text:
The Case for Colonialism
On my last visit to Singapore, our city guide explained that they are grateful for British rule, because it brought them the rule of law, democratic principles, and education, as well as laying the basis for its emergence as a modern twenty-first century state. One Singaporean historian has made the point that, because they were not conquered, and because most of them are the descendants of immigrants during the colonial period, they do not have a "victim mentality".
Meanwhile, a poll of 1,008 Jamaicans in 2011 found that 60% of all age groups said they would have been better off under British rule, and only 17% disagreed. By any objective view, they were correct. The same thing must be said about the former Marxist rebels in the Yemen who, in 2010, declared that they regretted driving out the British. Just the same, Kartar Lalvani complained that, in 50 years of living in Britain, he could not find any Briton to say that India had benefited from British rule, so he wrote a book to prove it.
That colonialism has been, on balance, a benefit to those it governed should be a no-brainer to any knowledgeable person. Therefore, when Prof. Bruce Gilley wrote an article entitled, "The Case for Colonialism", and submitted it to the Third World Quarterly, the editors, seeing that it was heavily referenced, logically argued, and peer reviewed, and in view of the fact that they were a forum for all sorts of opinion, decided to publish it, little realizing that they were committing a thought crime. The PC establishment had an allergic reaction. In academia not so long ago, if you read a paper you disagreed with, your response was to gather your data and write a rebuttal, but that is oh-so-passé in the age of Twitter storms, deplatforming, and the vicious, violent gangs calling themselves Antifas, whose aim is to close down discussion. Fifteen of the 34 members of the editorial board resigned, and two petitions, with a total of 17,577 signatures were mustered to demand the article be retracted and, if possible, the author's Ph.D. be rescinded. Probably only one percent had ever read the article. But when Indian nationalists made credible death threats against the editor, the article was taken down from the journal's website. I doubt if any serious police action has been taken in relation to the death threats.
Fortunately, the article can be downloaded as a PDF from Prof Gilley's website. It has also been archived. So now I am republishing it, as my small part in support of historical truth and freedom of speech, but mostly to cock a snoot at the rampaging totalitarians who are now seeking to silence every opinion but their own.
Note that, well researched as it might be, they are his words, not mine.
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THIRD WORLD QUARTERLY, 2017
https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/01436597.2017.1369037?src=recsys
Bruce Gilley
Department of Political Science, Portland State University, Portland, OR, USA
CONTACT Bruce Gilley gilleyb@pdx.edu
© 2017 Southseries Inc., www.thirdworldquarterly.com
ABSTRACT For the last 100 years, Western colonialism has had a bad name. It is high time to question this orthodoxy. Western colonialism was, as a general rule, both objectively beneficial and subjectively legitimate in most of the places where it was found, using realistic measures of those concepts. The countries that embraced their colonial inheritance, by and large, did better than those that spurned it. Anti-colonial ideology imposed grave harms on subject peoples and continues to thwart sustained development and a fruitful encounter with modernity in many places. Colonialism can be recovered by weak and fragile states today in three ways: by reclaiming colonial modes of governance; by recolonising some areas; and by creating new Western colonies from scratch.
ARTICLE HISTORY Received 24 April 2017
Accepted 1 5 August 2017
KEYWORDS Decolonisation and colonisation capacity-building humanitarian interventions fragile states governance
For the last 100 years, Western colonialism has had a bad name. Colonialism has virtually disappeared from international affairs, and there is no easier way to discredit a political idea or opponent than to raise the cry of 'colonialism'. When South African opposition politician Helen Zille tweeted in 2017 that Singapore's success was in part attributable to its ability to 'build on valuable aspects of colonial heritage', she was vilified by the press, disciplined by her party, and put under investigation by the country's human rights commission.
It is high time to reevaluate this pejorative meaning. The notion that colonialism is always and everywhere a bad thing needs to be rethought in light of the grave human toll of a century of anti-colonial regimes and policies. The case for Western colonialism is about rethinking the past as well as improving the future. It involves reaffirming the primacy of human lives, universal values, and shared responsibilities - the civilising mission without scare quotes - that led to improvements in living conditions for most Third World peoples during most episodes of Western colonialism. It also involves learning how to unlock those benefits again. Western and non-Western countries should reclaim the colonial toolkit and language as part of their commitment to effective governance and international order.
There are three ways to reclaim colonialism. One is for governments and peoples in developing countries to replicate as far as possible the colonial governance of their pasts - as successful countries like Singapore, Belize and Botswana did. The 'good governance' agenda, which contains too many assumptions about the self-governing capacity of poor countries, should be replaced with the 'colonial governance' agenda. A second way is to recolonise some areas. Western countries should be encouraged to hold power in specific governance areas (public finances, say, or criminal justice) in order to jump-start enduring reforms in weak states. Rather than speak in euphemisms about 'shared sovereignty' or 'neo-trusteeship', such actions should be called 'colonialism' because it would embrace rather than evade the historical record. Thirdly, in some instances it may be possible to build new Western colonies from scratch.
Colonialism can return (either as a governance style or as an extension of Western authority) only with the consent of the colonised. Yet now that the nationalist generation that forced sudden decolonisation on hapless populations has passed away, the time may be ripe. Sèbe has documented how the founding figures of Western colonialism in Africa (such as Livingstone in Zambia, Lugard in Nigeria and de Brazza in Congo) are enjoying a resurgence of official and social respect in those countries now that romanticised pre-colonial and disappointing postcolonial approaches to governance have lost their sheen.1 As one young man on the streets of Kinshasa asked Van Reybrouck (as described in his seminal 2010 book on the Congo): 'How long is this independence of ours going to last anyway? When are the Belgians coming back?' 2
Three failures of anti-colonial critique
The case for the past record of Western colonialism - usually referring to British, French, German, Belgian, Dutch and Portuguese colonies from the early nineteenth to mid-twentieth centuries - rests on overturning two distinct lines of criticism: that it was objectively harmful (rather than beneficial); and that it was subjectively illegitimate (rather than legitimate). There is, in addition, a third line of criticism that merits revision: that it offends the sensibilities of contemporary society.
The objective costs/benefits approach identifies a certain need of human flourishing - development, security, governance, rights, etc. - and asks whether colonialism improved or worsened the objective provision of that need. One main challenge of this research is to properly enumerate the things that matter and then to assign them weights, weights that presumably varied with time and place. In a brutally patriarchal society, for instance, access to justice for women may have been more important than the protection of indigenous land rights (which may be part of that patriarchy), as Andreski argued was the case for women in northern Nigeria under colonialism.3
A second challenge is measuring the counterfactual: what would likely have happened in a given place absent colonial rule? Many research designs, for instance, control for variations in colonial rule itself and for a variety of other factors that co-existed with colonialism (such as cultural norms, geography, population, disease burden, etc.) But they do not control for the presence or absence of colonialism, for instance a highly cited study by Acemoglu and colleagues.4 To construct such a counterfactual requires measuring not just global social, economic and technological trends but also the likely course of indigenous development, of regional factors and of an ungoverned non-colonial encounter with the West. Countries that did not have a significant colonial history - China, Ethiopia, Liberia, Libya, Saudi Arabia, Thailand, Haiti and Guatemala, for instance - provide a measure of comparison to help identify what if anything were the distinctive effects of colonialism. So too does research into pre-colonial histories that, almost by definition, reveal comparatively weak institutions, divided societies and subsistence economies, for instance in Biber's study of pre-colonial Namibia.5
Noting some of these complexities, Abernethy summarises the objective costs/benefits question as follows:
[l]n times and places where colonial rule had, on balance, a positive effect on training for self-government, material well-being, labor allocation choices, individual upward mobility, cross-cultural communication, and human dignity, compared to the situation that would likely have obtained absent European rule, then the case for colonialism is strong. Conversely, in times and places where the effects of foreign rule in these respects were, on balance, negative compared to a territory's likely alternative past, then colonialism is morally indefensible.6
Beyond these requirements, there is a list of simple epistemic virtues. Non-biased data and case selection, for instance, requires that evidence be gathered in a way that does not confirm the hypothesis at stake. So any claim about, say, the level of colonial violence requires not just assumptions about the scale of violence that would have occurred absent colonial rule but also a careful measure of that violence relative to the population, security threat and security resources in a given territory. One is hard-pressed, to take a prominent example, to find a single example of such care in measurement in the vast critical scholarship on the British counter-insurgency campaign against the Mau in Kenya from 1952 to 1960, especially the scolding work of Elkins.7 Daniels argues that '[h]ad the British left Kenya to the Mau, there would have been anarchy and further civil war, perhaps even genocide'.8 Just as many Kenyans joined the Kikuyu Home Guard and the special prison service for the rebels as joined the insurgency, and the independent Kenyan government long applauded the historic contribution of the British in suppressing the movement.9 At the very least, it is incumbent on scholars to show that the brutalities unleashed by the British in this campaign were not the likely result of a proportionate response given the context and scale of the threat. If this supposedly solid case is wobbly, what does it tell us about the lesser 'violence' often cited as invalidating colonialism?
Perhaps the most egregious violation of epistemic virtues is internal coherence (or non-contradiction). Eminent scholars repeatedly make the logically contradictory claim that colonialism was both too disruptive and not disruptive enough, whether with regard to boundaries, governing institutions, economic systems or social structures, as evidenced in the short space of just two pages by Young.10 Africanists in particular applaud the work both of Herbst,11 who argued that colonialism did too little state-making, and Young,12 who earlier argued that it did too much. New territorial boundaries are criticised for forcing social integration while old ones are criticised for reinforcing tribalism, a contradiction noted by Lefebvre.13 Marxist scholars found colonialism at fault when it did not invest in public health and infrastructure (showing a callous disregard for labour) and when it did (in order to exploit it).14 Colonialism is credited with near-magical powers to sweep away everything good in its path (like tribal chiefs or ethnic identity) and with equally magical powers to make permanent everything bad in its path (like tribal chiefs or ethnic identity).
Finally, there is the simple epistemic virtue of falsification. This is most pointed in the treatment of what was undoubtedly a benefit of colonialism: the abolition of slave-trading. Anti-colonial critics squirm and fidget over this issue because it puts the greatest strain on their 'colonialism bad' perspective. The result is a constant stream of revisionism: it did not happen fast enough; there were mixed motives; not all colonial officials supported it; former slaves remained poor and former slave owners remained rich; it should never have existed in the first place.15
Of course, not all research falls afoul of the basic prescriptions above. Research that is careful in conceptualising and measuring controls, that establishes a feasible counterfactual, that includes multiple dimensions of costs and benefits weighted in some justified way, and that adheres to basic epistemic virtues often finds that at least some if not many or most episodes of Western colonialism were a net benefit, as the literature review by Juan and Pierskalla shows.16 Such works have found evidence for significant social, economic and political gains under colonialism: expanded education, improved public health, the abolition of slavery, widened employment opportunities, improved administration, the creation of basic infrastructure, female rights, enfranchisement of untouchable or historically excluded communities, fair taxation, access to capital, the generation of historical and cultural knowledge, and national identify formation, to mention just a few dimensions.17
This leads to the second failure of anti-colonial critique. Given that objective costs and benefits varied with time and place, another approach is simply to defer to the judgements of those affected. The subjective legitimacy approach asks whether the people subject to colonialism treated it, through their beliefs and actions, as rightful. As Hechter showed, alien rule has often been legitimate in world history because it has provided better governance than the indigenous alternative.18
Anti-colonial critics simply assert that colonialism was, in Hopkins's words, 'a foreign imposition lacking popular legitimacy'.19 Yet until very late, European colonialism appears to have been highly legitimate and for good reasons. Millions of people moved closer to areas of more intensive colonial rule, sent their children to colonial schools and hospitals, went beyond the call of duty in positions in colonial governments, reported crimes to colonial police, migrated from non-colonised to colonised areas, fought for colonial armies and participated in colonial political processes - all relatively voluntary acts. Indeed, the rapid spread and persistence of Western colonialism with very little force relative to the populations and areas concerned is prima facie evidence of its acceptance by subject populations compared to the feasible alternatives. The 'preservers', 'facilitators' and 'collaborators' of colonialism, as Abernethy shows, far outnumbered the 'resisters'at least until very late: 'lmperial expansion was frequently the result not just of European push but also of indigenous pull'.20 In Borneo, the Sultan of Brunei installed an English traveller, James Brooke, as the rajah of his chaotic province of Sarawak in 1841, after which order and prosperity expanded to such an extent that even once a British protectorate was established in 1888, the Sultan preferred to leave it under Brooke family control until 1946.21
Sir Alan Burns, the governor of the Gold Coast during World War II, noted that
had the people of the Gold Coast wished to push us into the sea there was little to prevent them. But this was the time when the people came forward in their thousands, not with empty protestations of loyalty but with men to serve in the army ... and with liberal gifts to war funds and war charities. This was curious conduct for people tired of British rule.22
In most colonial areas, subject peoples either faced grave security threats from rival groups or they saw the benefits of being governed by a modernised and liberal state. Patrice Lumumba, who became an anti-colonial agitator only very late, praised Belgian colonial rule in his autobiography of 1962 for 'restoring our human dignity and turning us into free, happy, vigorous, and civilized men'.23 Chinua Achebe's many pro-colonial statements, meanwhile, have been virtually airbrushed from memory by anti-colonial ideology.24 The few scholars who take note of such evidence typically dismiss it as a form of false consciousness.25
The failure of anti-colonial critique to come to terms with the objective benefits and subjective legitimacy of colonialism points to a third and deeper failure: it was never intended to be 'true' in the sense of being a scientific claim justified through shared standards of inquiry that was liable to falsification. The origins of anti-colonial thought were political and ideological. The purpose was not historical accuracy but contemporaneous advocacy. Today, activists associate 'decolonisation' (or 'postcolonialism') with all manner of radical social transformation, which unintentionally ties historic conclusions to present-day endeavours. Unmoored from historical fact, postcolonialism became what Williams 26 called a metropolitan flaneur culture of attitude and performance whose recent achievements include an inquiry into the glories of sado-masochism among Third World women 27 and a burgeoning literature on the horrors of colonialism under countries that never had colonies.28
This third failure of anti-colonial critique is perhaps most damaging. It is not just an obstacle to historical truth, which itself is a grave disservice. Even as a means of contemporary advocacy, it is self-wounding. For it essentially weaponises the colonial past, as the gradually imploding postcolonial South African state's persecution of Helen Zille shows. 'What a meta-narrative of anti-colonial sentiment can render invisible are ways in which people made claims on new possibilities without deploying either anti- or pro-colonial idioms', Englund writes in his study of colonial-era newspapers in Zambia.
To devote all scholarly attention to the question of how different actors during this period sought to end colonial rule is to succumb to a limiting meta-narrative of anti-colonialism, one that allows no conceptual space between colonial and anti-colonial agendas, and thereby keeps other possibilities inaccessible to the scholarly and moral imagination.29
The costs of anti-colonialism
It is hard to overstate the pernicious effects of global anti-colonialism on domestic and international affairs since the end of World War II. Anti-colonialism ravaged countries as nationalist elites mobilised illiterate populations with appeals to destroy the market economies, pluralistic and constitutional polities, and rational policy processes of European colonisers. In our 'age of apology' 30 for atrocities, one of the many conspicuous silences has been an apology for the many atrocities visited upon Third World peoples by anti-colonial advocates. Few cases better illustrate this than Guinea-Bissau and its anti-colonial 'hero' Amilcar Cabral. In launching a guerrilla war against Portuguese rule in 1963 Cabral insisted that it was 'necessary to totally destroy, to break, to reduce to ash all aspects of the colonial state in our country in order to make everything possible for our people'.31 He took aim at a successful colonial state that had quadrupled rice production32 and initiated sustained gains in life expectancy33 since bringing the territory under control in 1936. Cabral, in his own words, was 'never able to mobilize the people on the basis of the struggle against colonialism'.34 Instead, he secured training and arms from Cuba, Russia and Czechoslovakia and economic assistance from Sweden.35 The resulting war killed 15,000 combatants (out of a population of 600,000) and at least as many civilians, and displaced another 150,000 (a quarter of the population).
Once 'liberation' was achieved in 1974, a second human tragedy unfolded, costing at least 10,000 further lives as a direct result of conflict. By 1980, rice production had fallen by more than 50% to 80,000 tonnes (from a peak of 182,000 tonnes under the Portuguese). Politics became a 'cantankerous din of former revolutionaries' in the words of Forrest.36 Cabral's half- brother, who became president, unleashed the secret police on the tiny opposition - 500 bodies were found in three mass graves for dissidents in 1981,37 A tenth of the remaining population upped stakes for Senegal. 38 The Cabralian one-party state expanded to 5,000 employees, 10 times as big as the Portuguese administration at its peak.39 Confused Marxist scholars blamed the legacies of colonialism or the weather or Israel.40
Things have gotten worse. Guinea-Bissau has a more or less permanent United Nations (UN) peacekeeping force and continues to suck up millions in aid as the 'continuadores de Cabral' squabble under what the World Bank calls 'continuing political disarray'.41 Today, in per-capita terms, rice production is still only one-third of what it was under the Portuguese despite 40 years of international aid and technological advances. The health transition, mean while, slowed considerably after independence. By 2015, the average Guinea-Bissauan was living to just 55, meaning gains of just 0.3 years of extra life per year since independence, less than half of the 0.73 extra years of life per year being gained in the late colonial period. What might have become a prosperous and humane Macau or Goa of Africa is today a cesspool of human suffering. Western and African anti-colonial scholars continue to extol Cabral's 'national liberation' ideas.42 But actually existing Guineans may be asking: When are the Portuguese coming back?
Guinea-Bissau seems like an extreme case. It is not. Of the 80 countries that threw off the colonial 'yoke' after World War II, at least half experienced similar trauma, while most of the rest limped on. For 60 years, Third World despots have raised the spectre of recolonisation to discredit democratic oppositions and ruin their economies. Yet there is virtually nothing written about most of these postcolonial traumas since, as Igreja notes, it still assumed that anti-colonial movements were victims rather than victimisers.43 Scholars in full Eurocentric mode prefer to churn out books on colonial atrocities or to suggest that 'colonial legacies' have something to do with the follies and body blows inflicted on these countries by their anti-colonial leaders.44
To be sure, just as the colonial era was not an unalloyed good, the independence era has not been an unalloyed bad. A few postcolonial states are in reasonable health. Those whose moral imaginations were not shrouded by anti-colonial ideology had the most productive encounter with modernity, emerging as leaders of what W. Arthur Lewis called the 'creative' Third World.45
But most of the rest remained stuck in anti-colonial 'protest' identities with dire consequences for human welfare. A sobering World Bank report of 1996 noted: 'Almost every African country has witnessed a systematic regression of capacity in the last 30 years; the majority had better capacity at independence than they now possess'.46 This loss of state capacity was no trifle; it meant the loss of tens of millions of lives. And it is not getting better. For instance, only 13 of 102 historically developing countries are on track to have high state capacity by the year 2100, according to Andrews and colleagues. The people of Bangladesh will have to wait another 244 years at their current rate to reach a high-capacity state.47 Would it have taken Britain, even in some adjusted role (as discussed below), until the middle of the twenty-third century to institute good government in this former province of Eastern Bengal?
In international affairs, meanwhile, otherwise liberal and democratic states such as India, Brazil and South Africa continue to style themselves as enemies of Western colonialism. As Chatterjee Miller shows, the foreign policies of these former colonies continue to be driven by a sense of victimhood and entitlement rather than rational self-interest or global responsibility.48 This means that every time the world is desperate for a coordinated response to a human, political or security catastrophe - in Sri Lanka, Venezuela or Zimbabwe, for instance - the voices of anti-colonialism intercede to prevent action. As it turned out, the most serious threat to human rights and world peace was not colonialism - as the United Nations declared in 1960 - but anti-colonialism.
Chatterjee Miller argues that it is the responsibility of the West to be 'sensitive' to these anti-colonial viewpoints. An alternative view is that it is the responsibility of the West to help these nations kick the habit. After all, Britain's rise is surely inseparable from the ways that it embraced and celebrated its colonisers from the Romans through to the Normans. If anti-colonial sentiments had gone unchallenged in Britain, the country today would be a backwater of druid worshippers.
Resurrecting colonial governance
Even as intellectuals have continued to plough the anti-colonial furrow since the end of the Cold War, many countries have changed their domestic governance to replant the seeds of 'colonial governance'. This agenda has many things in common with the'good governance' agenda: economic liberalisation, political pluralism and administrative streamlining have replaced the socialist road in most countries. But the colonial governance agenda is distinct from the good governance agenda in two respects.
First, the colonial governance agenda explicitly affirms and borrows from a country's colonial past, searching for ideas and notions of governmentality. As Burton and Jennings note, 'In the first decade or so after independence . . . East African governments often adopted or adapted both administrative structures and ideological concepts from their colonial predecessors in order to create quite successful forms of governance - certainly by regional standards'.49 In many cases, colonial bureaucrats and police were rehired by the newly independent governments.
Reclaiming this colonial trajectory abandoned at independence is key to the colonial governance agenda. No less an anti-colonial 'hero' than Chinua Achebe ended his days with a memoir that explicitly affirmed the positive contributions of colonialism to governance in his native Nigeria: '[l]t is important to face the fact that British colonies were, more or less, expertly run', he wrote.50 What was important about Achebe's' articulation of the unsayable', as Msiska called it, was his rediscovery of 'the colonial national formation as a habitable community'.51 This had concrete implications for how to organise the civil service, how to manage federalism and how to promote education. As with democratic episodes in a country's past, colonial episodes become an attic to ransack in search of a livable past. This also underscores the importance of reinvesting in a non-biased historiography of colonialism so that the colonial periods are seen not as objects of resistance but as fruitful sources of creativity.
Secondly, and related, the colonial governance agenda recognises that the capacity for effective self-government is lacking and cannot be conjured out of thin air. The lack of state capacity to uphold the rule of law and deliver public services was the central tragedy of 'independence' in the Third World, as a few voices like Plamenatz and Barnes warned at the time.52 To reclaim 'colonial governance'means increasing foreign involvement in key sectors in business, civil society and the public sector in order to this bolster this capacity. In 1985, for instance, the Indonesian government fired all 6000 government inspectors at the Jakarta port of Tanjung Priok and replaced the corrupt and inefficient customs service with the Swiss firm SGS. The Swiss rebuilt the customs service, handing back partial control in 1991 and full control in 1997.53 Indonesia's exports boomed. Civil society and successful policy reforms, meanwhile, improve faster with the presence of international civil society actors, as they did in the colonial era, as shown by studies of environmental civil society.54 Multinational corporations, moreover, can be tasked with public service provision near their facilities in direct imitation of colonial practices, as Hönke has documented.55
The colonial governance agenda embraces a cosmopolitanism - a civilising mission - often lacking in the good governance agenda. Bain, for instance, admits the 'grim reality' and 'ghastly consequences' of decolonisation.56 Yet he simultaneously rejects the idea that the West has anything to offer, since this implies an imperial mission. This 'uncritical critique of the liberal peace', as Chandler57 calls it, consigns Third World nations to the foibles and vagaries of 'authentic' or 'indigenous' practices, a de facto abandonment of hope in their self-governing capacities. By contrast, the colonial governance agenda resurrects the universalism of the liberal peace and with it a shared standard of what a well-governed country looks like.
The case for recolonisation
The second broad way to reclaim colonialism is to recolonise some areas. It may be that in some cases, only a formal share of sovereignty for Western countries can provide the mix of accountability and authority needed to build capacity in weak states. In Chesterman's oft-quoted phrase, the problem with modern statebuilding is not that it 'is colonial in character; rather the problem is that sometimes it is not colonial enough'.58
The World Bank and United States, for instance, experimented with 'co-signatory' arrangements in Liberia and Chad in the 1990s and 2000s, where major government expenditures required the signatures of both domestic and external agents. In the Australia-led Regional Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands (RAMSI) or the UN's International Commission against Impunity in Guatemala (known by its Spanish acronym CICIG), key legal and police functions were handed over to external powers because of rampant corruption and criminalisation of the state.
Sèbe calls this 'cosmopolitan nation-building' because it represents an explicit rejection of the parochial myth of self-governing capacity that drove most postcolonial countries into the ground.59 Rather than use an ever-expanding set of euphemisms that avoid the 'C' word - 'shared sovereignty', 'conservatorship', 'proxy governance', 'transitional administration', 'neo-trusteeship', 'cooperative intervention'- these arrangements should be called 'colonialism' because it would embrace rather than evade the historical record. As Ignatieff wrote in 2002: 'Imperialism doesn't stop being necessary just because it becomes politically incorrect'.60
While the conceptual abandonment of the myth of self-governing capacity is now main- stream, the challenges of making new forms of colonialism work are immense. There are three separate questions for policymakers: (1) how to make colonialism acceptable to the colonised; (2) how to motivate Western countries to become colonial again; and (3) how to make colonialism achieve lasting results.
Any colonial relationship requires a high degree of acceptance from the local population. Perhaps this explains why post-Cold War interventions have sought to emphasise their participatory and consensual nature in contrast with an alleged illegitimate and coercively imposed colonialism.61 This is another area where an accurate historiography of colonialism is sorely needed because, as noted, colonialism usually spread with a significant degree of consent from politically salient actors.
One lesson from colonial legitimation is that at least in the initial phases, legitimacy will be demonstrated not by the holding of a plebiscite or by the support of organised and broadly representative groups but simply by the ability of the intervening state to win compliance from key actors and get the job done.Too often, critics of modern interventions have decried the lack of 'accountability or representation'.62 Yet it is precisely the absence of conditions for meaningful accountability or representation that makes intervention necessary in the first place, much as colonialism spread in order to better manage ungoverned encounters with the West. As Chesterman wrote: 'If genuine local control were possible, then a transitional administration would not be necessary'. The creation of accountable political power 'may well be the end of the transitional administration', he writes, 'but by definition it is not the means'.63
To push the logic further, it is the intervening state, bound to act as a trustee, that has the capacity initially to choose a legitimate path forward. As in colonial times, foreign control by a liberal state with its own robust accountability mechanisms is the closest that a people with a weak state can come to 'local ownership'. The widespread support in Sierra Leone for the 1999 to 2005 British overhaul and rebuilding of the police force was explained by this externally created legitimacy with an explicit colonial vestige: 'There has always been a soft spot for the British among Sierra Leoneans. That feeling has now come into full play, with public demands for the Brits to stay for as long as necessary, because of the helpless condition of the country', one local journalist noted.64
The legitimacy of a new colonialism will almost always require a local leader who is both domestically popular and a strong advocate of the colonial relationship. After initial scepticism, Liberia's energetic president Ellen Johnson Sirleaf championed the post-2005 Government and Economic Assistance Management Program (GEMAP) that gave extensive powers over spending and budgeting to external actors. As a result, Liberians generally welcomed GEMAP.65 'Although some Liberian politicians see the plan as thinly veiled colonialism, it is wildly popular among those living on the rubbish-strewn streets of the capital', noted The Times. "'We love GEMAP," Henry Williams, a shopkeeper, said to nods from the crowd at the counter. "It will stop the politicians from stealing from us'".66
The dynamics of colonial legitimation moving forward are tricky because as a country 'earns sovereignty' the legitimacy of the colonial relationship will decline if it is not constantly recalibrated and reaffirmed. As local institutions and norms improve, the colonial relationship will become more intensive but also more contested because of this more complex polity. Again, lessons from past colonialism are germane: 'The central paradox of the process of colonial exit was that it coincided in most cases with the most active phase of colonial state-building', wrote Darwin.67
Very little attention is ever paid to the second challenge although it is arguably greater: how to motivate Western countries to become colonial. Despite cries of 'exploitation', colonialism was probably a money loser for imperial powers. The Stanford economist Richard Hammond coined the term 'uneconomic imperialism' to describe the ways that European powers embarked on ruinously costly and ultimately money-losing colonialism for largely non-economic reasons.68 That is why they gave up their colonies so easily, as Wu also showed with regard to the Dutch surrender of Taiwan.69 The benefits of empire were widely diffused while the costs were narrowly borne by the colonial power. As Kaplan wrote: The real problem with imperialism is not that it is evil, but rather that it is too expensive and therefore a problematic grand strategy for a country like the United States'.70
Australia's Lowy Institute for International Policy, for instance, calculated that the RAMSI programme cost Australian taxpayers about US$2 billion over its 10-year period, roughly the annual health and education budget for the capital city of Canberra, or the equivalent of a year's economic output for every Solomon Islander. The institute described this as 'a massive investment for a country where Australia's interests are limited'.71 The moment there was a whiff of Solomon Islander opposition using anti-colonial tropes, the Australians headed home.72 A willingness to assume responsibility for the affairs of a foreign land will not come easily since Western governments are held closely to account for their spending and anti-colonial ideology can be easily mobilised. The UN, meanwhile, is not likely to step in with more 'international administration' due to the enduring anti-colonialism of leading Third World states.73 Collier's suggestion for expanded UN-led governance provision is impractical for this reason.74
To solve the incentives problem, Hechter has called for a'market in transnational governance'75 which we might call less euphemistically 'colonialism for hire'. Colonial states would be paid for their services, an important motivator to be successful. The contractual motivation would also strengthen consent through periodic renegotiation of the terms. If properly designed, host countries would more than recoup those costs through higher foreign inves ment, lower external borrowing costs and greater business confidence, benefits that were arguably more significant than improved governance in the colonial era.76
That still leaves the third question of whether new forms of colonialism would work. The salient point is simply to draw attention to the relevance of the colonial past to this question since the appropriate models for statebuilding are probably not modern liberal ones but something else.77 Whereas the number of post-Cold War interventions involving a share of sovereignty has been quite small, there were many episodes and types of colonialism from which to draw lessons. For instance, the largely successful resurrection of the state in Cambodia after a Chinese-imposed genocidal regime is not attributable to the UN-led reconstruction effort of 1992-1993. Liberal peacebuilding failed in Cambodia judged in terms of the intention to create a robust democracy or an independent police and army.78 Rather, what emerged was a successful semi-authoritarian polity with deep roots in the colonial past.79
One lesson from the colonial past is that the share of sovereignty needs to be substantial and thorough in most cases. If external actors are constrained to work with rotten local institutions, as Matanock has argued,80 "then reforms will be difficult. Remaking a local police force may be possible without a share of sovereignty, but cleaning out a thoroughly corrupt national criminal justice system requires external control. Again, the reason to reclaim the word 'colonialism' is that it does not sidestep this important empirical insight.
The second lesson is what Lemay-Hebert calls 'the centrality of the social', - that is, the centrality of a congruence between the values in the community and those of the state.81 Liberal interventions fail, he argued, because of their aversion to the social. Colonial interventions, by contrast, may stand a greater chance of success because historically this 'emphasis on the social' is what colonialism was good at: the dual mandate, indirect rule, minimal expatriate staffs and customary law went hand in hand with the infrastructure of modernity (schools, universal laws, 'Western' medicine, etc.) 'Since gaining independence, Congo has never has at its disposal an army comparable in efficiency and discipline to the former [Belgian colonial] Force Publique', was Van Reybrouck's sad conclusion.82 Maybe the Belgians should come back.
The tale of Galinhas
Even with local legitimacy, Western will and a good plan, the challenges of making new forms of colonialism work are immense. Leaders will need to come up with novel solutions to continued chaos and displacement caused by a century of anti-colonial policies. So here is a modest idea: build new Western colonies from scratch.
In 2009, the economist Paul Romer - who became the World Bank's chief economist in 2016 - suggested that rich nations build 'charter cities' in poor countries.83 Under this model, largely empty land is leased to a foreign nation or group of nations so that their sovereignty allows a modern enclave to grow up, as was the case in Hong Kong. That tiny British colony, according to Romer, 'did more to reduce world poverty than all the aid programs that we've undertaken in the last century'.
New colonies solve the three challenges above nicely. For the local population, they are legitimate because citizens choose to move there, escaping worse situations, and because their governments agree to the terms. They are potentially attractive to Western states because for conservatives they are low risk and self-financing while for liberals they are 'acts of justice'.84 Finally, charter cities could be effective - which was Romer's main concern in developing the idea - because they have a blank slate to transplant home institutions with- out having to work with rotten local ones.
Back to Guinea-Bissau. Suppose that the government of Guinea-Bissau were to lease back to Portugal the small uninhabited island of Galinhas that lies 10 miles off the mainland and where the former colonial governor's mansion lies in ruins. The annual lease would be US$ 1 so that the Portuguese spend their money on the island and the Guinea-Bissau government is not dependent on a lease fee. Suppose, then, that the US$10 million to US$20 million in foreign aid wasted annually on the country were redirected to this new offshore colony to create basic infrastructure. As part of the deal, the Portuguese would allow a certain number of Guinea- Bissau residents to resettle on the island each year. Portuguese institutions and sovereignty would be absolute here for the term of the lease - say 99 years, as was the case with the mainland parts of Hong Kong. A small European state would grow up on the African coast.
At 60 square miles, Galinhas could, over time, easily accommodate the entire population of Guinea-Bissau. If successful, it would attract talent, trade and capital. The mainland parts of Guinea-Bissau would benefit from living next to an economic dynamo and learning to emulate its success, while symbolically escaping from the half-century anti-colonial night-mare of Amilcar Cabral. The same idea could be tried all over the coastlines of Africa and the Middle East if successful. Colonialism could be resurrected without the usual cries of oppression, occupation, and exploitation.
A preposterous idea? Perhaps. But not so preposterous as the anti-colonial ideology that for the past 100 years has been haunting the lives of hundreds of millions of people in the Third World. A hundred years of disaster is enough. It is time to make the case for colonialism again.
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.
Note on Contributor
Bruce Gilley is a professor of political science at Portland State University. His research centres on comparative and international politics, with specific interests in political legitimacy and statebuilding, democracy and democratic transitions, climate change policy, and the Third World. He is a specialist on the politics of Asia and China. He is currently working on a biog raphy of Sir Alan Burns, a former British colonial governor and representative to the United Nations Trusteeship Council. Dr Gilley holds a PhD in politics from Princeton University and an M.Phil in economics from the University of Oxford.
1. Sèbe, "Post-Colonialism to Cosmopolitan Nation-Building?"
2. Van Reybrouck, Congo, 255.
3. Andreski, Old Wives' Tales.
4. Acemoglu et al., "Colonial Origins of Comparative Development."
5. Biber, Intertribal War in Pre-Colonial Namibia.
6. Abernethy, Dynamics of Global Dominance, 403.
7. Elkins, Imperial Reckoning.
8. Daniels, "Mau Mau Revisited," 26.
9. Stanley, "History Is Never Black and White"; and Branch, "Enemy Within."
10. Young, "Heritage of Colonialism," 11, 13.
11. Herbst, States and Power in Africa.
12. Young, African Colonial State in Comparative Perspective.
13. Lefebvre,"We Have Tailored Africa."
14. E. Bums, British Imperialism in West Africa.
15. Miers and Klein, Slavery and Colonial Rule in Africa; Misevich and Mann, Rise and Demise of Slavery; and Ribi Forclaz, Humanitarian Imperialism.
16. Juan and Pierskalla, "Comparative Politics of Colonialism and Its Legacies."
17. Lange, Mahoney, and vom Hau, "Colonialism and Development"; Fieldhouse, The West and the Third World; Gann and Duignan, Burden of Empire; and Ola Olsson,"On the Democratic Legacy of Colonialism"; Midgley and Piachaud, Colonialism and Welfare; and Amone and Muura, "British Colonialism and the Creation of Acholi Ethnic Identity."
18. Hechter, Alien Rule.
19. Hopkins, Future of the Imperial Past, 19.
20. Abernethy, Dynamics of Global Dominance, 272-3, 264.
21. Walker, Power and Prowess.
22. A. S. Burns, Colonial Civil Servant, 318.
23. Lumumba, Congo, My Country, 12, 13.
24. Gilley, "Chinua Achebe on the Positive Legacies."
25. Ernst and Pati, India's Princely States; Freud, "Organizing Autarky"; Stilwell, "Constructing Colonial Power"; and Ypi, "What's Wrong with Colonialism."
26 Williams, "Postcolonial Flaneur and Other Fellow-Travellers."
27. Deckha, "Pain as Culture."
28. Luthi, Falk, and Purtschert, "Colonialism without Colonies."
29. Englund,"Anti Anti-Colonialism," 243.
30. Gibney, Age of Apology; and Bentley, Empires of Remorse.
31. Quoted in Cohen, "The State in Africa" 1 .
32. Galli and Jones, Guinea-Bissau: Politics, Economics, and Society, 43.
33. Riley, "Timing and Pace of Health Transitions."
34. Cann, Counterinsurgency in Africa, 24.
35. Wolfers 'West African Leader Seeks Talks with Portugal."
36. Forrest, Guinea-Bissau, 50.
37. Galli and Jones, Guinea-Bissau: Politics, Economics, and Society, 98; and Lopes, Guinea-Bissau, 154.
39. Mota, Guiné Portuguesa, 61 .
40. Bigman, History and Hunger in West Africa; and Okafor, "Paige and the Economic Development."
41. Gacitua-Mario et al., "Institutions, Social Networks, and Conflicts," 24.
42. Mendy, "Amilcar Cabral and the Liberation of Guinea-Bissau"; and Rabaka, Resistance and Decolonization.
43. Igreja "Frelimo's Political Ruling."
44. Levy and Young, Colonialism and Its Legacies ; Mayblin, Asylum after Empire; and Miles, Scars of Partition.
45. Quoted in Gilley, "Challenge of the Creative Third World."
46. World Bank, Partnership for Capacity Building in Africa, 5.
47. Andrews, Pritchett, and Woolcock, Building State Capability, 20.
48. Chatterjee Miller, Wronged by Empire.
49. Burton and Jennings, "Introduction: The Emperor's New Clothes?, "3.
50. Achebe, There Was a Country, 43.
51. Msiska, "Imagined Nations and Imaginary Nigeria,"41 3.
52. Plamenatz, On Alien Rule and Self-Government; and Barnes, Africa in Eclipse.
53. Liebhold, "Businesses Brace for Return of Customs."
54. Schofer and Hironaka, "Effects of World Society."
55. Hönke, "Multinationals and Security Governance in the Community."
56. Bain, "Love of Order and Abstract Nouns," 155, 157.
57. Chandler, "The Uncritical Critique of 'Liberal Peace.'"
58. Chesterman, You, the People, 12.
59. Sèbe, "Post-Colonialism to Cosmopolitan Nation-Building?"
60. Ignatieff, "Nation-Building Lite."
61. Whalan, How Peace Operations Work.
62. Cunliffe, "State-Building: Power without Responsibility," 52.
63. Chesterman, You, the People, 239, 144.
64. Grøner Krogstad, "Local Ownership as Dependence Management," 115.
65. Andersen, "Outsiders inside the State."
66. Houreld, "World Turns out to Hail Woman Who Carries Hopes of a Continent."
67. Darwin, "Exit and Colonial Administrations," 29.
68. Hammond, Portugal and Africa, 1815-1910.
69. Wu,"A Re-Valuation of the Management of Dutch Taiwan."
70. Kaplan, "In Defense of Empire."
71. Hayward-Jones, Australia's Costly Investment in Solomon Islands, 17.
72. Barbara, "Antipodean Statebuilding."
73. Lake and Fariss, "Why International Trusteeship Fails"; and Murray and Hehir, "Intervention in the Emerging Multipolar System."
74. Collier, Wars, Guns, and Votes, 199-203.
75. Hechter, "Alien Rule and Its Discontents."
76. Davis and Huttenback, Mammon and the Pursuit of Empire.
77. Lemay-Hébert, "Critical Debates on Liberal Peacebuilding."
78. Richmond and Franks, Liberal Peace Transitions, ch. 1 .
79. Roberts, "Hybrid Polities and Indigenous Pluralities"; and Tully, France on the Mekong.
80. Matanock, "Governance Delegation Agreements.
81. Lemay-Hébert, "Statebuilding without Nation-Building?"
82. Van Reybrouck, Congo, 470.
83. Romer "Why the World Needs Charter Cities."
84. Freiman, "Cosmopolitanism within Borders"; and Sagar,"Are Charter Cities Legitimate?"
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Labels: history, politics


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Last edited by bmynbr; 04-17-2019 at 02:09 PM.
Anyone know when they will be out in hard copy as in paper ?
Region 5 moose is anyone actually putting in for a draw there, I guess my question is as it is TBA, first when will it be announced if it actually an option or if you did put in for region 5 and it was cancelled are you done as far as entering for a different region??


text:
Q, q er det syttende bogstav i det latinske alfabet og i det danske alfabet.. Den tilhører gruppen vi kalder konsonanter.

I Tyrkiet har Q (i lighed med X og W) været forbudt, fordi bogstaverne anvendes i kurdisk. Disse bogstaver forekommer imidlertid i engelske ord, der hyppigt bruges internationalt, såsom show; og præsident Erdoğan lovede derfor i 2013 at tillade dem.

Den danske sprogforsker Rasmus Rask anbefalede i et skrift fra 1830'erne ikke q i det danske sprog:

Andre betydninger
Tegnet Q har mange betydninger:
 Romertal for 500 (almindeligere er D).
 Q er indenfor elektronikken betegnelsen for en svingningskreds' godhed.
 Q er navnet på et månedsblad.
 Q var partibogstavet for Kristeligt Folkeparti (nu: K – Kristendemokraterne).
 Q (efter tysk Quelle, kilde, Q-kilden)  : "Tokildehypotesen" blev første gang fremsat af den tyske teolog Christian Hermann Weisse i 1838. Hypotesen går ud på, at der ligger to kilder til grund for Mattæusevangeliet og Lukasevangeliet. Den ene er Markusevangeliet, mens den anden kilde er en (tabt) talekilde/logiakilde, der fik den internationalt accepterede betegnelse Q (efter tysk Quelle).
 Q er tegnet for kvinder.
 Q er tegnet for de rationale tal.

Referencer

Eksterne henvisninger

Latinske bogstaver

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


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Later as a syndicated radio talk show host, he reached the hearts and minds of hundreds of thousands of Americans.
Working as an on-air personality, program director, and sales manager prepared Andy to found this SC based radio syndication company. Following his passion for helping people, Andy made a bold career change and stepped out from behind the microphone to become a sales manager for Good People Staffing, a subsidiary of Goodwill Industries in Lower South Carolina. There he expanded his role in the company to employment recruiter and career counselor, equipping thousands of eager job seekers with the hope, confidence, and skills necessary to not only find a job, but a career, in one of the most challenging job markets in the country.
His seminars began in that very worthy setting and gave him the push to take his methodology on the road. Resume Writing Services Pricing. You are of course being courted, and will likely hear all of the reasons you should move forward with this particular Writer or Resume Writing firm; they are selling themselves to you. And make sure they address all of your questions and understand any concerns you may have.
While there are good Resume Writers that are relatively new to the business i. Your resume is one of the most important documents you will need to help establish a successful career. A good Resume Writer can craft an accomplishment-driven document that stands out and increases your chances of landing an interview.
An expert Resume Writer takes you a step further by creating a document that provides you with a marked competitive advantage in getting recruiters and hiring manager to take notice and reach out to you, significantly improving your perceived market value and personal brand.
He is very knowledgeable and up-to-date on what businesses are looking for today when they are searching for that perfect candidate. So, before you put yourself back on the market, make sure you have Chris help you put your best foot forward. After all, being able to showcase our professional value and expertise is a benefit of why we work so hard. I had been on the job hunt for 11 months when I wrote and had my resume critiqued.
Lots of great feedback and ultimately I purchased the resume writer option. The best money I have ever spent. Within 4 weeks I was deciding between three offers. I also used the resources and files of information on job interviewing and searches. I have recommended you and your site to others who have been out of work. Thank you again for your services and resources. I cannot thank you enough for your services as it definitely increased the number of job interviews I received from none to four different companies and several more requests on LinkedIn.
Process-driven, He takes the time to understand the unique skills that his clients possess. This reflects in the work that Chris presents to them for their approval. Chris should be hired by any business professional that wants to have their abilities accurately represented on their resume. I work in healthcare and had a resume that typically looked like most nurses would. Christopher took the time to interview me in depth about my accomplishments and positions before writing my resume.
When he returned it to me I was astounded. I would never have believed that the person he wrote about was me. I immediately began receiving job offers I never thought possible and one of the directors had even asked where I had the resume done because they had not seen such an awesome portrail of an applicant in a long time. I highly recommend Christopher for any writing. He went above and beyond to make the time necessary to understand my unique situation.
More importantly, he customized my resume to reflect my skill set in a way to achieve a very specific objective. Chris used his skills brilliantly to work with me to capture and professionally present, the key achievements from the last two decades.
I thought calling from NZ to Florida and other states that Chris was in as we worked together might create an issue. Chris made himself available at times convenient working around the time zones and the family responsibilities.
Here is the definitive list of Charlotte's resume services as rated by the Charlotte, NC community. Want to see who made the cut? Explore. Join as a pro. Sign up. Log in. Charlotte Resume Writers And Editors. It's your resume! That's why you can't get the job! I do resume writing. I will turn your existing resume into the most.
Although maden.ga is a Charlotte, NC-based company offering resume writing and related services, I am a professional resume writer helping clients around the maden.gaally from Long Island, NY, and having lived on both the U.S. East and West coasts, I have clients in all 50 states, Australia, New Zealand, Europe, The .
Charlotte, NC Phone: Receive a bonus resource that is available with the Personalized and Consultative resume service. The additional resource is 42 pages of getting started with Linkedin and . Professional Resume Writing Service - Charlotte, NC Investment of a Lifetime There is a lot riding on your resume including job, career, and financial security.
Andy Thomas' National and Charlotte resume writing services and LinkedIn profile writing services that will make you stand out and help you land your dream job! Certified, professional resume writers will help you create the best resume possible when you pay for Andy Thomas' resume writing services. Professional Resume Writing Service, Resume Writer.


Image Title: X24 5 Oval Frame Crackled Glass Mosaic Decorative Vanity Mirror Throughout Mirrors Plans 4. Filename: x24-5-oval-frame-crackled-glass-mosaic-decorative-vanity-mirror-throughout-mirrors-plans-4.jpg. Image Dimension: 700 x 1010 pixels. Images Format: jpg/jpeg. Publisher/Author: Theodore Bechtelar. Uploaded Date: Monday - March 19th. 2018 10:47:10 AM. Category: Architecture. Image Source: wayfair.com.
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Hawai'i Mesothelioma Attorneys
Home Hawaii's Leading Personal Injury Attorneys Hawai'i Mesothelioma Attorneys
Hawai'i Mesothelioma Lawyer Gary Galiher
Gary Galiher founded Galiher DeRobertis & Waxman, which is well known in Hawai'i for decades of experience and successful handling of mesothelioma and asbestos-related personal injury cases.
In 1978, when Galiher was a young lawyer at a plaintiffs' personal injury firm in Hawai'i, a retired Pearl Harbor Naval Shipyard retired electrician Tristan Nobriga came to the firm with a disease called malignant mesothelioma. After doing some legal and medical research, the Galiher firm discovered that mesothelioma is a rare devastating cancer of the lining of the lungs whose sole cause is exposure to asbestos. His legal research uncovered some seminal case law at the time which stood for the proposition that a man in Nobriga's situation has a cause of action against the asbestos manufacturers.
Pearl Harbor Naval Shipyard and Other Hawai'i Job Sites of Asbestos Exposure
Pearl Harbor Naval Shipyard which was the hub of activity for U.S. Navy ships in World War II, the Korean conflict, and the Vietnam War had numerous ships and submarines coming in and out of port for extensive repair and overhaul. The exposure to asbestos by the civilian workers as well as the military personnel was tremendous. There are numerous other job sites in Hawai'i where asbestos exposure occurred over many years causing mesothelioma and other asbestos diseases among the workforce. The Galiher law firm has successfully handled asbestos cases that arose from these many sites.
Highly Successful Track Record of Handling Mesothelioma Cases in Hawai'i
In 1982 the first mesothelioma case to be tried in the State of Hawai'i was The Estate of Tristan Nobriga v. Raybestos Manhattan. The Galiher law firm represented the Nobriga family through the trial and made landmark Hawai'i case law at the Hawai'i Supreme Court. Other jury verdicts for Galiher DeRobertis & Waxman include the case of Lawrence Kaowili, $8.2 million; Kenneth Cain, $5.3 million, Warren Miyashiro, $9.8 million.
We Are Hawai'i Mesothelioma Attorneys
Galiher DeRobertis & Waxman would like to help you with your or your loved one's mesothelioma or other asbestos-related disease case. Contact us immediately for a free case evaluation.
The Galiher law firm works tirelessly to obtain the best results for its clients in every case. Through our many years of practice, however, we understand that every case is unique and any recovery is based on the particular facts of the case at hand. Prior results cannot guarantee the results in future cases.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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Ahmed Dahab: What Is Washare?
Top Commercial Sewing Machines for Handmade Crafters
Using Amazon Handmade to Sell Your Crafts
How to Start a Candle Business
First came Uber, providing the public with inexpensive car rides. Next came Airbnb, offering spare rooms to rent. Washare is a revolutionary new platform, enabling anyone with a washing machine to make £1,000 plus per month, by taking care of other people's dirty laundry.
Washare is the brainchild of Ahmed Dahab, who launched the scheme in the UK in June 2019. Within a week, almost 20,000 prospective washers had signed up.
Washare works via two apps: Washare and Cashare.
Want-to-be washers simply download the Cashare app. Those looking to outsource their weekly wash download Washare. The Cashare app puts washers in touch with their potential audience. It also enables washers to make extra money by offering ironing services too.
Washare, Ahmed Dahab's company, employs 87 marketing, technical and investment relationship staff, located in the UK, Dubai, India and Turkey. He also relies on an outsourced professional crew. The aim of the platform is nothing less than establishing Washare as the 'Uber of washing'.
Promoted through a multi-million-pound marketing campaign, Washare enables private individuals to make up to £1,100 every month, simply by renting out their washing machine for five hours a day, 22 days a month. Dahab predicts that by the end of 2019, the scheme will hit 30,000 washes per day. That equates to around £50 per day for washers, excluding ironing services, Dahab explained to Forbes.
Prices for users are set by Washare's algorithms, but overall, they are expected to work out up to 60% cheaper than taking laundry to a traditional street laundrette. When Ahmed Dahab spoke with Forbes, just one week after Washare's UK launch, he explained that 19,350 individuals had already signed up to the scheme, exceeding their initial target by 200%.
Dahab said would-be washers have praised the idea and are looking forward to receiving orders. Many people who are short of money own a washing machine and have spare time. Many people who have spare cash are short on time, or do not own a machine. The Washare concepts brings these two groups together, helping everyone.
The UK's launderette sector is worth an estimated £1.85 billion per year. Dahab intends to roll the scheme out internationally, establishing the same service in larger US cities, as well as operating Washare in France, Italy, Canada and Japan.
Dahab explained that over 70% of UK households have a washing machine. This remaining 30% actually represents a very big market. Washare provides a platform for affordable, convenient laundry services that brings direct benefits to everyone.
Tags: AhmedDahabWashare
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When I think of Mother's Day I think of two things: celebrating motherhood and pampering mothers. As I mentioned last year, there is no celebrating me without celebrating my son, and I think moms should be a little selfish that day, for sure, but I think it's also important to be conscious consumers that day in order to show Mother Earth some love and working mothers around the world (e.g. moms who work in factories) some respect.
1. Visit a garden as a family. Gather ideas for creating a drought-tolerant home garden or pick up seeds for plants that support butterfly populations.
2. Make cards or do a family craft using upcycled materials. Reuse illustrations or lettering from old cards as well as envelopes that haven't been written on.
3. Stop at the farmers' market to gather local, organic ingredients and then cook a vegetarian meal for your favorite mama while she relaxes, indulging in her favorite blog/magazine/TV show.
1. Pajamas -- Nothing says "relaxing day" like a perfect pair of lounge pants. Try these pants from Punjammies or this set from Gaiam, both Fair Trade.
3. Nail Polish -- If a mom in your life likes manicures, a gift certificate for a manicure at an eco-friendly salon is always a winner. If she's like me, though, and prefers to do her own manicures, splurge on a non-toxic polish like this one by Acquarella.
4. Sea sponge -- Replace that tattered washcloth with a luxurious sea sponge, which divers harvest using sustainable practices.
What are you doing for your mom this Mother's Day?


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This is an interview that woke me up to the reality of Flat Earth. In early 2015, The Higherside Chats interviewed Eric Dubay about Flat Earth. Eric reuploaded it on his channel under the title 'Masonic Matrix Manipulators' and that's where I listened to it. To this day it is my favorite interview on the topic of Flat Earth, so I decided to remix and re-edit it ODD TV style.


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Юрий Блохин:
 Блохин, Юрий Витальевич (род. 1944) — советский политический деятель.
 Блохин, Юрий Владимирович (род. 1952) — советский хоккеист.
 Блохин, Юрий Дмитриевич (1932—1993) — российский авиаконструктор, заместитель главного конструктора НПО «Молния» Минавиапрома СССР.
 Блохин, Юрий Михайлович (1934—1982) — токарь Савёловского Машиностроительного завода, Герой Социалистического Труда.
 Блохин, Юрий Николаевич (1947—2019) — советский хозяйственный, государственный и политический деятель.


Genius in L2's Digital IQ Index: Personal Care | US Huggies and Gifted brand Pampers have been going head-to-head in a healthy competition for diaper consumers. Though Huggies was ranked second in L2's Index and Pampers was a close sixth, both have been successful in search, social, and CRM programs encouraging consumer loyalty.
Pampers sends far more emails than the average personal care brand, and the number fluctuates as the emails are triggered by baby ages. Huggies has a more social-oriented approach. Its Moving Moment microsite (featured on the brand's Facebook cover page) is dedicated to parents sharing their children's photos and offers coupons in exchange for snaps. Huggies is also among the 21% of personal care brands present on Pinterest, and has gained traction through promoting its Baby Shower Planner.
Both have loyalty programs and heavily promote subscriptions. Pampers buyers can take advantage of the mobile-compatible loyalty program by entering codes on diaper packages, as well as gain additional points by reviewing products and engaging with the brand on Facebook. Both brands heavily promote their subscription programs on Amazon, as Huggies is part of Amazon Mom and Pampers products are eligible for Amazon Subscribe & Save.
Search competition between the brands is heated as well. Both fall in the top ten results for relevant search terms on Amazon and Walmart.
Meanwhile, Huggies.com appears in the top ten organic Google results for 62% of unbranded keywords, just behind Amazon and Walmart.


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Home » Celebrities » Tory Lanez Donates $50,000 to Haitian Immigrants Who Are Stuck in Southern Border in Texas
Tory Lanez Donates $50,000 to Haitian Immigrants Who Are Stuck in Southern Border in Texas
In addition to handing out supplies like blankets and towels, the 'Convertible Burt' rapper entertains the refugees by singing and taking pictures with them.
AceShowbiz –Tory Lanez presses on with his philanthropic effort. On Saturday, October 2, the "Convertible Burt" rapper went down to the southern border in Texas to give Haitian immigrants live-saving supplies that are worth $50,000.
Taking to Instagram Story, the Canadian native shared a video that showed a chaotic situation at the border. "We out here… giving back to all the Haitian immigrants, all of our brothers and sisters, all of our black immigrants. A lot of these people have walked from Haiti to get here… and been walking for a long time," he said.
At the charity event, Tory handed out blankets, towels and other supplies to help the refugees. He also lifted their spirits by singing for them. He also set aside time to take pictures with the Haitians.
Tory then turned to Twitter to encourage his fans to help the immigrants as well. "Truly heartbreaking to see all of the Hatian migrants having to live in the conditions they were in … today I bought 50,000 $ worth of Essentials Products + Clothes for em ! Its not a game !! 2 things they really need are TENTS and TARPS .. contact [email protected] to help now," he tweeted.
Last month, Tory spent $50,000 to buy clothes for the needy and less fortunate in Baltimore. He also donated a total of $50,000 to 50 disadvantaged California families so they could pay bail fees for their loved ones.
"I've been advisory board member for United The People for like three years," the MC told some of the beneficiaries at that time. "So we've been doing this prison reform thing and helping people in these types of situations for a long, long, long time."
Tory, who has been entangled in legal trouble involving Megan Thee Stallion, went on to explain, "I know some of y'all haven't seen our loved ones for charges. That laws have changed on… And they just need representation too. Yeah, I'm in a better situation."
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Award News of "Beautiful Mess"
Across the Net
July 31, 2017, Denver, Colorado:
The news of Manick Sorcar winning the Accolade Award for his short laser animation "Beautiful Mess" flashed all over the internet. The story was carried by online news services such as Google, Yahoo, Business Standard, India Abroad, Total News Express, India New England, Half Desi, Telugu Headlines, The Indian Diaspora, etc., to name a few.
The following is reprinted from "India West", the popular Indian newspaper in print and online, published on July 31, 2017:
Denver, Colorado-based Laserist and Animator Manick Sorcar Wins Award at Global Film Contest (IANS)
Manick Sorcar (from India West)
CHICAGO - Indian American laserist and animator Manick Sorcar, of Denver, Colorado, has won the prestigious Award of Merit at The Accolade Global Film Competition for his animation art piece entitled "Beautiful Mess".
The Accolade recognizes film, television, videography and new media professionals who demonstrate exceptional achievement in craft and creativity, and those who produce standout entertainment or contribute to profound social change.
Sorcar, the eldest son of the legendary magician late P.C. Sorcar, said he was thrilled and gratified with receiving the award, adding: "I take it as a recognition of the challenges I encountered in presenting the short, emotional story using laser as the animating medium and manipulating the strong beam of light as a harmless pencil to draw on a sketchbook."
This is not the first laser animation by Sorcar that received international recognition. He won the ILDA 2015 Artistic Award for 'Light Art in Shower Ocean' in Innovative Application of Laser category from the International Laser Display Association.
Sorcar had also won the ILDA 2007 Artistic Award in Laser Photography category for his laser art "Reflection" and the ILDA Artistic Award for Best Use of Lasers in Live Stage Performance for his "Enlightenment of Buddha."
According to the Accolade, in winning this award, Sorcar joins the ranks of other high-profile winners of this internationally respected award, including the Oscar winning production of "The Lady in Number Six" by Malcolm Clarke, the talented Dave Bossert of Disney for his short documentary, and "The Tunes Behind The Toons."
(End of India West story. To read it online click here)


This is a peach, grey, and white handmade baby afghan is perfect for that new baby. It is available in several different sizes. It was made with Caron Simply Soft 100% acrylic yarn. It is machine washable and dryable making this easy to care for and perfect for that busy new mom. This would make a great baby shower gift! This blanket can be made in different colors. Send me a convo for more information. Recommended care: Hand wash and then lay flat to dry. Happy Shopping!


May GOOD THINGS grow ALL year long March 2018 - May Good Things Grow mixed fonts grow is hand lettered cursive.
To: From: July 2018 - Picnic Paradise - Heavy cursive font.
For You July 2018 - Picnic Paradise - Heavy cursive font.
Enjoy July 2018 - Picnic Paradise - Heavy cursive font. Dots on either side of text.
TO: FROM: February 2017 - Many Happy Birthdays tall hand lettered capitals font TWO ROW STAMP.
Thank you July 2018 - Picnic Paradise - Heavy cursive font. Line above and below sentiment.
Thinking of you. July 2018 - Picnic Paradise - Heavy cursive font. sentiment underlined.
CONGRATS June 2018 - Broadway Star Heavy serif font.
THE LOSS IS immeasurable BUT SO IS THE love LEFT BEHIND August 2018 - Blissful Blooms - mixed font, cursive and caps.
SO PROUD OF YOU June 2018 - Broadway Star sans-serif font.
friend February 2018 - Wildflower Wishes very bold sand serif font.
WE JUST WANTED TO SAY June 2018 - Broadway Star sans=serif font.
thank you February 2018 - Wildflower Wishes very bold sand serif font.
IT'S YOUR DAY June 2018 - Broadway Star sans-serif font.
celebrate February 2018 - Wildflower Wishes very bold sand serif font.
THANK you! August 2018 - Blissful Blooms mixed font, cursive and caps.
YOU DID IT! June 2018 - Broadway Star sans-serif font.
your awesomeness February 2018 - Wildflower Wishes Small angled cursive font.
THINKING OF you August 2018 - Blissful Blooms mixed font, cursive and caps.
SENDING Hugs and Kisses TO YOU January 2018 - Heartfelt Love Notes sans-serif and cursive fonts.
hello sweet February 2018 - Wildflower Wishes Small angled cursive font.
YOU ARE MY ANCHOR April 2018 Fun Custom Serif font.
YOU MAKE MY Heart HAPPY January 2018 - Heartfelt Love Notes sans-serif and cursive fonts.
big time February 2018 - Wildflower Wishes Small angled cursive font.
FOR YOU April 2018 - You Are My Anchor Fun Custom Serif font.
AHOY April 2018 - You Are My Anchor Fun Custom Serif font.


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Q: how to enable isPaging of scroll view in swiftUI and make the infinite scroll I have implemented scroll view in swiftUI and I want to enable paging functionality like collectionView, if we scroll our scroll view it will scroll to next element and one element have take full screen, here is my code
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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


Midcoast Printmakers, Inc. is featuring Frances Hodsdon in a silkscreen workshop held in their studio at the Round Top/DRA Farm on Bus. Rt. 1 in Damariscotta. No previous experience necessary. All levels of ability are welcome to participate in this fascinating printmaking technique. The $50 fee includes all materials for printing on paper. If you wish to print on cloth, such as bags or t-shirts, you will need to bring you own items.
Call Kay Miller @644-8849 for reservations or e-mail to: midcoastprintmakersinc@gmail.com.
Put the second Sunday of every month on your calendar for the Printmakers Gathering to share ideas at The Studio. We will meet March 11 and April 15 (the 3rd Sunday to avoid Easter), May 13, and June 10.
Mrs. Hodsdon is also starting a new etching class on Wednesdays 10-1 starting in March. Call her at 549-7087 FMI.