text:
Video shows moment two men mug and then fatally shoot a Philadelphia construction manager, 25, while he was walking his dachshund-Chihuahua dog at 7pm
Earth is overdue a mass extinction event by 30MILLION years... after the last apocalyptic catastrophe killed the dinosaurs
Moment 'killer' Texas couple in MAGA hats got married in Las Vegas chapel - before 'going on Thanksgiving Day gun rampage that left one man dead
Joe breaks vaccine bottleneck: Biden tells states to give vaccines to essential workers and over-65s IMMEDIATELY to stop 'doses sitting in freezers un-used' calling current system 'rigid and confused'
The uncomfortable truth about Tinder: Claire regrets not fighting for her marriage because she was tempted by the 'eligible' men - while Cath kept a diary of the liars, cheats and weirdos she met through the app
Fifty-three-year-old travel agent Claire Morton's husband left her after 24 years
Though shocked and hurt, the mother of three from Colchester, Essex, admitted she was excited about being single
She joined dating app Tinder but received lewd messages from men
Cath Halsall, 48, runs her own marketing business and lives in Peterborough, Cambs. She tried Tinder for six weeks and kept this diary of her experience
By Tanith Carey and Jill Foster for the Daily Mail
Published: 17:42 EST, 19 April 2017 | Updated: 02:19 EST, 20 April 2017
Every day, Claire Morton thinks back to that moment in November when she could have saved her marriage.
Her husband of 24 years, the father of her three children, had come home from work and announced he didn't love her any more and wanted to leave.
She sat and calmly listened to his footsteps upstairs in the bedroom as he packed his bag. She didn't think to follow him up. Not once did she ask him to reconsider. To talk it through. To try to make it work.
Fifty-three-year-old travel agent Claire Morton's husband left her after 24 years Though shocked and hurt, the mother of three from Colchester, Essex, admitted she was excited about being single and joined dating app Tinder
'Bye then,' she said, as he walked out of the door and out of her life
Though shocked and hurt, Claire, a 53-year-old travel agent from Colchester, Essex, admits part of her was excited at the thought of being single again.
While she loved her husband, like most couples in long marriages, she felt they had become a little staid and set in their ways. Their sex life was hardly the firework display of their 20s, and sometimes she'd look over at this snoring, paunchy, greying man on the other side of the bed and wonder: 'Is this it?'
Kate's show of support: A dressed-down Duchess of Cambridge... The Queen's favourite pastry recipes - including one she... A real blast from the past! Siblings recreate their most... Is the Unicorn Frappuccino really as magical as everyone...
A few of her divorced and single friends had talked about meeting men on Tinder — a mobile phone dating app with 50 million users globally. It is a bit like internet shopping for partners.
Presented with someone's profile on their screens, users are asked to swipe left for 'no' and right for 'yes' if they like the look of them.
While criticised by many for its commodification of sex and relation-ships, Tinder continues to grow exponentially. Earlier this month, it was reported that the four-times divorced actress Patsy Kensit, 49, had added her name to the dating pot.
Like many other middle-aged divorcees, Claire found Tinder to be a tawdry, loveless, moral abyss
To Claire, it sounded like a different world; a sweet shop filled with thrills and excitement, all available at her fingertips. Just the pick-me-up she needed.
Sadly, six months later, Claire would do anything to be back in the marital home, listening for the sound of her husband's key in the door.
For she, like countless other middle-aged divorcees, has found the world of internet dating — of which Tinder leads the field — to be a tawdry, loveless, moral abyss.
In fact, she'd be the first to warn any married woman secretly thinking the grass might be greener on the other side to stay firmly where she is.
Claire says: 'I'd hoped to meet some decent men in their 50s, someone with whom I could enjoy a conversation or a meal out.
'But it was horrendous and I've found that it's zapped my confidence and made me feel a lot more anxious about the future.
'I've been shocked by the number of men who think it's acceptable to send you pictures of their private parts.
'One man started sending me lewd messages, asking me what I'd like sexually. When I refused to interact with him, he sent more messages until I had to report him to the app and delete my profile.
'What I find particularly depressing is that these men think that's what women today have been reduced to — that it's a normal way to speak to a woman in 2017.
'If this is the way forward in dating, the world is going to be left full of single, lonely hearts.'
Liars, cheats and weirdos: A divorcee's dating app diary
Cath Halsall, 48, runs her own marketing business and lives in Peterborough, Cambs. She tried Tinder for six weeks and kept this diary of her experience.
Finally I felt ready to dip my toe back into dating. Since my divorce nine years ago, my life has revolved around my 14-year-old daughter, Sophie, and my business. But with my 50s approaching, I'm at an age when I'd like someone to cuddle up to at the end of the day.
I was aware of Tinder's seedy reputation, but a couple of friends in their 40s swore by it, so I decided to give it a go. Here's how I got on:
Cath Halsall, 48, runs her own marketing business and lives in Peterborough, Cambs. She tried Tinder for six weeks and kept a diary of her experience
I made a profile by downloading the app to my phone and linking it to my Facebook account, then I chose some flattering pictures of myself.
To deter time-wasters, I tried to be as specific about what I was looking for in a man as possible: someone with a good sense of humour who would share my love of Eighties music.
As a more mature woman, I also made it plain I didn't appreciate being called 'babe', 'sweetie', 'princess', 'my lovely', 'cutie', or 'hun' and that I was not in the market for one-night stands.
My phone was flooded with hundreds of men who matched my criteria — aged 40 to 55 and all within a 60-mile range.
I admit I was excited. All these men I could take my pick from! It felt like going shopping with no limit on my card. By the end of the first hour, I had swiped right — or approved — about 50 possibles who I liked the look of.
A few hours later, I got my first match — one of the men had liked me back.
Mike, a 49-year-old mechanic, cut straight to the chase. He pointed out that we were no more than a couple of minutes apart.
'On my lunch break,' he messaged. 'Do you fancy meeting up for a bit of fun?'
I was horrified. I quickly ducked below the window and turned off my phone.
After my alarming start, I decided I'd have to play detective to stay safe.
So when super-muscled Dave popped up, saying he was a member of an elite Army regiment on a secret mission to the Middle East, I decided to do some digging.
I asked for his email address and used it to track down his IP address — the unique number that identifies the network on which an email is sent — and found that his message had come from Russia.
When I asked why, Dave's profile instantly disappeared. Clearly, I was going to have to keep my wits about me.
This was getting depressing. When I first dated 30 years ago, we'd shyly share a warm Bacardi and coke and talk about Duran Duran. Today, there's no innocence, no flirting, no finesse.
I began the week being 'wooed' by a 'suitor' who called himself Firm Hand. His profile picture showed a stool painted with the words: 'The Naughty Spot.' His ideal Tinder date, he revealed straightaway, was a 'strict auntie' to give him a 'guiding hand'.
Then there was Mark, who wanted to meet me with 'the wife' — pictured with her face obscured, but not much else.
I felt sick. Was this really what dating had been reduced to? I suddenly felt very sorry for my daughter. Will she ever experience that thrill of eyes meeting across a crowded bar?
I was two weeks and hundreds of swipes in, and I'd still not had a single, genuine date with an honest man. I felt like giving up.
As I kept swiping, it became clear that the more mature men of Tinder fall into a few distinct categories.
There are the bachelors posing with cars or speed boats, the men wearing suits that varied in quality from Savile Row to Burton, but who all wanted to imply they were CEOs.
Then there are the tattooed drinkers and smokers brigade, all pictured 'down the pub', and finally the sportsmen perched on high-spec bikes, spattered in mud on assault courses, or crossing marathon finishing lines.
A man named Paul claimed to be an injured body builder, yet he seemed baffled when I decided to call his bluff by asking about the technical details of his diet plan. That conversation quickly fizzled out.
Spending a lonely old age in front of the TV began to seem rather inviting.
Over my time on Tinder, I found that the more I swiped, the more fussy I became. Soon, I started narrowing down my choices.
By a process of elimination, I realised my ideal man was a Paul Hollywood lookalike in a management position or running his own business.
The arbitrary way in which I started to dismiss men shocked me — especially when I realised there were thousands of people out there doing the exact same thing to me.
Is this what relationships have come to? Window shopping, reducing fellow humans to a number of physical attributes on which we reject or pursue them? It all feels so clinical and wrong.
I tried to strike up a conversation with every man I matched with, but half never even responded. Others 'ghosted' me — not returning messages after we'd exchanged a few pleasantaries.
After a while it didn't even feel offensive or rude — it's just the normal way to treat people on Tinder.
At last, a date. Jonathan described himself as a divorced ex-policeman in his 50s who now worked in security.
Most attractive of all, he didn't seem to be pretending to be something he wasn't. So when he suggested meeting for a coffee, I thought why not.
However, as I sat sipping my latte in a nice dress waiting for him to turn up, I did wonder what I'd done.
I'd checked if the car park had CCTV in case he tried to abduct me. I'd also resolved to drive twice round town on the way home in case he followed me.
He turned out to be a perfectly nice chap who'd had a similar experience to me on Tinder. He'd grown tired of the double entendres about truncheons and handcuffs he'd get when he said he'd been in the police force.
But the spark wasn't there and, as we said our goodbyes, I could see he felt the same way. So it's back to the drawing board... or is it? To be honest, I don't know if I have the energy.
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Marital therapist Andrew Marshall, author of It's Not A Midlife Crisis, It's An Opportunity, says he has been seeing more and more women like Claire, bored with their marriages and tempted by one 'last hurrah' in the seemingly exciting world of internet dating.
According the Office for National Statistics, while the divorce rate among the rest of the population has fallen, the number of 'silver splitters' — divorces among people in their 40s and 50s — has risen by three-quarters in the past 20 years. At the same time, the past five years have seen a boom in dating apps.
Yet the reality of starting again on the dating scene, 30-plus years after they left it, rarely lives up to the expectation, says Mr Marshall.
While there are many internet dating success stories — one in five relationships nowadays is said to start online — for the over-40s and 50s, it can be a tough, confusing and brutal world.
'For any woman whose last experience of meeting partners was many years ago via friends, work or in a nightclub, she will find the dating landscape has changed considerably — and not in her favour,' says Mr Marshall. 'Because, though dating sites offer the prospect of meeting thousands of men, the power dynamic has shifted once you're an older woman.
'First, the pool of potential partners is much smaller. As a 40-plus woman, the choice is very limited. There may be men in their 20s and 30s who want to date you, but the chances of them wanting a relationship rather than their Mrs Robinson are, sadly, slim.'
Cath was aware of Tinder's seedy reputation, but a couple of friends in their 40s swore by it, so she decided to give it a go
One depressing concern for women dating online today is that the internet has made porn far more acc-essible — and this has twisted the behaviour of men.
'Women tell me the men they meet on the internet will send them explicit messages before they have even swapped phone numbers,' says Mr Marshall.
Another criticism of the internet dating scene is that it offers too much choice and people live in a perpetual state of thinking that someone better is around the corner, which only leads to dissatisfaction.
'With so many people to choose from, Tinder can set the bar so high that if you see a person who is not absolutely perfect or who can't meet you tonight, you keep on swiping until there's someone else who can,' says divorce coach Sara Davison.
'It makes it harder to commit because maybe you think that the next person will tick more boxes. Then everyone starts suffering FOMO — fear of missing out.
'Even when a woman goes on a date with a man, it's likely he'll have other women lined up on Tinder so he can keep his options open.'
There are also the well-publicised sad stories of inexperienced newcomers struggling to navigate the shark-infested waters of internet dating and getting ripped off.
Instances of online dating scams have risen by 32 per cent in just three years, according to Action Fraud.
There is no suggestion, though, that this rising crime is limited to Tinder.
Instead of being the ego boost the newly divorced crave, many middle-aged women find it ends up crushing their confidence.
'Physical attractiveness is put front and centre of relationship building,' says Ryne Sherman, psychology professor at Florida Atlantic University, who studies changing sexual habits.
'Historically, there were other things we might also find interesting about a person: their career, taste in music or art, values, friends and social reputation. With Tinder, all that information is stripped away.'
And it seems women are more likely to lose out in this arrangement.
'Men are far more likely than women to desire physical attractiveness in a romantic partner,' says Professor Sherman.
'Women are more likely to desire attributes that signal status. But it doesn't really help women much because status is not as easily conveyed — and much easier to fake — in a photograph.'
Sadly, Claire, knows it's too late to turn back the clock and after her disappointing attempt at internet dating, she's reconciled herself to being single.
'I would give anything to go back to the day my husband said it was not working — I would never have let him just walk out of the door,' she says. 'It was the most stupid, childish thing I ever did.'
Some names have been changed.
The uncomfortable truth about Tinder
The comments below have been moderated in advance.
Cindy Crawford and Rande Gerber plunk down $9.6 MILLION on a stunning new waterfront home in Miami Beach Cindy Crawford, 54, and Rande Gerber, 58, have shelled out $9,625,000 on a new waterfront property
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Kate Hudson displays her taut midriff and enviable frame as she works out in a crop-top and leggings Kate looked incredible as she showed off her abs
Tom Hanks set to host TV special for inauguration of President-elect Joe Biden featuring virtual performances by Demi Lovato and Justin Timberlake
Women leading the way! NBC announces their 2021-2022 shows are La Brea with Natalie Zea, American Auto with Ana Gasteyer and Grand Crew with Nicole Byer
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Khloe Kardashian shows off her incredible physique in sporty crop top and leggings during intense work out at her home gym Top of the crops
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text:
package io.smart7.commerce.service;

import io.smart7.commerce.web.form.Cart;
import org.slf4j.Logger;
import org.slf4j.LoggerFactory;
import org.springframework.beans.factory.annotation.Autowired;
import org.springframework.stereotype.Service;

import javax.servlet.http.HttpSession;

/**
 * Stateful service tied to session scope to facade the details of a shopping cart
 * Note: This is a deliberate use of sessions to demonstrate a scenario where details are
 * maintained in a session.
 *
 * @author Daniel Feurle
 */
@Service
public class CartService {

    private static final Logger LOGGER = LoggerFactory.getLogger(CartService.class);

    private static final String CART_ATTRIBUTE_NAME = "session_cart";

    public Cart getCartInSession(HttpSession httpSession) {
        Cart cart = (Cart) httpSession.getAttribute(CART_ATTRIBUTE_NAME);
        if (cart == null) {
            LOGGER.debug("No cart in session. Create a new cart.");
            cart = new Cart();
            httpSession.setAttribute(CART_ATTRIBUTE_NAME, cart);
        }
        LOGGER.debug("Session: {}", httpSession.getId());
        return cart;
    }

    public void removeCartInSession(HttpSession httpSession) {
        httpSession.removeAttribute(CART_ATTRIBUTE_NAME);
    }

}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


My question goes beyond the mission to increase the bottom line. I want to know whether it offers a chance for the company to contribute knowledge as well as dollars, an opportunity for real engagement and to perhaps add value to the industry overall. Therein lies the difference between sponsorship and a partnership that benefits everyone.
Over the past several years, I've been fortunate to work with corporate clients that have a significant stake in the outcome of science, technology, engineering and math (STEM) education in the U.S. By partnering with education organizations that share a common focus, they have fostered a spirit of volunteerism in their ranks, inspired the next generation of innovators who may one day work for them, and brought attention to issues that matter to their business. Students win, and so does the company.
I love a good charity walk/sale/wine auction and companies should absolutely support employees' goodwill efforts. They are great for building awareness of important issues, raising much-needed funds, and reminding people that we are all a part of a greater community. I just want your charity contributions to complement your business strategy, so that everyone involved receives the greatest possible benefit.


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PHOTO I.D REQUIRED AT ALL INSPECTIONS.


text:
Zardari's Two Hats
He is the president of Pakistan and of the PPP, a duality that gives him all the power and Prime Minister Yusuf Raza Gilani all the responsibility.
AP/FILE
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, the architect of the 1973 Constitution. Little would Bhutto have imagined that 35 years later his enterprising son-in-law would assert a right to combine in his person the offices of President of the Republic and president of the party he had founded.
The Supreme Court of Pakistan has its hands full with cases of great importance. To mention only two: revival of the cases of graft in Switzerland aborted by a measure which it has pronounced to be illegal, and Memogate. But all of them pale into insignificance when compared with a case of fundamental importance that demands its urgent attention. It concerns Asif Ali Zardari's occupation of two posts, the President of the Republic and the president of the Pakistan People's Party (PPP); a duality unheard of in any democracy.
The Supreme Court has before it a judgment on this issue by the Lahore High Court in Pakistan Lawyers' Forum vs Federation of Pakistan & another (that is, Zardari). It was delivered on May 12, 2011, by Justice Umar Ata Bandial on behalf of himself and three other judges, including Chief Justice Ijaz Ahmad Chaudhry. The petition was filed in 2009. Arguments were heard at 25 hearings. It is no disrespect to the learned judges or to counsel for the petitioner and the two amici curiae to point out that the judgment is sadly inadequate. The trees are accurately identified. The wood is missed hopelessly. The judgment covers, as did apparently the arguments, narrow ground on the basis of the literal text of Pakistan's Constitution. It dangerously overlooks the even more important issue of the bar on holding those two posts which is inherent in any democratic system; a fundamental wrong which warps the working of the Constitution regardless of its text. Since the deformity is unheard of, Constitutions do not provide against it. But the judiciary is powerful enough to set the wrong right. It is only fair to the High Court and to counsel concerned to note that the case broke new ground because it arose out of an altogether unprecedented situation.
Now, the Supreme Court alone can provide the corrective, and one hopes it will do so urgently enough. For, the holding of dual posts deforms the working of the Constitution and blights Pakistan's democracy.
The High Court's judgment must first be analysed. On December 14, 2010, the court framed two points for its consideration. The first read thus: "The provisions of Article 41(1) of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, 1973, mandate that the President of Pakistan as the Head of the State and symbol of the unity of the Republic must be nonpartisan and neutral and therefore necessarily shun politics and not be a member let alone an office-bearer of a political party. Reference may be made to the reasons given in the separate opinions of the learned judges in Mian Muhammad Nawaz Sharif vs President of Pakistan and Others (PLD 1993 SC 473)."
The other point merits no consideration. Is the President "in the service of Pakistan" as one holding an office "in connection with the affairs of the Federation or a Province" as defined in Article 260(1). The provision's reference to the services, civil and military, suffices to exclude the President, quite apart from the explicit exclusion of the Prime Minister, Chief Ministers and sundry others. The first point as framed is confined to Article 41(1) of the Constitution with a reference to the Nawaz Sharif case – and no more.
Initially, the Attorney General of Pakistan appeared on March 29, 2010, to submit that " he did not object to the writ petition being admitted to regular hearing". Accordingly, a Full Bench of the court was constituted and fresh notices were served on the parties. Counsel appeared for the Federation. "None, however, entered appearance on behalf of respondent No.2 [Zardari] although he was served through an officer in his secretariat."
The Federation filed its written statement but only to file an application thereafter seeking recall of the order admitting the petition for full hearing, which was based on its consent, and another application insisting that the plea for recall be decided before further hearing. It was heard on June 21, 2010. "The court concluded that as a purely constitutional question was raised in the matter, which was already part heard, it was appropriate that objections raised by the Federation be heard and decided along with the main case. When that order was announced in court all the learned counsel for the Federation left the courtroom. Thereafter, despite several notices served upon the respondents, none has appeared in these proceedings to present their point of view. Such withdrawal of the learned counsel for the respondents from proceedings was as surprising as it is strange. None of the preliminary objections taken… disclose a jurisdictional bar to the writ petition. The objections to maintainability of the petition raised… were such that the court felt it appropriate to deal with the same along with the purely constitutional points raised in the petition."
Even the Attorney General did not assist the court as was his duty under the Constitution. The court appointed eminent counsel as amicus curiae.
Article 41(2) says: "There shall be a President of Pakistan who shall be Head of State and shall represent the unity of the Republic" (emphasis added, throughout).
In the Nawaz Sharif case, the Chief Justice observed: "Now, the President as the symbol of the unity of the Federation is entitled to the highest respect and esteem by all the functionaries of the state. But it is equally true that this respect and esteem will be forthcoming if he conducts himself with utmost impartially and neutrality, that he keeps himself entirely aloof from party politics and does not give the impression to anyone that he is siding with one faction or working against the other." Other judges spoke in similar terms. Justice Muhammad Afzal Lone said that the President can perform his role if he "shuns politics and remains a non-controversial figure".
Justice Saeed-uz-Zaman Siddique held: "No doubt, the President as the symbol of the unity of Federation occupies a neutral position in the Constitution, and in that capacity he is entitled to highest respect and regard by all the functionaries of the state. But it is equally important that in order to protect and preserve the dignity of this high office and this neutral image under the Constitution, the President must keep aloof from all political imbroglio. If the President is unable to ward off the temptation to keep away from political game or he starts siding with one or the other political element in the Assembly, he is likely to lose his image as the neutral arbiter in national affairs and as a symbol of unity of Federation under the Constitution. In the latter event, his conduct may also come under criticism from those who may feel betrayed."
The constitutional scheme
The Chief Justice whose observations are quoted but who is not named is Justice Dr Nasim Hasan Shah. The judgment does not quote some even more pertinent observations by him. They deserve to be quoted because they describe more accurately the constitutional scheme: "The powers of the Prime Minister under the 1973 Constitution were indeed transcendental and no check or control was provided over them. Undoubtedly, under the Constitution, the President was the head of the state and represented the unity of the Republic (Article 41). But, in the fact, he was no more than a constitutional head. All the responsibility of the administration was conferred on the Prime Minister and in the discharge of his functions the President could only act in accordance with his [Prime Minister's] advice. Indeed every order passed by him required his countersignatures for its validity."
ANJUM NAVEED/AP
Asif Ali Zardari. In a situation of sheer trauma he easily ensconced himself as President. He did so in palpable breach of public pledges to his allies, to his party and to the nation, that the President would be a person of national eminence.
This indeed is the irony in the scheme. The 1973 Constitution was tailored to Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's needs. It made the Prime Minister all-powerful as "the Chief Executive of the Federation" (Article 90 (1)). The President was reduced to being a rubber stamp, shorn of the limited discretion vested in all heads of state in a parliamentary system. Zia-ul-Haq turned the system on its head. Nawaz Sharif had his 8th Amendment repealed and restored the Bhutto scheme. Pervez Musharraf introduced his own deviations, which were repealed by the 18th Amendment in 2010 on the basis of a national consensus.
With the 18th Amendment the Samson in the President's House stands mostly shorn of his locks. He is, in the main, reduced to the status of the President as conceived by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in the Constitution of 1973, now effectively revived. He has, in law, less power than the heads of state of the U.K., Canada, Australia and India. His trips abroad must be undertaken only on the advice of the Prime Minister. (Rajiv Gandhi put an end to President Zail Singh's trip abroad.) He has still less power to negotiate deals with representatives of foreign governments, whether at home or abroad. Asif Ali Zardari, of course, has not conformed to these limits at all. Why? Because real power vests in him as party leader in control of the party organisation and party funds.
One unfortunate detail is best mentioned candidly. Nasim Hazan Shah J. was one of the majority in the Supreme Court which upheld Bhutto's conviction for murder by the kangaroo court of Mushtaq Husain. He admitted to the wrong recently; no reason why his opinion on constitutional law should be dismissed. He quotes the dicta of Chief Justice Mohammad Haleem in 1988 in Benazir Bhutto's case, on the registration of political parties: "Our Constitution is of the pattern of parliamentary democracy with a Cabinet system based on party system as essentially it is composed of the representatives of a party which is in majority." The 18th Amendment has buttressed the parliamentary system, in which in law power resides with the Prime Minister and the President acts on his advice.
Chief Justice Shah agreed, adding: "It is manifest, therefore, that in the scheme of our Constitution the Prime Minister in administering the affairs of the government is neither answerable to the President nor in any way subordinate to him. In formulation of the policies of his government and in the running of its affairs, the Prime Minister is answerable only to the National Assembly and not to the President. Indeed, it is the President who is bound by the advice of the Prime Minister or the Cabinet in all matters concerning formulation of policies and administration of the affairs of the government and not the other way round, as appears to have been mistakenly understood".
The Lahore High Court rightly held that "constitutional issues are not resolved solely by relevance to the facts of a case or the literal meaning of the words of a provision of the Constitution read in isolation but through an enlightened and harmonious construction of the Constitution as a whole". Unfortunately, it did not pursue its analysis much further.
Its finding was clear but did not go far enough in explicit terms. The relief it granted reflected the hesitation. The court said: "In a case where the President himself becomes embroiled in a political controversy or crises that surrounds the government then he becomes equally vulnerable to the consequence of political turmoil, thereby destroying the very purpose for which the lofty office of President is built in the Constitution. The constitutional history of the country shows that both in 1993 and [in] 1996 when the President of Pakistan exercised his constitutional power to dismiss the government and dissolve the National Assembly under Article 58(2)(b) of the Constitution, such a political decision made the incumbent controversial and ineffective, with the result that he could not survive to complete his term of office."
It should be mentioned, in fairness to the court, that counsel for the petitioner himself, in his reply, sought to withdraw the plea for the President's disqualification but pressed for a direction to the Federation of Pakistan to ask President Zardari "to surrender" the office of party President. This left the court free to mould the relief.
Immunity question
One positive feature of the judgment is its linkage of the dual post with the immunity of the President from legal proceedings. Under Article 248, it is confined to exercise of powers or functions or for any act done in the exercise of those powers or functions.
B.K. BANGASH/AP
Zardari it is who negotiates with heads of state and goes on foreign jaunts at will and calls the shots from the President's House for all the world to see. Here, he is meeting the media with visiting Presidents Mahmoud Ahmadinejad (right) of Iran and Hamid Karzai of Afghanistan in Islamabad on February 17.
The court rejected the plea that "in the absence of an express prohibition under the Constitution, the President of Pakistan is permitted to participate in the affairs of a political party. Therefore, such permissible actions under the Constitution would enjoy immunity under Article 248 (1)".
Instead, it ruled, in the most important passage in the judgment: "In the background of the interpretation given by the Hon'ble Supreme Court to the role, attributes and qualities of the office of President of Pakistan such a view would be wholly inconsistent and misconceived. Therefore, in the circumstances of the present case and on the material of newspaper cuttings that have been attached to the petition and have been filed on record, there is ample evidence that the meetings of the party in government, of which the President is a co-chairperson, are regularly held in the presidency. These meetings result in decisions that are announced to the public, otherwise have political repercussions and draw reactions that may be adverse….
"The participation of the President of Pakistan in the above political party decisions is extraneous to the duties and functions of his high constitutional office and therefore such participation and decisions cannot be treated as being done in the performance of his duties and functions as President and therefore immune under Article 248 of the Constitution. The test is laid down in Muhammad Sharif vs Federation of Pakistan (PLD 1988 Lahore 725) on page 735 as follows: 'The act done or purporting to be done must bear such close and intimate relation to the duty or the function, so that the person concerned can lay a reasonable claim, but not a pretended claim that he did it in the exercise of powers for performance of functions given to him by the Constitution.' The personal immunity from legal action does not place the acts of the President or the Governor, done or purporting to be done in pursuance of their powers and duties under the Constitution, beyond the scrutiny of the courts. What the Constitution establishes is the supremacy of law and not of men, however highly placed they may be. Though the immunity provided by the Constitution gave full immunity but only so long as the person was not guilty of dishonesty or bad faith."
The Privy Council had ruled that acceptance of bribe is no part of the functions of a "public servant". Hence no sanction of the State government was necessary. The court added: "The fact that the President of Pakistan in his capacity as a co-chairperson of a political party is taking political decisions in the presidency has two aspects. Firstly, such action is inconsistent with his obligations and attributes as envisaged by the Constitution. Secondly, as pointed out by learned amicus curiae Mr. Abid Hassan Minto, Senior ASC [Advocate Supreme Court], such action involves property of the state, namely, the premises of the presidency as a seat of partisan political activity aimed at strengthening and consolidating the political authority of a particular political party. Leaving aside any constitutional limitation imposed on the person of the President as the protagonist of such activity, the conduct of such activity within the presidency breaches the sanctity, dignity, neutrality and lofty status of a highly revered state property."
Logic ignored
In moulding the relief, the court did not follow the logic of its ruling. "This is clearly not a case for disqualification of the President. Equally, it is not a case for a prohibitory order as the President is engaging in an activity that is not barred under law. This is a case where the President is exposing himself and his lofty office to likely controversy that can erode the public trust and respect necessary for such office to represent the unity of the Republic. Also in this regard, the premises of the presidency that enjoy the highest sanctity in the public eye is being subjected to use of partisan political interest. That can lower its esteem and sanctity. These actions are being taken not in the discharge of the functions and duties of the President of Pakistan but on account of a personal and private association of the President within his political party. These actions therefore do not enjoy immunity from the judicial process and call for judicial intervention to enforce the Constitution."
Having said that, it proceeded quite gratuitously, and in contradiction to the news reports it had itself relied on, to say: "Notwithstanding adverse editorial opinion, there is no report of any political controversy or reaction, whether within the Parliament or in the public, against any action taken by the President in the discharge of his dual office as co-chairperson of his political party."
It ended up with a homily to Zardari to act with "aloofness from any partisan political interest". The relief that the court granted reads thus: "It is expected that the President of Pakistan would abide the foregoing declaration of law to disassociate himself from political office at the earliest possible. Also in the foregoing respect, it is declared that the use of the premises of presidency for partisan political activity is inconsistent with the sanctity, dignity, neutrality and independence of the presidency. Here again it is expected that the President of Pakistan would cease the use of the premises of the presidency for the purposes and political meetings of his party." Predictably, Zardari did not live up [to] what the court "expected" from him.
The court was obviously inhibited by a desire to avert a "confrontation" and by its view that "the President is engaging in an activity that is not barred under law". This is a palpably wrong view of the law. Its correction by the Supreme Court should prompt it to order, by a writ of quo warranto under Article 199(1)(b)(2) of the Constitution of Pakistan, that he divest himself of the presidency of the Republic. It has no power in law to order him to quit as head of a private body, the PPP. Given the dire consequences of his holding both posts, fears of a confrontation should not inhibit the Supreme Court; indeed, they have not as its record shows.
THE HINDU ARCHIVE
Justice Nasim Hasan Shah, Chief Justice of Pakistan from 1993 to 1994. In the Nawaz Sharif case, he observed that the President was no more than a constitutional head and in the discharge of his functions he could only act in accordance with the Prime Minister's advice.
The High Court's error is twofold; on the interpretation of the text of the Constitution and on its failure to uphold the very formulations on which the Constitution rests. To begin with, has anyone ever heard of a law or a Constitution that bars the head of state from undertaking any political "activity"? Or from conducting a business? Or from acting in films for that matter? Certain curbs are inherent in the post or office. The Indian Bar Councils Act, 1926, does not debar advocates from conducting business. But High Courts invoke the power to punish, for "professional or other misconduct" (Section10), advocates who enter into a partnership business or trade as a partner. Is the head of state to be judged more lightly?
Rulings by Bar Councils are replete with instances of their bans on activities inconsistent with the office of an advocate; acting as a swimming coach, for instance.
John Marshall's warning
One of the greatest Chief Justices of the U.S. Supreme Court, Justice John Marshall, warned as early as in 1819: "We must never forget that it is a constitution we are expounding" (italics here as in the original). He pointed out that "a Constitution, to contain an accurate detail of all the subdivisions of which its great powers will admit, and of all the means by which they may be carried into execution, would partake of the prolixity of a legal code… its nature, therefore, requires that only its great outlines should be marked, its important objects designated, and the minor ingredients which compose those objects, be deduced from the nature of the objects themselves" ( McCulloch vs. Maryland 4 Wheat. 316; 4 L. Ed. 579).
In this spirit of judicial creativity courts have spelt out "implied powers" for the federal centre, "inherent" rights for the citizen and curbs on power in a constitutional set-up which are inherent or flow inescapably from the nature of the system.
Bhutto, the architect of the 1973 Constitution, would not have imagined that 35 years later his enterprising son-in-law, Asif Ali Zardari, would assert a right to combine in his person the offices of President of the Republic and of the party Bhutto had founded.
A close textual analysis of the provisions of the Constitution and the scheme it establishes exposes the superficiality of the view that political activity is not barred to the President. That Article 43 bars him from "holding any office of profit in the service of Pakistan" or any other remunerative position does not imply liberty to hold a political post. If it does, what if he becomes the party's general secretary or treasurer subservient to the party boss? Or, are the courts to define what political posts he may hold?
There is no explicit constitutional bar on political activity by Governors; only a bar on holding an office of profit (Article 103 (1)). The same is true of the Chief Election Commissioner (Article 216). The oaths of office in the Third Schedule, for the President and others, clinch the argument. Each contains the pledge "that I will not allow my personal interest to influence my official conduct or my official decision". However, only "members of the armed forces" are required to declare on oath "that I will not engage myself in any political activities whatsoever". Even judges of the Supreme Court and High Courts are not required to take such an oath. The reason is clear. In 1973 Bhutto had memories of the military coups of 1958 and 1969. Absence of such a constraint does not imply freedom to undertake "political activities".
THE HINDU ARCHIVES
Former President Zia-Ulhaq. He brought in the 8th Amendment to the (1973) Constitution, which, in effect, turned the system on its head.
If the provisions of the Constitution do not support the Lahore High Court's view that political activity by the President is "not barred under law", the scheme of the Constitution also refutes the view. It establishes a parliamentary system in which "the President shall act in accordance with the advice of the Cabinet or the Prime Minister" (Article 48 (1)). This is turned on its head if the President is the party boss and the Prime Minister, though elected by the National Assembly, is his nominee in the elections. This is a subversion of the entire constitutional system. The courts are not powerless to set it right.
As W.E. Gladstone remarked apropos the parliamentary system in Britain, it "presumes, more boldly than any other, the good faith of those who work it ( Gleanings of Past Years, Vol. 1, part 1, page 7; 1879). In his magisterial work Cabinet Government, Ivor Jennings opined: "The rule is that on the defeat and resignation of the government the Queen should first send for the leader of the Opposition. This rule is the result of long practice, though it has hardened into a rule comparatively recently. Its basis is the assumption of the impartiality of the Crown. Democratic government involves competing policies and thus the rivalry of parties. The policy to be forwarded is that which secures the approval of the House of Commons, subject to the power of the government of appeal to the electors. If, therefore, a new government has to be formed, the Queen's task is only to secure a government, not to try to form a government which is likely to forward a policy of which she approves. To do so would be to engage in party politics. It is, moreover, essential to the belief in the monarch's impartiality not only that she should in fact act impartially, but that she should appear to act impartially." (3rd Edition, page 32).
SHAUN CURRY/AFP
Nawaz Sharif. When he became Prime Minister in 1997 he repealed the 8th Amendment and restored the Bhutto scheme, which made the Prime Minister all powerful as the "Chief Executive of the Federation".
Inescapably, the head of state in a parliamentary system enjoys a certain discretionary power, however limited by settled rules, on dissolution of Parliament, on appointment of the Prime Minister if the electorate returns a hung Parliament, and the like. Prof Geoffrey Marshall, an authority on constitutional law, wrote in The Times of London (July 28, 1986) on "how the Crown could steer clear of political controversy". A President who brazenly conducts political activity cannot possibly steer himself clear of political controversy or, worse still, be true to his oath of office.
In a famous memorandum to King George V in September 1913, Prime Minister H.H. Asquith pointedly linked the Crown immunity to its aloofness from politics. He expressed fears of the King being "dragged into the arena of party politics" and "become the football of contending factions". A party boss who is President of the country openly proclaims his participation in political warfare.
LEFTERIS PITARAKIS/AP
Pervez Musharraf. As President he introduced his own deviations, which were repealed by the 18th Amendment in 2010 on the basis of a national consensus.
Zardari it is who negotiates with heads of state – most recently Presidents Mahmoud Ahmadinijad of Iran and Hamid Karzai of Afghanistan – and goes on foreign jaunts at will and calls the shots from the President's House for all the world to see and hear.
Consider another factor. The 18th constitutional amendment has, by Article 63-A of the Constitution, empowered the head of a political party to declare that a member of his parliamentary party has defected; and therefore authorised him to request the Chief Election Commissioner to disqualify and de-notify a delinquent member. The exercise of such power by a political party head if he were also the President would potentially conflict with his noble bearing of neutrality because the President will have to take sides between political interests in Parliament. That no such conflict can arise presently because Article 63-A of the Constitution becomes operational after the next general elections is held is (?) irrelevant. It shows, graphically, that conflict of interest is inherent in the occupation of both posts. You do not need a "law" to bind a President or for that matter a judge not to meddle in politics.
Ambedkar's view
As B.R. Ambedkar, Chairman of the Drafting Committee of India's Constituent Assembly, reminded it on October 14, 1949, tacit assumptions of basic kind constitute the foundations of every Constitution " I have not found in any Constitution a provision saying that the executive shall obey the legislature, nor have I found anywhere in any Constitution a provision that the executive shall obey the judiciary… it is to be presumed that those who work the Constitution… know their functions, their limitations and their duties" ( Constituent Assemly Debate: Vol. 10; page 269).
Earlier, on November 4, 1948, he had pointed out that a Constitution can be perverted without amending it. "It is perfectly possible to pervert the Constitution without changing its form by merely changing the form of the administration and to make it inconsistent and opposed to the spirit of the Constitution" ( CAD; Vol. 7; page 38). Make the party boss president and the parliamentary system established by the Constitution is transformed into the presidential system; but without the checks and balances necessary in a presidential system. There the executive is not part of the legislature. In a parliamentary system, the Ministry is. What happens then is that the Prime Minister becomes answerable to the party boss, the President. Worse, the independent check of a non-partisan President and the assurance his independence provides to the opposition, indeed to the nation, in a parliamentary system vanishes. The learned Ambedkar sagely predicted on November 22, 1949, when the Assembly finished its job: "However good a Constitution may be, it is sure to turn out bad because those who are called to work it happen to be a bad lot" ( CAD, Vol.11; page 975).
AAMIR QURESHI/AFP
Prime Minister Yusuf Raza Gilani. He faces a hostile audience as he conducts an orchestra with the music score written by Zardari.
In the famous case of Al-Jehad Trust vs. Federation of Pakistan (PLD 1996, S.C.367) the Supreme Court of Pakistan took into consideration "the basic features of the Constitution", the "intent and spirit of the Constitution" as well as "the basic concept of independence of the judiciary and the separation of the judiciary". Equally important is "the basic concept" of a President who is not a party official – whether its president, general secretary or treasurer – and does not conduct political activity. In Jennings' words not only must he be impartial but also be seen to be impartial.
No court can ask him to surrender a party post. It can, however, issue a writ of quo warranto and terminate his tenancy of the President's House. The Lahore High Court's order is utterly unrealistic. What steps can the Federation of Pakistan possibly take to bridle its head? Who will bell that cat, pray?
What has happened is grotesque. In a situation of sheer trauma – Benazir Bhutto's assassination, turmoil in the judiciary, and the ouster of Pervez Musharraf from the President's office – Asif Ali Zardari easily ensconced himself as President. He did so in palpable breach of public pledges to his allies, to his party and to the nation, that the President would be a person of national eminence. His own fame did not quite fit this description.
In one fell swoop the Constitution was deformed and perverted. The parliamentary system was made to stand on its head. There was a deep purpose behind it. Faced with conviction for graft in the Swiss courts and charges galore, he acquired immunity by making himself President. The Prime Minister, the hapless Yusuf Raza Gilani, faces a hostile audience as he conducts an orchestra with the music score written by Zardari. It is he who faces the Supreme Court's wrath for not writing to the Swiss courts to revive the cases against Zardari. Incidentally, his plea that such a letter would constitute "treason" under Article 6 of the Constitution is palpably absurd.
Zardari has all the power, Gilani bears all the responsibility. One is reminded of Stanley Baldwin's immortal words on March 18, 1931 – borrowed, reputedly, from his cousin Rudyard Kipling – of those whose aim "is power, but power without responsibility – the prerogative of the harlot through the ages".
Short Essay on the Composition of the Union Council of Ministers of India
Brief Notes on the Powers and Functions of Prime Minister of India
Notes on Relationship between the President and the Prime Minister
Short esay on the Council of ministers (India)
What are the Problems of Examination Reforms?
What is the Price of Motorola EX212 in India?

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Джон Пристли () е английски драматург, театрален режисьор, сценарист и писател на произведения в жанра драма и документалистика. Пише под псевдонима Дж. Б. Пристли (J. B. Priestley).

Биография и творчество
Джон Бòйнтън Пристли е роден на 13 септември 1894 г. в Брадфорд, Западен Йоркшър, Англия, в семейство на учител. Майка му умира, когато е 2-годишен, а баща му се жени отново след 4 години. След гимназията работи известно време в местната търговия с вълна. Едновременно с работата си започва да пише в свободното си време и публикува статии в местни и лондонски вестници.

В началото на Първата световна война се включва в армията и е изпратен във Франция през 1915 г. Участва в битката при Лоос, а през 1916 г. е тежко ранен и се лекува шест месеца в Англия. Завръщайки се като офицер на Западния фронт през 1918 г., е засегнат от германска газова атака и е лекуван в Руан. Обявен е за негоден за активна служба и е прехвърлен в тилната секция на британската армия.

След демобилизацията през 1919 г. учи в Кеймбриджкия университет и завършва специалност "Нова история и политически науки". Работи като театрален рецензент за "Daily News", а също така пише за "Spectator", "Challenge" и "Nineteenth Century".

Първите му книги са The English Comic Characters (1925), The English Novel (1927), и English Humour (1928). Става известен през 1929 г. с романа си "The Good Companions" (Добрите спътници) удостоен с наградата "Джеймс Тайт Блек". Славата му се затвърждава и след това с романа "Улица Ангелска".

В своите документални книги, като "English Journey" (Английското пътуване) изразява загрижеността си за социалните проблеми и за благосъстоянието на обикновените хора.

Автор е на много пиеси, някои от които са актуални до днес, сред които е популярната "Посещението на един инспектор" от 1946 г. Много от неговите пиесите са структурирани около времеви приплъзвания, които свързват миналото, настоящето и бъдещето. Значителна част от творчеството му е екранизирана за киното и телевизията.

През 1940 – 1941 г. по време на Втората световна война излъчва в Би Би Си поредица от кратки пропагандни и много популярни радио предавания, за които се смята, че укрепват цивилния морал по време на битката за Великобритания. Свален е от ефира по настояване на кабинета заради изразяване на леви идеи. През 1942 г. е съосновател на социалистическата Партия на общото богатство. През 1958 г. е един от активистите на Кампанията за ядрено разоръжаване.

През 1973 г. е удостоен с титлата "доктор хонорис кауза" от университета в Брадфорд. През 1977 г. получава Ордена на честта.

Джон Пристли умира от пневмония на 14 август 1984 г. в Стратфорд на Ейвън. В негова чест пред Националния музей на медиите в Брадфорд е поставена негова статуя. Литературното му наследство се съхранява в центъра "Хари Рансън" на Тексаския университет в Остин.

Произведения

Самостоятелни романи
 Adam in Moonshine (1927)
 Benighted (1928)
 The Good Companions (1929)
 Farthing Hall (1929) – с Хю Уолпол
 Angel Pavement (1930)Улица Ангелска, изд.: "Народна култура", София (1969), прев. Тодор Вълчев
 Faraway (1932)
 I'll Tell You Everything (1932) – с Джералд Булет
 Wonder Hero (1933)
 Dangerous Corner (1933)
 Albert Goes Through (1934)
 They Walk in the City (1936)
 Laburnum Grove (1936)
 The Doomsday Men (1937)
 Let the People Sing (1939)
 Black-out in Gretley (1942)Затъмнение в Гретли, изд.: "Народна култура", София (1946), изд. "Век 22" (1992), прев. Нели Доспевска
 Daylight on Saturday (1943)Дневна светлина в събота: Роман за един авиационен завод, изд. "Иван Коюмджиев" (1945), прев. Васил Каратеодоров
 Three Men in New Suits (1945)Трима в нови костюми, изд. "Слънце" (1947), прев. Васил Каратеодоров
 Bright Day (1946)
 Jenny Villiers (1947)
 Festival at Farbridge (1951)
 Low Notes on a High Level (1954)
 The Magicians (1954)
 Saturn over the Water (1961)
 The Thirty-First of June (1961)
 Salt Is Leaving (1961)
 The Shapes of Sleep (1962)
 Sir Michael and Sir George (1964)Сър Майкъл и сър Джордж: Повест за НАКОНИЗ и ДИКУС и за новите елизабетяни, изд.: "Народна култура", София (1967), прев. Петко Бочаров
 Lost Empires (1965)
 It's an Old Country (1967)
 Found, Lost, Found (1976)

Серия "Художникът" (The Image Men)
 Out of Town (1968)
 London End (1968)

Пиеси

Документалистика

Екранизации

Източници

  Биография и библиография в "Goodreads"
  Биография в официалния сайт
  Биография в "Енциклопедия Британика"

Външни препратки
  на Джон Пристли

Английски писатели
Английски драматурзи
Доктор хонорис кауза
Родени в Брадфорд

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


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City of Holyoke
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What is the City of Holyoke Code of Ordinance?
This Code constitutes a complete recodification of the general and permanent ordinances of the City of Holyoke, Massachusetts.
Source materials used in the preparation of the Code were the 1972 Code, as supplemented through August 1, 1995, and ordinances subsequently adopted by the city council. The source of each section is included in the history note appearing in parentheses at the end thereof. The absence of such a note indicates that the section is new and was adopted for the first time with the adoption of the Code. By use of the comparative tables appearing in the back of this Code, the reader can locate any section of the 1972 Code, as supplemented, and any subsequent ordinance included herein.
The chapters of the Code have been conveniently arranged in alphabetical order, and the various sections within each chapter have been catchlined to facilitate usage. Notes which tie related sections of the Code together and which refer to relevant state law have been included.
For a detailed view of the City of Holyoke Code of Ordinance, please click here.
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BY now, most people interested in wine - and quite a few who just like a good story - have heard about the schism in the house of Sebastiani, the California family that owns one of the largest wineries in the United States.
It appears that Sam Sebastiani, 43 years old, who took over the business when the father, August, died in 1980 at the age of 66, has been deposed. His place has been taken by his younger brother, Don, at the behest of their mother, Sylvia, who is the majority stockholder in the privately held business. Mrs. Sebastiani, 69, owns 92 percent of the stock in the Sonoma winery. In the new executive shuffle, she had resigned as board chairman in favor of Don and Richard Cuneo, her son-in-law and for years, the company's chief financial officer.
Sebastiani Vineyards is the eighth largest winery in California, in the company of giants such as the Gallo Winery and Seagram's Taylor California Cellars. These wineries specialize in inexpensive wine; it is a segment of the market in which competition has been fierce in recent years.
Sebastiani has been hit harder than most. In 1980, business peaked, with deliveries of 4.2 million cases, a phenomenal record for a winery that had sales of 30,000 cases as recently as 1966. Since 1980, though, the drop-off has been precipitate. In 1983 shipments were down to 3.4 million and in 1984 sank to 2.7 million.
Sam Sebastiani has maintained all along that this was as much by design as it was a reflection of the tough market. There was no way, he reasoned, that Sebastiani could compete with the Gallos and Seagrams: They were in a position to ride out long periods of losses, even to sell at a loss, to maintain their market share.
Accordingly, soon after he took over, Sam began cutting production of the more inexpensive lines to concentrate on middle-level varietal wines and a top-quality line called Proprietor's Reserve.
The lower end of the line, the jug wines, is still available, but the spotlight now encompasses several lines, among them August Sebastiani Country Varietals, which were introduced in 1982. They list for about $7 to $8 for a 1.5-liter or double bottle, but usually are discounted and can be found for less. The Country Varietals are made from premium grapes, but are rarely from the best vineyards. The Vintage Varietals list from about $4.50 to $8.50 for a standard 750-milliliter bottle and the Proprietor's Reserve wines list for around $8 up to about $25 a bottle for the Eagle Vineyard cabernet sauvignon.
The changeover under Mr. Sebastiani was dramatic. In 1980, varietals, that is, premium wines made from one specific variety of grape, accounted for about 13 percent of the company's shipments. Last year, varietals represented about half of deliveries.
Then why the dramatic change at the top? The Sebastianis are not talking about the personal elements, but one persistent story holds that there has been friction between Sylvia Sebastiani, the matriarch, and Vicki, Sam's second wife. Sam and Vicki have made themselves highly visible in person attending wine functions and giving tastings and in the winery's advertising.
But the cult of personality is nothing new at Sebastiani. August Sebastiani pulled it off for years, and with extraordinary success. A college-trained business executive, he affected the role of the canny, down-home farmer. He was rarely seen wearing anything but bib overalls. They were more of a Sebastiani trademark than any label on his bottles. August Sebastiani was Sebastiani wines every bit as much as Frank Perdue is Perdue chickens.
It was a carefully nurtured image, meant to emphasize the family nature of the business. ''There is no Mr. Almaden, and Paul Masson has been dead a long time,'' August once said. ''But there is a Mr. Sebastiani.'' Sylvia Sebastiani was an important part of this family image. Her Italian-style recipes figured frequently in Sebastiani advertising and were collected in a book, ''Mangiamo'' (printed privately and available at the winery), that still sells in respectable numbers.
Sam has worked hard to preserve the family image in current Sebastiani advertising and promotion. A graduate of the University of Santa Clara with a master's degree in business administration, he affects a Western rancher image down to the boots and string ties. Recently, he produced a series of magazine color advertisements in which he and his wife are shown visiting the Tuscan village in Italy from which his grandfather, Samuele, emigrated to California at the turn of the century. Samuele started the Sebastiani Winery in 1904. He died in 1944 and was succeeded by August.
Don Sebastiani, the younger brother, has been away from the family business for a decade, devoting himself to politics. He is currently in his third term in the State Assembly and is rumored to be planning a run either for lieutenant governor or state comptroller later this year on the Republican ticket. Not noted for subtlety in his early political forays, Don once made a few remarks that were widely interpreted as antifeminist and had thousands of California cars displaying ''Don't Drink Sebastiani'' bumper stickers.
Just a few months ago, Don Sebastiani announced that he and a brother-in-law, Roy Cecchetti, were starting another wine business to be known as Sebastiani-Cecchetti Cellar. Whether that venture will survive recent events in the family is not known.
The Sebastiani furor recalls the Mondavi family feud of a few years back, when Robert Mondavi was pitted against his brother Peter. Both had grown up at the Charles Krug Winery, which had been run by their father. Robert left over policy differences and went on to found his own, now world-famous winery. Many years later, the two brothers resolved their differences.
A very bad novel was written about the Mondavis. There are probably 10 Sebastiani novels now under way. When the spirit moves them, California wine makers can be as innovative with their labels as they are with what they put in their bottles. In these days of slow wine sales, at least one wine maker, the Stephen Zellerbach Vineyard of Healdsburg in Sonoma County, is trying to attract attention with a new holographic label.
All that and a hologram, too.


DURHAM, N.C. – The Duke women's golf team featured an excellent day Friday jumping out to the team and individual leads at the LSU Tiger Golf Classic as the field played 36 holes at the 6,247-yard, par 72 University Club in Baton Rouge, La.
Duke collected rounds of 285 and 286 for a five-under-par, 571, and leads by 13 strokes over Oklahoma State (584). Rounding out the top 10 teams are Arkansas (584), NC State (588), SMU (595), Denver (595), Washington (599), Clemson (602), UNC Wilmington (602) and Kansas (604).
Blue Devil junior Leona Maguire carded a five-under-par, 67, in round one to take the individual lead and then fired a four-under-par, 68, in round two and holds a five-stroke lead with a nine-under-par, 135. Teammate Virginia Elena Carta and Washington's Julianne Alvarez are tied second with a four-under, 140.
Maguire, who hails from Cavan, Ireland, registered nine birdies and 24 pars in her opening 36 holes and turned in the tied for second-lowest 36-hole ledger in school history on a par 72 course (135).
After opening the tournament with a bogey, Maguire went on to go 25 straight bogey-free holes, which included eight birdies and an eagle. Maguire registered birdies on No. 3, No. 4 and No. 8 to get to two-under-par. She added birdies on the 10th, 15th and 17th to finish the first round at five-under, 65. Maguire hit 11 fairways, 16 greens and lined up 28 putts.
The second round was much like the first for Maguire as she notched a birdie on No. 3 and then holed a 15-yard greenside bunker shot on the 478-yard, par five sixth for her third eagle of the season. She added another birdie on No. 8 to get to four-under. Her lone bogey of the second round came on the ninth hole, before closing the back nine with eight pars and a birdie on the 448-yard, par five 14th. Maguire hit 16 greens, 13 fairways and had 30 putts in round two.
If Maguire can hold on Sunday for the win, it would give her six collegiate victories in three years with the Blue Devils. The six wins would equal Brittany Lang and Lindy Duncan on Duke's all-time charts.
Junior Lisa Maguire, who is playing as an individual, posted rounds of 81 and 77 and is tied for 65th. She notched two birdies in both rounds.


The US National Science Foundation recently awarded a major grant to Virginia Tech University, Advanced Conservation Strategies and OSARA to conduct a social-ecological research project in Tierra del Fuego during the coming two years. The project, entitled Ecology, Culture & Outcomes: Linking Human Perceptions & Socio-Ecological Thresholds for Ecosystem Restoration (ECO-Link) brings together US researchers with Argentine and Chilean colleagues from academic, NGO, and governmental institutions to determine whether a current lack of participation in ecosystem management initiatives by landowners is influenced by a broken incentive structure that does not account for feedbacks between underlying social perceptions and ecosystem service delivery. Studying efforts to control invasive beavers and subsequently reforest riparian zones on Tierra del Fuego Island, we hypothesize that the thresholds that separate inaction from action in conservation can be overcome by explicitly integrating social and ecological understanding into the design of effective incentives. The link is currently seeking to hire a postdoctoral fellow and a master's student. More information on MS position can be obtained by contacting Co-PI Dr. Michael Sorice. For notification when the postdoctoral advertisement is posted, contact PI Dr. Christopher Anderson, the project's lead investigator.
From 6-10 August, the Argentine National Patagonia Center (CENPAT for its acronym in Spanish) hosted the 3rd "Young Patagonia Conservation Leaders" Meeting in Puerto Madryn. Participants came from throughout Patagonia and were invited specifically based on their efforts in marine conservation. Workshops held during the week-long event focused on leadership development with specific courses on interpersonal communication and project design and evaluation. An outgrown of these training initiatives, led by Dr. Alexandra Sapoznikow, is the creation of a new Patagonia-wide emerging leaders network that is meant to help those interested in promoting conservation obtain the networking and professional skills necessary to influence not only research but policy and sustainability outcomes. During these meetings, OSARA President Dr. Christopher Anderson was asked to give a talk at CENPAT on Long-Term Socio-Ecological Research Sites: Conceptual Foundations and Projections in Argentina, which is part of the information recently published in English and Spanish in the August edition of Austral Ecology. Dr. Anderson led a team of 17 co-authors from Chile, Argentina and the US in an effort to establish a joint agenda on LTSER in the Southern Cone.
The Argentine Ecological Association (AsAE for its acronym in Spanish) will carry out its 25th annual meeting from 24-28 September in the city of Lujan. This year's meeting coincides with the 40th anniversary of AsAE and is dedicated to "where we've come from; where we're going". OSARA has officially sponsored this meeting, specifically providing financial support for relevant symposia and activities related to our mission to promote research, education and conservation in southern Patagonia. To learn more visit the official website.


Multiple accidents were reported throughout the county as Winter Storm Harper struck the area Saturday.
In Tiffin, several vehicles were removed for street snow emergency on Madison, East Market, South Washington and East Perry streets Saturday morning.
At 11:23 a.m., Seneca County Sheriff's Office responded to a two-vehicle, non-injury accident at East CR 40 and North TR 73.
Citations of failure to control and hit skip were issued after an accident at West Market and Benner streets Saturday morning. The accident was reported at 11:38 a.m. and Tiffin Police Department responded.
A person reported a hit-skip at South TR 81 and East CR 36 Saturday afternoon. The incident was reported at 1:14 p.m. and Seneca County Sheriff's Office responded to the scene.
At 1:51 p.m., Tiffin Police Department responded to a two-vehicle, non-injury accident on West Market Street. A citation of improper turn was issued, a report states.
Deputies responded to a semi that struck a vehicle at CR 15 and US 224.
Dominic Hennis, 43, of Killeen, Texas, was cited with failure to control, according to a Seneca County Sheriff's Office spokeswoman.
Nobody was injured, she said.
The accident was reported at 2:40 p.m. and Tiffin Fire Rescue Division, Clinton Township Volunteer Fire Department, Seneca County Sheriff's Office and John's Welding & Towing responded to the scene.


Gili Gladak Resort is a luxury rental located on the wonderful Gili Trawangan. It can host a family or a group of friends in the private and comfortable house, while the pool and the garden is shared for the entire complex. The living and dining area are open space and kitchens in each villa come equipped with a modern gas stove, refrigerator, a full range of utensils and high quality tableware.
The stunning swimming pool features a hardwood deck furnished and adjacent to the children�s swimming pool. Restaurant is available in the villa complex for breakfast to dinner. Daily cleaning is provided from these villa for rent. Villa shelter from 1 to 3 bedrooms in order to host from 2 to 6 guests on the beach side, in a relaxing and quiet atmosphere. Furthermore, with the support of Bali Je t�aime villa rentals, your stay in this island is going to be wonderful and full of good memories.


About once a month, I'll leave the office at lunch or take a weekend afternoon when I'm out doing errands and drive up and down a few streets and see what looks interesting - and snap several pics to create several of these posts at one time. Then I schedule them out to run weekly. Apparently, the streets I've been on these past couple of weeks have a lot of contemporary architecture.
I thought the roof line of this house was unique and the windows are kind of cool. Looks like a #1 of glass above the front door. Think that was intended? (I'm thinking not.) They have three sculpture pieces in the front yard. If you click on the photo and enlarge it, you can see them better. They are either marble or polished stone. Probably way a ton each, so no worries about theft. The look is a little hard for my taste. But it's different and I do like that.


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10 UNESCO sites in South America
10 May, 2019 5 min reading
author: mariana
South America is a huge continent rich in beauty and history. Many of the most amazing sites in South America are on the UNESCO World Heritage List. Discover some of these unique places:
This historical construction is one of best known UNESCO Sites in the world. Machu Picchu in Peru is located in the middle of a tropical rainforest, and was a pearl of the Inca Empire. A popular tourist destination and one that is on many people's bucket lists, Machu Picchu defies belief with its amazing architectural achievements and natural beauty. This unique place has been on the UNESCO list since 1983.
Easter Island, Chile
Rapa Nui to the locals (in Polynesian), Easter Island to everyone else in the world, this mythical island made it onto the UNESCO list only in 1995, but it has long been a popular destination for those wishing to experience the unique magic and mystery of this unique island and national park.
This chilean island in the southern Pacific Ocean is very famous for its stone head statues called Moai (when you look to a Moai statue you are drawn to its disproportionately large head, compared to body length). It was inhabited by a Polynesian society around 3,000 AD, who established ritual sites all across Rapa Nui, many of which are still there today.
This Inca city is located in Andes mountain range in the south of Peru. Known as the "birthplace of the world", it was designated as a UNESCO World Heritage Site in 1983.
It was the capital of the Inca Empire and had a unique and unprecedented urban complexity, and this was preserved even after the Spanish conquest in the 16th century. Cusco is notable for its well-preserved colonial and baroque buildings as much as for the pre-Hispanic settlement. This seductive historic city is a must-visit for every history lover.
Iguazu National Park, Argentina/Brazil
This national park straddles the border of Argentina and Brazil and is home to one of the world's most spectacular waterfalls, the Iguazu Falls. It has an extension of 67,720 hectares (167.34 acres) within the Paranaense Forest ecoregion, and it's one of the most incredible places to visit in South America.
After becoming a national heritage, on October 09, 1934, Iguazu Falls was declared National Park by UNESCO.
Los Glaciares National Park, Argentina
The Los Glaciares National Park is located in southern Argentine Patagonia and is home to the famous Perito Moreno glacier, one of the only glaciers in the world that is still advancing.
It's an area of exceptional natural beauty, with rugged, towering mountains and numerous glacial lakes, including Lake Argentino, which is 160 km long. At its farthest end, three glaciers meet to dump their effluvia into the milky grey glacial water, launching massive igloo icebergs into the lake with thunderous splashes. Visiting this please is a unique experience in a lifetime.
The city of Cartagena is a major port founded in 1533, located on the northern coast of Colombia in the Caribbean Coast Region.
This unique place was listed in 1984, owing to its impressive collection of ports, fortresses and monuments. The city's claim to fame is its heavily developed military fortifications, which are among the most complex in South America. The port city is located strategically on a bay, and it was one of the finest examples of military architecture of the 15th, 16th and 17th centuries. Cartagena was also an important point for explorers looking for the New World.
Nazca Lines, Peru
The Nazca Lines are a collection of giant geoglyphs – designs or motifs etched into the ground – located in the Peruvian coastal plain about 400 kilometers south of Lima, Peru. Created by the ancient Nazca culture in South America, and depicting various plants, animals, and shapes, the 2,000-year-old Nazca Lines can only be fully appreciated when viewed from the air given their massive size.
Despite being studied for over 80 years, the geoglyphs – which were designated a UNESCO World Heritage Site in 1994—are still a mystery to researchers and to the entire world.
Fernando de Noronha, Brazil
This collection of islands in the Brazilian Atlantic was incorporated into the UNESCO listing in 2001, and their waters provide a breeding ground for many marine species, including tuna, sharks and turtles. With pristine beaches and jagged volcanic peaks, the Fernando de Noronha islands are full of tidal pools and lagoons.
Nowadays, these islands are famous for being a very trendy destination between Brazilian celebrities.
Brasília was chosen as a UNESCO World Heritage Site due to its modernist architecture and uniquely artistic urban planning.
The Brazilian capital of Brasilia was built to be the capital in 1956, and under the masterful watch of landscape architect Lucio Costa and famed local architect Oscar Niemeyer the city became the gold standard in urban planning and architecture.
SEE ALSO: Tiwanaku: the Ruins of an Empire
Torres del Paine National Park, Chile
This national park in Chile is famous for being a unique destination for trekking, attracting both amateur and professional hikers every year. Dense forests interspersed with rivers and streams open up into tranquil meadows, and imposing granite peaks rise up from behind the clouds. Definitely a must visit for adventure lovers.
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What is it like to be a member of the SAHC family
mariana 6 January, 2021 3 min reading
Analytical Modelling of Timber Beams Strengthened with Composite Materials
mariana 16 December, 2020 11 min reading
One year of SAHC as an opportunity of discernment
mariana 29 June, 2020 3 min reading
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Icehouse to headline 2020 Anthems Festival at new venue
Ian Bushnell 22 December 2019
Icehouse will play all their hits at Stage 88 in Commonwealth Park. Photo: Supplied.
Iconic Australian band Icehouse will headline the 2020 Anthems Music Festival, which returns to Canberra under new management and at a new venue.
Anthems last played at the National Arboretum in November 2018, causing traffic chaos on the Tuggeranong Parkway, but the multi-artist show will be staged next year at Stage 88 in Commonwealth Park on 28 March from 1:30 pm to 11:30 pm.
Icehouse, led by singer, songwriter, producer and multi-instrumentalist Iva Davies, is one of Australia's most successful, influential and best-known bands.
The band has achieved 28 Platinum albums, eight Top 10 albums and over 30 Top 40 singles. In 2006, the group was inducted into the Australian Recording Industry Association (ARIA) Hall of Fame.
At their hall-of-fame induction, Icehouse was described as "one of the most successful Australian bands of the '80s and '90s … with an uncompromising approach to music production they created songs that ranged from pure pop escapism to edgy, lavish synthesised pieces".
Icehouse will perform all their classic hits.
"It's been a while since we played in Canberra and the band and I are excited to be headlining the Anthems Festival in 2020 and bringing the show to our fans in the ACT," Davies says.
Icehouse leader Iva Davies in concert. Photo: Tony Mott.
Joining Icehouse are the ARIA Award winning and BRIT Award nominees The Temper Trap, who have clocked up an impressive 150 million streams on Spotify.
The Temper Trap have previously graced the stage with international heavyweights like Coldplay and The Rolling Stones, as well as playing iconic festivals like Glastonbury, Lollapalooza and Coachella. Their lead single 'Sweet Disposition' from their debut album Conditions cracked the top 40 around the world and was featured in Zooey Dechanel's film (500) Days of Summer.
The band will play the Conditions album in full in celebration of its 10th anniversary.
West Australian indie rock group Eskimo Joe will return to the festival circuit in 2020. The band has achieved an impressive list of accomplishments throughout their career. The 35-time ARIA Award nominees have sold in excess of 750,000 albums in Australia alone, and have celebrated three number one records on the ARIA charts.
Also joining the line-up is the re-formed band The Rogue Traders,with actress and singer Natalie Bassingthwaighte returning with her sultry vocals as their frontwoman.
Rounding out the 2020 Anthems lineup are Australian folk-pop band favourites Frente and Mark Wilkinson. Frente drew international attention back in 1992 with the classic Marvin the Album (including earworm 'Accidentally Kelly Street') and in 1994 with their own acoustic rendition of the New Order classic Bizarre Love Triangle.
Independent recording artist Mark Wilkinson has performed with some of the world's biggest names, including Brian Wilson, Chicago, Peter Frampton, Kings of Leon and Santana.
Director of Unbreakable Touring Kristie Spillane says the company has recently taken over the Anthems brand and is thrilled to bring these iconic Australian legends to the people of Canberra on one main stage.
"We look forward to building this festival for years to come and ensure we offer the ultimate experience to our patrons," she said.
Tickets go on sale on Thursday. For more information go to www.anthemsfest.com.au.
One Response to Icehouse to headline 2020 Anthems Festival at new venue
Valerie Little 6:41 pm 22 Dec 19
One of Frog's favourites! From the 80's pub rock days at Tathra Pub.
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