donald Trump's former campaign chief, Paul Manafort.
In a note to U.S. District Court Judge T.S. Ellis, the jurors said they had not reached a consensus on the 10 remaining counts in the bank fraud and tax crimes trial.
https://www.cnbc.com/2018/08/21/paul-manafort-verdict.html
The majority of charges, the jury said "NI!!!" :D
Still, the fact that ya'all claimed it was a "SLAM DUNK" on all charges, ya'all really got egg on yer faces... :D
Let the back-pedaling begin!! :D
"WaPoop" didn't say anything of the sort. You just read EXACTLY what you wanted to into the story. #SSDD
NOBODY on this board claimed it was a slam dunk on ALL charges, quite the contrary, in point of fact. You were the one, however, who insisted over and over and over ad nauseam that Manafort would walk on ALL charges. Since Manafort was found guilty on two of the more serious charges of bank fraud, that tells you EVERYTHING you need to know. :)
Furthermore, Michael Cohen just plead guilty to 8 counts of felonies in SDNY, including 2 payments of hush money regarding the Trump campaign. Michael Avenatti is no doubt ready to depose the sitting President of the United States in the Stormy Daniels case of his.
Alexa: Order all the popcorn! :)
Michale: you just got b-slapped by the Jury - that must hurt.
And, of course, you can't complain about the jury because"
I'll remind you of that claim when they let Manafort walk and then you start trashing them... :D
Manafort is walking alright, just as Kick said, into a cell. He is 69 years old, and there is a good chance he won't be free again.
Now, I wonder if he is interested in a plea deal for sentencing and a walk on the second trial, and what he is willing to pay for it?
Of course he could gamble on a pardon, and the traitor might pardon him tomorrow, but the implications of overturning a unanimous jury decision on 8 counts is obvious abuse of power, and is likely to hurt the traitor in the long run more than help him.
Ford gave Nixon a pardon, and it caused rancor for many years. It the traitor is hoping that Pence will pardon him, it would be good to ensure that the right to pardon isn't toxic before the traitor needs it for himself or his treasonous offspring.
LeaningBlue wrote:
After today, Manafort becomes a sideshow. A longshot outside chance he flips and blows up the presidency. But a really long shot.
It's Cohen. With the NY state charges pending, there's no pardon. Mueller likely knows that Cohen was in Prague discussing payment for contracting individuals for Clinton hacks, as the Steele dossier sources.
If Cohen was in Prague with Russians dealing over Clinton data, that's the ballgame.
The other thing, of course, is that Avenatti gets to depose the President, with Cohen deposed as a witness. No scotus decision required there. And thanks to the Clinton deposition, it's video recorded.
"What a f**king nightmare!"
Mona Lisa Vito, in My Cousin Vinnie.
neilm
I have heard the case in DC is even more airtight than the bank fraud charges Paulie was just found guilty of... not a good sign.
Neil is right about this, of course, and Manafort can now weigh several new factors while he is contemplating whether or not to put himself through trial two. Cohen has now plead guilty to 8 felonies in SDNY, including two that directly implicate Donald Trump. I would say that Manafort's hand was looking pretty pathetic were it not for a few cards that he uniquely holds: Paulie was in attendance at the June 2016 meeting at Trump Tower and is a very large glob of the glue that binds the books together.
It is more like a giant book... oh, let's say... The Holy Bible. There's multiple books and two giant sections. In the Old Testament, you will find names like Cohn, Rybolovlev, Deripaska, Sater, el alia, and in the New Testament, you will find names like Cohen, Flynn, Agalarov, Assange, Putin, et alia. Manafort and Stone are the glue that binds all the books.
Sater and Flynn have beautiful singing voices. Stay tuned.
http://www.chrisweigant.com/2018/07/18/the-real-double-negative-trumps-non-denial-denial/#comment-123167
Trump can pardon these clowns until the cows come home, Mueller has more charges in his back pocket and is just getting started... tip of the proverbial iceberg. Furthermore, Trump cannot pardon these clowns for crimes against the State of New York, can he? :)
You might be surprised, LB. Whether or not he decides to join the Mueller Snitch Hunt Choir, Manafort is nevertheless a huge part of the conspiracy while Cohen is "new potatoes." Think bigger picture, LB. :)
In the National Lampoon's recorded radio coverage of the Nixon Impeachment Day parade, as the John Dean float passed by, they remarked that it was decorated as a giant paper mache' rat.
In Trump's parade, would the giant paper mache' rat be on
the Cohen float, or the McGahn float?
In Trump's parade, would the giant paper mache' rat be on the Cohen float, or the McGahn float?
In Trump's parade, the rodents are more like Chipmunks:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2Vk0wqgxQd0
Well, you asked! ;)


text:
The annual Prague Pride was established in 2011. Prague is also a host of the Mezipatra Queer Film Festival.

According to Frommer's, the Vinohrady neighborhood is "particularly gay-friendly". Lonely Planet says, "Prague is a relatively tolerant destination for gay and lesbian travellers".

References

Culture in Prague
LGBT culture in the Czech Republic


The importance of Ezra Pound`s shift to a machine poetics and how it reflected larger adjustments in early 20th century aesthetics, incorporating art, music and machinery, is the focus of this essay. With specific examples ranging from the paintings of Leger to the industrial photographs of Paul Strand and the music of George Antheil, as well as The Cantos, the importance of a new mechanical praxis for Pound emerges. More precisely, the essay analyzes the appeal of the mechanical for Pound during a critical period in his poetic development and how this shift was prepared, first, by the adaptation of the mechanical to the compositional nature of painting, movement in dance and performance in music. Photography also contributed to the new mechanical aesthetic which for Pound meant a greater focus on precision and efficiency which he had been promoting since his study of such classical writers as Horace and Propertius and expressed in works like Mauberley. The ideas of the Futurists also play an important role in Pound`s acceptance of the new mechanical approach to art. His critical writing from ca. 1929-1934 further confirms his attraction to a machine aesthetic.
Baptist poet Anne Steele (1717-1778) is known as the first pre-eminent woman writer of the vernacular English hymn. She has traditionally been viewed as a nonconformist literary heroine, who successfully paved the way for Christian women writers` entry into literary print culture. By assessing eighteenth-century coterie verse, which remained unpublished until the present century, this paper argues that the holy example of Theodosia―the nom de plume used by Steele to publish her critically successful Poems on Subjects Chiefly Devotional (1760)―established not only an enabling example for other dissenting women writers to follow, but also a problematic model for those whose inclinations and/or ambitions extended beyond religious verse forms. To this end, this study outlines the construction and perpetuation of Theodosia`s exemplary authorial identity and examines the varied poetic responses of three contemporaneous dissenting women―Mary Scott (1751/2-1793), Mary Steele Wakeford (1724-1772), and Mary Steele (1753-1813)―to her powerful, prototype of devotional women`s writing. Comparing the women`s different verse reactions to Anne Steele`s published pattern as the saintly Theodosia, this paper suggests that the response of contemporary nonconformist women to Steele`s exemplary authorial identity was, in fact, multiple and intricate. As such, this paper offers a more nuanced consideration of Anne Steele`s legacy as the "mother" of English hymnody and one of the most successful nonconformist woman writers of the eighteenth century.
Criticism of Helen Fielding`s Bridget Jones`s Diary (1996) has generally been limited to interrogating its literary value as `Chick Lit,` feminist analysis, and noting its complex intertextual mesh of allusions to Austen`s Pride and Prejudice and movie/TV versions of both novels. Less attention has been paid to why or how P&P functions as a parodic text informing BJD. This paper argues through a close reading that Fielding uses the language registers, behavioral codes, and wider romance tropes and canonical scenes of P&P to serve as a humorous contrast against Bridget. Bridget is funny because she aspires to this fantasy romantic ideal of poise, control, and prestige which is comically denied to her or deflated. Fielding`s parodic technique is neither critical to P&P nor to Bridget but is rather sympathetically playful, so that Bridget earns the reader`s sympathy and identification.
This essay aims to analyze the quilt in Zakes Mda`s novel Cion as a Benjaminian storytelling. As a communal heritage from the time of slavery, the quilt bridges two stories, the one of the Quigley family in the present time and the other of their ancestors from the nineteenth-century Virginia slavery plantation. The slaves stitch their memories, escape accounts, and folktales on their quilts to assist with their fellow slaves` journey to freedom. Rather than merely communicating cartographic information, however, the quilt affects its carriers/readers as a spiritual guide and facilitates further interpretation and addition, thereby exemplifying a storyteller according to Walter Benjamin`s theorization. According to him, the storytelling does not transmit verifiable information or an individual author`s consciousness but combines collective myths, undocumented voices, and talks of spiritual wisdom. The quilt also helps to render the residents` ethnic identity as a storytelling. For the Quigley family and neighbors of a mixed racial background, the ethnic identity that the quilt represents is not one that is determined from the beginning by an essential origin or a particular author but one that new generations reinterpret and rewrite to cope with their present concerns. The quilt-like open, collective, and mnemonic narrative of ethnic identity is of the nature to be constantly reinvented through collective efforts so that it allows encounters between different times and between different spaces, and thus invokes new forms of intimacy, belonging, and solidarity.
This paper examines the ways in which the three Shakespeare-inspired mediums of communication for young readers―tales, animation and manhwa―approach the three plays of Shakespeare―The Taming of the Shrew, Romeo and Juliet and Hamlet―with their own methods, assumptions and procedures. It presents as illustrative cases the three medium versions of Shakespeare for the young: Tales from Shakespear (1807), Shakespeare: The Animated Tales (1992 and 1994) and the manhwa Shakespeare series (2003). Each version has a demonstration of that the three plays continue to facilitate a dialogue with different mediums in order to construct a understanding of how young readers see the world around them through their perceptions of Shakespeare. Each medium is set by what the adaptor/artist regards the essence of the play and characterized by the recipient`s sympathetic empathy with the characters. The discussion is designed to show similarities rather than differences amongst the three examples, considering their narrative results and artistic effects: they bring young readers to Shakespeare reinforcing his status as a measure of culture acquisition and intellectual standing; and that they afford the pleasure of enjoying the dramatic power of Shakespeare`s storytelling and becoming emotionally involved in it.
Reading Conrad`s Lord Jim as imperial romance, with a modernist vision, renders the imaginary veiled figure "Eastern bride," which personifies Jim`s "opportunity" to conquer the East, compared to the veiled immortal Arab Queen Ayesha in Haggard`s She. Like the "Eastern bride" waiting for Jim to uncover her veil, Ayesha has waited over two thousand years for Leo in Africa, providing him with an opportunity to rule the world. The two veiled brides, each embodying the colonial frontier of the East and Africa and acting as the other of Western masculine imperialism, similarly represent an opportunity for the British Empire to expand when the bride is eventually married or unveiled to the English adventurer. Significantly, the brides both remain veiled at the end of the text, as Ayesha dies, though she will return, before uniting with Leo and Jim dies in order to unite with the "Eastern bride." The failure to unveil the Eastern or Arab bride signifies the end of imperialism, while on the other hand, the failure is inevitable with the veil hiding the truth that the bride, seemingly deemed the other of imperialism, is really its double and unconquerable. That truth, like the goddess "Truth" worshipped by Kor, the great ancient empire in Africa, can be revealed only by death. The "Eastern bride" thus reflects the veiled bride Ayesha, who symbolizes the Arabs challenging the English in the East and Africa, and whose veil is not to be drawn in imperial romance.
This paper originated in my concern with the Ferguson unrest which was intrigued by the death of Michael Brown. Looking carefully into its particular case of police brutality and black criminality, I take the Ferguson unrest seriously in conjunction with the French philosopher Alain Badiou`s thought about event and truth. Then I pay further attention to Badiou`s engagement with the Arab Spring in 2011. Reading closely his The Rebirth of History, I compare the nation-wide development of the Ferguson unrest to Badiou`s theorization of historical riot. On this basis, I argue that the Ferguson unrest can be seen as a significant example of the Badiouian historical riot. In the third section of my paper, I go so far as to bring about the difference between the quality of being and the intensity of being in the discursive context of race and being. To search for philosophical answer to the critical question of why Black Lives Matter, I examine Gilles Deleuze`s conceptualization of intensity as a key term to a fuller understanding of difference and repetition. Finally, I put on the table such a sensitive issue as the African-American collective identity. Considering the post-racial call of the Obama presidency, I as non-black African-Americanist suggest that it is high time for black America to go beyond the conventional harbor of race and class into a new peoplehood. For African Americans have many reasons to claim their subject position as a people and thus to make a pivotal contribution to a return of people.
The uniqueness of Jonathan Lethem`s Motherless Brooklyn lies in the use of Tourette syndrom and the verbal tick in its multilayered narratives. Despite a detective and coming-of-age story, the verbal tick introduced in the novel not only defamilirizes the narrative frames of these typical genres but also extends tourette syndrome as a metaphor for the space of Brooklyn, New York and its residents beyond the protagonist`s personal neurological disorder. Thus Tourette syndrome is not just a congenital disorder. It becomes the socio cultural site from where the contemporary postmodern world cannot free itself. In the novel, Lethem, as a "destroyer of genre," delves into the popular culture such as Prince`s punk music and Don Martin`s Mad cartoons in search of traces of Tourette syndrome embedded in the contemporary unconscious. Dr. Seuss`s On Beyond Zebra is one of the Children`s books that the author quotes in order to expose the limit of twenty six letters in the alphabet in representing the Touretter`s verbal tic. All these narrative attempts of Lethem share the acceptance of neurodiversity with the implication that tourette syndrom needs to be respected as a social category like gender, race and sexual taste. Furthermore, just like Handler`s memoir, Twitch and Shout: A Touretter`s Tale diagonoses neurological disorder as a neuro wave of the future, Motherless Brooklyn shares the posthuman epistemology by defying the binary oppo-sition of normal/abnormal and accepting neurodiversity as a natural phe-nomenon.


text:
Here's What We Know about Trump's FDA Head Nominee
Early tests for Scott Gottlieb, who was named to the post on Friday, will include a pair of bills immediately slated for congressional review
By Dina Fine Maron on March 10, 2017
Scott Gottlieb (center) is expected to be picked as FDA head. Credit: Mark Wilson Getty Images
When chemist Harvey Washington Wiley took the helm of the agency that would become the U.S. Food and Drug Administration more than a century ago, his mandate was narrow: making sure the label on a bottle or can matched the food or drug inside. Concerns about the safety of the contents were not addressed until 1938, and companies hawking their wares did not have to prove they were actually effective until 1962.
Scott Gottlieb, President Donald Trump's nominee for FDA commissioner, has strong conservative credentials and a close relationship with the pharmaceutical industry. But there is no sign that Gottlieb, a doctor, former deputy commissioner at the agency and a partner at a large venture capital fund, truly hopes to return the FDA to the norms of half a century ago—an approach floated by Jim O'Neill, who had earlier been seen as Trump's other top candidate for the position.
But short of changes on the level of attempting to cut the product efficacy requirement, the FDA's new chief will still be able to leave an indelible mark. The behemoth agency's more than 14,000 employees are tasked with responsibilities as varied as approving drugs, ensuring food imports are safe, combating antibiotic resistance and regulating tobacco products. Its reach is domestic and global. And to tackle its agenda, the Obama administration has requested a budget of $5.1 billion for fiscal 2017. Donald Trump's 100-day action plan to "make America great again" offers some early hints about his plans for the agency. The document, which the president says is a contract with American voters, states, "Reforms will also include cutting the red tape at the FDA: there are over 4,000 drugs awaiting approval, and we especially want to speed the approval of life-saving medications." Pres. Trump named Gottlieb as his nominee for the post on Friday.
If the Senate approves Gottlieb as FDA commissioner, big-ticket items before him will include hastening those approvals, as well as shaping the future of clinical trial requirements. Other issues will include considering when terminal patients should have access to investigational drugs, the agency's control over off-label drug uses, and the changing landscape of genetic tests, to name a few.
Gottlieb already has significant ties to the FDA and other federal agencies. He is currently a resident fellow at the conservative American Enterprise Institute, where he analyzes health policy, regulation and public health. He is on the Federal Health IT Policy Committee, a group that advises the Department of Health and Human Services on health care IT issues. His resume also boasts stints as the FDA's deputy commissioner, and at the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services as a senior official focused on new medical technologies.
Gottlieb has called for a faster approvals process for new drugs. Yet he has taken a different tack than suggesting that the efficacy requirement be scrapped. Instead he has focused on ways to move away from waiting for large, clinical trial results. Writing in Massachusetts newspaper South Coast Today last year, Gottlieb praised the 21st Century Cures Act (which was signed into law in December 2016), and said that it would help smooth the way for quicker approvals by zeroing in on results from small trials and interim study results instead of waiting for more traditional clinical trial findings. "These are interim endpoints that can be used to more quickly gauge a medicine's benefit," he wrote.
Further insights about his views come from an article he penned in 2012 for National Affairs,in which he criticized the FDA for setting up too many regulatory hurdles. There, too, he argued that extensive clinical trial requirements may have a chilling effect on bringing new therapies to market. "These demands also further entrench established players, and the limited competition from new market entrants means that existing drugs remain hideously expensive," he wrote. He blamed such requirements on an institutional culture that he said values "an excessive desire for certainty," and does not trust the doctors who do the prescribing.
He called for a fundamental change to that culture, whereby FDA employees who review the science involved in drug evaluations would delegate final approval decisions to another part of the agency or an outside group—so that the same individuals are not acting as both judge and jury. Gottlieb also suggested that final approval decisions be made by a committee composed of the agency's most senior scientists, who he believes might be more comfortable with uncertainty than junior scientists.
The head of the FDA is not involved in all the minutiae that come up—that's what the agency's division directors do, says David Gortler, who was a senior medical analyst at the FDA from 2007 to 2012 and is now a drug safety expert with FormerFDA.com, a website that connects past FDA employees with pharmaceutical companies or individuals seeking advice or services. The commissioner is intended to act as a check on the system, Gortler explains. "If a poor regulatory decision is made by some high-ranking person, the commissioner would have to deal with that directly," Gortler explains. Michael Carome, who heads the Health Research Group at a liberal nonprofit organization called Public Citizen, says having a doctor or someone with a strong science foundational is critical because the FDA is a science-based organization. "The commissioner can help guide the policies and how the agency approaches its review and oversight activities," he says. "The commissioner can work with Congress to help formulate legislation that can change the procedures and policies of the agency
Perhaps the first indications of the FDA's future under a Trump administration will emerge from how Congress acts on a pair of bills already under the early stages of review. If passed they would renew the agency's current ability to charge pharmaceutical companies and medical device makers a fee for approvals reviews—and the FDA would set those prices. These bills come up for renewal every five years and are largely supported by lawmakers and the pharmaceutical industry, so the renewals provide opportunities for other provisions to be slipped in—including ones that may loosen rules in other areas related to medical regulation, Carome says. That reality will make those bills an attractive vehicle for lobbyists hoping to loosen other regulatory requirements, he says. "I think there is little doubt that Trump administration will bring a deregulatory agenda," he adds.
Other early tests will come from how the Trump administration and the Republican-led Congress act on drug pricing issues. The president has said that allowing more drug imports would be a key approach to lowering prices, and increasing those imports would require legislative action. That, too, may be something that could be tacked onto other legislation in the next session of Congress.
The prospects for the nominee's quick confirmation remain unclear. Former FDA head Robert Califf, a cardiologist with close ties to the pharmaceutical industry, was only confirmed in February 2016 after Senators—mostly Democrats—blocked the appointment for weeks and used Califf's nomination hearings as an opportunity to sound off about their disapproval with various FDA actions including its clearance of various painkillers, which lawmakers said helped to fuel the opioid epidemic. Califf stepped down when Trump was sworn in.
Editor's Note (3/13/17): This story was updated to reflect that the White House announced Gottlieb as the nominee. When the article was first published his nomination was not yet confirmed.
Dina Fine Maron
Dina Fine Maron, formerly an associate editor at Scientific American, is now a wildlife trade investigative reporter at National Geographic.
Credit: Nick Higgins
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Friedman & Simon, L.L.P. Awards 2019 Academic Scholarship to And - TulsaCW.com: TV To Talk About | The Tulsa CW
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Friedman & Simon, L.L.P. Awards 2019 Academic Scholarship to Andrew Kelly
Friday, November 22, 2019 3:32 AM EST
Monday, November 25, 2019 2:06 AM EST
The scholarship recipient is studying neuroscience at the University of Pittsburgh
JERICHO, NY, November 22, 2019 /24-7PressRelease/ -- Friedman & Simon, L.L.P., has awarded its 2019 Academic Scholarship to Andrew Kelly, 20, of Levittown, Pa., who is a sophomore at the University of Pittsburgh.
Friedman & Simon, L.L.P. is a personal injury attorney firm based in Jericho, NY. Beyond their practice area, partners Edward Friedman and Roger Simon have long been heavily invested in helping young people succeed. This scholarship is only one example of reaching out to help others.
"It is our hope that this scholarship helps an impressive student get a college education that they use to make a difference in the world," Mr. Friedman said.
And the firm is certain that its recipient, Andrew Kelly, will make a difference in this world. Andrew described in his essay a stunning story of survival and triumph that started with a concussion from his first high school varsity football game in 2015. The blow to the head ruptured an arachnoid cyst in his brain and set off an excruciating medical journey, including 11 subsequent brain surgeries. Andrew still has to manage his life battling almost non-stop severe headaches.
In spite of missing 200 days of high school, Andrew managed to enroll at the University of Pittsburgh and maintain a 3.5 GPA with a difficult major in neuroscience. In fact, he volunteers in a Pitt study to help seniors with dementia and he is a research assistant at the school's Brain Trauma Research Center.
Andrew has found a purpose from his struggles, writing: "Many nights I have laid awake at night simply asking, 'Why would this happen to me?' And through my passion for neuroscience, I have found an answer."
About Friedman & Simon, L.L.P.
Friedman & Simon recognizes that fighter spirit who finds eventual strength in adversity. Since 1991, this firm has fought hard for clients, understanding the destruction and havoc personal injuries inflicted on them and their loved ones. The firm represents clients injured in auto accidents, slips and falls, construction accidents, and more.
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First of all, a brief background as to who we are and why we are concerned and alarmed by the recent Taliban onslaught in Afghanistan.
The Hazaras are one of the main ethnic groups in Afghanistan, constituting about a third of the population. Contrary to the majority of Afghans, we are generally Shias and considered by the Taliban as infidels. In Afghanistan, Hazaras have been the victims of historical oppression, systematic discrimination, violence, and genocidal campaigns. We also have Sunni and Ismaili Hazaras living in different parts of the country that are also subject to discrimination due to their ethnicity.
Our bloody history goes back to the 1890s when more than 60% of our people were massacred in a genocidal fashion by a Pashtun Amir and his tribe, our land was confiscated and given to the Pashtuns brought in from across the border. Our women and girls were sold to slavery and the surviving individuals were dispersed in the region. The successive governments and regimes continued the discriminatory policies towards us and we were marginalized and kept out of the system.
More recently during the Taliban onslaught in Mazar-e-Sharif in 1998, more than 10,000 Hazaras were massacred and in some cases, people were not allowed to bury their dead and they were left on the street to rot or be eaten by the dogs. We suffered more killings and massacres in other parts of Hazarajat, the central part of the country.
Despite the presence of international military forces in Afghanistan for the past 20 years, Hazaras continued to be the victims of extremist violence by Islamic insurgents and systematic discrimination by the Afghan state. In the past six years, Hazaras have been regularly targeted and murdered in the capital city, Kabul, and across Afghanistan. Our places of worship, schools, universities, hospitals, sports club, and public gatherings were targeted by suicide bombers.
When the US and NATO went to Afghanistan, we welcomed them warmly. During the foreign presence, we thrived socially, educationally, economically, and politically, relative to the past. Of the nearly one trillion dollars spent in Afghanistan, we did not benefit, not even a mere 100 million dollars, but we relied on our own meagre resources and worked hard ourselves. Here is a brief list of what we achieved:
• We built the best private universities in Kabul and elsewhere. We built the best high schools, all coeducational. We taught our children boys and girls alike, to reach the pinnacle of their lives.
• In a patriarchal male dominated society for the first time in its history we had the first vice president, the first governor, the first mayor, and the first district governor, all women.
• We built schools, hospitals, clinics, and even dams to make better use of water in rural areas.
• We were the first people to surrender our arms through an international scheme. Afterward, we did not engage in militancy. Not one foreign soldier was killed by us, not a single one. We did not have one suicide bomber to kill or destroy things, we are builders, not destroyers.
In short, we have the most liberal views towards women. They work, study, conduct business and practice a variety of sports. They are artists, musicians, singers, poets, writers, and lecturers. Yearly, we had huge
outdoor concerts for our people in Bamiyan in front of the great statues of Buddha that the Taliban had destroyed in the late 1990s.
All of these are sins in the eyes of the Taliban as they detest education, progress and empowerment of women. The Hazaras are overwhelmingly pro-education and progress. We cooperated with the former government and the international community.
We are also persecuted for being Shias. The Taliban believe in a brand of Islam that is fundamentally against any values of the modern world. We do not have any problem with moderate Islam, but theirs is a fundamentalist version akin to ISIS. We do not feel safe, we do not trust the Taliban, and all the sins and the crimes that in the eyes of the Taliban we commit and have committed, make us a prime candidate for persecution. We remember the ISIS treatment of the Yezidis in Iraq and Syria and how they sold their girls and women in auction. The Taliban are the mirror image of ISIS. We fear they will do the same to us.
Based on the recent reports from Daikundi province the Taliban have forcibly expelled the Hazaras and have occupied their homes and lands. This is a clear indication of ethnic cleansing.
Currently, no single place in Afghanistan is safe for Hazaras, and given their capture of the country, we feel that the first casualty of the Taliban's ascendance to power will be the Hazaras in general and the intellectuals and elites in particular. During the recent international evacuation, most of our people who are very vulnerable were left behind. Of more than 120,000 people that evacuated, less than %1 of them were from our people. The Taliban and their tribal people who were in charge of the airport introduced their own kins and barred our people from leaving. Therefore, we request the EU, the US, Canada, Australia, New Zealand and any country that is willing to accept refugees and asylum seekers to:
1- Set a certain percentage of the people they accept for Hazaras who are discriminated against even in the process of evacuation. The persecutors got away and the persecuted were left behind.
2- Stop and rescind any policy toward repatriation of the Hazaras because sending the refugees and asylum seekers to Afghanistan of today, would be akin to sending the sheep to the slaughterhouse.
3- Accept the intelligentsia of Hazaras to your countries. Hazaras are in general very vulnerable but their educated and elite especially among the women are the prime targets.
4- Help our people generously both economically and politically. We have no friends in the region. Iran, our coreligionist is more in line with the Taliban than with us.
If the Taliban consolidate their position in the country, there will be a bloodbath for all those who are not in line with them ideologically, ethnically, and politically. We do not fit in any category as their associate.
5- Not recognize Taliban's regime. The Taliban have not changed and will not change no matter what they promise. Recognition of the Taliban's regime will give them the green light and help in more oppression and genocide of innocent people in Afghanistan.
The US Department of State in its 2017 annual human rights report said that "Societal discrimination against Shia Hazaras continued along with class, race, and religious lines in the form of extortion of money
through illegal taxation, forced recruitment and forced labor, physical abuse, and detention." This was under the so-called democratic and elected government. We cannot imagine the situation under the Taliban.
There Is a Crisis of Empathy in Afghanistan
Another Bystander to the Hazara Genocide
They Are Thriving After Years of Persecution but Fear a Taliban Deal
US Peace Deal with the Taliban: An Ethnic Dimension
Afghanistan: Who are the Hazaras?
Previous Post Zulfiqar Omid: Why a Peaceful Politician is Pushed to Pick up Arm to Defend his People?!


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Dedicated to sustainable forestry in Wisconsin, sponsored by the Wisconsin Council on Forestry
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In 2006, representatives of Wisconsin's forestry community made a commitment to protect the native biodiversity and economic productivity of the state's forests through the development of voluntary Forestry Best Management Practices (BMPS) for Invasive Species. The original charge came from the Wisconsin Council on Forestry (a stakeholder organization that advises the governor). The Forestry Invasive Leadership Team, which provided the technical assistance to the Forestry Council, guided the process and developed a set of voluntary guidance for landowners, loggers, and land managers.
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The Wisconsin Department of Natural Resources-Forestry Division, in partnership with the Wisconsin Council on Forestry, facilitated the development of the BMPs with funding from the US Forest Service. The BMPs offer a framework for addressing the state's invasives problems. The Forestry BMPs for Invasive Species Manual offers voluntary practices that can be integrated with forest management activities. The manual includes standards of practice that will aid landowners, land managers, and loggers in limiting the introduction and spread of invasive plants, invertebrates, and diseases.
Forestry BMP Manual
Field Manual (56 pages)
Appendices A-F (26 pages)
Appendix J
BMP Checklist (Excel)
The Field Manual will be revisited on a periodic basis and revised as necessary to address issues that arise during implementation. Appendices G, H and I will be revised as necessary to keep them up-to-date.
For further information or questions, you can email This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it..
Copyright © 2016 Wisconsin Council on Forestry


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