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Agrarian Reform in Latin America
By Frances M. Foland
Just a decade ago, "agrarian reform" was anathema throughout most of the Western hemisphere. Only visionaries, revolutionaries and a few staff members of international agencies paid it any heed. Latin American governments spurned it, and the U.S. Government ignored or disapproved of it. In the two countries where it had taken place, Mexico and Bolivia, it was the product of violent revolution.
In 1960 a government of the democratic Left in Venezuela fulfilled a long- standing campaign pledge by pushing through an agrarian reform law and pressing its application. From Cuba, Fidel Castro, professing his to be a peasant movement, called upon the other hemispheric societies to follow his revolutionary lead. The United States moved to counteract his disrupting impact throughout the two continents and, at a plenipotentiary conference in 1960, the Act of Bogotá was constituted, incorporating the call for reform and the promise of U.S. funds.
Agrarian reform achieved full respectability at Punta del Este in August 1961, The delegates, many reluctantly, signed the declaration, which included a commitment "to encourage . . . programs of comprehensive agrarian reform leading to the effective transformation, where required, of unjust structures and systems of land tenure . . ."
To comply with the urgings of the United States and the letter of the Alliance for Progress-and to qualify for aid-almost all the Latin American legislatures spun out protracted and high-sounding laws, It seemed that an outmoded, tradition-bound system, unique in the world, was about to be restructured.
Callow reform enthusiasts were to learn, however, the nice difference between legal action and real action. With a plethora of new laws on the books across the hemisphere, only Venezuela pursued its resolve in a purposeful way. In Chile, a progressive government gained power in 1964 and with difficulty succeeded in replacing a flimsy 1963 law with a legal instrument adequate to effect agrarian reform. In the other countries, politically dominant elements were indifferent if not opposed to altering the tenure structure. Action was limited to tokenism, such as the distribution of peripheral public lands, or to technical and financial measures, such as increased machinery imports and price supports, Occasionally some progress was made in cadastral surveys and land-tax systems.
Arguments against agrarian reform are similar throughout the nations of the hemisphere. The two prime defenses of the status quo are the sanctity of private property and the efficiency of larger units. Real or imagined flaws in extant reforms lead to the additional criticisms that decreased production results when peasants replace the traditional owners and that the government falls into a paternalistic role as implementor of the program.
The conservative rationale regarding the inviolability of private property is based on the theory that the right is God-given, resting on natural law and preceding the State itself; therefore, the State has no jurisdiction in the matter. In the mid-twentieth century, however, this line of thinking has become anachronistic. One Latin American nation after another has incorporated in its laws the concept of "the social function of property" either in tandem with or as successor to "the inviolability of property."
Latin Americans are particularly fond of pointing to the high efficiency of large farm units in the United States and, therefore, of belaboring land parceling as contrary to rational agricultural development. The comparison is, first of all, erroneous because in the United States family-sized units still do dominate. In any case, to suggest that size alone is the key to production is simplistic; if this were true, Latin America would be world leader instead of laggard in crop yields. In fact, an antiquated latifundia system can more reasonably be condemned than defended in the light of experience on large modern farms.
The U.S. model is perhaps most inappropriate for Latin America because of the difference in the rural populations. Whereas in the United States industrialization and urbanization have, since 1920, reduced the number of people on the land. Latin America's rural population expands at about 1.6 percent annually, and in most of the countries composes half or more of the total population. In Mexico, for instance, the peasant population has doubled in the last 40 years. Though production of more food is badly needed, the long-neglected and excessive rural population adds a critical element to the complex problem of the countryside. Rather than adopt labor- expelling measures such as mechanization, the necessity is to find labor- intensive solutions which simultaneously increase production.
In some instances, of course, there are grounds for criticizing a particular agrarian reform for creating dwarf units which defy agricultural improvement There are areas in both Mexico and Bolivia where the number of peasants receiving or taking land far exceeds what the land should support Profiting from these earlier mistakes, the current programs in Chile and Venezuela are attempting to avoid the minifundia pitfall.
Mexico and Bolivia are also cited by opponents of agrarian reform as proof that agricultural production falls after land distribution. In both cases preliminary evaluations reported declines, in Mexico in the 1920s and '30s and in Bolivia through the 1950s. However, subsequent studies pointed out that, although less food reached the urban centers, more was being consumed in the countryside by peasants who had previously been coerced into turning the produce over to the patron. In addition, when the landowning class which controlled the marketing channels was ousted, other trade patterns developed which were different from the flow measured by economists. It is now concluded, therefore, that production was maintained or increased. Likewise, post-reform studies in Mexico, Venezuela, Chile, Taiwan and Japan show not only increased productivity on smaller units but also more intensive employment of the rural labor force.
In most Latin American countries, the issue of agricultural production is undoubtedly critical, for burgeoning populations require spiraling food imports. Ambitious to industrialize, businessmen and policy-makers are reluctant to risk any measure which might necessitate the use of foreign exchange for wheat or beans instead of capital goods. Opponents of agrarian reform, therefore, exploit this anxiety by centering their attack on the production front, where studies and experience are not sufficiently conclusive to refute the charge. In addition, they disparage the social aspect of agrarian reform by claiming that peasant status after reform is unaltered; the State merely replaces the former landowner as patron, imposing its will upon a sector which continues dependent and submissive.
Reform personnel have difficulty countering these two attacks simultaneously; experience so far suggests that they must choose to develop either the land or the man. Since economic considerations tend to dominate, emphasis is generally on the land. From the moment of its inception a reform is under obligation to produce as much or more than the system it replaces. Hard-pressed by their opposition, government bureaucrats and technicians hover nervously over their land-reform charges to ensure that they do not make a mistake which would impair the crop.
The ideal would be a moratorium on passing judgments, so that at least as much attention could be given to developing human capacity as to plant yield. The level of tempers, interests and politics is too high, however, to allow such a luxury.
In Mexico the Ejidal Bank has become the institutional patron, and most of the recipients of land, the ejidatarios, are completely dependent upon it for credit, for decisions on crop allocation and for the distribution of profits. Absorbed by administrative tasks, the Bank has little time, staff or responsibility for training the peasants who, with only a minor decision- making role, seldom develop as entrepreneurs. Of course, being a mature program, the Mexican example encompasses great diversity, and there are innumerable exceptions to Bank paternalism.
This pitfall, evident in the pioneer program, will perhaps serve as warning for the new program in Chile, where the Agrarian Reform Corporation could easily follow the same route. As set forth by the Chilean law, expropriation is to be followed by two to five years of close government tutelage to train the beneficiaries in modern agricultural methods, provide them with the essential infrastructure and establish their credit. Concomitantly, leadership and community-development specialists are to groom the peasants to become decision-making operators. In this, Chile has vastly improved upon the early course of Mexico's agrarian reform when peasants were largely left to fend for themselves.
Although close surveillance is perhaps warranted during this preliminary training stage, the danger is that it will become habit Titles to the land are now being granted to the peasants, however, and it can be hoped that, with greater independence and diminishing attacks from the opposition, the Chilean asentados will become self-reliant farmers.
Supporters of agrarian reform, likewise, amass social and economic evidence to argue the case for structural change in rural areas. Agriculture is failing to produce enough food to meet the needs of population growth. It does not fulfill its potential in producing export crops which could provide important earnings to finance imports. And, not only has it failed to better the substandard conditions of rural inhabitants but, in fact, poverty, misery and discontent are increasing in the countryside.
The agrarian structure in Latin America consists of four types of holdings, essentially: plantations, family-sized and owner-operated farms, latifundia and minifundia.
The plantation system concentrates on extensive export crops-coffee, sugar, cacao, bananas. Commercially minded of necessity, it is generally modern in the sense of utilizing land, capital and labor sufficiently well to meet competition. It is the lifeblood of the region's balance of payments; 52 percent of total international earnings in the 1960s have come from agricultural exports.
The family-sized farms are so minimal in number and acreage as to have little consequence in the agricultural economy of the continent. They cluster in such areas as southern Chile, the State of São Paulo in Brazil, the Japanese colonies in Amazônia, the fringes of the Calí Valley of Colombia and the Costa Rican highland.
It is chiefly upon the latifundia-minifundia complex that reformists focus their ire. Social considerations aside, the charge is that the former underutilize both land and labor, and that the latter exhaust the soil by overcropping and underfertilizing; moreover, the uneconomic size of the small plots does not absorb efficiently the manpower of the minifundistas. This traditional structure of landholdings commonly misuses both soil and terrain. The more desirable valleys and plains are usually held in large tracts and devoted to extensive crops or cattle-raising; characteristically, production is stunted by absentee ownership, antiquated methods and equipment, and minimum capital investments. On the surrounding slopes and mountainsides are the lots planted in cereals and legumes- erosion and negligible inputs depleting the soil's fertility.
Tax rates on land have been insignificant and delinquency in payment has been high. Labor has been the cheapest of commodities, to be had for little more than a stipend in kind and the use of a small plot of land. There has been, therefore, no financial burden in owning land and no need to make it pay its way, But land with its resident laborers has, since the coming of the Spaniards, endowed its owners with social prestige. More recently it has served as a hedge against inflation. In countries where, even today, investment alternatives are few, land has been considered the most desirable, even by townspeople who have no knowledge of agriculture. Land value has derived more from these intangible attributes than from its real or potential level of production. Profits have been derived more from the over-exploitation of the peasant than from the cultivation of the soil.
The result of this misappropriation of the land is the irony that, while Latin America's major source of export earnings is the agricultural cash crop, the area is increasingly unable to feed itself. Agricultural imports, mainly foodstuffs, rose to 20 percent of the area's total purchases abroad by 1965, while vagaries in weather, transport and marketing caused periodic shortages, high prices and inflationary pressures in the domestic market.
Looking to the misuse of both man and land in this agrarian structure, advocates of change base their arguments on two major principles-social justice and economic development. The original motivation for land distribution in the early reforms of Mexico and Bolivia was almost purely social justice. The Mexican Revolution's clarion call for "Land and Liberty" and a Zapata riding forth on a white horse would no longer win the day, however, barring violent outbreaks. Although the humane concern to better the peasants' life continues, economic development is more likely to be the prime objective; the argument for agrarian reform is now made with charts and graphs projecting international receipts and payments, five-year plans, the consumer price index and the gross national product. Scratch the surface of such a polemicist and one may find a visionary dreaming of social justice, but he has learned that economics, not idealism, wins the support of the industrialists and urban middle class who are essential to forge a coalition to counterbalance the bloc of large landowners.
President Eduardo Frei of Chile is an example of the amalgam of humanitarian idealism and practical economics. Bringing the rural sector into the mainstream of society was a major issue of his 1964 campaign, but he also appealed to the urban vote by arguing that agrarian reform would bring more and cheaper food into city markets. Lamenting the drain of agricultural imports on Chile's economy, equivalent to 25 percent of its total export earnings, President Frei in his first State of the Nation message (1965) said: "It is an undebatable fact that the most critical issue in our economic development resides fundamentally in the backwardness of our agrarian sector,"
The potential role of a modernized agricultural sector in revitalizing industrialization has also become a key argument of developmentalists. They insist that rural progress would significantly expand the domestic market. The mood of countries such as Brazil, after a decade of euphoria buoyed by rapid industrialization, changed in the 1960s to one of pessimism. In the postwar boom import substitution and the construction of light industries were emphasized; these have now reached a plateau with plants operating below capacity, producing high-cost units, often of inferior quality. To avoid stagnation, sales must be multiplied by means of a significant increase in the consumer market.
In Brazil, 54 percent of the labor force is occupied in agriculture but contributes only 28 percent to the gross domestic product. That labor force is largely illiterate, is therefore denied the vote and is condemned generally to a subsistence living on the fringes of the national economy. This is the potential market that technocrats, planners and industrialists want to tap.
Tangible proof that agrarian reform contributes to the purchasing power of the peasant is found from one end of Latin America to the other. In the Yaquí Valley of northwest Mexico the beneficiaries of President Cardenas' land distribution in the 1930s live in multi-roomed homes with TV sets, major appliances, built-in kitchen cabinets and modern bathrooms. The coöperative society owns a fleet of tractors, plows and combines. After the Bolivian peasants seized the land in 1952-53, numerous local markets sprang up in the villages. Whereas pre-reform trade was based largely on barter, cash began to flow into the rural area, and solvent peasants participated in the money economy for the first time. Purchases of shoes, bicycles, radios, factory-made clothing and tractors are now common.
In the valley surrounding Santiago, Chile, a peasant leader on a recently expropriated farm said: "It is very easy to criticize and oppose the agrarian reform while sitting in Santiago, but I personally feel the real significance of this new situation when I know that now I can have shoes not only for my children, but even for my wife-new shoes, shoes bought with my own money and not used shoes which the patroncita gives me as a present when they are already worn out"
Another source of impetus for agrarian reform arises from a recognition that bad rural conditions progressively threaten and inconvenience other sectors of the society.
Latin America's cities are increasing faster than those anywhere else in the world, and the bulk of that growth is in the shantytowns, which are expanding at four to five times the rate of the core cities. Since the land cannot support them, peasants migrate in search of jobs. An unemployment rate of 30 percent in the slums is not uncommon, and many of the so-called employed are merely bootblacks or junk collectors.
Brazil's situation is typical. In one decade, 1950-60, Curitiba, capital of the State of Paraná, doubled in population, and São Paulo increased by 74 percent. Traffic is jammed and streets are in ill-repair. There are electricity and water stoppages, and even local telephone calls can result in inordinate delays. Suffering serious deficiencies in services and amenities, the middle class is increasingly disturbed and has come to see improved rural conditions as a means to keep the would-be migrant on the farm.
A recent report on Latin American urbanization by the Food and Agriculture Organization found that Mexico suffers less from the problem. This is accredited to "large numbers of moderately populated agricultural villages [which] provide an alternative to urban migration . . . The program of agrarian reform has probably contributed to this staying power."
City-dwellers have also been made aware of rural conditions by the several significant outbreaks of peasant violence in the last decade. Because these posed serious threats to the society, agrarian reform was deemed advisable in order to ensure political stability. For those few years, starting in the late 1950s and into the 1960s, peasants were viewed as possible explosive elements, to be feared, appeased and, if necessary, quelled. Then came the rash of evangelists who sought to transform the quiescent campe- sino into a militant rebel. In almost all cases of overt peasant dissent, leadership was from the middle class and the assumption was that the abuses suffered had spawned a suppressed anger, which, if released, would contribute to the restructuring of society. Protagonists were Hugo Blanco in Andean Peru, Francisco Julião in Northeast Brazil, Camilo Torres in Colombia and, ultimately, Che Guevara in Bolivia.
However, this apparently promising matrix for revolution-or at least for forcing basic structural change-proved sterile. Just as Guevara was later to lament the passivity of the peasant, Julião in 1962 said that the campesino did not "act like a human being, but a vegetable. The great task which we undertake is to make him live like a human being." The classic statement of his activist days was: "to agitate is beautiful, but to organize is difficult"
Heir to Julião's abortive attempt to mobilize the Brazilian peasants is the Catholic Church, which stresses education, not agitation. The priests devoted to this work assume a long and tedious task just to prepare the downtrodden rural sector to articulate its own demands. Chile's very real agrarian reform, promulgated in July 1967, was the product not of peasant pressure or rural-based power but of the foresight of middle-class intellectuals and the pioneering effort of the Church.
In some few cases, peasant activism brought results. Until the new agrarian reform law of this year, Peru's program consisted largely of granting titles to Andean Indians who, as groups, have invaded large holdings and seized the land. In general, however, the result for the protestors has been intensified suppression and deeper disillusionment. Peasant violence seems to have subsided, at least for the time being, and middle-class revolutionaries look more to urban guerrilla activity to vent their dissatisfaction,
As a result of these pressures for rural change, real agrarian reforms have been achieved in a few Latin American nations: some forged by revolution and some shaped by legislative process; some executed and some stillborn; some under close government tutelage and some on a laissez-faire course. The range is represented by Bolivia, Mexico, Chile, Venezuela and Brazil.
The first two were products of revolution but differ somewhat in their origin and course. Bolivia's 1952 revolution was an emotional refutation of the exploitation of man and resources by a small oligarchy of nationals and foreigners. Peasants demanded land and, when the new government tarried, took it for themselves. Destitute and disorganized, the Bolivian Government has never quite caught up with the de facto reform. After almost two decades, nearly half of the peasants have not received titles, and much less than half have received technical or financial aid. In the beginning there was a kind of blind faith that social and economic advances would automatically accompany the simple act of land redistribution. Now it is recognized that major inputs of capital and know-how are necessary to achieve significant progress, but in Bolivia the will and the resources have not yet been focused on the need.
Mexico's was, likewise, the product of revolution, characterized by peasant participation and the cry for social justice, particularly for land. The Government, however, maintained control, legitimizing agrarian reform first by decree in 1915 and then by the Constitution of 1917. Though distribution was slow until the 1930s, the peasants on the whole kept faith, and the distribution was carried out under official auspices. As in Bolivia, it was assumed that putting peasant and land together sufficed, and little attention was given to assisting the ejidatarios. But, unlike Bolivia, Mexico came to realize the need to stimulate agricultural production and, since the thirties, has increasingly rendered services to the agrarian sector: credit, research, marketing controls, seed improvement, irrigation systems and farm insurance. Mexico, being wealthier than Bolivia, has been able to benefit certain areas, such as the Northwest, sufficiently to make a dramatic impact
Mexico's agrarian reform is an irregular program with significant successes to show in some geographic regions and abject failures in others; with ultramodern agricultural techniques on some farms juxtaposed with oxen and wooden plows on others; with the idealized ejido (communal) system disintegrating into individual plots, yet instilling the ejidatarios with prestige and a sense of dignity; with spurts of governmental enthusiasm followed by conscious attempts to suppress the whole concept.
Among the agrarian reforms of nonrevolutionary origin. Chile's strikes hardest at the traditional institutional structure. After a feeble start in 1963, under the reform law of 1967 private lands in excess of 200 irrigated acres are being expropriated, even in the valuable agricultural heartland of the central zone. Compensation is based upon tax-assessed value, which is based upon productive capacity rather than the inflated market value. With a low cash indemnification, 1 to 10 percent, and long-term bonds only partially adjustable to inflation, an owner may recover as little as 30 percent of the pre-reform value of his land, Naturally, the landowners and their allies fought vigorously to defeat the measure.
Avid supporters of agrarian reform have been disappointed with the pace of Chile's expropriation and distribution. Feeling that Frei's popularity, a strong law and the urgency of the problem warranted and facilitated vigorous implementation, they have been disgruntled by the President's concessions to temporizers. In fact, the Government's restraint reflects the political reality of Chile as well as that of other Latin American countries. No president and no government is assured of fulfilling its mandate. Even in democratic Chile, where coups d'état have been rare, rumors of impending golpes are spread from time to time as a subtle way of reining in the speed and direction of executive action. Even the canard can be an effective political weapon. President Frei, like most Latin American leaders, including military strongmen, must tailor his program to a volatile balance of power, and a misjudgment entails not just a fall in the popularity polls but very real jeopardy for the whole administration.
Compared to Mexico's mature program, Chile's is still embryonic, benefiting approximately 15,000 families to date. It is estimated that the reform, as it is now being executed, will stabilize at 35,000 to 40,000 families. After thirty-five years of land distribution, Mexico had benefited 2.3 million families, representing 54 percent of all landholders and possessing 45 percent of all cropland. The difference in scope and vigor in the two programs can be assigned not so much to duration as to origin.
Mexico's agrarian reform was the prime objective of a revolution and is endowed with a sanctity which ensures its survival. The Mexican program was formed in a new and sympathetic political matrix. As the historian Daniel Cosío Villegas described the effects of his country's revolution:
. . . it totally swept away not only the political régime of Porfirio Diaz but all of the Porfirian society, that is, the social classes or groups together with their ideas, tastes and manners. Not only the commanders-in- chief of the army but their officers and all the soldiers disappeared without exception. Landowners, urban and especially agricultural, were almost entirely replaced by new ones. Not one of the great newspapers survived. Only two out of about fifty banks continued into the new régime. Official bureaucracy-federal, state and municipal-was wholly reformed,
In Chile there is no suggestion that the old guard has been destroyed. Typical of Latin American solutions, compromise rather than confrontation has been its hallmark. Unlike Mexico's, the reform does not result from the demands of the society as a whole but of one party, the Christian Democrats, whose popular vote has steadily declined. Having won a majority in the presidential election of 1964, its support fell to less than a third in the congressional elections early this year. In the 1969 elections the party of the Right made a comeback, and its stalwarts now look to the resuscitation of ex-President Jorge Alessandri as its candidate in the 1970 presidential race. Should a conservative triumph, he would be unwise to halt the reform but could slow its pace decisively in the name of "consolidation." On the other hand, a victory of the parties to the Left of the Christian Democrats would obviously take the program on another course.
Like Chile's, Venezuela's agrarian program was hammered out by parliamentary procedure, but it has not tested the temper of the society to the degree that Chile's has. Venezuela's reformists have not had to collide head-on with the traditional structure and the vested interests because an abundance of public land and government funds made circumvention possible. Coming to power after a self-serving dictator and his avaricious friends, President Rómulo Betancourt and the Acción Democrática party could, without compunction or condemnation, restore to the State their predecessors' huge holdings representing some of the richest and best-located lands in the country. Also, Venezuela's small population of approximately nine million left vast areas uninhabited, ready for development with the proper investment. The Government undertook major expenditures to finance colonization projects, irrigation systems, extension services, rural housing, malaria eradication and the purchase of private property at market prices with cash payment. Outlays of such scope, impossible for impecunious Chile, have expedited the reform program of oil-rich Venezuela.
Venezuela is perhaps the only Latin American nation where colonization has been carried out with considerable success. Generally, it has been conjured up as surrogate for real agrarian reform. In a surge of enthusiasm, peasants from overpopulated core areas have been carried off to disease- ridden hinterlands, given a token advance and left to forage on their own. To be effective, colonization demands major investments in roads, land clearance, health programs, school construction, agricultural training and ecological research; only Venezuela has been willing and able to tackle such an immense undertaking in the way it should be done. On the whole, colonization-long used as a gambit to avoid real agrarian reform-has been discredited as the prime remedy for curing the social and economic malaise of the Latin American countryside.
Beyond the practical considerations of capital and land supply, Venezuela's course was smoothed by a consistent adherence to the concept of private property. Whereas the Mexican ejido is still suspect as being a would-be kolkhoz and the Chilean asentamiento is constantly, though falsely, labeled "communist," Venezuelan parcels were distributed with titles, making the peasant an overnight capitalist The opposition was thus deprived of one of its most emotional rallying cries.
The Venezuelan reform, which has benefited 100,000 families since 1960, is considered practically complete. Yet, a significant share of the country is still held in latifundia, and a limitation on the size of holdings has never been imposed by law or court. Nor has the whole peasant sector benefited from the reform. Dissatisfaction exists among some who have not received land grants and among others who hold title to parcels which continue unproductive because they never received the necessary improvements. The program, however, has made a significant contribution to the country's agricultural development.
As in many Latin American countries, Brazil's governments during recent decades have produced a multitude of bills, directives, studies, plans, projects and programs concerned with the agrarian situation. Most of them emphasized colonization, and the one pioneering draft which proposed the distribution and utilization of land for social purposes was shunted aside before reaching Congress.
Brazil needs agrarian reform as much as any other Latin American country. Its tenure structure is badly balanced: 81.3 percent of the non-public land is held by 12.6 percent of the landowners in latifundia of 1000 to 100,000 hectares. Dwarf units fragment the other 18.7 percent of the territory among 87.4 percent of the owners. Crop yields in Brazil are inferior to those in Argentina, Chile and Mexico and are not experiencing the improvements of the other three nations, A cash-crop psychosis dominates, concentrating on coffee and sugar, both of which suffer from overproduction and world market fluctuations. Meanwhile, regional and periodic food shortages and rising prices for such staples as bread, dried meat and beans inconvenience the upper classes and subject the poor to inadequate diets.
But unlike Chile and Venezuela no government has come to power in Brazil which has been dedicated to the cause of agrarian reform. Legal instruments have gradually evolved which make possible a program of expropriation and distribution, and sufficient basic data has been gathered to facilitate rational action. So far, however, performance has been limited to little more than small-scale projects and demagogic half-measures.
In Brazil as in the other Latin American countries where agrarian reform is still more a matter of word than of deed, there are certain key situations which reveal the true intent of those who determine the program's fate. One of the most obvious of these is the budget granted to the executing agency. The Brazilian Institute for Agrarian Reform (IBRA) was created by the Land Statute of 1964. During its first two years, when it was largely involved in planning and in conducting a nationwide cadastral survey, its fairly modest budget requests were met by government appropriations. However, in 1967 and 1968, when the agency was ready to initiate reform projects, it was granted 34.9 percent and 21.5 percent, respectively, of its proposed budget. An IBRA report stated frankly that "the lack of resources is the principal reason for the delay in carrying out the agrarian reform."
Another failing typical of timid programs is excessive expenditures for small-scale projects. At one such showplace in Northeast Brazil precious IBRA funds went to construct a social center, a church, an administration building and recreation facilities. Eighty-seven beneficiaries of the project were presented with finished houses, a warehouse, chicken house, stable and corrals. But they received parcels too small for subsistence; the cost of the land represented only 3.17 percent of the total investment Such costly projects provide arguments to reform opponents who proclaim that the country cannot afford such expenditures on a nationwide scale.
Still another barrier placed before effective reform is organizational complexity. In the continuing revision of the administrative structure concerned with executing a reform, President Costa e Silva recently issued a decree-law redefining the responsible agencies and their relationships. Whereas IBRA was formerly linked directly to the Ministry of Agriculture, a new intermediary body has been created, the Executive Group of Agrarian Reform (GERA). Time may prove otherwise, but GERA's composition seems unwieldy: 11 members including representatives of six ministries, the central bank, the landowners association, plus IBRA and a related agency of agricultural development (INDA).
If the pattern of the past continues, there will be more work groups and committees set up to study what previous agencies and groups have already evaluated and on which they have made recommendations. On the basis of past preparations, Brazil is ready to start an agrarian reform of significance. A major encumbrance in the 1946 Constitution was eliminated in the 1967 Constitution: full indemnification in cash prior to expropriation is no longer required. Such a stipulation made agrarian reform economically impossible. Constitutional clauses calling for full prepayment in cash were common in most Latin American charters until recently and have been a major barrier to effecting reforms. Brazil can now finance the reform with long- term bonds.
The concept of "social function" has, likewise, altered the bases of the tenure structure. The 9th Institutional Act of April 1969 says specifically that "The President of the Republic may [approve] the expropriation of rural property for reasons of social interest . . ."
Because of a nationwide land registry in 1965, the Brazilian Government for the first time in history has sufficient data on the pattern of ownership and has also succeeded in implementing a progressive land tax which encourages productivity. It has, therefore, been able to designate five priority areas for reform, chosen according to the following criteria: the existence of public development projects such as irrigation and rural electrification, the existence of latifundia, manifest social tension, concentration of minifundia, high incidence of landless farmers, and badly utilized land near urban centers.
If the Costa e Silva government wants to repair the agrarian situation, it has the power and information to do so, and potentially it has the support.
Brazil's is typical of the situation in most Latin American nations. An anachronistic tenure structure is holding back production in both the industrial and agricultural sectors. Internal and external pressures for change have, in recent years, forced certain adjustments in legal instruments and government organization which now make reform possible. The landowners and their conservative supporters still retain enough power, however, to bar effective measures, and they have exerted their traditional authority to quell peasant protest and its progressive leadership. Arguments for agrarian reform are increasingly voiced by the modern urban sector, which realizes that the agrarian structure is retarding economic development.
If these urban elements exercise their potential economic and political power, realizing that their interests are contrary to the traditional landowners', they may gain control of the government or exert pressure on military régimes so as to stimulate action, This has been the case in Chile; in Venezuela the peasant sector was sufficiently politicized and organized to give strong support to the city leaders. The experiences in those two countries suggest that similar agrarian reform programs will be moderate but nevertheless capable of revitalizing agriculture.
Colombia and Ecuador have also made some progress in agrarian reform and colonization, but the programs are much more limited than those of Chile and Venezuela, Until Peru's latest agrarian reform law, decreed by President Velasco in June 1969, distribution in that country had benefited only 8,000 families, and the reform was limited to the Andean highlands, with the more productive coastal strip exempted.
The shift in power and the progress of an agrarian reform are both slow, however, while populations and food imports are growing rapidly. For this reason there is a tendency to adopt noncontroversial short-term solutions based on technology, mechanization and modernization of the agricultural infrastructure.
But the short-term, technical solutions do not solve the social problems and in some cases aggravate them. Rural conditions have worsened rapidly in the last two decades. Agrarian reform is an extremely complex process, interlocked with the whole of the sociopolitical and economic structure of a nation, and of necessity a prolonged, difficult and costly undertaking. The programs now in existence give ample proof that a country must be willing to dedicate major quantities of capital and manpower to the development not only of the land but also of the man. Unwillingness to make this investment may prove even more costly in terms of violence in the countryside and stagnation of the economy and society.
More By Frances M. Foland
Brazil Chile Venezuela Natural Resources Food & Agriculture


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import org.apache.bookkeeper.meta.ZkLedgerUnderreplicationManager;
import org.apache.bookkeeper.net.BookieSocketAddress;
import org.apache.bookkeeper.proto.BookieServer;
import org.apache.bookkeeper.proto.BookkeeperInternalCallbacks.GenericCallback;
import org.apache.bookkeeper.util.SnapshotMap;
import org.junit.Assert;
import org.junit.Before;
import org.junit.Test;
import org.junit.runner.RunWith;
import org.junit.runners.Parameterized;
import org.junit.runners.Parameterized.Parameters;

import com.google.common.collect.Lists;

@RunWith(Parameterized.class)
public class TestGcOverreplicatedLedger extends LedgerManagerTestCase {

    @Before
    @Override
    public void setUp() throws Exception {
        super.setUp();
        ledgerManager = ledgerManagerFactory.newLedgerManager();
        activeLedgers = new SnapshotMap<Long, Boolean>();
    }

    public TestGcOverreplicatedLedger(Class<? extends LedgerManagerFactory> lmFactoryCls) {
        super(lmFactoryCls, 3);
    }

    @Parameters
    public static Collection<Object[]> configs() {
        return Arrays.asList(new Object[][] { { FlatLedgerManagerFactory.class } });
    }

    @Test(timeout = 60000)
    public void testGcOverreplicatedLedger() throws Exception {
        LedgerHandle lh = bkc.createLedger(2, 2, DigestType.MAC, "".getBytes());
        activeLedgers.put(lh.getId(), true);

        final AtomicReference<LedgerMetadata> newLedgerMetadata = new AtomicReference<>(null);
        final CountDownLatch latch = new CountDownLatch(1);
        ledgerManager.readLedgerMetadata(lh.getId(), new GenericCallback<LedgerMetadata>() {

            @Override
            public void operationComplete(int rc, LedgerMetadata result) {
                if (rc == BKException.Code.OK) {
                    newLedgerMetadata.set(result);
                }
                latch.countDown();
            }
        });
        latch.await();
        if (newLedgerMetadata.get() == null) {
            Assert.fail("No ledger metadata found");
        }
        BookieSocketAddress bookieNotInEnsemble = getBookieNotInEnsemble(newLedgerMetadata.get());
        ServerConfiguration bkConf = getBkConf(bookieNotInEnsemble);
        bkConf.setGcOverreplicatedLedgerWaitTime(10, TimeUnit.MILLISECONDS);

        lh.close();

        final CompactableLedgerStorage mockLedgerStorage = new MockLedgerStorage();
        final GarbageCollector garbageCollector = new ScanAndCompareGarbageCollector(ledgerManager, mockLedgerStorage,
                bkConf);
        Thread.sleep(bkConf.getGcOverreplicatedLedgerWaitTimeMillis() + 1);
        garbageCollector.gc(new GarbageCleaner() {

            @Override
            public void clean(long ledgerId) {
                try {
                    mockLedgerStorage.deleteLedger(ledgerId);
                } catch (IOException e) {
                    e.printStackTrace();
                    return;
                }
            }
        });

        Assert.assertFalse(activeLedgers.containsKey(lh.getId()));
    }

    @Test(timeout = 60000)
    public void testNoGcOfLedger() throws Exception {
        LedgerHandle lh = bkc.createLedger(2, 2, DigestType.MAC, "".getBytes());
        activeLedgers.put(lh.getId(), true);

        final AtomicReference<LedgerMetadata> newLedgerMetadata = new AtomicReference<>(null);
        final CountDownLatch latch = new CountDownLatch(1);
        ledgerManager.readLedgerMetadata(lh.getId(), new GenericCallback<LedgerMetadata>() {

            @Override
            public void operationComplete(int rc, LedgerMetadata result) {
                if (rc == BKException.Code.OK) {
                    newLedgerMetadata.set(result);
                }
                latch.countDown();
            }
        });
        latch.await();
        if (newLedgerMetadata.get() == null) {
            Assert.fail("No ledger metadata found");
        }
        BookieSocketAddress address = null;
        SortedMap<Long, ArrayList<BookieSocketAddress>> ensembleMap = newLedgerMetadata.get().getEnsembles();
        for (ArrayList<BookieSocketAddress> ensemble : ensembleMap.values()) {
            address = ensemble.get(0);
        }
        ServerConfiguration bkConf = getBkConf(address);
        bkConf.setGcOverreplicatedLedgerWaitTime(10, TimeUnit.MILLISECONDS);

        lh.close();

        final CompactableLedgerStorage mockLedgerStorage = new MockLedgerStorage();
        final GarbageCollector garbageCollector = new ScanAndCompareGarbageCollector(ledgerManager, mockLedgerStorage,
                bkConf);
        Thread.sleep(bkConf.getGcOverreplicatedLedgerWaitTimeMillis() + 1);
        garbageCollector.gc(new GarbageCleaner() {

            @Override
            public void clean(long ledgerId) {
                try {
                    mockLedgerStorage.deleteLedger(ledgerId);
                } catch (IOException e) {
                    e.printStackTrace();
                    return;
                }
            }
        });

        Assert.assertTrue(activeLedgers.containsKey(lh.getId()));
    }

    @Test(timeout = 60000)
    public void testNoGcIfLedgerBeingReplicated() throws Exception {
        LedgerHandle lh = bkc.createLedger(2, 2, DigestType.MAC, "".getBytes());
        activeLedgers.put(lh.getId(), true);

        final AtomicReference<LedgerMetadata> newLedgerMetadata = new AtomicReference<>(null);
        final CountDownLatch latch = new CountDownLatch(1);
        ledgerManager.readLedgerMetadata(lh.getId(), new GenericCallback<LedgerMetadata>() {

            @Override
            public void operationComplete(int rc, LedgerMetadata result) {
                if (rc == BKException.Code.OK) {
                    newLedgerMetadata.set(result);
                }
                latch.countDown();
            }
        });
        latch.await();
        if (newLedgerMetadata.get() == null) {
            Assert.fail("No ledger metadata found");
        }
        BookieSocketAddress bookieNotInEnsemble = getBookieNotInEnsemble(newLedgerMetadata.get());
        ServerConfiguration bkConf = getBkConf(bookieNotInEnsemble);
        bkConf.setGcOverreplicatedLedgerWaitTime(10, TimeUnit.MILLISECONDS);

        lh.close();

        ZkLedgerUnderreplicationManager.acquireUnderreplicatedLedgerLock(zkc, baseConf.getZkLedgersRootPath(),
                lh.getId());

        final CompactableLedgerStorage mockLedgerStorage = new MockLedgerStorage();
        final GarbageCollector garbageCollector = new ScanAndCompareGarbageCollector(ledgerManager, mockLedgerStorage,
                bkConf);
        Thread.sleep(bkConf.getGcOverreplicatedLedgerWaitTimeMillis() + 1);
        garbageCollector.gc(new GarbageCleaner() {

            @Override
            public void clean(long ledgerId) {
                try {
                    mockLedgerStorage.deleteLedger(ledgerId);
                } catch (IOException e) {
                    e.printStackTrace();
                    return;
                }
            }
        });

        Assert.assertTrue(activeLedgers.containsKey(lh.getId()));
    }

    private BookieSocketAddress getBookieNotInEnsemble(LedgerMetadata ledgerMetadata) throws UnknownHostException {
        List<BookieSocketAddress> allAddresses = Lists.newArrayList();
        for (BookieServer bk : bs) {
            allAddresses.add(bk.getLocalAddress());
        }
        SortedMap<Long, ArrayList<BookieSocketAddress>> ensembles = ledgerMetadata.getEnsembles();
        for (ArrayList<BookieSocketAddress> fragmentEnsembles : ensembles.values()) {
            for (BookieSocketAddress ensemble : fragmentEnsembles) {
                allAddresses.remove(ensemble);
            }
        }
        Assert.assertEquals(allAddresses.size(), 1);
        return allAddresses.get(0);
    }
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
Your partner in precision urethane-based technology from prototype to production.
Durethane S
Durethane F
Durethane C
Durethane G
Durethane XL
Durethane Standard Shapes
Paper & Media Handling
Polyurethane vs. Plastic
Polyurethane vs. Rubber
Polyurethane vs. Metal
Injection Molding vs. Cast Molding
Polyurethane and Conductivity
MPC Partners with Dorcas International Institute of Rhode Island to Improve Employees' Language Skills
by mearthane | Jun 23, 2017 | News | 0 comments
CRANSTON, R.I. JUNE 23, 2018 – Mearthane Products Corporation (MPC), a Rhode Island manufacturer for over 50 years, announced that it has partnered with Dorcas International Institute of Rhode Island (DIIRI) to improve its employees' English language skills, with a first graduating class of 11 team members.
MPC, which develops and manufactures customized components for international Original Equipment Manufacturers (OEMs) of office automation, banking, postal systems and a wide variety of other markets, reached out to DIIRI to provide English Language Learner (ELL) training to its employees to better prepare them for its growth plans, including new and more sophisticated products and processes that will be introduced in the coming months. "We have a very talented and loyal team of employees at MPC," said company President Pete Kaczmarek, "and we want them to be able to grow and develop along with our company." Kaczmarek went on, "Our plans include bringing new business and processes to our Rhode Island facility, and that will require better communication between our team members and with customers."
DIIRI provided a customized 12-week training course on site at MPC. Both the company and the employees invested time in the classes, which included company-specific language and documents. The class had to take an examination and in-class assessments to determine their level of growth, and all of the participants demonstrated a measurable increase in their conversational and industry-specific language abilities. "MPC and DIIRI have a shared vision. DIIRI is excited to partner with a company that invests in their workforce as much as we invest in furthering the educational opportunities of our clients, commented Kristen Williams, Education Director at DIIRI. "The classes offered not only teach English, but also integrate American civics and industry-specific language skills. As a result, participating students build community among their fellow employees and gain the necessary skills to participate fully and productively in American culture."
MPC plans to continue working with DIIRI on additional classes, including those with higher levels of technical and company-specific language and concepts. MPC plans to partner with the Rhode Island Department of Labor and Training (DLT), which has many programs that assist employers in providing training of this type to its workforce.
Kaczmarek concluded, "We are delighted with the results so far and look forward to additional programs with Dorcas and the DLT. We consider it a Win-Win-Win: the company gains with better-trained employees, the employees get valuable career and life skills, and the state of Rhode Island builds a stronger base of good manufacturing companies. This is how it should work."
ABOUT MPC: MPC is a global developer and manufacturer of customized machine components and sports wheels based on its patented polyurethane formulation technology. MPC has been a Rhode Island manufacturer since 1965, and was recently named the Small Business Adminstration's (SBA) Rhode Island Exporter of the Year.
ABOUT DIIRI: Since 1921 Dorcas International Institute of Rhode Island has welcomed people who are working to overcome cultural, educational, economic and language barriers and empowered them to achieve self-sufficiency and participate actively in our community. The agency provides client-centered services, advocacy and opportunities in family literacy and adult education, employment services, refugee resettlement, translation, interpretation, U.S. citizenship and immigration legal services to over 4,500 people each year.
MPC Careers
16 Western Industrial Drive
Cranston, RI 02921-3403
© 2018 Mearthane Products Corporate

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Q: R - Change values of a dataframe column based on a second dataframe I need to change de names of the first column (ID_REF) of a dataframe based on the values of a second dataframe (column Gene_SYMBOL), matched by the first column of both dataframes (ID_REF and IlmnID).
df1
ID_REF  Sample1 Sample2 Sample3
cg00000292  0.2841738   1.212398    0.5326877
cg00002426  -4.7278154  -4.217920   -4.1224573
cg00003994  -5.7353341  -5.966922   -6.2235540

df2
IlmnID  NameIlmnStrand  AddressA_ID Gene_Symbol
cg00002426  cg00002426  TOP SLMAP
cg00005847  cg00005847  BOT HOXD3
cg00000292  cg00000292  TOP ATP2A1
cg00006414  cg00006414  BOT ZNF398
cg00003994  cg00003994  TOP MEOX2

my output:
new_df
    Gene_Symbol Sample1 Sample2 Sample3
    ATP2A1  0.2841738   1.212398    0.5326877
    SLMAP   -4.7278154  -4.217920   -4.1224573
    MEOX2   -5.7353341  -5.966922   -6.2235540

A: This would just be a simple inner_join. You can use the dplyr package, or use merge from base R. Note that if there is no ID_REF that matches in df, the line will be omitted by using inner_join.
library(dplyr)

new_df <- inner_join(df1, df2, by = c("ID_REF" = "IlmnID")) %>%
               select(Gene_Symbol, Sample1, Sample2, Sample3)

A: Base package:
merge(df2[ , c("NameIlmnStrand", "Gene_Symbol")], df1,
      by.x = "NameIlmnStrand", by.y = 'ID_REF',
      all.y = TRUE)[ ,-1]

Ouput
 Gene_Symbol    Sample1   Sample2    Sample3
1      ATP2A1  0.2841738  1.212398  0.5326877
2       SLMAP -4.7278154 -4.217920 -4.1224573
3       MEOX2 -5.7353341 -5.966922 -6.2235540

A: df1<- data.frame(
  ID_REF=c("cg00000292", "cg00002426", "cg00003994"),
  sample1 = rnorm(3),
  Sample2 = rnorm(3),
  stringsAsFactors = F
)

df2 <- data.frame(
  IlmnID = c("cg00000292", "cg00002426", "cg00003994"),
  Gene_Symbol= c("SLMAP", "ATP2A", "MEOX2"),
  stringsAsFactors = F
)

# If you are sure that all IDs are included in df2
df1$ID_REF <- df2$Gene_Symbol[df2$IlmnID == df1$ID_REF]

#otherwise use sapply
df1$ID_REF <- sapply(df1$ID_REF , function(x) {
  if (x %in% df2$IlmnID) {
    df2$Gene_Symbol[df2$IlmnID == x]
  } else {
    NA
  }})

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


Dabbie Bowron plays piano and celtic harp. She spent her career as a technical writer/editor working at NASA, Electronic Data Systems, Halliburton (Otis Engineering), Chevron, and Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory. She is also the webmaster for Peace Lutheran Church.
Jeanie Locklear plays the flute at Peace and is involved in other musical venues such as Flock of Flutes. She hosted a benefit in 2012 at Peace to honor her husband Gordon; donations were made to the Gordon Locklear Scholarship Foundation at Chabot College. Jeanie is a retired teacher.


text:
America Makes' $8M funding for commercialization of new technologies
by MoneyTimes 
With an objective of taking additive manufacturing (3-D printing) to further advance level, America Makes has drawn up plans to support research and development (R&D) with financial funding of up to $8 million.
America Makes is also called as the National Additive Manufacturing Innovation Institute. Once the project is awarded, then the Institute will also provide matching cost of $11 million.
The main aim of the projects is to address the challenges being faced by major additive manufacturing companies in the US.
Additive Manufacturing is a process, in which digital 3D design data is used to build up a component in layers by depositing material. The 3D printing term is increasingly used for Additive Manufacturing.
The R&D projects focus on five areas in additive manufacturing. The five focus areas are design, material, process, value chain and genome. Each focus area has subset areas. The latest announcement of funding support is the third project call from the Institute and new projects will take off shortly.
Last month only America Makes announced nine awardees in its latest project call #3 for applied research and development in additive manufacturing. The funding of the new projects will also encourage commercialization of latest additive manufacturing technologies.
The successful commercialization of new technologies will take the additive manufacturing sector a step further, said Rob Gorham, Director (operations) at America Makes.
One of the nine awarded projects is being taken up by the University of Pittsburgh, which is working along with Johnson & Johnson, ITAMCO and University of Notre Dame. The project aims at developing parametric designs of functional support structures for metal alloy feed stocks.
The other R&D projects have been taken up by Raytheon with General Electric (GE), University of Notre Dame, University of Pittsburgh, GE Global Research, Boeing, Georgia Institute of Technology, University of Michigan and The University of Texas at El Paso.
John Wilczynski, Deputy Director (Technology Development, America Makes, said: "America Makes is addressing and overcoming known additive manufacturing challenges by working on innovative solutions that can be rapidly transitioned and commercialized. The response to Project Call #3 was outstanding and we're excited to get these awarded projects underway."
Raytheon in association with General Electric (GE) is working on multi-disciplinary design analysis for seamless AM Design, analysis, build and redesign workflows.
The University of Notre Dame along with Case Western Reserve University and other organizations is working on the economic production of next generation of orthopedic materials through powder reuse in AM.
Meanwhile, the University of Pittsburgh in conjunction with ANSYS, United Technologies Research Center, has undertaken a project on integrated design tool development for high-potential AM applications.
GE Global Research in association with GE Aviation's Additive Development Center is working on a flexible adaptive open architecture to enable a robust third-party ecosystem for metal powder bed fusion AM systems.
Boeing along with Aerojet, is working on digital threading of AM.
Geogia Institute of Technology along with Siemens has undertaken a project on a design guidance system for AM.
University of Michigan in conjunction with Altair Product Design Inc is working on cyber-physical design and AM of custom orthoses.
The University of Texas at El Paso along with Northrop Grumman will be developing a low cost industrial multi 3-D system for 3D electronics manufacturing.
3-D printing, R&D, America Makes, Additive Manufacturing, ITAMCO, Johnson & Johnson, University of Notre Dame, General Electric, Raytheon, ANSYS, Boeing


text:
The Weeknd – cancelled
The Weeknd at Canada Life Centre has been cancelled. Ticket holders will be emailed directly with details. Visit livenation.com/refund for more information.
THE WEEKND ANNOUNCES HIS RETURN TO THE GLOBAL STAGE WITH AFTER HOURS WORLD TOUR
First World Tour Announced for 2022 Includes Extended Outing in North America and Europe
Tickets On Sale Following His Historic Headlining Super Bowl Performance
Starting Monday, February 8th at 10AM Local at TheWeeknd.com/Tour
Over A Year After Release, "Blinding Lights" Hits Record Breaking 47th Week In The Top 10 And 38th Week In The Top 5 On Billboard Hot 100
Career-Spanning Project 'The Highlights' Available Everywhere Beginning Friday, February 5th
The 104-date global tour will kick off on January 14th in Vancouver at Pepsi Live at Rogers Arena with stops in Chicago, Dallas, Los Angeles, Miami, Paris, Berlin and more, before wrapping November 16th in London at The O2.
The worldwide tour announcement comes just days ahead of the multi-platinum singer's headlining Super Bowl performance, and also includes a handful of rescheduled dates shifting from 2021 to be a part of the After Hours World Tour in 2022.
With the addition of 39 new tour dates, The Weeknd will also release The Highlights on Friday, February 5th. The Highlights is a way to present some of The Weeknd's most notable works in one place. While this isn't a "Greatest Hits" album it does provide a new listener a rich foray into some of the iconic artist's best and favorite work. Fans can pre-save and pre-order the album HERE.


text:
Year : 2016 | Volume : 8 | Issue : 4 | Page : 296--299
Therapeutic potential of alpha-ketoglutarate against acetaminophen-induced hepatotoxicity in rats
Lalita Mehra1, Yasha Hasija2, Gaurav Mittal1,
1 Department of Nuclear Medicine, Institute of Nuclear Medicine and Allied Sciences, Defence Research and Development Organisation, New Delhi, India
2 Department of Biotechnology, Delhi Technological University, New Delhi, India
Gaurav Mittal
Department of Nuclear Medicine, Institute of Nuclear Medicine and Allied Sciences, Defence Research and Development Organisation, New Delhi
Objective: Alpha-ketoglutarate (α-KG) is a cellular intermediary metabolite of Krebs cycle, involved in energy metabolism, amino acid synthesis, and nitrogen transport. It is available over-the-counter and marketed as a nutritional supplement. There is a growing body of evidence to suggest that dietary α-KG has the potential to maintain cellular redox status and thus can protect various oxidative stress induced disease states. The aim of the present study was to investigate the hepatoprotective role of α-KG in acetaminophen (APAP) induced toxicity in rats. Materials and Methods: Animals were divided into three groups of six animals each. Group I (Vehicle control): Normal Saline, Group II (APAP): A single intraperitoneal injection of 0.6 g/kg, Group III (APAP + α-KG): APAP as in Group II with α-KG treatment at a dose of 2 g/kg, orally for 5 days. Then the levels of alanine aminotransferase (ALT), aspartate aminotransferase (AST), and alkaline phosphatase (ALP) with oxidative stress markers including malondialdehyde (MDA), reduced glutathione (GSH), superoxide dismutase (SOD), catalase (CAT), and histopathology were analyzed. Results: The results indicate that APAP caused significant elevations in ALT, AST, ALP, and MDA levels, while GSH, SOD, and CAT were significantly depleted while co-administration of α-KG showed a significant (P < 0.05) reduction in the severity of these damages. Histologically, the liver showed inflammation and necrosis after APAP treatment, which were significantly restored with co-administration of α-KG. Conclusion: These results indicate the possible therapeutic potential of α-KG in protecting liver damage by APAP in rats.
Mehra L, Hasija Y, Mittal G. Therapeutic potential of alpha-ketoglutarate against acetaminophen-induced hepatotoxicity in rats.J Pharm Bioall Sci 2016;8:296-299
Mehra L, Hasija Y, Mittal G. Therapeutic potential of alpha-ketoglutarate against acetaminophen-induced hepatotoxicity in rats. J Pharm Bioall Sci [serial online] 2016 [cited 2021 Jan 18 ];8:296-299
Available from: https://www.jpbsonline.org/text.asp?2016/8/4/296/199345
Acetaminophen (N-acetyl-p-aminophenol; APAP), commonly known as Paracetamol, is one of the most successful analgesic and antipyretic drug. As an OTC drug, it can be readily obtained without prescription. Within recommended dosages (4 g/day), APAP is considered to be a safe drug whereas a dose greater than this can lead to severe liver damage.[1] APAP-induced hepatotoxicity results from saturation of normal metabolic pathways, cytochrome P-450, which leads to the formation of reactive metabolite, N-acetyl-p-benzoquinone imine (NAPQI). NAPQI depletes natural antioxidant such as reduced intracellular glutathione (GSH) and enhanced lipid peroxidation (LPO) which results in cellular oxidative stress.[2]
Alpha-ketoglutarate (α-KG), a citric acid cycle intermediate metabolite and precursor to glutamine which in turn is a precursor to GSH, has been marketed as nutritional supplement since a long time.[3] In vitro and in vivo studies have shown that exogenously administered α-KG has the potential to improve redox homeostasis and can protect cell from oxidative stress caused by free radicals.[4] The experimental findings suggest that exogenous α-KG may have the potential to prevent various oxidative stress induced diseased liver states. This study was therefore taken up to assess the protective role of α-KG in APAP-induced hepatotoxicity in an established rat model.
Chemicals and reagents
Disodium α-KG was purchased from Fluka Chemika, Buchs, Switzerland and APAP was purchased from Lambert Pvt. Ltd., India. All other chemicals were of analytical grade.
Experimental animals
Eighteen male Sprague-Dawley rats weighing (200–250 g) were obtained from the Experimental Animal facility of Institute of Nuclear Medicine and Allied Sciences, Delhi. The study protocol was approved by the Institutional Animal Ethics Committee (IAEC) of the institute (INM/IAEC/2009/06/009).
Acetaminophen-induced hepatotoxicity
Animals were divided into three groups of 6 animals each. Group I (vehicle control): Normal saline, Group II (APAP): a single intraperitoneal injection of 0.6 g/kg, Group III (APAP+ α-KG): APAP as in Group II with α-KG treatment at a dose of 2 g/kg, orally for 5 days. The doses for α-KG and APAP were selected on the basis of previous works reported in the literature from our laboratory and elsewhere.[5],[6] The animals were sacrificed after 24 h of the treatment period using diethyl ether. Blood and liver tissue samples were collected. Serum was separated by centrifugation at 3000 rpm for 10 min for liver profile test.
Measurement of liver function test and antioxidant activities
Intracellular enzymes - alanine aminotransferase (ALT), aspartate aminotransferase (AST), and ALP were determined using commercially available kits.
The homogenate of frozen liver tissue (stored at −80°C) was used for evaluating antioxidant activities. LPO, superoxide dismutase (SOD) activity, GSH, catalase (CAT), and protein content were determined by the method of Mihara and Uchiyama,[7] Robak and Gryglewski,[8] Ellman,[9] Sinha,[10] and Lowry et al.[11] respectively.
The statistical significance was determined using one-way analysis of variance. Statistical significance value was set at P < 0.05.
Effect of alpha-ketoglutarate on acetaminophen-induced hepatotoxicity
Results on hepatoprotective effect of α-KG against APAP-induced liver damage in rats are shown in [Figure 1]. The effect on antioxidant status (levels of GSH, CAT, SOD, and malondialdehyde (MDA) in liver tissues) against APAP-induced hepatotoxicity is shown in [Figure 2],[Figure 3],[Figure 4],[Figure 5]. Histopathology of control group shows normal hepatic cells while in APAP-treated animals the section of liver biopsy showed encapsulated hepatic tissues comprising of cords of hepatocytes, portal tract and part of central vein. Supplementation of α-KG significantly reversed the adverse effects of APAP as shown by regenerating hepatocytes and milder inflammation in the portal area [Figure 6].{Figure 1}{Figure 2}{Figure 3}{Figure 4}{Figure 5}{Figure 6}
APAP is a widely used nonprescription analgesic and anti-pyretic medication for mild to moderate pain and fever. When APAP is taken in at toxic doses, large proportions of NAPQI are generated, which are highly reactive and toxic electrophilic intermediate metabolites.[12] Presence of excessive NAPQI leads to substantial depletion of intracellular GSH, resulting in mitochondrial dysfunction and hepatocellular death.[13] In addition, NAPQI can increase the formation of reactive oxygen species and reactive nitrogen species, which leads to LPO and depletion of the antioxidant enzymes (SOD, CAT, and GSH).[14]
Oral administration of α-KG prevented hepatotoxic effects of APAP by restoring the activities of antioxidant enzymes (SOD, CAT) and significantly preserving the levels of reduced GSH. This can be attributed to the documented observations that exogenous α-KG can scavenge free radicals, restore, or enhance intracellular GSH pools and chelate pro-oxidants such as iron and phosphate.[15],[16] Moreover, being a natural ubiquitous collector of amino (-NH2) groups, α-KG detoxifies toxicants such as ammonia by converting them to glutamic acid, as ammonia by itself is known to inhibit antioxidant enzymes by activating NMDA receptors [17] and by its participation in the nonenzymatic (NADPH-independent) oxidative decarboxylation of hydrogen peroxide decomposition.[18] Thus α-KG by stabilizing cellular redox status has the potential to ameliorate APAP-induced hepatotoxicity. Our results corroborate with earlier findings wherein exogenous α-KG was shown to inhibit hydrogen peroxide-induced oxidative stress in human erythrocytes and cultured neurons.[19],[20]
In this study, APAP-induced significant LPO in rat liver, as confirmed by significantly raised MDA levels, which were suppressed after supplementation of α-KG. Besides replenishing the intracellular GSH pool, another important function of α-KG consists of the formation of carnitine [21] which leads to physiological normalization of fat metabolism offering protection against LPO. Our results are supported from previous investigations on the effect of α-KG on MDA levels, where it was observed that α-KG prevented LPO in rat livers when they were exposed to alcohol [4] or sodium valproate.[22]
The elevated levels of serum liver enzymes (ALT, AST, and ALP) are indicative of cellular leakages and loss of functional integrity of hepatocytes, which were seen in APAP hepatotoxic group. Treatment with α-KG efficiently prevented these elevations. Histopathological studies were confirmatory to the biochemical findings and showed reduction in degree of necrosis in rats supplemented with α-KG along with APAP, showing the beneficial effect of α-KG in maintaining the hepatocytes integrity and metabolic function.
The present study reported the hepatoprotective effects of α-KG due to its redox state stabilizing potential. Treatment with α-KG ameliorated APAP induced hepatotoxicity. Thus α-KG could be a potential therapeutic agent in treating various oxidative stress mediated diseased liver states.
University Grant Commission and INMAS.
1 Bunchorntavakul C, Reddy KR. Acetaminophen-related hepatotoxicity. Clin Liver Dis 2013;17:587-607, viii.
2 Jaeschke H, Williams CD, McGill MR, Xie Y, Ramachandran A. Models of drug-induced liver injury for evaluation of phytotherapeutics and other natural products. Food Chem Toxicol 2013;55:279-89.
3 Sass MD. Utilization of alpha-ketoglutarate by red blood cells for glutathione synthesis. Nature 1963;200:1209-10.
4 Velvizhi S, Nagalashmi T, Essa MM, Dakshayani KB, Subramanian P. Effects of alpha-ketoglutarate on lipid peroxidation and antioxidant status during chronic ethanol administration in Wistar rats. Pol J Pharmacol 2002;54:231-6.
5 Mittal G, Singh T, Kumar N, Bhatnagar A, Tripathi RP, Tulsawani R, et al. Radiolabeling and dose fixation study of oral alpha-ketoglutarate as a cyanide antidote in healthy human volunteers. Clin Toxicol (Phila) 2010;48:509-15.
6 Zhu JH, McClung JP, Zhang X, Aregullin M, Chen C, Gonzalez FJ, et al. Comparative impacts of knockouts of two antioxidant enzymes on acetaminophen-induced hepatotoxicity in mice. Exp Biol Med (Maywood) 2009;234:1477-83.
7 Mihara M, Uchiyama M. Determination of malonaldehyde precursor in tissues by thiobarbituric acid test. Anal Biochem 1978;86:271-8.
8 Robak J, Gryglewski RJ. Flavonoids are scavengers of superoxide anions. Biochem Pharmacol 1988;37:837-41.
9 Ellman GL. Tissue sulfhydryl groups. Arch Biochem Biophys 1959;82:70-7.
10 Sinha AK. Colorimetric assay of catalase. Anal Biochem 1972;47:389-94.
11 Lowry OH, Rosebrough NJ, Farr AL, Randall RJ. Protein measurement with the Folin phenol reagent. J Biol Chem 1951;193:265-75.
12 Miner DJ, Kissinger PT. Evidence for the involvement of N-acetyl-p- quinoneimine in acetaminophen metabolism. Biochem Pharmacol 1979;28:3285-90.
13 Mitchell JR, Jollow DJ, Potter WZ, Gillette JR, Brodie BB. Acetaminophen-induced hepatic necrosis. IV. Protective role of glutathione. J Pharmacol Exp Ther 1973;187:211-7.
14 Hinson JA, Roberts DW, James LP. Mechanisms of acetaminophen-induced liver necrosis. Handbook of Experimental Pharmacology. Springer, Berlin Heidelberg; 2010. p. 369-405.
15 Puntel RL, Nogueira CW, Rocha JB. Krebs cycle intermediates modulate thiobarbituric acid reactive species (TBARS) production in rat brain in vitro. Neurochem Res 2005;30:225-35.
16 Birck R, Zimmermann E, Wassmer S, Nowack R, van der Woude FJ. Calcium ketoglutarate versus calcium acetate for treatment of hyperphosphataemia in patients on maintenance haemodialysis: A cross-over study. Nephrol Dial Transplant 1999;14:1475-9.
17 Kosenko E, Kaminski Y, Lopata O, Muravyov N, Felipo V. Blocking NMDA receptors prevents the oxidative stress induced by acute ammonia intoxication. Free Radic Biol Med 1999;26:1369-74.
18 Velvizhi S, Dakshayani KB, Subramanian P. Effects of alpha-ketoglutarate on antioxidants and lipid peroxidation products in rats treated with ammonium acetate. Nutrition 2002;18:747-50.
19 Sokolowska M, Oleszek A, Wlodek L. Protective effect of alpha-keto acids on the oxidative hemolysis. Pol J Pharmacol 1999;51:429-34.
20 Desagher S, Glowinski J, Prémont J. Pyruvate protects neurons against hydrogen peroxide-induced toxicity. J Neurosci 1997;17:9060-7.
21 Hulse JD, Ellis SR, Henderson LM. Carnitine biosynthesis. Beta-hydroxylation of trimethyllysine by an alpha-ketoglutarate-dependent mitochondrial dioxygenase. J Biol Chem 1978;253:1654-9.
22 Murugesan V, Subramanian P. Enhancement of circulatory antioxidants by alpha-ketoglutarate during sodium valproate treatment in Wistar rats. Pol J Pharmacol 2003;55:31-6.
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/ Blood test could track cancer
Blood test could track cancer
March 13, 2013 This article courtesy of Nature News.
Monitoring tumour DNA shows promise for following progress of disease.
A blood test for DNA shed by dying tumour cells might one day be used to track the disease instead of the invasive biopsies currently used to retrieve tissue samples for analysis, results from a pilot study in breast cancer suggest.
The study, published today in the New England Journal of Medicine, tracked free-floating tumour DNA isolated from the blood of 30 women with advanced breast cancer. The results indicate that the quantity of tumour DNA in the blood could reflect the extent of a patient's cancer1.
The results will need to be replicated in a much larger, randomized trial before the technique can enter routine clinical use, says Carlos Caldas at the Cancer Research UK Cambridge Institute, one of the leaders of the work. But the results of the current study, the largest of its kind, are cause for optimism that the technique could quickly and easily monitor the responses of patients to treatment, he adds, particularly when repeat biopsies would be prohibitively expensive and invasive.
"This is a powerful technology," agrees Daniel Haber, a cancer researcher at the Massachusetts General Hospital Cancer Center in Boston, who was not involved with the study. "It can be very scalable, inexpensive, and useful."
Needle in a haystack
Depending on the extent of the disease, tumour DNA can make up anywhere from less than 1% to 50% of the cell-free DNA found in blood plasma, says Caldas.
In essence, the assay is analogous to the new wave of prenatal genetic tests that use tell-tale markers to find fetal DNA circulating in the mother's blood. In the case of the tumour study, the researchers quantified the amount of tumour DNA in the blood by looking for cancer-associated mutations, focusing primarily on two genes, TP53 and PIK3CA.
That search is both the method's strength and its weakness, points out Klaus Pantel, a cancer researcher at the University Medical Centre Hamburg-Eppendorf in Germany, who has also studied circulating tumour DNA. Assays for specific mutations can be very sensitive, but not every tumour will have those markers, he notes.
Indeed, Caldas and colleagues' study began with samples from 52 women, but only 25 contained the hallmark mutations in TP53 and PIK3CA. Full genome sequencing revealed markers that could be used to track tumour DNA down in five of the remaining patients. "I think in every breast cancer you'll find at least one mutation to monitor," Caldas says, although for some patients, that will require tailoring the technique specifically to them.
New universe
Haber and Pantel agree that the technique will complement a growing range of noninvasive alternatives to biopsies. Many labs are developing ways to chart the course of cancer by monitoring cells that slough off of the tumour and enter the bloodstream. These circulating tumour cells are more difficult to isolate, but can reveal additional information about RNA and protein levels, notes Pantel.
Caldas pitted his technique against an assay for circulating tumour cells called CellSearch, produced by Janssen Diagnostics in Beerse, Belgium, which has been approved by the US Food and Drug Administration for the prognosis of advanced breast, colorectal and prostate cancers. His cell-free DNA technique was more sensitive, Caldas notes, but Haber counters that the field has advanced dramatically since CellSearch was developed, and a larger study would be needed to fully compare the two techniques.
The suite of new methods promises to revolutionize the way that cancer has been treated over the past 50 years, Haber says. "It's a whole new universe of diagnostics."


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EK and the European Union
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Visiting address and billing information
Framsida / News / Let's keep the goods flowing across borders in the EU's internal market
Let's keep the goods flowing across borders in the EU's internal market
This week, the European Commission published guidelines for Member States on health-related border control measures in the event of a COVID-19 emergency. The aim is to protect the health of citizens, to ensure proper treatment of passengers and to have access to essential goods and services in our internal market.
The guidelines list the recommendations under five points: 1) Transport of goods and services – they should be allowed as well as cross-border movement of transport workers 2) Supply chains – Member States should maintain free movement of all goods 3) Citizens' health measures – Member States must provide appropriate care for the patients, passengers coming from risk areas should be screened, and passengers coming from the risk areas should not be allowed to travel across borders 4) EU external borders – all travelers coming from outside the EU should be screened for the coronavirus and Member States have the right to refuse their entry 5) Member States' own borders – Member States can set temporary border controls, as well as oblige travelers to quarantine.
The guidelines came after the Member States had already started to close their borders on their own, without even informing the Commission in advance. The strong request made by the Commission to the Member States is now that borders are kept open for the transport of goods and that crossings for transport workers should not be made more difficult. The day after the guidelines, the Commission also announced that the EU would close its external borders to travelers for at least for a month. It sought to curb the unilateral closure of Member States' borders. Imports from outside the EU are still allowed.
The introduction of controls at the EU's internal borders has raised concerns about the free movement of goods and people, two of the "four freedoms of the EU", which are so important to the economic success of our internal market.
It is inevitable that people's movements will be monitored and restricted during these exceptional times, and it is equally important that goods can continue to flow across the borders and keep businesses running as smoothly as possible. Different industry sectors, land-, air- and maritime transport sectors and ports have announced that they will do everything in their power to ensure that they continue to operate smoothly.
Member States should not close their borders to the transport of goods. Trade in the internal market must be safeguarded for the benefit of both our people and businesses.
International talents: Excessive Finnish language requirements are the biggest career obstacle in Finland
Confidence in Finnish Industries Declined
Finland's SME Sustainability Barometer: Employees are the most important aspect of sustainability for SME employers
Confidence in Finnish Industries Increases
Finnish Industries: The EU needs stronger capital markets
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Develop an understanding of how narrative and cinema brings portraits to life in this unique six week course where you make observational drawings from the silver screen.
This course is suitable for adults aged 18+ years. It is open students of all levels. Everyone will be assisted individually based on their existing experience. It is expected that most students will have some general experience of drawing, even if they are beginners at portraiture. However this course can be used as a refresher for basic drawing techniques with reference to a portrait model. Returners are welcome to initiate their own projects with tutor support and feedback as required.
Through observational drawing studies based on film screenings, you will develop an understanding of how narrative and cinema brings portraits to life. With inspiration from famous art periods, you will explore the relationship between subject and media, colour and atmosphere.
The artist tutor gives each student individual attention, according to their experience, aptitude and specific goals, supporting them to find their own creative direction. For beginners, and others who wish to follow it, there is a weekly structured course consisting of group projects.
The tutor will demonstrate a basic art material technique, show examples of his own or other artists work and support students as they try the technique themselves. Students may also spend time developing a particular approach. More experienced students, or those returning to the course, are welcome to undertake their own projects with the knowledge that a professional artist tutor is available to offer input and support in reaching your goals.
These sessions are an excellent opportunity to further your individual drawing and painting in response to a life model, gaining an insight into how the human form can be a fascinating ongoing topic for artistic study in its own right.
This class includes a short break.
Weeks 1 and 4 will be in the Hexagon Theatre making observational drawings from the cinema screen.
Weeks 2,3, 5 & 6 will be in the Painting and Drawing Studio where students can develop their portraiture work more fully.
Mac Studios are equipped with easels and drawing boards. Paper is provided that can be used during the lesson, and some basic art materials that may be borrowed on the day, such as pencils, charcoal, pastels, erasers, sharpeners.


University System of New Hampshire, Concord, made two new private equity commitments totaling $10 million for its $522 million combined endowment pool, recently released finance committee on investments meeting minutes show.
The committee at its Oct. 25 meeting approved commitments of $5 million each to Greenspring Global Partners IX, a venture capital fund of funds managed by Greenspring Associates, and buyout fund Sun Capital Partners VII.
The system previously committed $4 million to Greenspring Global Partners VIII in 2017. Whether the system has made prior commitments to Sun Capital Partners could not be learned immediately.
Karen Benincasa, the system's director, finance and treasury, and associate treasurer, could not be reached immediately for further information.


Pearson's Appliance in Fairfield, CA is an authorized dealer of Fisher & Paykel Products. Fisher & Paykel Appliances designs, manufactures and markets a range of innovative household appliances developed with a commitment to technology, design, user friendliness and environmental awareness. Flexible machinery brought with it the notion of manufacturing cabinets using pre-painted steel. In tandem with the Japanese steel mills appliance grade pre-painted steel was developed that enabled coiled steel to be processed through lines of machinery that could notch and pierce various sizes and shapes. The first product to incorporate this technology was the compact dryer. A ground up design conceived by Fisher & Paykel's own engineers.
So if you are looking for Fisher & Paykel products in Fairfield, Napa, Vacaville, Suisun City, Davis, Dixon, Winters, Vallejo, Rio Vista, American Canyon and Sonoma, or if you have any questions about Fisher & Paykel products, please feel free to call us at (707) 864-8814 or simply stop by Pearson's Appliance at any time and we would be glad to help you.


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Larderello este o frazione a comunei Pomarance, în Toscana, în Italia centrală. Este o zonă activă geologic, renumită pentru productivitatea geotermală.

Geografia
Regiunea a cunoscut ocazional erupții vulcanice freatice, cauzate de izbucniri explozive a aburului prins sub suprafață. Aceasta dispune de o duzină de cratere de explozie care au 30-250 m în diametru. Cel mai mare este craterul Lago Vecchienna, acum umplut cu un lac, care a erupt ultima dată în jurul 1282.

Larderello produce acum 10% din energia electrică geotermală a lumii, în valoare de 4800 GWh pe an și alimentează aproximativ un milion de gospodării italiene. Geologia sa unică facilitează producerea de energie geotermală, cu roci de granit fierbinți situate aproape neobișnuit de suprafață, acestea produc abur fierbinte care are 220 °C.

Istoria
Regiunea a fost cunoscută din cele mai vechi timpuri datorită naturii sale vulcanice și izvoarelor excepțional de fierbinți. Romanii au folosit izvoarele sale de sulf pentru băi.

Cunoscută sub numele de Montecerboli până în secolul al XIX-lea, a devenit unul dintre primele locuri din lume unde energia geotermală a fost exploatată pentru a sprijini industria. În 1827 François de Larderel, un francez, a inventat o modalitate de extragere a acidului boric din noroi vulcanic prin utilizarea aburului pentru a încălzi cazane pentru separarea acidului de noroi. "Leopold al II-lea", Marele Duce de Toscana a fost un susținător entuziast al sistemului Larderel și i-a acordat titlul de "Conte de Montecerboli" un deceniu mai târziu. Un oraș, numit Larderello în onoarea muncii lui Larderel, a fost fondat la casa muncitorilor din fabrica de producție de acid boric.

Regiunea a fost locul unui experiment de pionierat în producția de energie din surse geotermale în 1904, atunci când cinci becuri au fost aprinse de energia electrică produsă de aburul emergent din orificiile de ventilare din sol - aceasta a fost prima demonstrație practică a puterii geotermale.

Prințul Piero Ginori Conti a testat primul generator de energie geotermală la 4 iulie 1904, la Larderello în Italia. A fost un generator mic care a aprins patru becuri electrice.
În 1911, prima centrală geotermală a fost construită în Valle del Diavolo (Valea diavolului), numită după apa fierbinte care se ridica de acolo. Acesta a fost singurul producător industrial din lume de energie electrică geotermală până în 1958, atunci când Noua Zeelandă a construit o fabrică proprie în Wairakei. În ultimii ani, preocupările au fost exprimate cu privire la durabilitatea aprovizionării cu aburi, aceste preocupări au fost determinate de scăderea cu 30% a nivelurilor de presiune ale aburului față de nivelurile maxime care au fost înregistrate în anii 1950.

Vezi și
 Listă de superlative geografice

Referințe

Bibliografie
 "Steaming Forward" , Time magazine, 16 iunie 2003

Legături externe

 Bildergalerie zu den technischen Anlagen und zur Landschaft
 http://www.geothermie.de/geothermischer_strom/larderello/larderello.htm
 http://brunelleschi.imss.fi.it/ist/luogo/museogeotermiaenel.html
 Bild

 Provincia Pisa
 Regiunile Italiei

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