text:
Gendered Spaces
The "Historical Region"
Border Regions
Border Theories
Balkan Reiseberichte*
East Central Europe
French-German Borderlands
Northern Black Sea
The Pyrenees Region
Nordosteuropa
Deutsch-dänischer Grenzraum
Mediterraneum
Courts and Cities*
Early Modern Ports
Spaces of Courtly Display
Kurorte*
Metropolises
Shtetl
Mental Maps
Political Spaces and Ideas of Regional Order
State Forms and State Systems
Deutscher Rechtskreis
Kodifikationsbewegungen
Romance Legal Family
Skandinavischer Rechtskreis
Religious and Confessional Spaces
Neopalamismus
Die Adaption westlicher Staatskirchenmodelle in der Orthodoxie
Die "Nationalkirchen" Südosteuropas
Abendmahlsräume
Anglikanismus*
Dissenters and Nonconformists
Katholizismus*
Orthodox Theology in Western Europe
Sobornost'-Konzept
Reformation in Scandinavia
Interkonfessionelle Unionsbestrebungen der Frühen Neuzeit
Mosaic of Languages
Technified Environments*
Leisure Time and Technology
Workshop and Factory
Knowledge Spaces*
Anatomisches Theater
Hospital / Krankenhaus
Popularisation of Science
University Collections
Reform Judaism, Positive-Historical School, Orthodoxy
von by Andreas Brämer Original aufOriginal in German, angezeigt aufdisplayed in English
Reform Judaism Positive-Historical School
In the course of the 19th century, a number of religious trends in modern Judaism came into being, in which German Jews, in the wake of their growing emancipation and acculturation, strove to create a denomination which would conform to a civic canon of values. Along with "Neo-Orthodoxy" which, despite its affirmative attitude towards European educational principles, strictly adhered to Judaism's religious rules, a variety of forms of Reform Judaism emerged. The reformers opened the synagogues to sermons in German, choral music and organ playing. At the same time, they altered the liturgy and interior decoration in such a way as to retain the synagogue's Jewish character while expressing their wish for integration within a non-Jewish society. A 'positive-historical' trend, which favoured a moderate modernisation of religious institutions, positioned itself between Reform and Orthodox Judaism. These trends within Ashkenazi Judaism spread from Germany over practically the entire world.
Origins and Conditions
Contrary to conventional wisdom, traditional Jewish society prior to the Enlightenment never completely presented a united stand on matters of religious interpretation of the world. Different readings of Jewish law by Sephardic and Ashkenazi scholars, disputes on the significance of kabbalistic and philosophical reflections, the conflict concerning the pseudo-messiah Shabtai Zvi (1616–1676)[ ] or the conflicts between the Chassidim and their intellectualistic adversaries, the Mitnagdim, mark important stages within Jewish religious history during the pre-modern era.1
The religious pluralisation that arose with the entry of Central European Jews into bourgeois society was nevertheless a turning-point. Although the level of religious education decreased somewhat in the course of the 18th century, a somewhat remiss religious practice at times became the object of internal Jewish criticism and, in spite of processes of acculturation at both ends of the social scale, traditionally structured Judaism, defined not so much by a creed as by rules and prohibitions for everyday life, as well as by its numerous popular customs, remained basically uncontested.2 However, the authorities began gradually to limit the privileges of the communities that traditionally regulated internal affairs on their own according to Jewish law. The so-called "Amulettenstreit" which broke out around the mid-18th century, involving the Hamburg rabbi Jonathan Eibeschütz (1690–1764) as a supposed secret supporter of pseudo-messiah Shabtai Zvi, caused long-lasting damage to the rabbis' religious claim to leadership. Thus the first cracks appeared in the façade of Jewish society.3
Ever since the general enlightenment in Germany during the second half of the 18th century was able to win over a small intellectual elite of Jews to its ideas, a secular Jewish sphere, with ever-growing boundaries, came into being.4 Conflicts arose between Jewish enlighteners, the Maskilim, and rabbinic scholars, to begin with over educational issues. Naphtali Herz Wessely (1725–1805) and Moses Mendelssohn (1729–1786)[ ] were the leading spokesmen. After Mendelssohn's death, such radical proponents of enlightenment as David Friedländer (1750–1834)[ ]questioned traditional ritual practices as national components which, in the incipient debates on equality, were perceived as being hindrances for Jews seeking political integration. This link between gaining civil rights with alterations in the Jewish sacral law was to have an impact on the entire emancipation era, but without German Jews having to yield unavoidably to outward pressure in creating religious reforms.5
First Steps in Reform
In parts of Europe in which the legal situation of the Jewish minority living under French influence significantly improved, political framework conditions of an intellectual avant-garde facilitated the first concrete reform steps in the field of ritual life. In 1796, only a short while after the French conquest of The Netherlands, a reform community (Adath Yeschurun) was founded in Amsterdam, which was, however, dissolved in 1808 by order of the authorities.6 In the kingdom of Westphalia, a model state under the rule of Napoleon's (1769–1821) brother Jérôme (1784–1860), an Israelite consistory was constituted in 1808. In the following years, its president Israel Jacobson (1768–1828) initiated a state-wide re-designing of school education and synagogue practice.7 The core of the modernisation which he imposed was the synagogue in Seesen – Jacob's Temple . Consecrated in 1810 and having a bell tower, it not only set an architectural precedent, but also had an organ . Jacobson's reforms of the synagogue services – choral singing, sermon and prayers in German – did not last long. Following the fall of Napoleon, the Jewish population soon returned to the traditional form of prayer.
Jacobson moved to Berlin where, in 1815, he was at first able to continue with his reform attempts. Along with the wealthy sugar merchant Jakob Herz Beer (1769–1825), he founded a private synagogue in Beer's home, which became highly popular among acculturated Jews, both male and female. But opposition set in within the orthodox faction of the Jewish community, which was also able to count on the support of the authorities. In Prussia, where by 1815 at the latest a restorative spirit was noted, for the time being Jewish religious reform could not develop. A cabinet order issued in December 1823 by King Friedrich Wilhelm III (1770–1840), decreed the closing of the Berlin temple. This command from the highest level henceforth formed the policy basis for all the provinces of the Prussian state. Only such services should take place "that were held according to the traditional rites without the slightest innovation in language and ceremonies, totally according to the old customs".8
Reform Judaism took root lastingly in Hamburg in December 1817, when 65 Jewish heads of families – for the most part merchants and members of the upper middle class – signed the founding charter for the New Israelite Temple Association, which thereby constituted itself as a private association alongside the German-Israelite Community. In 1818, the Hamburg temple rented premises in which it held its own services on Sabbaths and holidays. The Torah reading platform was located, still in accordance with tradition, in the centre of the room, but the women's gallery disposed with the partition to block visual contact between the sexes. The first prayer book published by the Hamburg Temple in 1819 contained the first comprehensive Jewish reform liturgy.9 Traditional Jewish prayers were shortened and their wording changed, while others were abolished and replaced by German hymns or printed only in German translation or paraphrased. Hopes for the future referring to the Holy Land and considering presumed elements of a national faith were meanwhile viewed as questionable – the expectation of the Messiah, the redemption of the Jews by their return from exile to Eretz Israel, the resurrection of the dead, and the re-establishment of sacrifices – these were all either diminished or taken off the list. But the Tempelverein was still a long way from formulating a true reform ideology. The liturgical changes were hardly aimed at creating a consistent theological standpoint, but rather primarily intended to take into account their members' wishes for stricter religious order and discipline, as well as their contemporary aesthetic expectations.
The Temple Association delegated the conducting of the services to the preachers Eduard Kley (1789–1867) and Gotthold Salomon (1784–1862), whose vestments inevitably awakened memories of the official robes of Lutheran pastors. Both men presented alternately sermons in German delivered from the pulpit, which they based in part on Protestant homilectics. These edifying sermons had little in common with the rare Talmudic lectures given by rabbis during the pre-modern era. The Temple also provided new traditions with regard to music. Cantor David Meldola (1780–1861), whose ancestors had originally emigrated from the Iberian Peninsula, not only brought old Spanish-Judaic cantilations to the Temple, but also spoke the prayers according to the Sephardic pronunciation of Hebrew, as scholars believed that this was more correct than the traditional pronunciation of Central European Jews. A (boys') choir, joint singing of songs, and instrumental music provided further innovations in line with contemporary bourgeois taste. In particular, harmonium and organ playing were not oriented towards a genuine Jewish tradition, but rather aroused associations with Christian examples of services of worship. These imitations provoked objections raised by the Orthodox majority which was, however, unable to hold back the institutional consolidation of the Reform in Hamburg, as it lacked political support.10
Towards a Jewish Reform Theology
The founding of the Hamburg Temple marked a milestone in the history of Jewish religious reform, which at this time was still far from actually being a movement. Progressive Jewish schools were also trend-setting in the modernisation of the cult, as they offered a protected area in which their own services could be held and new formats, especially those dealing with the "confirmation" of girls and boys, could be tested. From the 1820s and 1830s on, a growing number of synagogue congregations showed interest in moderate changes in Jewish cult practices, which also reflected the gradual cultural change within the religious minority. An increasing number of communities formulated synagogue regulations which were not only meant to discipline synagogue worshippers, but also to curb popular forms of piety and give greater dignity and formality to communal prayer, thus paving the way for liturgical changes.11
In the beginning, laymen frequently initiated the service reforms; this had to do with an authority crisis within the traditional rabbinate. It had lost important functions within its internal jurisdiction, and furthermore most of these rabbis had hardly any secular education to enable them to cope with the changes in expectations of qualification with which they were confronted both from the outside and from within. However, from the 1830s onwards, a new generation of rabbis emerged, who had completed their university studies and actively participated in forming religious practice both inside and outside the synagogue.12 These scholars did not limit their work to cosmetic changes within the cult, but rather began to support their case for (or against) religious reforms on the basis of a scholarly theology. Judaism was no longer exclusively presented as an action system based on eternally valid divine self-revelation. Religion was to be understood in part as being shaped by man, and as such as a phenomenon changing in and by the course of history. The so-called "Wissenschaft des Judentums" (The Science of Judaism) therefore served to legitimize a defensive modernisation of the Jewish religion, oriented to bourgeois standards as a religious denomination claiming its role in modern-day society.13
The Religious Spectrum Around 1850
A close look at the religious disputes in 19th century German Judaism reveals that the different concepts of appropriate religious conduct at that time were accompanied by confessionalisation. This was not, however, seen as tending towards uniformity, clericalisation, centralism or social regimentation. On the contrary, confessionalisation in the Jewish context related to an inner pluralisation, i.e. the emergence of religious commitments whose competing exclusivity was attached to significant and distinctive theological features.14
Irrespective of a growing acculturation, accompanied by an expansion of secular areas of life, it can be assumed that religious law, the Halacha, in the middle of the century still shaped the everyday life of most Jews. The terms "orthodoxy" and "law-abiding Judaism" prevailed, which in contrast to traditional Judaism consciously distanced themselves ideologically from the reform trends.15 Admittedly, a growing number of Orthodox Jews could not and did not want to elude social changes. Especially in the large-membership congregations in urban centres, orthodoxy soon overcame its original reservations towards emancipation and began to use new possibilities of participation, but without calling their orthodox way of life according to religious law in question.
Rabbi Samson Raphael Hirsch (1808–1888) made a name for himself as the most influential speaker and master thinker of this position, frequently characterised as neo-orthodoxy.16 Hirsch, who was born in Hamburg, was able to connect the commitment to Jewish sacral law and the belief in divine inspiration, both as found in the Bible and in the Talmud, with a patriotic attitude and an enthusiastic affirmation of European culture and education ("Torah im Derech Eretz"). His theology conceptualised the religious ideal of "Mensch-Jissroel", in which general humanity connected harmoniously with specific Jewish concerns. Seen from this progressive-optimistic point of view, the present did not represent a threat to the Jewish faith, but rather offered the worshippers new possibilities for religious development. The observation that the synagogue communities were increasingly opening to cult reform and that conservative Jews encountered difficulties for this reason was met by Hirsch with a militant policy of social separation. Hirsch, Chief Rabbi in Nikolsburg, Moravia, from 1847 to 1851 and then religious head of the strictly conservative association 'Israelitische Religionsgesellschaft' (Israelite Religion Society) in Frankfurt am Main, promoted the idea that Jewish orthodoxy should refuse cooperation with the reform and organise its practised faith in separate communities.17
As a representative of a religious "juste milieu", Rabbi Zacharias Frankel (1801–1875), born in Prague, presented his religious conception of the world as "positive-historical" Judaism in the 1840s, when he was chief rabbi in Dresden. Frankel's ideas laid the theological foundation for a moderate trend, which he held to be a party midway between orthodoxy and reform, which aimed to preserve the social unity of the Jewish community despite the religious differences. Like Hirsch, Frankel kept to the concept of Judaism as a "religion of deeds". Whereas he wanted the Bible, and above all the Pentateuch, as a holy document of divine revelation, to be preserved from critical research, he considered the oral tradition embedded above all in the Mishnah and the Talmud as a product and mirror of historical development. Influenced by the historical school of law, Frankel wanted the exegetic texts to be accepted as documents of collective piety with special authority, yet he tried to understand religious law as modified by men in its time and within its social context. This opened possibilities of cautious changes of the normatively regulated religious practice inside and outside the synagogue.18
The Geiger reform offered considerably more explicit statements with regard to religious innovations. Abraham Geiger (1810–1874), who grew up in Frankfurt am Main and was a rabbi in several of the largest Jewish communities in Germany, is generally considered the real father of the reform movement, whose works and impact were held in high esteem abroad. Even though he was inspired by the Protestant theologian Friedrich Schleiermacher (1768–1834)[ ], he was far from being a plagiarist of Christian doctrine. Geiger's theology focused on his interpretation of the event of revelation, which he interpreted not so much as divine self-communication, but rather as human insight into eternal truths. Geiger ascribed the position of Judaism in world history to the religious genius of the Jews, who as a people were characterised by a special ability to gain new intellectual views in the sense of such a revelation. The individual supporters and proclaimers of such perceptions were the prophets, whose clarified religious consciousness went along with a clearer moral outlook and which, concentrated in the teaching of Judaism, gradually began to gain popular approval. Even though Geiger had already placed the revelation as a dynamic, human-spiritual work of creation in a historical framework, the spirit was still noticeable and remained effective with regard to tradition. According to Geiger, the critical Jewish scholarship of the time was confronted not only with the task of identifying religious truth as to its respective historical setting and development within the framework of tradition, but also of gaining knowledge and insight into religious awareness of the present, to enable conclusions to be drawn for further developments within Judaism. From this standpoint, history also had the power to take the subjectivity of each era caused by changes in religious form into account. True obedience to God did not require an unreserved declaration of belief in religious laws, but rather described a mindset that raised moral consciousness, as the divine element in man, to being the measure of actions.19
Rabbi Samuel Holdheim (1806–1860) of Kempen (Poznan) considered himself the spearhead of an even more uncompromising avant-garde, yet his impact in Germany, outside the Berlin Jewish reform community, remained limited. In view of a growing radicalisation, Holdheim questioned large sections of Jewish ritual law which he considered to be an obsolete expression of a national understanding of Judaism and as such to have lost their value inasmuch as the religious awareness of the believers was not expressed in individual ceremonies. His commitment to the inwardness of religion left little room for the practice of everyday worship, especially as Holdheim conceded the most important regulative powers to the modern state, including marital and family law. In the end, Holdheim kept Judaism as a monotheistic and moral law which in its contemporary religious awareness did not claim to differ from bourgeois ethics.20
As long as the parochial principle was applied in the German states that obliged Jews to belong to the Jewish community where they resided, advocates and opponents of reform competed under its umbrella for the power to form publicly practised faith, as well as to wield power over controlling religious institutions. But not all community members identified themselves with the religious beliefs presented by Jewish clerics as to their drafts and modernisation agenda. On the periphery of the religious community, small individual groups of intellectual laymen formed in the 1840s who totally rejected theological arguments and advocated a religious life style on the basis of democratic decision processes. In 1842 in Frankfurt am Main, the Jewish Friends of Reform (Jüdische Reformfreunde) antagonised both the orthodox and moderate reformers with their demands to abolish circumcision. But the Coooperative for Reform in Judaism (Genossenschaft für Reform im Judenthum), founded in Berlin in 1845, was long- lasting, and led to the founding of the private Jewish Reform Community in 1850.21
The most far-reaching religious alienation was found in those who had turned away from Judaism as a religion and also no longer participated in public forms of worship, but without converting to Christianity. It is hard today to estimate the size of this group, yet contemporary Jewish literature and the press frequently focussed on so-called indifferentism as an existential problem. They commented even more sharply on conversion, which could have taken place on religious grounds but often took place to avoid social, political and professional discrimination. Estimates assume that some 22,500 Jews, both male and female, converted to either the Protestant or Catholic faith during the 19th century.22
From Reform to Liberal Judaism
From the 1840s on, the reform established itself as a movement by means of its own opinion press as well as through attempts at self-organisation. At the rabbinical conferences held between 1844 and 1846 in Brunswick, Frankfurt am Main and Breslau, which sparked off massive Orthodox protest, the theologians attending these meetings debated such subjects as aspects of marital and divorce law, the act of circumcision, the position of women, the form of Sabbath sanctification, the importance of the Hebrew language in prayers and other questions concerning the course and content of the religious service.23 But Reform Judaism was unable to agree on a uniform progressive liturgy. Whereas organs were installed during the second half of the 19th century in numerous synagogues, thereby presenting a clear commitment to religious progress, the communities increasingly published their own Reform prayer books, which clearly displayed the diversity of new local traditions.24 Even when the reformers at the time of the founding of the German Reich renewed their attempts to overcome this disunity, they were unable to make decisions on a joint path to the future. No further meetings took place after the synods of 1869 and 1871, held in Leipzig and Augsburg.25
After the founding of the Reich, the term "Liberal Judaism" established itself. This included, along with the reformers, also the positive-historical school, to which by far the majority of the Jewish believers were committed. In most of the cities, orthodoxy in the long run lost out in the inner-community competition for religious interpretation over organised religious practice, in which no radical innovation took place, but rather moderate cult reforms prevailed.26 When the transformation of the Jewish religion in the 19th century was accompanied by a change in gender roles which could also be described as the feminisation of Judaism, this referred to the growing importance of middle-class women as the keepers of tradition in private homes. Liberal Judaism increasingly took women as a target group of religious instruction in schools and synagogues, but it was never interested in having the female sex on an equal footing with the structuring of public religious ritual. It continued to be exclusively reserved for Jewish men to say prayers and play active roles as religious functionaries in the synagogue.27
Development in Other European Territories
That religious Judaism in Germany presented itself in such a manifold fashion had a great deal to do with the intellectually stimulating atmosphere of the time. It was also an outcome of contradictory political and cultural framework conditions such as openly accessible public educational institutions. It also offered opportunities for advancement which were, in view of an emancipation process full of tedious, often protracted setbacks, still limited. In neighbouring European countries, not least under the influence of developments in the German territories, the Jewish faith and traditional religious practice were scrutinised and made the object of debates, which, however, for the most part did not lead to a veritable reform movement.
Religious modernisation in the Habsburg monarchy emanated from Vienna, where preacher Isaak Noah Mannheimer (1793–1865), who first gained experience as a religious reformer in Copenhagen, created the so-called "Viennese Minhag" (Rite) in 1821. With his moderate cult renewal, which then found imitators elsewhere in Austria, he fulfilled the aesthetic expectations of an acculturated bourgeoisie without jeopardizing the overall cohesion of the community, in which emigrants from the east of the monarchy formed a conservative counterbalance. The willingness to compromise prevented a separation within the orthodox during the last third of the century; they nevertheless organised their religious services in their own places of worship.28 In Prague too, a centre of a moderate version of the Haskala, the Jewish community was spared a split. Even though the Verein zur Verbesserung des israelitischen Kultus (Association to Improve the Israelite Cult), founded in 1832, tried to express radical ideas of modernisation, the association organisationally remained part of the greater community. A proper reform movement developed neither in Prague nor in the crown lands of Bohemia and Moravia, where Jewish communities nevertheless became increasingly open to liturgical changes and often oriented themselves to Prague or Viennese models.29
Whereas Galicia, as a haven of tradition, defied religious change, so-called "Neology" as the Magyar variation of Reform Judaism, gained influence during the second half of the century. At the same time, Hungary remained a bulwark of law-abiding Judaism. Those orthodox rabbis – especially the followers of Chassidism – who opposed cultural and political integration and rejected even such changes as had gained the approval of German Neo-Orthodoxy, created a further hardening of the fronts. In 1868, during the Hungarian Jewish Congress, the attempt to gather the Magyar synagogue communities under a joint organisational umbrella failed. Supported by German rabbis, the Neo-Orthodoxy movement secured the right to organise their communities in its own corporate body. The religious split thus came about, and was accompanied by extensive social segregation.30
While parts of the New Orthodoxy movement in Germany and Hungary advocated schism, developments of similar significance did not take place in other countries in Europe. In Russia, reform – not least due to the difficult political situation – long remained a marginal phenomenon. Taking part in general cultural life, the Jews of Italy were aware that they did not need to catch up with a modernisation backlog from either a religious point of view or in the field of education. As they had long provided attractive services, the vast majority seemed to consider further-reaching reforms superfluous.
In France, the system of religious representation impeded Jewish internal pluralism. Napoleon imposed an Israelite consistory on French Jews in 1808, with a centralistic structure clearly oriented to the Catholic church hierarchy. Moderate reforms were carried out, whereas radical ideas hardly met with a positive response among worshippers. In 1900, Paris Jews founded the Union Libérale Israélite, which did not organise its own services until 1907, after France had implemented the separation of state and church two years earlier. This progressive association attracted few worshippers. Being for the most part isolated, it never succeeded in recruiting more members in the following decades.31
In England, the path to religious modernisation followed a pattern of its own, above all with regard to ideas imported from Germany. As in France, the success of the reform was limited for many decades to local initiatives, even though the local Jews – like their Christian compatriots – turned away from traditional forms of individual piety and frequently adhered to a marked faith in the Bible. When Sephardic and Ashkenazi Jews jointly founded the West London Synagogue of British Jews in the 1840s, the new Reform house of worship had to combat the conservative resistance of the Chief Rabbinate along with the Board of Deputies of British Jews. The reform movement acquired a new stimulus in the early 20th century, when Claude G. Montefiore (1858–1938) was elected president of the newly-founded Jewish Religious Union, renamed Union for the Advancement of Liberal Judaism in 1909. The majority of London Jews, however, remained loyal to Orthodox Judaism, as associated with the United Synagogue. In view of the consolidated structures, the reform remained a minority project and apart from the establishment.32
The Self-Organisation of Religious Trends
While the conflict between the New Orthodoxy and the Reform Movement in Germany on the legitimacy of religious changes abated in the long run, the differences of modern theological world views remained unchanged, as could be observed in Jewish educational institutions. At the time of the founding of the Reich in 1871, six Jewish teachers' seminaries existed in Germany which not only qualified their young students from a professional standpoint but also guided them in various religious directions.33 Not to be underestimated was the impact of modern rabbinical seminaries, which not only reflected the religious spectrum of German Judaism, but also helped to consolidate it. The Jewish-Theological Seminary in Breslau opened in 1854, and under its director Zacharias Frankel propagated a modern conservative religious ideal. A more progressive line was taken by the "Hochschule für die Wissenschaft des Judentums" (College for the Science of Judaism), which, with the significant involvement of Abraham Geiger, provided training to rabbinate candidates from 1872 on. With the founding of a rabbinical seminary in Berlin in 1873, the New Orthodoxy created its own rabbinical training institute under Esriel Hildesheimer (1820–1899), thus taking into account contemporary expectations of professionalisation.34
In Prussia, where roughly two-thirds of German Jews lived, the fiercely disputed "Secession Bill" (Austrittsgesetz), for which especially Samson Raphael Hirsch had come out strongly, set limits to parochial pressure. In 1876, the kingdom allowed "every Jew, without leaving the Jewish religious community for religious reasons, to withdraw from the Jewish community to which he belongs by law, legal custom or an administrative regulation"35. In Frankfurt am Main, Berlin and other cities, Orthodox separatist congregations were founded apart from the established communities. The law created divided reactions within Orthodox Judaism: along with the secessionists (Austrittsorthodoxie), another, less militant, fraction was formed that voted in favour of united communities as long as these made the necessary concessions to the religious institutions (Gemeindeorthodoxie). Thus in the end, even the New Orthodoxy itself did not remain free of divisive tendencies.36
In the German Empire, above all, both Liberal Judaism as well as the New Orthodoxy made efforts to create their own organisational networks, which were designed to advocate their own religious interests both internally and externally. Originally founded in 1884, the association of rabbis (Rabbinerverband) reconstituted itself in 1896 as the General Association of Rabbis in Germany (Allgemeiner Rabbinerverband in Deutschland), in which orthodox and liberal Jewish theologians could jointly promote their professional interests. Gemeindeorthodoxie founded its own society in 1897 - the association of traditional law-abiding rabbis (Vereinigung traditionell-gesetzestreuer Rabbiner). This was followed the next year by the Union of Liberal Rabbis in Germany (Vereinigung der liberalen Rabbiner Deutschlands) and in 1906 by the Association of Orthodox Rabbis (Verband der orthodoxen Rabbiner), which only accepted members who had not joined the General Association of Rabbis.
As early as 1885, Samson Raphael Hirsch had initiated the Freie Vereinigung für die Interessen des orthodoxen Judentums (The Free Association for the Interests of Orthodox Judaism), which was primarily dedicated to fighting reform. When the Vereinigung für das liberale Judentum (Association for Liberal Judaism) was founded in 1908 as a joint organisation of rabbis and laymen, it not only positioned itself as a counterweight to Orthodoxy but also saw its task as being in the confrontation with Zionism. Its national ideology had increasingly grown since the end of the 19th century, and become a provocation of religious identities in Judaism. The Guidelines for a Programme for Liberal Judaism (Richtlinien zu einem Programm für das liberale Judentum) , passed at its general assembly in 1912, was above all directed inwards to the growing indifference noted among its own members. When the guidelines formulated that "understanding must be kept alive that Judaism has its necessary place in the present day and its irreplaceable importance for the future, and that religious indifference and alienation from Judaism must be overcome and the herewith proven allegiance passed on to future generations", then liberal Judaism argued from a defensive position, irrespective of a seemingly demographic hegemony. The liberal rabbis in particular wanted to keep a critical distance from religious rationalism, to which many laymen still adhered.37
Across national borders, efforts were taken to combine the efforts of religious trends of modern Judaism in alliances. The New Orthodoxy in Germany, Hungary, Poland and Lithuania united in 1912 to form the Agudat Israel, whereas World War One prevented at first the founding of an international association of Liberals. The founding of the World Union for Progressive Judaism did not take place until 1926. Along with smaller territorial associations, it united above all English and German Liberals as well as American Reform Judaism.38
The National Socialist genocide of European Jews marked a break that was also characterised by the destruction of Jewish religious communities and all forms of organised Jewish life. A true revival of liberal traditions in Jewish communities in Germany since 1945 has so far only been partially achieved. But in the recent past, not least under the impression of Jews immigrating from the former Soviet Union, the principle of local unified communities (Einheitsgemeinden) that for decades resulted in an orthodox form of services and religious institutions, is giving way to a pluralistic approach to practised worship. The founding of egalitarian prayer circles and liberal congregations, but also the opening of rabbinical seminaries of varying theological orientations in Berlin and Potsdam, reveal the wish to permanently establish religious positions beyond Orthodoxy. On the other hand, the ultra-orthodox Chassidic Chabad Lubavitch organisation has founded branches in many places in Germany. Nonetheless, present-day German Judaism is still far removed from the religious diversity of former times.
Andreas Brämer
[Anonymus]: Richtlinien zu einem Programm für das liberale Judentum nebst den Referaten und Ansprachen auf den Rabbinerversammlungen zu Berlin und Frankfurt am Main und auf der Delegiertenversammlung der Vereinigung für das liberale Judentum zu Posen, Frankfurt am Main 1912. URL: http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:hebis:30-180011957000 [2020-07-22]
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Brämer, Andreas: Judentum und religiöse Reform: Der Hamburger Israelitische Tempel 1817–1938, Hamburg 2000 (Studien zur jüdischen Geschichte 8).
Brämer, Andreas: Rabbiner Zacharias Frankel: Wissenschaft des Judentums und konservative Reform im 19. Jahrhundert, Hildesheim et al. 2000 (Netiva 3).
Brämer, Andreas: Reform und Orthodoxie im europäischen Judentum der Neuzeit, in: Elke-Vera Kotowski et al. (ed.): Handbuch zur Geschichte der Juden in Europa, Darmstadt 2001, vol. 2: Religion, Kultur, Alltag, pp. 138–149.
Brämer, Andreas: Die Anfangsjahre des Jüdisch-Theologischen Seminars: Zum Wandel des Rabbinerberufs im 19. Jahrhundert, in: Manfred Hettling et al. (ed.): In Breslau zu Hause? Juden in einer mitteleuropäischen Metropole der Neuzeit, Hamburg 2003 (Studien zur jüdischen Geschichte 9), pp. 99–112.
Brämer, Andreas / Wilke, Carsten: Die Ausbildung für den Rabbinerberuf, in: Frank-Michael Kuhlemann et al. (ed.): Beruf und Religion im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert, Stuttgart 2003 (Konfession und Gesellschaft 26), pp. 71–86.
Brämer, Andreas: Leistung und Gegenleistung: Zur Geschichte jüdischer Religions- und Elementarlehrer in Preußen 1823/24 bis 1872, Göttingen 2006 (Hamburger Beiträge zur Geschichte der deutschen Juden 30). URL: http://igdj-hh.de/files/IGDJ/pdf/hamburger-beitraege/andreas-braemer_religionslehrer.pdf [2020-07-22]
Brämer, Andreas: Die 101 wichtigsten Fragen: Judentum, 2nd. ed., Munich 2015.
Brämer, Andreas: Abraham Geiger – skeptischer Pionier einer Glaubenslehre des Reformjudentums?, in: Yearbook of the Maimonides Centre for Advanced Studies 3 (2018), pp. 207–230, S. 207–229. URL: https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110577686-011 [2020-07-22]
Breuer, Isaak: Schriften zum Zionismus und Agudismus, Berlin et al. 2017 (Werkausgabe 2).
Breuer, Mordechai: Modernity within Tradition: The Social History of Orthodox Jewry in Imperial Germany, New York 1992.
Breuer, Mordechai: The Early Modern Period, in: Michael A. Meyer (ed.): German-Jewish History in Modern Times, vol. 1: Tradition and Enlightenment 1600–1780, New York 1996 , pp. 79-260.
Carlebach, Julius: Wissenschaft des Judentums: Anfänge der Judaistik in Europa, Darmstadt 1992.
Cohen Albert, Phyllis: The Modernization of French Jewry: Consistory and Community in the Nineteenth Century, Hanover 1977.
Ellenson, David: After Emancipation: Jewish Religious Responses to Modernity, Cincinnati 2004. URL: https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt14jxrtj [2020-07-22]
Frühauf, Tina: Orgeln und Orgelmusik in deutsch-jüdischer Kultur, Hildesheim et al. 2005 (Studien des Salomon-Ludwig-Steinheim-Instituts 6).
Holdheim, Samuel: Geschichte der Entstehung und Entwickelung der jüdischen Reformgemeinde in Berlin: In Zusammenhang mit den jüdisch-reformatorischen Gesamtbestrebungen der Neuzeit, Berlin 1857. URL: https://archive.org/details/geschichtederent00hold [2020-07-22]
Gotzmann, Andreas: Zwischen Nation und Religion: Die deutschen Juden auf der Suche nach einer bürgerlichen Konfessionalität, in: Andreas Gotzmann et al. (ed.): Juden, Bürger, Deutsche. Zur Geschichte von Vielfalt und Differenz 1800–1933, Tübingen 2001 (Schriftenreihe wissenschaftlicher Abhandlungen des Leo Baeck Instituts 63), pp. 241–261.
Graetz, Michael: Conclusion, in: Michael A. Meyer (ed.): German-Jewish History in Modern Times, vol. 1: Tradition and Enlightenment 1600–1780, New York 1996, pp. 351–355.
Kaplan, Marion A.: The Making of the Jewish Middle Class. Women, Family, and Identity in imperial Germany, Oxford 1991.
Katz, Jacob: A House Divided: Orthodoxy and Schism in Nineteenth-Century Central European Jewry, Hanover et al. 1998 (Tauber Institute Series 27).
Kershen, Anne J. / Romain, Jonathan A.: Tradition and Change: A History of Reform Judaism in Britain: 1840–1995, London 1995.
Lässig, Simone: Religiöse Modernisierung, Geschlechterdiskurs und kulturelle Verbürgerlichung: Das deutsche Judentum im 19. Jahrhundert, in: Kirsten Heinsohn et al. (ed.): Deutsch-jüdische Geschichte als Geschlechtergeschichte: Studien zum 19. und 20. Jahrhundert, Göttingen 2006 (Hamburger Beiträge zur Geschichte der deutschen Juden 28), pp. 46–84. URL: http://www.igdj-hh.de/files/IGDJ/pdf/hamburger-beitraege/heinsohn-schueler-springorum_geschlechtergeschichte.pdf [2020-07-22|
Ladwig-Winters, Simone / Galliner, Peter: Freiheit und Bindung: Zur Geschichte der Jüdischen Reformgemeinde zu Berlin, Teetz 2004.
Liberles, Robert: Religious Conflict in Social Context: The Resurgence of Orthodox Judaism in Frankfurt am Main: 1838–1877, Westport et al. 1985 (Contributions to the Study of Religion 13).
Lowenstein, Steven M: The Mechanics of Change: Essays in the Social History of German Jewry, Atlanta, GA 1992 (Brown Judaic Studies 246).
Lowenstein, Steven M.: The Berlin Jewish Community: Enlightenment, Family, and Crisis: 1770–1830, New York 1994 (Studies in Jewish History). URL: https://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.01791 [2020-07-22]
Lowenstein, Steven M.: Religious Life, in: Michael A. Meyer (ed.): German-Jewish History in Modern Times, New York 1997, vol. 3: Integration in Dispute, pp. 103–124.
Lowenstein, Steven M.: Religion und Identität, Paderborn 2012 (Perspektiven deutsch-jüdischer Geschichte). URL: https://doi.org/10.30965/9783657773947 [2020-07-22]
Marcus, Jacob Rader: Israel Jacobson: The Founder of the Reform Movement in Judaism, Cincinnati 1972.
Meyer, Michael A.: The Jewish Synods in Germany in the Second Half of the Nineteenth Century (Hebr.), in: Studies in the History of the Jewish People and the Land of Israel 3 (1974), pp. 239–274.
Meyer, Michael A.: The Religious Reform Controversy in the Berlin Jewish Community, 1814–1823, in: Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook 24 (1979), pp. 139–155. URL: https://doi.org/10.1093/leobaeck/24.1.139 [2020-07-22]
Meyer, Michael A.: Alienated Intellectuals in the Camp of Religious Reform: The Frankfurt Reformfreunde: 1842–1845, in: Association for Jewish Studies Review 6 (1981), pp. 61–86. URL: https://doi.org/10.1017/S0364009400000556 [2020-07-22]
Meyer, Michael A.: Die Gründung des Hamburger Tempels und seine Bedeutung für das Reformjudentum, in: Arno Herzig et al. (ed.): Die Juden in Hamburg 1590 bis 1990: Wissenschaftliche Beiträge der Universität Hamburg zur Ausstellung 'Vierhundert Jahre Juden in Hamburg', Hamburg 1991, pp. 195–207.
Meyer, Michael A.: "Ganz nach dem alten Herkommen"? The Spiritual Life of Berlin Jewry Following the Edict of 1823, in: Marianne Awerbuch et al. (ed.): Bild und Selbstbild der Juden Berlins zwischen Aufklärung und Romantik: Beiträge zu einer Tagung, Berlin 1992 (Einzelveröffentlichungen der Historischen Kommission zu Berlin 75), pp. 229–243.
Meyer, Michael A.: Response to Modernity. A History of the Reform Movement in Judaism , New York et al. 1988.
Meyer, Michael A.: Judaism within Modernity: Essays on Jewish History and Religion, Detroit 2001.
Meyer, Michael A.: Die religiösen Strömungen im modernen Judentum, München 2003 (Veröffentlichungen des Lehrstuhls für Jüdische Geschichte und Kultur 6).
Meyer, Thomas et al. (ed.): "Die Wissenschaft des Judentums": Eine Bestandsaufnahme, Paderborn 2015. URL: https://doi.org/10.30965/9783846757840 [2020-07-22]
Morgenstern, Matthias: From Frankfurt to Jerusalem: Isaac Breuer and the History of the Secession Dispute in Modern Jewish Orthodoxy, Leiden 2002 (Studies in European Judaism 6).
Morgenstern, Matthias: Rabbi S. R. Hirsch and His Perception of Germany and German Jewry, in: Steven Aschheim et al. (ed.): The German-Jewish Experience Revisited, Berlin et al. 2017 (Perspectives on Jewish texts and contexts 3), pp. 207–230. URL: https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110367195-013 [2020-07-22]
Petuchowski, Jakob Josef: Prayerbook Reform in Europe: The Liturgy of European Liberal and Reform Judaism, New York 1968.
Ritter, Immanuel Heinrich: Geschichte der jüdischen Reformation, Berlin 1902, vol. 4: Die jüdische Reformgemeinde zu Berlin und die Verwirklichung der jüdischen Reformideen innerhalb derselben; online: Digitalisat UB Frankfurt am Main, urn:nbn:de:hebis:30-180012698048 [20.04.2020]. URL: http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:hebis:30-180012698048 [2020-07-22]
Schochat, Asriel: Der Ursprung der jüdischen Aufklärung in Deutschland, Frankfurt am Main et al. 2000 (Campus Judaica 14).
Schorsch, Ismar: Emancipation and the Crisis of Religious Authority: The Emergence of the Modern Rabbinate, in: Ismar Schorsch (ed.): From text to context: The Turn to History in Modern Judaism, Hanover et al. 1994 (The Tauber Institute for the Study of European Jewry series 19) pp. 9–50. URL: http://digital.cjh.org:1801/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=543048 (Manuskript) [2020-07-22]
Schubert, Kurt: Der Wiener Stadttempel 1826–1976, Eisenstadt 1978 (Studia Judaica Austriaca 6).
Schwab, Herman: The History of Orthodox Jewry in Germany, London 1950.
Steidle, Hans: Jakob Stoll und die Israelitische Lehrerbildungsanstalt: eine Spurensuche, Würzburg 2002.
Tal, Uriel: Christians and Jews in Germany: Religion, Politics, and Ideology in the Second Reich: 1870–1914, Ithaca et al. 1975.
Tasch, Roland: Samson Raphael Hirsch: Jüdische Erfahrungswelten im historischen Kontext, Berlin et al. 2011 (Studia Judaica 59). URL: https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110251104 [2020-07-22]
Toury, Jacob: Soziale und politische Geschichte der Juden in Deutschland 1847–1871: Zwischen Revolution, Reaktion und Emanzipation, Düsseldorf 1977 (Schriftenreihe des Instituts für Deutsche Geschichte 2). URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/23898566 [2020-07-22]
Toury, Jacob: The Revolution That Did Not Happen (A Reappraisal of Reform-Judaism), in: Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte 36 (1984), pp. 193–203. URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/23898566 [2020-07-22]
Wiese, Christian (ed.): Redefining Judaism in an Age of Emancipation: Comparative Perspectives on Samuel Holdheim (1806–1860), Leiden 2007 (Studies in European Judaism 13).
Wiese, Christian et al. (ed.): Jüdische Existenz in der Moderne: Abraham Geiger und die Wissenschaft des Judentums, Berlin et al. 2013 (Studia Judaica 5). URL: https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110247596 [2020-07-22]
^ Meyer, Die religiösen Strömungen 2003, p. 12: Brämer, Die 101 wichtigsten Fragen 2015, p. 14.
^ Cf. Schochat, Der Ursprung der jüdischen Aufklärung 2000; Lowenstein, Religion und Identität 2012, p. 13f.
^ Breuer, The Early Modern Period 1996, pp. 255–260; Meyer, Response to Modernity 1988, pp. 10–13.
^ Graetz, Conclusion 1996, p. 375f.
^ Meyer, Response to Modernity 1988, pp. 144–167.
^ Meyer, Response to Modernity 1988, pp. 25–27.
^ Bomhoff, Israel Jacobson 2010; Marcus, Israel Jacobson 1972.
^ Heinemann, Sammlung 1831, p. 202; cf. Meyer, The Religious Reform Controversy 1979, pp. 139–155; Meyer, "Ganz nach dem alten Herkommen?" 1992, pp. 229–243; Lowenstein, The Berlin Jewish Community 1994, pp. 134–147.
^ Bresselau, Ordnung der öffentlichen Andacht 1819; cf. also Petuchowski, Prayerbook Reform 1968.
^ Brämer, Judentum und religiöse Reform 2000, pp. 12–39; Meyer, Die Gründung des Hamburger Tempels 1991, pp. 195–207.
^ Lowenstein,The Mechanics of Change 1992, pp. 120–131.
^ Schorsch, Emancipation and the Crisis 1994, pp. 9–50.
^ Cf. e.g. edited volumes: Carlebach, Wissenschaft des Judentums 1992; Schorsch, From Text to Context 1994; Meyer, Die "Wissenschaft des Judentums" 2015; see also Gotzmann, Zwischen Nation und Religion, pp. 241–261.
^ For confessionalisation in Judaism cf. Blaschke, Bürgertum und Bürgerlichkeit 2001, pp. 33–66.
^ Lowenstein, Religion und Identität 2012, pp. 39–51.
^ Morgenstern, From Frankfurt to Jerusalem 2002: On the International Lines of Development, such as the entanglements in Hungary: pp. 60ff.
^ On Hirsch see e.g. Tasch, Samson Raphael Hirsch 2010; also c.f. Liberles, Religious Conflict in Social Context 1985; Morgenstern, Rabbi S.R. Hirsch, pp. 207–230.
^ Brämer, Rabbiner Zacharias Frankel 2000.
^ Wiese, Jüdische Existenz in der Moderne 2013; Brämer, Abraham Geiger 2018, pp. 207–209.
^ Wiese, Redefining Judaism 2007.
^ Meyer, Alienated Intellectuals 1981, pp. 61–86; Meyer, Response to Modernity 1988, pp. 123–131; on the history of the reform community, see: Holdheim, Geschichte der Entstehung und Entwicklung der jüdischen Reformgemeinde in Berlin 1857; Ritter, Geschichte der jüdischen Reformation 1902, pp. 37–81.
^ Toury, Soziale und politische Geschichte 1977, p. 52.
^ Meyer, Response to Modernity 1988, pp. 132–142; Lowenstein, The Mechanics of Change 1992, pp. 110–119.
^ Cf. Frühauf, Orgeln und Orgelmusik 2005; Petuchowski, Prayerbook Reform 1968.
^ Meyer, The Jewish Synods 1974, pp. 239–274.
^ Toury, The Revolution That Did Not Happen 1984, pp. 193–203.
^ Kaplan, The Making of the Jewish Middle Class 1991 , pp. 64–84; Baader, Gender, Judaism and Bourgeois Culture 2006; Lässig, Religiöse Modernisierung 2006, pp. 46–84; Lowenstein, Religion und Identität 2012, pp. 60–64.
^ Meyer, Response to Modernity 1988, pp. 144–151; Schubert, Der Wiener Stadttempel 1978.
^ Katz, A House Divided 1998; Bányai, Israelitischer Landeskongress 2012, pp. 151–156.
^ Meyer, Response to Modernity 1988, pp. 164–171, pp. 221–224; Cohen Albert, The Modernization of French Jewry 1977.
^ Meyer, Response to Modernity 1988, pp. 170–180, pp. 212–221; Kershen / Romain, Tradition and Change 1995.
^ On the five Jewish teacher seminars in Prussia: Brämer, Leistung und Gegenleistung 2006, S. 155–243; zu Bayern: Steidle, Jakob Stoll und die Israelitische Lehrerbildungsanstalt 2002.
^ Brämer /Wilke, Die Ausbildung für den Rabbinerberuf 2003, pp. 71–86.
^ Kollenscher, Rechtsverhältnisse der Juden 1910, pp. 120–130.
^ Tal, Christians and Jews in Germany 1975, pp. 110–117; Schwab, The History of Orthodox Jewry 1950, pp. 60–86; Lowenstein, Religious Life 1997, pp. 114–117.
^ [Anonymous], Richtlinien zu einem Programm 1912, p. 67; Meyer, Response to Modernity 1988, pp. 303–306.
^ Meyer, Response to Modernity 1988, pp. 335–340; Breuer, Schriften zum Zionismus und Agudismus 2017.
Übersetzt von:Translated by: Susan Meves / Colin Boone
→ Religious and Confessional Spaces
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Brämer, Andreas: Reform Judaism, Positive-Historical School, Orthodoxy, in: Europäische Geschichte Online (EGO), hg. vom Leibniz-Institut für Europäische Geschichte (IEG), Mainz European History Online (EGO), published by the Leibniz Institute of European History (IEG), Mainz 2020-04-23. URL: http://www.ieg-ego.eu/braemera-2019-en URN: urn:nbn:de:0159-2020040202 [JJJJ-MM-TT][YYYY-MM-DD].
Reform Judaism, Positive-Historical School, Orthodoxy@Reform Judaism@(BE)@freigabe


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text:
Worried about 'catastrophic' spill, state wants U.S. Navy to move its Red Hill fuel tanks
State wants U.S. Navy to move its Red Hill fuel tanks
By Mahealani Richardson | April 11, 2019 at 5:38 PM HST - Updated April 11 at 6:21 PM
HONOLULU (HawaiiNewsNow) - Worried about the potential for a devastating drinking water contamination, the Hawaii State Department of Health is asking the U.S. Navy to move the fuel tanks it has stored beneath Red Hill.
"I worry about an earthquake or something that would lead to a catastrophic spill," said Bruce Anderson, director of the state Department of Health.
A huge spill, Anderson warned Thursday, would contaminate the aquifers below. The Navy still has 20 underground tanks at Red Hill, containing 20 million gallons of fuel each ― and Anderson doubts the government could clean up quickly enough after such a disaster.
"The long term risks are significant, and we want to see those tanks moved eventually," he said.
Anderson cautions that there's no immediate threat, and admits that the state has no authority to order a move. But incidents like one in 2014, where 27,000 gallons of fuel leaked from one of the tanks, continue to give pause.
That spill did not contaminate the water supply, but the Honolulu Board of Water Supply says if a spill was large enough it would have to have to shut down the surrounding wells as a precaution — impacting the water supply from Halawa to Hawaii Kai.
That's why the Sierra Club has, for years, been asking the Navy to decommission and subsequently move the tanks.
"These tanks are 80 years old. 200 million gallons of fuel, a few feet over our aquifer. Tanks are not built to last forever," said Jodi Malinoski, the Sierra Club's local public policy advocate.
The Navy says it's committed to ensuring the drinking water remains safe.
"We work every day to ensure this important facility is monitored and operated to protect against any release of fuel," said Randy Young, counsel for Navy Region Hawaii.
The Navy says it plans to install advanced leak detection technology before the end of next year, but lawmakers still wonder about the integrity of the tanks.
"Were there any tanks that holes were detected?" asked Rep. John Mizuno.
"Yes, there are some throughables we've discovered in the upper dome. That is an area above the fuel tank that is above the fuel storage," said Mark Manfredi, Red Hill Program Director for the U.S. Navy.
The Navy is working on long-range plans that include possibly moving the tanks, but says it's not committing to any one option. It's an option that would take years and cost millions of dollars.
Evening News Anchor
Hawaii News Now anchor and reporter. PBN's 2017 Women Who Mean Business Women To Watch honoree. Pacific Century Fellows. Mom.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


somthing wrong its 2010? or 2009?
dear , the serial dont work!!!
Next time say please and dont post your request in multiple threads.
sorry , i?m a new user!!!!
A15C 7190 1A5E 0368 CF11 5C04 8?
I installed ET2009 v1.0 on a new laptop.
the old licence key from CAT doesn't work.
Can anyone make a new key for me??


text:
Q: Изменение полей ошибки Если при запросе что-то пошло не так, то RestController выкинет json такого вида:
{
    "timestamp": 1510417124782,
    "status": 500,
    "error": "Internal Server Error",
    "exception": "com.netflix.hystrix.exception.HystrixRuntimeException",
    "message": "ApplicationRepository#save(Application) failed and no fallback available.",
    "path": "/application"
}

Объект какого класса был сериализован для этого ? Могу я как-то влиять на этот объект и заносить в рантайме статус и сообщение этого объекта ?

A: Покурил туториалы и доки и вот, что я понял:
По умолчанию тот json, что мы видим является объектом класса DefaultErrorAttributes.
Задать свой обработчик rest - ошибок не так уж и сложно. Для этого нужно знать о следующих вещах:
ResponseEntityExceptionHandler - класс, который собственно и занимается перехватом исключений и решает, что необходимо вернуть пользователю. У него много методов с названием по типу handle + название исключения.
ControllerAdvice - аннотация, которая дает "советы" группе контроллеров. По сути это некий хук для них. По умолчанию аннотация действует на все контролллеры, но в ее параметрах есть опции для указания конкретных групп.
ExceptionHandler - аннотация для ловли определенных ошибок.
Соответственно, для того, чтобы поймать некоторое исключение, обработать его и отдать что-то пользователю необходимо создать класс с аннотацией ControllerAdvice и унаследовать его от ResponseEntityExceptionHandler. После чего переопределить нужное исключение.
Примерно вот так:
@ControllerAdvice
public class RestExceptionHandler extends ResponseEntityExceptionHandler {

    @Override
    protected ResponseEntity<Object> handleAsyncRequestTimeoutException(AsyncRequestTimeoutException ex, HttpHeaders headers, HttpStatus status, WebRequest webRequest) {
        return super.handleAsyncRequestTimeoutException(ex, headers, status, webRequest);
    }
}

В случае, если мы хотим обработать свое исключение или какое-то другое специфическое исключение не из класса ResponseEntityExceptionHandler можно использовать конструкцию такого вида:
@ControllerAdvice
public class RestExceptionHandler extends ResponseEntityExceptionHandler {

    @ExceptionHandler(HystrixRuntimeException.class)
    protected ResponseEntity<Object> handleHystrixRuntimeException(HystrixRuntimeException e) {
        HttpTypicalError error = getHttpTypicalError(e);
        return new ResponseEntity<>(new ErrorAnswer(error.getMessage()),
                HttpStatus.valueOf(error.getStatus()));
    }
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
Flemming v. Nestor, 363 U.S. 603 (1960), was a United States Supreme Court case in which the Court upheld the constitutionality of Section 1104 of the 1935 Social Security Act. In this Section, Congress reserved to itself the power to amend and revise the schedule of benefits.

Background
A 1954 amendment to the Social Security Act stripped old-age benefits from contributors who were deported under the Immigration and Nationality Act. The following year Ephram Nestor, an alien from Bulgaria who had paid into Social Security for 19 years, began drawing benefits. Nestor was subsequently deported for involvement in the Communist Party, and his benefits were terminated. He sued the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare on the basis that the amendment had deprived him of a property interest in Social Security without due process and was therefore invalid.

Opinion of the Court
The Court ruled that there is no contractual right to receive Social Security payments. Payments due under Social Security are not "property" and are not protected by the Takings Clause of the Fifth Amendment. The interest of a beneficiary of Social Security is protected only by the Due Process Clause.

Under Due Process Clause analysis, government action is valid unless it is patently arbitrary and utterly lacking in rational justification. This provision of §202(n) is not irrational; it could have been justified by the desire to increase the purchasing power of those living in America, because those living abroad would not spend their payments domestically.

Critique
The case has been criticized on many grounds. In dissent, Justice Black argued that the Court's holding was motivated by anti-communist bias. Charles A. Reich argued that Social Security benefits should be considered to be "property" for the purposes of the Fifth Amendment. Social Security, he argued, is a compulsory substitute for private property, is heavily relied on, and is important to beneficiaries. The beneficiary's right to Social Security, he argued, should not be subject to public policy considerations (especially not something resembling a loyalty oath, as was the case in Flemming). According to this argument, allowing government benefits to be revoked in this way too extensively threatens the system of private property.

Further reading

External links

Case Details from the Social Security Administration

United States Supreme Court cases
United States Supreme Court cases of the Warren Court
Social Security lawsuits
Takings Clause case law
United States administrative case law
United States immigration and naturalization case law
1960 in United States case law

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
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What a Move to Pocatello Has to Offer
Pocatello was established in the foothills of the Rocky Mountains and along the Portneuf River. Major roadways include U.S. Highway 91, which passes through the community and connects with nearby I-15 and I-36. The community is serviced by Pocatello Regional Transit buses that offer front door services, and these buses have routes throughout the community and to outlying cities. Air transportation is provided by the Pocatello Regional Airport. Idaho State University, the Pocatello/Chubbuck School District, the Portneuf Medical Center and Heinz are some of the city's largest employers.
As the cost of living here is lower than state and national averages, Pocatello appeals to many potential newcomers. A 2012 census survey revealed that Pocatello had 54,777 residents. Of the thousands of households that make the family-friendly community their home, nearly 34 percent were raising young children. In addition to a number of private schools, the city has 13 elementary schools, four middle schools and three high schools.
Entertaining destinations within the community include the Idaho Museum of Natural History, which houses a number of permanent and temporary exhibits dating from prehistoric times to the present day. The Fort Hall Replica commemorates the facility that served as an important stopping point for fur traders, trappers, Native Americans and pioneers making the journey west. The venue features recreated period rooms and artifact collections. Guests have the chance to learn more about native wildlife when visiting the Pocatello Zoo. The city has more than 25 parks that feature everything from playgrounds and team sports fields to hiking trails and swimming pools.
The North American Van Lines Difference
When choosing North American Van Lines as your Pocatello moving company, you have the benefit of an entire team who ensures that all goes according to plan. Our agents only hire movers in Pocatello who have access to the latest equipment, technology and quality training. These are some of the many factors that benefit our clients. We also provide you with:
Affordable self-packing kits
Flexible relocation solutions
Moving and storage services
Residential, business and corporate moving services
Once you explore the options that other companies provide, we believe that you will understand why North American Van Lines in Pocatello is your best choice. Speak with one of our representatives today for a no-obligation estimate.
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Because I had an excellent experience with Nortt American VanLines. The driver was good & the move went great.
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The Nylon Zoo is a Melbourne-based children's performance art ensemble that specialise in interactive story activities. We incorporate theatre, dance, music, animal adventures, story & play in presenting fun- filled, magical (and even educational!) experiences at community celebrations, educational events & gatherings of all types. And all in & around a giant magical inflatable salmon or frog. Join us!
Introducing The Nylon Zoo children's festival event!


This website has been set up by and for the villagers of Landford. We also hope it will be useful to those visiting Landford or the northern end of the New Forest National Park. There is also a community website for our neighbours in Nomansland at www.nomansland-sa.org.uk .
If you wish to see a layout of the area in order to locate various facilities and services, then please click here.
To navigate around the site, click on the side tabs, which will take you to the section of your choice. Click on the header banner to return to this page. The What's On tab provides you with a summary of what's happening during the year.
More details of events can be found in our monthly parish magazine HORIZON available from Landford Village Stores or delivered to your door (please ask at the Stores for details).
If you are interested in the historical development of Landford and some of the more influential people that lived here. then click here.
The Updates tab provides an index of what's changed on this site. See Updates page for details on how to automatically receive notification of changes.
If you have any observations or questions please leave a comment.
Dear Shirley, Many thanks for your enquiry. I assume you would like us to add a page to the website dedicated to the WI. That's easy to do. What would you like to be displayed on that page? Suggest contact details, details of where you meet, and possibly your programme of events for 2012.
I found my Landford Local Directory halfway up my drive, soaking wet and ruined. Who should I contact to complain about the delivery and to get a new copy?
Sorry you had a problem. Please see my email to you on 13 April.
Hi,just wondered when your Scarecrow Festival is this year? Regards,Mr Fletcher.
Hi, I think it would be good if you could link your website to Nomansland Sports Association's site "www.nomansland-sa.org.uk". There is a link from their website to yours already. It all helps people find the services they need locally.
Hi, some time ago I came across a PDF page which was very useful for my family history research, and linked to it on some of the profiles. Unfortunately it seems to have disappeared, not archived, and I wondered if it is still available somewhere?


The paintball game in itself is a fun and exciting game that people from all ages can play. For the game of paintball it doesn't matter how small or big you are ,how young as long as you're 10 years old or how old you are… everyone can play the game of paintball everyone is talking about. With so many paintball game ideas out there now there is a game idea for everyone to take part in. Now days, paintball has become such a popular game that kids are choosing it for their birthday parties over your old laser tag type birthdays. Paintball can be seen on TV now as well, in either commercials or on ESPN. The paintball game as a whole is growing, the player participation is up overall and their are more fields in areas where paintball fields weren't before.
The game of paintball is a game where opponents mark one another with colored projectiles that fly at 300 feet per second or about 200 miles per hour. At your established and regulated paintball fields the game of paintball has rules to keep all players from getting hurt by getting hit by a paintball too close up. The typical rule of thumb is you are not allowed to shoot someone under 20 feet. In most cases you as the attacker is required to offer your opponent the chance to surrender. If the other player chooses not to surrender then and only then are you allowed to shoot them from under 20 feet. That is just a few examples of paintball game ideas , keep reading to see a handful more! The more you get into the paintball game them ore you realize how friendly and close the industry as a whole is. It seems as if everyone knows everyone else and if you don't just stick around for a while and you will understand more about the paintball game than you ever imagine along with knowing every manager and field owner in the business in your area.
This is just one video of paintball game ideas, check it out below to see a pretty fun idea for playing paintball with your friends.


text:
Return on the horizon for Vicente
Brighton's Spanish playmaker Vicente is closing in on a return to action.
The former Valencia midfielder has been sidelined since August with a thigh tendon injury but is stepping up his training.
However, manager Gus Poyet does not want to put a precise timescale on his return.
He told the Argus: "It doesn't need to be in January, it could be in December.
"I won't have a problem if he can play on the 29th or the 22nd. If that was the case it would be great.
"He has been training last week, but with us, I don't know. He has been training more than he was a month ago.
"He has been working on his fitness in different ways, a different programme so that he can get better and maybe join the group.
"He has been doing a bit of everything, strength work, controlled training, running, the new gravity treadmill and plenty of pool exercises which could be really hard but not the same as playing.
"It is a different way of bringing him back to the first team quickly, where he can train and forget about everything. I don't want to put a date on it, because that's not fair."


text:
package org.elasticsearch.common.unit;

import org.elasticsearch.ElasticsearchParseException;
import org.elasticsearch.test.ESTestCase;

import static org.hamcrest.Matchers.is;

/**
 * Tests for the {@link RatioValue} class
 */
public class RatioValueTests extends ESTestCase {
    public void testParsing() {
        assertThat(RatioValue.parseRatioValue("100%").toString(), is("100.0%"));
        assertThat(RatioValue.parseRatioValue("0%").toString(), is("0.0%"));
        assertThat(RatioValue.parseRatioValue("-0%").toString(), is("0.0%"));
        assertThat(RatioValue.parseRatioValue("15.1%").toString(), is("15.1%"));
        assertThat(RatioValue.parseRatioValue("0.1%").toString(), is("0.1%"));
        assertThat(RatioValue.parseRatioValue("1.0").toString(), is("100.0%"));
        assertThat(RatioValue.parseRatioValue("0").toString(), is("0.0%"));
        assertThat(RatioValue.parseRatioValue("-0").toString(), is("0.0%"));
        assertThat(RatioValue.parseRatioValue("0.0").toString(), is("0.0%"));
        assertThat(RatioValue.parseRatioValue("-0.0").toString(), is("0.0%"));
        assertThat(RatioValue.parseRatioValue("0.151").toString(), is("15.1%"));
        assertThat(RatioValue.parseRatioValue("0.001").toString(), is("0.1%"));
    }

    public void testNegativeCase() {
        testInvalidRatio("100.0001%");
        testInvalidRatio("-0.1%");
        testInvalidRatio("1a0%");
        testInvalidRatio("2");
        testInvalidRatio("-0.01");
        testInvalidRatio("0.1.0");
        testInvalidRatio("five");
        testInvalidRatio("1/2");
    }

    public void testInvalidRatio(String r) {
        try {
            RatioValue.parseRatioValue(r);
            fail("Value: [" + r + "] should be an invalid ratio");
        } catch (ElasticsearchParseException e) {
            // success
        }
    }
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


You could make a real statement with this form fitting dress, and that statement would be very pro-marijuana. It has a wide, round neckline and long sleeves, but the real draw is the allover scattered green weed leaf pattern against deep blue. Measures 34" from shoulder to finished hem. 88% polyester/12% spandex blend. One size fits most.


When He saw me passing by, He stopped speaking for a moment and looked kindly upon me.
The Listening Jesus is the first limited-edition head of Christ by the artist since a different (1978) rendering sold out many years ago. The more recent print is identical in size (22" by 28") to the earlier rendering, though somewhat different in technique. The Listening Jesus is limited to 1,993 signed and numbered prints and 199 artist proofs.
The artist will tint the eyes of your print blue, green or brown (or leave them untinted) —whichever you specify with your order.
To see the eyes tinted blue, green and brown, click on the Listening Jesus image.
To view a rare copy of the artist's first Jesus of Nazareth pencil study, click on the thumbnail above.
The limited edition of 1,000 prints sold out in the early 1980s. But six unsold copies recently (late 2007) were discovered in a former distributor's garage.


Does the brand-new Miele Dialog oven represent the future of creative cooking?
Whether you're a budding chef or just keen to get dinner on the table with a minimum of fuss, there was something for everyone at this week's IFA trade show in Berlin.
From a ground-breaking Miele oven and an innovative Gorenje induction hob, to recipe guidance from the likes of Bosch and Panasonic, we've rounded up our top five cooking trends of 2017.
Perhaps the biggest cooking innovation unveiled at this week's IFA trade show in Berlin was Miele's Dialog oven (pictured above). Miele claims it's the biggest cooking innovation in decades and will change the way we cook at home. It uses electromagnetic waves, in combination with radiant heat and a convection fan, to cook each piece of food in the oven to perfection. Antennae measure the amount of energy each item has absorbed, and the oven then applies or removes heat as needed.
Miele demonstrated its capabilities by sealing a piece of salmon within a block of ice and placing it in the Dialog oven for a little over 10 minutes. When they took it out, the ice was still frozen but the salmon inside was cooked through.
'What's the point of that?', you may well ask. Well, there isn't one, really. But it does demonstrate what the Dialog can achieve. In the same way that an induction hob heats the pan, rather than the hob surface, the Dialog heats the individual pieces of food rather than the oven.
What this means is that if you put a chicken and a tray of roast potatoes in the oven at the same time, the oven will only heat the potatoes until they're perfectly crispy before removing their heat. It will then continue to cook the chicken until it's just right.
This method of heating is far more efficient than a conventional oven, so Miele claims the Dialog is up to 70% faster than a conventional oven. It won't launch in the UK until 2019, though, and will cost around £8,000. In the meantime, you might want to consider one of our Best Buy ovens.
Induction hobs are nothing new. In fact, they were everywhere we looked at IFA this week. But Gorenje's IQ induction hob caught our eye.
For starters, there are 17 heat levels to choose from. That sounds excessive, but if you're attempting a technical recipe, the last thing you want is for your hob to be running fractionally too hot or cold.
That's not all. The IQ hob also has flexible cooking zones – a feature that means if you move a pan across the hob, it will remember the level of heat you were using and transfer it to the new cooking area you're using.
Look out for the IQ hob in the coming months, or head to our hob reviews to buy a new hob today.
If stress-free cooking is what you're after, a digital kitchen assistant could be just the thing.
Bosch's Mykie (pictured above) is a 30cm-tall, voice-controlled, counter-top robot that will read you the stages of recipes as and when you ask for them. If you often get your hands dirty in the kitchen, this should help to save the screen on your tablet or mobile from sticky smudges.
Panasonic's new kitchen assistant, meanwhile, takes it to another level – even though it's still only a concept. It links with both a smart induction hob and a camera placed in the extractor fan. When you're following a recipe, the cameras will monitor your food and tell you if you need to raise or lower the heat.
Extractor fans are an essential part of your everyday cooking, but they tend to be bulky, noisy and sometimes even ugly.
If you need a new fan, or are wondering about the layout for a new fitted kitchen, you should consider an integrated extractor fan. These are built into the counter alongside your induction hob to extract steam. This makes installing a hob on an island in your kitchen much more practical.
AEG, Bosch and Miele, among others, exhibited integrated extractor fans at IFA 2017. If you're in the market for a new one, consult our guide on how to buy the best cooker hood.
If you're tired of traipsing through the supermarket wondering what to cook for dinner, you'll be pleased to know that your days of resorting to spag bol (again) may be numbered.
While there were several fridges with cameras inside at IFA, Liebherr's MIA system was the only one we saw that's capable of recognising the food you have inside your fridge. This recognition is crucial, because it means the fridge is able to recommend recipes based on the food you already have.
If you're in the supermarket, the app can tell you what you need to buy so you can cook certain recipes.
Liebherr's MIA system is a smart fridge camera and voice-controlled smart hub that can be used in any Liebherr fridge freezer. We don't yet know how much it will cost, but the system will launch in the UK in early 2018.
In preparation for MIA's arrival, take a look at our Liebherr fridge freezer reviews.


text:
Battleground 2016 was een professioneel worstel-pay-per-view (PPV) en WWE Network evenement dat georganiseerd werd door de WWE. Dit evenement was de vierde editie van Battleground en vond plaats in het Verizon Center in Washington D.C. op 24 juli 2016.

Er werden negen wedstrijden georganiseerd. In het main event verdedigde Dean Ambrose met succes zijn WWE Championship door voormalige kampioenen en teampartners Seth Rollins en Roman Reigns te verslaan.

Wedstrijden

Externe link
  Battleground 2016 op WWE

2016
Professioneel worstelen in 2016


text:
Computer Science Schools
In Amherst, Massachusetts
The city of Amherst has 3 schools where computer science faculty can find employment. The following statistics and charts help analyze the current state of the computer science academic community in Amherst, and the future trends. Academia in computer science includes computer science training at the following levels:
Amherst Vs. Massachusetts Computer Science Employment
Amherst 100
Massachusetts 50,520
Of the 16,070 computer science professionals employed in Massachusetts, 100 work in Amherst. Between 2006 and 2010, the number of computer science professionals in Amherst has shrunk by 47%. As the number of computer science professionals in Amherst has decreased, overall employment in Amherst has increased.
Amherst Vs. Massachusetts Computer Science employment growth
190 200 300 No data 100
Grey: Massachusetts
Dark Yellow: Amherst
Computer Science VS. All professions salaries in Amherst
$51,400 $67,547 $71,870 No data $114,480
$41,780 $43,600 $47,470 No data $49,180
Light Blue: Computer Science in Amherst
Dark Yellow: All Professions in Amherst
In Amherst, salaries for computer science professionals have increased. In 2010 Amherst computer science professionals earned an average yearly salary of $114,480. Four years earlier in 2006, computer science professionals in Amherst made an average salary of $51,400 per year. This growth is faster than the salary trend for all careers in Amherst.
Salary percentiles for Computer science professionals in Amherst
50th percentile $107,180
Computer science professionals in Amherst make a median yearly salary of $107,180. The 10% of computer science professionals in the lowest pay bracket earn less than $82,410 per year, while those in the highest pay bracket earn approximately 64% higher salaries.
Average Salaries for Computer science professionals and related professions in Amherst
Computer Programming $61,410
Computer Engineering $70,320
Information Technology $85,330
Computer Science $114,480
On average computer science professional salaries in Amherst are higher than salaries earned by their professional counterparts in related professions.
Computer Science schools in Amherst
There are 3 accredited computer science schools in the city. Many of Amherst's computer science professionals are graduates of one of these schools.
Computer Science Programs Offered In Amherst
There are a total of 5 degree and certificate programs in computer science offered by Amherst's computer science schools.
Student Completed Computer Science Degrees In Amherst
Approximately 112 students graduated from computer science courses in 2010.
Computer Science Faculty Salaries in Amherst, Massachusetts
The number of computer science faculty, growth in the field of computer science academia and computer science faculty salaries in Amherst, is all data we are currently in the process of collecting. Your anonymous submission of information regarding your career and salary will help us create a valuable career planning database for the benefit of computer science faculty at the bachelors degree in computer science, masters degree in computer science, and doctoral degree in computer science levels in Amherst. A summary of the data collected thus far will be available to you once you have submitted your information.
Massachusetts Schools
Massachusetts Computer Science Schools
Computer Engineering Schools in Amherst
Computer Science Schools in Northampton, MA
Computer Science Schools in South Hadley, MA
Computer Science Schools in Springfield, MA
Computer Science Schools in Westfield, MA
Computer Science Schools in Worcester, MA
Computer Science Schools in Fitchburg, MA
Computer Science Schools in South Lancaster, MA
Computer Science Schools in Williamstown, MA


Almost everyone has an estate, whether they know it or not. In a nutshell, an estate is everything a person owns: a car, house, bank accounts, life insurance, furniture and other personal property, investments and businesses. No matter how modest or large your estate may be, proper planning will help ensure that your property and your estate is handled according to your wishes.
A proper estate plan will ensure to whom you want to receive something of yours, what it is you want them to receive, and when they are to receive it. In addition, your estate plan can help lower the amount paid in taxes, legal fees and court costs.
There are many different types of estate plans, but they all typically begin with a will or living trust, and they help you organize your records and beneficiary designations. Whether you want to provide for your immediate family, leave a legacy for a charity, reduce taxes on your estate and minimize expenses, or ensure your business continues to run and operate smoothly, you will want an estate plan in place.
The experienced estate planning attorneys with The Franchise & Business Law Group can explain all the options available to you, and help you meet your estate planning goals.


text:
DJ Shaan
Social Link:
https://twitter.com/ShaanMusic?ref_src=twsrc%5Egoogle%7Ctwcamp%5Eserp%7Ctwgr%5Eauthor
Vaulting to the forefront of electronic dance music and representing Indian culture worldwide, 25-year-old DJ Shaan has made history, generated millions of streams, and ignited the hottest festivals in the world with stunning regularity.
Among numerous accolades, he notably became "the first Indian DJ to grace the bill of Tomorrowland," "the most-played Indian dance music artist on the radio in the USA," "India's most-followed DJ," and "the first Indian artist signed to Casablanca Records." Given this track record, he unsurprisingly kicked off his career with a star-making set at Sunburn Festival in Goa. Just 15-years-old at the time, he would be "the youngest person to play the festival." Over the past decade, he ascended to global prominence, performing alongside titans, including Armin Van Buuren, Hardwell, Swedish House Mafia, Afrojack, and the late Avicii. A sought-after talent, he has also officially remixed superstars such as Steve Aoki, Louis Tomlinson, Sandra Silva, Lost Kings, Naughty Boy, and Calum Scott, to name a few. Moreover his solo catalog comprises "Light Up The World" [feat. Lauren Evans], "Must Be Love," and more.
In 2020, DJ Shaan kicks off what promises to be his biggest, boldest, and best chapter yet. His debut single for Casablanca Records, "Paradise," fuses a big room chant, propulsive grooves, and high-energy synths as a hypnotic hook takes hold. Let him welcome you to "paradise" now.


text:
Jobs at NUM
The National Union of Mineworkers with its Head Office in Johannesburg is looking to appoint suitably qualified candidates for the following position:
Categories: Uncategorized, NUM | Tags: | Comments: (0) | View Count: (55818)
NUM post NEC statement
The National Executive Committee (NEC) of the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) met over two days, 26-27 September 2013 in what was a regular and scheduled meeting and pronounced on the following:
NUM and SAFCEC sign 2-year wage agreement
The National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) and the South African Federation of Civil Engineering Contractors (Safcec) on Monday signed a two-year wage agreement, ending prolonged strike action in the construction industry that halted major construction projects.
NUM scores major victories in the construction and mining sector
The National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) has yet again scored a major victory in the construction sector, persuading employers through a three week long hard-hitting strike action to accede to further increases. The construction companies had earlier entered into a wage agreement with the Building, Construction and Allied Workers Union (BCAWU) for an increase of between 8 and 10% which the NUM rejected.
NUM refutes SAFCEC's return to work
The National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) notes the messages sent through smses by companies affiliated to the South African Federation of Civil Engineering Contractors (SAFCEC) calling on workers to return to work tomorrow on the basis that an agreement has been reached.
Stakeholder Belligerence Bids For Industrial Turmoil
Globally capitalism has been in crisis from as early as the mid-1970s. The reality is that while minorities of authoritative individuals who own the means of production and in managing these crises have efficaciously transformed their liability into an albatross of the working class.
Categories: NUM | Tags: | Comments: (0) | View Count: (109601)
Gold companies to face the music tonight
The National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) representing over 80 000 miners in the gold sector will tonight begin with its scheduled strike action. The NUM is determined to pursue its demands for an increase of R2300 for surface and opencast miners and R3000 for underground miners.
90 000 construction workers remain on strike, secondary strike to hit Nkomati mine
The strike by 90 000 members of the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) has today entered into its second week affecting major construction companies such as WBHO, Group Five, Aveng, Murray & Roberts, Stocks & Stocks and many more.
NUM won't participate in the Marikana commemorations tomorrow
The National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) took a firm decision to not be party to tomorrow 's commemoration of the Marikana tragedy.
NUM outraged over shop steward 's murder
The National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) is outraged at the cold blooded murder of one of its women shopsteward at Lonmin 's Roland shaft this morning.
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text:
Law Reviews & Journals
UCLA Law is home to more than a dozen student-edited journals packed with critical analyses of today's most pressing legal issues. Some of our publications – including the Asian Pacific American Law Journal and the National Black Law Journal – were the first of their kind in the nation. Prominent among our wide array of student organizations, our journals are forums for preeminent scholars, practicing attorneys and students wishing to play a role in the most significant legal discourse of our time.
Asian Pacific American Law Journal
The Asian Pacific American Law Journal is the first law journal in the nation to address the legal, social and political issues facing the Asian-American and Pacific Islander community. The Journal welcomes all students as members.
Chicanx-Latinx Law Review
The Chicanx-Latinx Law Review is one of a few legal journals in the country devoted to scholarly analysis of issues relevant to Chicano and Latino communities. It publishes articles by judges, lawyers and scholars who provide new perspectives on the legal problems of the Latino community. All students are welcome to join.
Criminal Justice Law Review
The Criminal Justice Law Review (CJLR) focuses on current topics in criminal law, policy, and practice. CJLR seeks to develop a discourse regarding criminal justice by publishing articles, editorials, and interviews of practitioners, academics, and policymakers. CJLR also aims to foster a community by hosting an annual symposium for students, academics, practitioners, policymakers, and judges to come together to discuss current criminal justice issues.
Disability Law Journal
The Disability Law Journal at UCLA (DLJ) focuses on current topics in disability law and related fields. The DLJ seeks to develop a discourse regarding disability law by publishing articles; editorials; and interviews of practitioners, academics, policymakers, and other members of the disability law community. The DLJ also seeks to recognize the contributions to the field of disability law made by scholars before the establishment of the DLJ, and we does so by republishing relevant scholarship as necessary. The ultimate mission of the DLJ is to create a repository of disability law scholarship.
Dukeminier Awards Journal of Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity Law
Each year, the Dukeminier Awards Journal staff and faculty advisory board identify the best articles on sexual orientation law and public policy from law reviews around the country and reprint these articles in a prize journal. The Dukeminier Awards Journal also publishes original articles written by law students, which are chosen as part of a national writing competition.
Entertainment Law Review
The Entertainment Law Review, published biannually, is devoted to legal issues affecting film, television, radio, computer and print media, and includes such topics as copyright and patent issues; the regulation of the entertainment industry; and labor, constitutional, administrative and antitrust law as they relate to the industry.
The Indigenous Peoples' Journal of Law, Culture & Resistance
We are the Indigenous Peoples' Journal of Law, Culture & Resistance and we are here to serve as a law journal that publishes writings concerning Native Peoples' cultures, traditions, and histories. We publish with the goal of bettering and advancing Native Nations and Indian People.
Journal of Environmental Law and Policy
The Journal of Environmental Law and Policy offers diverse perspectives on topics of current environmental interest, such as toxic waste disposal and solar water heating. It offers students with an interest in environmental law or policy an immediate opportunity to become involved in editing and publishing in a field of rapidly growing importance.
Journal of International Law & Foreign Affairs
The Journal of International Law & Foreign Affairs is an interdisciplinary publication promoting scholarship in international law and international relations. It publishes articles by leading scholars, practitioners and other professionals from around the world, as well as student comments. Some of JILFA's issues are topical, focusing on immigration or international gender and race discrimination, and others offer more variety, ranging from conflicting approaches to technological developments, to the international criminal court, to sovereign debt crises.
Journal of Islamic and Near Eastern Law
Established in 2001, the Journal of Islamic and Near Eastern Law is the first journal in the United States dedicated to this area of study. The inaugural issue was published in 2002. JINEL presents scholarly and practical articles dealing with the complex and multifaceted issues of Islamic and Near Eastern law and its applications and effects within and outside of the Near East.
Journal of Law and Technology
Since 1996, the Journal of Law and Technology has produced an online journal providing a forum for timely and relevant materials addressing the law's attempt to keep pace with technological innovation. JOLT's content includes traditional scholarly articles and comments, and practical advice from attorneys practicing at the cutting edge of law and technology. JOLT also hosts an IP/High Tech Career Forum.
National Black Law Journal
The National Black Law Journal has been committed to scholarly discourse exploring the intersection of race and the law for 35 years. Started in 1970 by five African-American law students and two African-American law professors, the NBLJ was the first of its kind in the country. It has aimed to build on this tradition by publishing articles that make a substantive contribution to current dialogue taking place around issues such as affirmative action, employment law, the criminal justice system, community development and labor issues. The Journal is committed to publishing articles that inspire new thought, explore new alternatives and contribute to current jurisprudential stances.
Pacific Basin Law Journal
The Pacific Basin Law Journal is the only law review in the country devoted to the study of international and comparative law within the rapidly developing economic sphere of the Pacific Basin. Articles and case notes are solicited from members of the international legal community throughout East Asia and the Americas. In keeping with its practical focus, the Journal devotes special attention to legal issues that directly affect trade flows and international transactions in the Pacific Basin.
UCLA Law Review
UCLA Law Review, which publishes six times a year, has earned a reputation as one of the nation's leading legal periodicals; it is run by a student board of editors which determines membership on the basis of a writing competition. Membership on the Review helps students develop skills in legal research and writing and make significant contributions to the advancement of the law through the publication of commentary on crucial legal issues.
View Law Review
Women's Law Journal
The Women's Law Journal, published biannually since 1989, provides a forum for feminist legal scholarship written by academics and students. Among its past noteworthy contributors are Catharine MacKinnon, Mary Daly, Frances Olsen and William Rubenstein.
Please note that the information contained on the Law Review and Journals web pages, or on other websites to which they are linked, is not monitored or controlled by UCLA School of Law, and does not represent official statements or views of UCLA School of Law.
If you are interested in learning about life at UCLA Law from 1956 through 2004, browse The Docket, a newspaper published by students for students of the UCLA School of Law.
New York Bar Skills Requirement