text:
LOGAN -THE MINGO CHIEF
LOGAN -THE MINGO CHIEF.
[The Ohio tribes of Indians produced an extraordinary number of
illustrious chiefs who figured large in the history of their race. Among
these were Pontiac, Tecumseh, Cornstalk, Little Turtle, Blue Jacket
and a score of others who left distinguished records as warriors, orators
and tribal leaders. Among these perhaps no one gained a fame so wide
as that acquired by Logan, the Mingo chief who refused to attend the
Treaty of Camp Charlotte and at that time delivered the speech which
has been recited by thousands of school boy declaimers. The following
biography of Logan, probably as authentic as can now be obtained,
is from the Draper Manuscripts--Border Forays, 2 D., Chapter 12--in
the Library of the Wisconsin Historical Society. The notes also here-
with published were made by a recent student of the manuscripts. Both
are published through the courtesy of Dr. Reuben G. Thwaites, Secre-
tary of the Wisconsin Historical Society.-E. O. R.]
During the last half of the seventeenth century, long and
bloody wars were waged between the Five Nations of Indians
and the white inhabitants of Canada. The savages killed or cap-
tured-as was ever their wont-regardless of age or sex. Among
their prisoners was a boy, born in Montreal of French parent-
age,1 and baptized in the Roman Catholic church,2 who after be-
ing adopted into a family of Oneidas,3 of the Wolf clan,4 and
given the name of Shikelimo,5 eventually married a wife of the
Cayugas.6
Shikelimo became the father of several children,7 who, ac-
cording to the Indian rule, were of the same tribe as the mother.8
In the course of time, he was raised to the dignity of a chief
among the Oneidas9-the nation of his adoption. In the year
1728, having been by the Grand Council of the Iroquois "set
over" the Shawanese,10 who then occupied contiguous territory
to, and were held in subjection by, the Five Nations, Shikelimo
removed with his family to a small Indian village on the east
side of the West Branch of the Susquehanna, at a point about
fourteen miles above its junction with the Northeast Branch,
138 Ohio Arch. and Hist. Society Publications.
near the mouth of Warriors Run, in what is now Northumber-
land county, Pennsylvania ;11--removing, about ten years after,
to Shamokin, now the city of Sunbury, where he made his
future home;12 and where, at an advanced age,13 he died, in De-
cember, 1748.14
Shikelimo filled for more than twenty years, a large space
in the Indian history of the country, he may be said to have ruled
over, for, in the course of time, his office became greatly ex
tended. He swayed almost a vice-regal sceptre over all the in-
ferior tribes south of the Iroquois who paid tribute to that
powerful League, or were held by it in subjection. He became
a kind of resident ambassador of the Five Nations, in Pennsyl-
vania. He frequently acted as the agent of that Province in
their dealings with that famous Confederacy. That he dealt
out justice even-handed to the savages over whom he was placed,
is evident from their high estimation of him, frequently ex-
pressed. That his conduct was satisfactory to the Grand Council
of Onondaga, is established by the fact of his being continued so
many years as its representative and agent abroad. The govern-
ment of Pennsylvania was ever loud in their praise of "Shikeli-
mo, the true friend of Englishmen." Taking into consideration
its complicated character, it is doubtful if any such office had
ever before been created by North American Indians; or one so
important, filled with more satisfaction to all concerned.
Shikelimo was, of course, unlettered. He was tutored only
in Indian craft. In all respects, except the color of his skin, he
was a savage-but of the highest type of the race. Revenge, a
passion so strong in the breast of the Indian, he seemed in-
capable of. The use of intoxicating liquors, he held in utter ab-
horrence. There is an abundance of recorded evidence of his
fine personal appearance, of his genial manners, of his shrewd-
ness as a diplomat, and of the firmness and nobility of his char-
acter. By the Moravians, he was held in high esteem; a few
words of his once moved several of their young men to con-
secrate themselves to the work of missions among the North
American Indians ;15 indeed, wherever known, he seems to have
been a general favorite.
Logan,16 whose Indian name was Tach-nech-do-rus17-"the
Logan - The Mingo Chief
Logan - The Mingo Chief. 139
branching oak of the forest"18-was the eldest son of Shikeli-
mo.19 He was known, however, for many years to white people,
especially to Pennsylvanians, as John Shikelimo.20 He was born
in the Oneida country, now an interior portion of the State of
New York,21 about the year 1710. Although his father was a
white man, Logan was, agreeable to the Indian rule, by birth-
right a Cayuga-to which nation his mother belonged ;22 al-
though, as already explained, Shikelimo was, by adoption, an
Oneida.23
Concerning Logan's minority, history is entirely silent.
That he grew to manhood in possession of superior talents is
evidenced by the early recognition of his abilities, in councils.24
He unquestionably inherited the talents of his father, but not his
sobriety. His passion for strong drink, which, in the end, so
overcame him, was largely due to his residing, for so many years,
at or near Shamokin-"the very seat of the Prince of Darkness."25
Situated about midway of the Province of Pennsylvania, at a
point one mile below where the Northeast and West branches
unite to form "the winding river"-Susquehanna, it had a very
commanding and accessible position. It was directly on the
route from Philadelphia to the Grand Council House of the Six
Nations. Its situation was delightful. An early writer was en-
raptured with "the charming plain of Shamokin, two miles long
and about one broad, skirted on the west and north by the river,
and encompassed east and partly south, with lofty hills."26 In
strange contrast with the magnificance of the natural scenery
was the immorality of its savage occupants. "The Indians of
this place," wrote the pious Brainerd more than three years be-
fore the death of Shikelimo, "are accounted the most drunken,
mischievous, and ruffian-like fellows of any in these parts."27
Logan had four brothers. The youngest died in 1729, at
Shamokin. "You are very sensible of your love and our care,"
wrote the Governor of Pennsylvania, to the father upon the sor-
rowful event, "for all the good Indians, our brethren, that live
amongst us or near us." "We send," he added, "a strowd to cover
Shikelimo's son."28 The brother next to Logan was Say-ugh-
to-wa,29 known to the English as "James Logan."30 He was thus
named by his father in honor of a warm friend, James Logan, a
learned writer and statesman, born in Lurgan, Ireland, on the
twentieth of October, 1674, of Scotch parentage,-who died at
Stanton, near Philadelphia, on the thirty-first of October, 1751.
He landed in Pennsylvania as the Secretary of William Penn
early in December, 1699; and after the return of the latter to
England, in 1701, he was invested with many important offices,
which he discharged with fidelity and judgment. He was
provincial Secretary, Commissioner of Property, Chief Justice,
and upon the death of Governor Gordon, in October, 1736, gov-
erned the province of Pennsylvania for two years, as president
of the Council. He was the friend of the Indians, possessed un-
common abilities, and great wisdom and moderation.
The Indian name of Logan's second brother-the third son
of Shikelimo-was Sa-go-gegh-ya-ta. He was known to the
English as "John Petty," or "John Petty Shikelimo ;"31 having
been named after a trader of some prominence in the early days
of Pennsylvania.32 Shikelimo's fourth son bore the dolorous
name of "Unhappy Jake."33 He was killed by the Catawbas in
1744, with five others of the Six Nations. "As this is a great
stroke to our friend Shikelimo," wrote Conrad Weiser, on the
second of January, 1745, to the Secretary of Pennsylvania, "who
is, for the trust put in him by the Council of the Six Nations,
and our government, worthy to be taken notice of. I thought
it my indispensable duty to inform you of this; and to lay it be-
fore the Governor, whether or no he thinks fit to send to Shikel-
imo a small present, in order to wipe away his tears and com-
fort his heart, and enable him by so doing, to stand to his charge;
which would be not only satisfactory to him, but very agreeable
and pleasing to the Council of the Six Nations;-and, conse-
quently, some little service done to ourselves."34
Of the sisters of Logan, but little is known. The eldest,
who was married to an Indian named Cajadis, in 1731, lost her
husband in 1747.35 He was reckoned the best hunter among all
the Indians at Shamokin. There was one sister living among the
Conestoga Indians, near the Susquehanna, at no great distance
from the town of Lancaster, Pennsylvania, in the year 1756,36
who, seven years after, fell a sacrifice to the wild ferocity of the
Paxton rioters, along with the residue of those peaceable and
friendly Indians.37
Of the thirty-seven years that Logan resided upon the
waters of the Susquehanna-from 1728 to 1765-seventeen of
them were to him years of great activity and responsibility. In
1747, a Cayuga Chief, known as Sca-yen-ties, bore to him a mes-
sage from one of the tribes of his nation of great importance.
He was found, in company with his father, at the house of
Joseph Chambers, on the east side of the Susquehanna, about
six miles above the present city of Harrisburg, Pennsylvania.
He was informed that he had been nominated and appointed one
of their Counselors. He was desired to apply himself to public
business.44 This was the commencement of his long official
career,-greatly augmented, in its importance, upon the death of
Shikelimo. The instruction of the father had not been thrown
away upon the son. From this time forward until the day of
his death, Shikelimo was always accompanied by him, whenever
absent on public business.45 It was no new custom, however,
as the records of previous public meetings and treaties abundant-
ly prove.46 Scarcely had Logan entered upon his duties as Coun-
selor for the Cayugas than he was called upon to mourn the
death of his wife.47
Logan was sent by his father, to the Six Nations, on busi-
ness connected with public affairs, in 1748.48 Shikelimo was too
feeble to attend the Great Council at Onondaga in person. He
died soon after. Logan and his brothers were the recipients of
many messages of condolence upon the occasion of his death.
One came from the bishops and Synod of the Moravian church,
"sympathizing with them in their loss, telling them of their
father's faith in the Lord Jesus Christ, and urging them to fol-
low in his footsteps."49 "I returned from Shamokin," wrote
Conrad Weiser, Indian agent for Pennsylvania, to the Governor
of that Province, on the twenty-second of April, 1749, from
Heidelberg, in the present county of Berks,-"on the eighteenth
instant. I happened to meet the eldest and youngest son of
Shikelimo, at the trading house of Thomas McKee, about twenty
miles this side of Shamokin." "All I had to do was," continued
the writer, "to let the children and grandchildren of your dis-
eased friend, Shikelimo, know that the Governor of Pennsyl-
vania and his Council condoled with them for the death of their
father."50
Weiser then gave them a small present in order "to wipe
off their tears," according to the custom of the Indians. After
this, and in the name of the Governor, and on behalf of the
Council, of Pennsylvania, he desired Logan to take upon him-
self the care and responsibility of a chief instead of his deceased
parent, and to be the true correspondent of the Government, un-
til there should be a meeting between the same and the Six Na-
tions, when he should be recommended by the Governor and con-
firmed, if he would follow the footsteps of his departed father.
"He accepted thereof," says Weiser, "and I sent a string
of wampum to Onondaga to let the Six Nations know of Shikel-
imo's death and my transactions, by order of the Governor."51
There was a necessity for expedition in this appointment of a
successor to the Iroquois "vicegerent" at Shamokin; for the In-
dians were getting very uneasy about the white people settling
beyond the "Endless Mountains," on the Juniata, on Sherman's
creek, and elsewhere, west of the Susquehanna. It was their
only hunting ground for deer; farther to the northward, they
were very scarce. Five years before, a deputy from the Grand
Council of the Six Nations, addressing himself to the Governor
of Pennsylvania, desired that the people who were then located
upon the Juniata might be removed; "for," said he, "we have
given that river for a hunting-place to our cousins, the Delaware
Indians, and our brethren, the Shawanese, and we ourselves hunt
there sometimes."52
Logan was soon raised by the General Council of Onondaga
to the dignity of "Sachem or Chief of the Shamokin Indians,"53
an office, in all that appertained to the government of the vari-
ous Indian tribes represented at that place, equal in importance
to the one held by his father; besides, he was made one of the
ten Sachems of the Cayugas54--the Nation to which he belonged.
Logan heeded the advice of Conrad Weiser and he came a "true
correspondent" of Pennsylvania, acting as its agent frequently
in its intercourse with the Six Nations.
To conciliate the Indians and give them assurance that those
who settled upon their lands on the Juniata should be speedily
removed, a conference between them and the Government of
Pennsylvania was held on the seventeenth of May, 1750, at
Pennsboro, Cumberland County. Logan was present and took
part in the proceedings.55
In 1754, the Governor of Pennsylvania informed its Coun-
cil, that, having standing instructions from its Proprietaries to
take all opportunities of making a purchase of lands from the
Iroquois which was every day becoming more urgent by the
great number of people settling beyond the Blue Hills over the
Susquehanna, contrary to the stipulations of the government
with those Indians, which might create differences with them,-
he had recommended the Proprietaries to try by all the means
in their power to make a purchase; and to facilitate the neces-
sary work, he had, by the advice of Conrad Weiser, dispatched
Logan-"John Shikelimo"-early in the Spring with a message
to the Six Nations, informing them of the necessity of their
selling, by reason of the increase of the inhabitants, and the im-
possibility of restraining them from making settlements beyond
the boundaries previously established; and desiring they would
enter into a treaty with the Proprietaries whose agents would
be at Albany in the ensuing Summer.
Logan conducted the negotiation, preliminary to the treaty,
to the satisfaction of both parties. A vast extent of land west
of the Susquehanna, including the whole territory watered by
the Juniata, was secured and the Indian's title quieted, on the
sixth of July, at Albany. "As to Wyoming and Shamokin and
the land contiguous thereto, on the Susquehanna," said the In-
dians, "we reserve them for our hunting ground and for the resi-
dence of such as in this time of war shall remove from among
the French and choose to live there, and we have appointed John
Shikelimo to take care of them. He is our Representative and
Agent there, and has our orders not to suffer either the Penn-
sylvania people or the New Englanders to settle any of those
lands; and if any shall presume to do it, we have directed him to
complain to Pennsylvania, whether it shall be their own people
or those from other provinces; and to insist on their being
turned off; and if he shall fail in this application, we will come
ourselves and turn them off. Nobody shall have this land."
Logan was present at the treaty and signed the deed as one of
the Sachems of the Cayugas.56
Trouble soon arose in Logan's "dominion" after the meet-
ing at Albany. Connecticut people began to crowd in upon the
Wyoming lands. He thereupon sent a message with a belt to
the Governor of Pennsylvania:-"When the great treaty," said
he, "was held at Albany this Summer, the Six Nations in their
Council appointed me to the care of the lands at Wyoming and
north of the Western Branch of the Susquehanna which they
keep for the use of the Indians who are daily flocking there from
all parts, and acquainted the Commissions of Pennsylvania in the
presence of all the people that I was their agent; that they put
those lands into my hands; and that no white men should come
and settle there; and ordered me, if they did, to complain to
Pennsylvania; and to get them punished and turned off." "In
virtue of this appointment," continued Logan, "I complain to
Pennsylvania that some foreigners and strangers who live on the
other side of New York and have nothing to do in these parts,
are coming like flocks of birds to disturb me and settle those
lands; and I am told they have bought those lands of the Six
Nations since I left Albany, and that I have nothing further
to do with them." "I desire you," he said, in conclusion, "to
send to those people not to come; and if you do not prevent it,
I shall be obliged to complain to the Six Nations."
This was the commencement of the difficulty between "The
Susquehanna Company"-formed in Connecticut the year previ-
ous, for the purpose of establishing a settlement in Wyoming-
and Pennsylvania, which afterward bore bitter fruit, but was
now interrupted by the coming on of the French War. The
Connecticut people claimed that they had already purchased, by
deed duly executed of the "chief sachems and heads of the Five
Nations," the lands spoken of by Logan. But the latter con-
tinued his complaints to the Governor of Pennsylvania,-insist-
ing, the next year, as in 1754, "that people were beginning to
settle to the northward of the Albany purchase." "I have laid
your complaint," wrote the Governor, "before the Council in
which you set forth that sundry people have settled beyond the
Logan- The Mingo Chief
Logan- The Mingo Chief. 145
line of the late purchase made at Albany, upon lands not yet
conveyed by the Six Nations; and it is determined that the line
shall be run that it may be known for certain where the limit ex-
tends; and when this is done I will issue a Proclamation pro-
hibiting all persons from settling to the north of that line, and
I hope this will have its effect. You shall have notice when the
line is run that you may be present and see that all things are
done right. If, after this any shall presume to settle there, they
will be punished."57
After the defeat of Braddock in July, 1755, French interests
began largely to prevail among the Indians of the Susquehanna.
"You and the French," said a recalcitrant chief afterward in ad-
dressing Sir William Johnson, "quarreled for the lands on Ohio,
and the French came there with a large body of men and beat
yours off; and so the Indians on the Ohio were, in a manner,
obliged to come into their measures. They were persuaded to
take up the hatchet against the English; and, as they came in
small parties to the Susquehanna river, they prevailed on the
Susquehanna Indians to go with them,-they being related to
one another. Many had their fathers, mothers, sons and daugh-
ters, on the Ohio, and could not withstand their request; being
one people, they could not resist."58 Logan, for months, opposed
the tide then setting in so strongly at Shamokin. Finally, in
the Fall of that year, it became too powerful to be resisted with
safety; and, as a consequence, he and his family, together with
his two brothers, were swept away from their town by the storm
of war now raging so fiercely around them. They moved up
the Northeast Branch of the Susquehanna to a hostile village; a
report being circulated among the Delawares that the Pennsyl-
vanians were coming in large numbers to destroy them, and
Logan's life being threatened if he did not at once leave Shamo-
kin.59 He even went so far, it was afterward reported by a
friendly Indian, as to consent to take the warpath against the
English; but, fortunately, at this crisis, and while at Wyoming,
whither he had gone and was waiting to be joined by eighty
Delawares to go against the back inhabitants, he was met by two
Indian messengers who had been dispatched to the Six Nations
Vol. XX.-10.
by Pennsylvania and were then on their way to the Onondaga
Council. These Indians upbraided him for his ingratitude to
the English who had ever been extremely kind to his father
when alive, and to him and his family and relatives, since his
decease; and charged him not to go along with the war-party
which would soon set out, but rather to join some friendly In-
dians-about thirty in number--who were then in the village,
and who dissapproved of the measures of the Delawares.60
Logan took their advice; remained in the town; and firmly re-
solved never to strike the English;-to which resolution, so long
as the war lasted, he steadfastly adhered; and also during the
continuance of Pontiac's War. His well-known declaration made
in 1774, was true: "During the course of the last long and
bloody war, Logan remained idle in his camp, an advocate for
peace."
Early in 1756, two Indians of the Six Nations were sent
by the Governor of Pennsylvania up the Susquehanna, to gain
intelligence of the notions and number of the enemy Indians,
and to try to find out Logan and his brothers, and, if possible,
bring them to Conrad Weiser's, that the former might consult
with his white brethren upon the present state of affairs. This
was a fortunate circumstance. It confirmed Logan in his loyalty
to the English. He and his wife returned with the messengers,
to "a fort at Hunter's Mill near the place where the Blue Hills
cross the Susquehanna,"-generally known at that time, as Mc-
Kee's fort-where a guard was ordered to escort them to Tul-
pehocken, Weiser's residence. But Logan declared positively
that he would not go there; being apprehensive that the "Dutch"
would fall upon him and either kill him or do him some mischief.
He would go, he said, through Lancaster to Philadelphia and de-
liver what he had to say to the Governor in person; and insisted
that the commander of the fort-Captain McKee-should go
along and protect him. At Harris', now Harrisburg, they were
joined by three other Indians, when they all made their way to
Lancaster. Here Logan sent for his sister, who was living
among the Conestoga Indians, not far off. She and the
Conestogas joined the party and all journeyed thence to Phila-
delphia, where they arrived-men, women, and children-on
Saturday, the twenty-first of February.
On Monday morning following, the Governor sent his Sec-
retary to welcome the Indians to town, and in particular, Logan;
and to make them the usual compliments of drying up their tears
and taking away the grief out of their hearts, that they might
be at liberty to declare the business they came upon. After they
had returned thanks, and made the Governor the same compli-
ments, they said the two messengers and Logan whom they had
brought with them, would go directly to the Governor and tell
him in person what they had to say. However, before the meet-
ing, Logan sent a message by Weiser, who was present, to the
Chief Executive: "My father, who," he said, "it is well known
was all his life a hearty and steady friend to the English, and
to Pennsylvania in particular, charged all his children to follow
his steps and to remain always true to them, who had ever been
kind to him and his family." "Upon the troubles first breaking
out," continued Logan, "between the Indians and the white peo--
ple, the former came to Shamokin and obliged me and my
brothers against our inclinations to stay with them; but I had the
good fortune to get from among them, which I was glad of; and
I am now come to my brethren to assure them that, though I
have been absent some time, and among their enemies, yet it was
against my will, being forced to it." "I was still your good
friend," he added, "and would live and die with you. I desire
you should receive me as a friend." The Governor ordered
his Secretary to return his answer to Logan, and assure him he
was glad to see him; that the Government gave him a hearty
reception, and would make everything agreeable to him, and take
care of his family.
Logan afterwards reported that the two messengers found
him at Wyoming; that he and his brethren and others of his
friends were informed that when the Delawares upon the Ohio
proclaimed war against the English, they forewarned all the In-
dians to come away from the latter; desiring them to move up,
the Northeast Branch of the Susquehanna; whereupon, a council
was called at Shamokin, and it was agreed, by the Indians there
present, chiefly Delawares, to go up that stream for safety. "I
and my family," said Logan, "intended to go to the white settle-
ments, but the Delawares would not let us. I therefore went
with them and took my family with me." "After a while," con-
tinued he, "I found that these Indians were in the French in-
terest. Then, I began to be afraid. I, with my brethren and
others, would have gladly gone to the English, but we dared not
venture, being afraid of the back inhabitants, and much more
afraid of the Delawares, who told us, in plain terms, that if we
offered to go down the river they would look upon us as brethren
to the English and as their enemies." When the Delawares be-
gan to bring in English scalps, Logan left the town and went to
Wyoming, where the government messengers found him and in-
duced him to return with them to the white settlements.
Logan had not been long in Philadelphia before he began to
grow uneasy lest some mischief might befall his family in his
absence. He feared that the enemy Indians, if they should hear
of his journey to the settlements, might take revenge upon them.
He therefore desired to return at once to Wyoming, and
promised to bring them and his brothers down into the
province.61 So he and his wife hastened back to the Northeast
Branch of the Susquehanna. By the fifth of April, Logan had
again reached McKee's fort, a few miles above the present city
of Harrisburg, with his family and his two brothers. He
brought an account of there being great confusion among the
Indians up the Northeast Branch; the Delawares were all mov-
ing from there to the Ohio, and were trying to persuade the
Shawanese to go with them; but the latter declined; as they
would rather join the English, and were going up to Tioga
where there was a body of the Six Nations, and there they in-
tended to remain.62 Logan again asked the commander to con-
duct him, as he had previously done, through the white settle-
ments, at least as far as Conestoga where his sister and children
lived; but this office, Captain McKee now declined; and Logan
and his family remained in the fort,-only, however, for a brief
period; for, being ill-treated and threatened by the people, he
made his escape without even his gun; and after enduring many
hardships and much suffering from hunger, again reached one
of the Indian towns upon the Northeast Branch, whence, soon
after, he made his way to Tioga.
Early in June, 1756, the Governor of Pennsylvania, ever
mindful of the previous services of Logan and indignant at the
treatment he had received at Fort McKee, sent him a message,
with a string of wampum, to Tioga, expressing his concern that
he should have been the recipient of such abuse, and assuring
him that it was entirely unknown to the Government; and re-
questing that he should come with the messenger to Philadelphia,
and he should receive a kind welcome and receive sufficient
proofs of the friendship of the Governor.64 Conrad Weiser
also sent him a pressing invitation to return. Logan could not
resist these importunities notwithstanding the indignities heaped
upon him at "the fort near John Harris' "; so, with his wife, he
immediately started upon his journey to see the Governor, taking
Bethlehem on his road to Philadelphia.
Reaching Bethlehem on the first day of September, Logan
was carefully questioned by David Zeisberger, who spoke the
Indian language well. He obtained much information as to the
feeling and determination of the Delawares and Shawanese as
well as the Six Nations, which he communicated at once to the
Governor of the Province. Logan told the worthy missionary
the story of his leaving the fort near John Harris' "; that it
was because the Irish people did not use him well and threatened
to kill him; that, therefore, he went away leaving his guns,
clothes and all that he had. He also informed Zeisberger that,
fifteen days before, he had left the Cayuga Lake, where he had
been all the time; that all the Delawares and Shawanese up the
river were now for peace; and that a great many intended to
come and live again where they lived before; that the previous
winter the Six Nations had sent many belts of wampum to those
Indians and desired them to leave off doing mischief; and at
last they were obedient to them. Logan and his wife reached
Bethlehem nearly starved; they received from the Moravians
every attention; and, on the third, they started, under the care
of two of the brethren, for Philadelphia, abundantly refreshed
with "eating, beer, and rum."65
Logan reached Philadelphia in safety, and at once waited
on the Governor in Council to acquaint him that he had received
a string of wampum from him, and a belt from his friend,
Weiser, with invitations to come and speak with him. He was
kindly received; and, at his instance, an express was dispatched
for Weiser. Upon his arrival, Logan thus addressed him:
"Uncle! here I show you the belt of wampum you sent me, and
my brethren, and my whole family. By this belt you repri-
manded myself and my family for running away from Shamokin
last fall into a wilderness, where we must certainly perish for
want of the necessaries of life; and you told us that it was a
very wrong step to run away from our friends; and you charged
us, your cousins, to come back either to Shamokin, or to your
own house at Tulpehocken, or elsewhere in your neighborhood,
so that you could have an opportunity to help us with some pro-
visions, and have an open eye over us, who were like little chil-
dren, and knew not what was for our own good. Uncle! I as-
sure you, that I and my brethren have often repented that we
came away from Shamokin, and fled up the river, when we were
assured of your friendship, and should have fled to your house.
It is true what you have said-we have lost ourselves; but we
have been deceived by our near neighbors, the Delawares, and
my brother Say-ugh-to-wa suffered himself to be led astray. He
repents now and sees his error; and we all have agreed to come
down either to Shamokin, our old place, if we can be protected
there, or to your house, as soon as we can with safety; and that
some other friendly Indians will join us who already promised
to come down with us."66
At the very time Logan was professing his attachment to
the Pennsylvanians in such an artless but effective manner, the
Governor of that Province was engaged in erecting a fort at
Shamokin, where he could be "protected" in his old home. But
the glory of that village as an Indian residence had departed.
Its cabins had been burned; and the sons of Shikelimo never
again made it their place of abode. For the next nine years
Logan, after his return from Philadelphia, continued to live upon
the waters of the Northeast Branch; and, although the Seven
Years' War and the sanguinary conflict which followed it, dis-
turbed, at times, the "Shamokin country," yet he -"remained idle
in his camp, an advocate for peace." On the twenty-eighth of
January, 1760, the commandant of the post at Shamokin sent
word to Conrad Weiser that a Mingo Indian had, the day previ-
ous, arrived at that place with a message from Logan desiring
to meet him there in ten days from that time. Weiser being dis-
abled, sent his son Samuel to see Logan-"now a noted man
among the Indians on the waters of the Susquehanna." There
was to be a Grand Council of the warriors of the Six Nations
and he had been invited to attend. Knowing that the Governor
of Pennsylvania was desirous of having a road cut from the set-
tlements to the post-Fort Augusta-at Shamokin, he thought
it a good time while meeting with the assembled Indians in con-
ference, to suggest the matter to them if it would be desired he
should do so, by the Governor. So he came down from his town,
to Shamokin, to lay the subject before his old friend. Weiser,
whom he was in hopes to meet then. But as that could not be,
a conference was held with the authorities at the Fort, acting
under instructions from the Governor.
Logan was told that Governor Hamilton thought it exceed-
ingly kind of him to send information of his having been invited
to a Grand Council of the Six Nations and that he returned him
thanks for his offer of mentioning to the Onondaga Council his
design of cutting a road from the frontier to Fort Augusta; and
he looked upon it as a fresh instance of his steady friendship, and
sincere attachment to the Province. The result of the confer-
ence was that Logan should carry a message giving as a reason
why it was desirable that a road should be opened. "that the
Indians might be supplied with goods at Fort Augusta-Shamo-
kin-at all times in the year, by a nearer, safer, and more com-
modious way than by the dangerous and roundabout way of the
river Susquehanna, which is sometimes impassable in Summer,
and all the winter admits of no transportation of goods or pro-
visions." Logan promised that he would deliver this message;
that he would use all the arguments and efforts in his power that
the opening of the road should meet with the approbation of the
Onondaga Council: and that, if he should succeed, he would
be down again in two months at farthest with the news. Logan,
after the Conference was over, requested a small supply of pro-
vision to carry him home, "which," writes the commander of the
fort, "I have ventured to comply with, though it is not customary
and is without orders."67
No recognition of Logan's official duties is to be found after
August, 1762. In that month he attended, along with his two
brothers, a treaty held with the Northern and Western Indians
at Lancaster, Pennsylvania. After the public business was over,
Logan, together with another Cayuga chief and three Senecas,
had a private interview with Governor Hamilton. They entered
complaint against the agent at Fort Augusta, as a man who al-
ways treats the Indians who come there with ill usage and bad
language, insomuch that they were often so provoked as to do
him violence; and they intreated the Governor to remove him
and put a more quiet man in his place. They said further that as
the Governor had acquainted them that the war had occasioned
a rise in the price of goods, they hoped he would give orders that
the Indians be paid a higher price for their skins and furs. Ham-
ilton made answer that he would take the matter into considera-
tion and do in it whatever was thought reasonable.68
For the next ten years of Logan's life, his history is partly
traditionary. He makes his appearance, after the close of Pon-
tiac's War and the return of peace, no longer as agent of Penn-
sylvania in its intercourse with the Six Nations, nor as the repre-
sentative of the Indian Confederation in their dealings with that
Province or their rule over the Susquehanna tribes,-but as a
hunter, simply, and with his habitation changed from the North-
east Branch of that river to the delightful valley of the Kish-
acoquillas, in what is now Mifflin county, Pennsylvania. The
Kishacoquillas creek is a beautiful, never-failing stream, fed by
surrounding mountains. It breaks out of its fertile valley by a
deep gorge, when it enters the Juniata, from the north, at the
present site of Lewistown. Immediately after the purchase of
the land from the Indians by the treaty of Albany in 1754, set-
tlements began in this region; but the Seven Years' Conflict and
Pontiac's War depopulated the Juniata country; so that when
Logan in the year 1765 first made his camp near the Kishacoquil-
las, the valley was as desolate and lonely as when the Indians
claimed it as their own territory. But settlers soon began to ar-
rive. By midsummer of 1766, six or seven families had located
there.69
A writer of early times records that, in the year 1765, he
was living in Raccoon Valley, near the foot of the Tuscarora
mountain, in what is now Perry county, Pennsylvania,-when,
upon a certain Saturday evening a report came that the Indians
had begun to murder the white people. The next day in the
forenoon, while the children of the family were outside the
house, they espied three Indians coming across the meadow, a
few rods from them. They ran in and informed their parents,
who were considerably alarmed. The Indians, however, set
their guns down on the outside of the house and went in. They
were invited to take seats which they did. After dinner, they sat
a considerable time. One could speak tolerable good English.
The other two spoke nothing but their own language. They ap-
peared to be making observations on the large wooden chimney,
-looking up it, and laughing. This the family supposed was
on account of a man, on the Juniata, not far distant, having
made his escape up one when his house was attacked by Indians.
One of the little girls, a sister of the narrator, then a child of
three or four years, having very white curly hair,-they took
hold of it, stretching it up. It was conjectured they were saying
"this would make a nice scalp," or that they had seen such.
Otherwise, the Indians behaved with civility.
After some time, when it was seen that the three visitors
had no hostile intentions, one of the boys took the Bible and read
them two or three chapters from the book of Judges, respecting
Sampson and the Philistines. The one that could speak Eng-
lish paid great attention to what was read. The father of the
family, upon observing this, took occasion to mention to him
what a great benefit it would be to the Indians to learn to read.
"0 !" said he, "a great many Indians on the Mohawk river can
read the book which speaks of God." After remaining in the
house about two hours, they took their departure towards the
Kishacoquillas Valley. In a few days the family was informed
that the Indian who spoke the English language was a chief-
Captain John Logan.70
Many are the legendary tales told of Logan during his five
years' residence-from 1765 to 1770-in the valley of the Kish-
acoquillas. He seems to have been a general favorite with the
early settlers there. One of these, while in pursuit of a bear,
came suddenly upon a fine spring, and being thirsty laid down
to drink. Just then he saw reflected in the water, on the op-
posite side, the shadow of a tall Indian. He sprang up, when the
savage gave a yell,-whether for peace or war, the hunter was
not just then sufficiently master of his faculties to determine.
However, upon seizing his rifle, and facing the Indian, the lat-
ter knocked up the pan of his gun, threw out the priming, and
extended his hand. It proved to be Logan-the best specimen of
a man, white or red, the relator declared, he ever met with.
Logan "could speak a little English" and told the hunter there
was another one a little way down the stream, and offered to
guide him to his his camp.
Another settler once shot at a mark with Logan at a dollar
a round. The Chief lost four or five shots in succession, and
acknowledged himself beaten. He thereupon went into his
cabin; brought out as many deerskins as he had lost dollars, and
handed them to his opponent, who refused to take them, alleg-
ing that he was simply his guest and did not come to take his
property; that the shooting was only a trial of skill between
them; and the bet merely nominal. Logan drew himself up with
great dignity and said: "I bet to make you shoot your best. I
am a gentleman, and would have taken your money had I won."
So the settler was obliged to take the skins or affront his friend,
whose nice sense of honor would not permit him to receive even
a horn of powder in return.
While in the Valley, Logan supported his family by killing
deer, dressing the skins, and selling them to the settlers. He
had disposed of a number to a tailor who lived in an adjoining
valley. Tailors, in those days, dealt extensively in buckskin
breeches. Logan received his pay in wheat, according to agree-
ment. The grain upon being taken to the mill, was was found
so worthless that miller refused to grind it. Logan was much
chagrined, and attempted in vain to obtain redress. He then
took the matter before a magistrate. That officer questioned him
as to the character of the wheat, and what was in it; but Logan
sought in vain for words to express the precise nature of the ar-
ticle with which the grain was adulterated, but said it resembled
in appearance the wheat itself. "It must have been cheat" said
the magistrate. "Yes," said the chief, "that is a very good name
for it!" A decision was rendered in Logan's favor and a writ
given him to hand to the constable, which, he was told, would
bring him the money for the skins. But this the chief could not
comprehend. He could not see by what magic the paper would
force the tailor against his will to do him justice. The magis-
trate showed him his commission, having the arms of the king
upon it, and explained the first principles and operations of civil
jurisprudence. "Very good law," said Logan, "it makes rogues
pay !"71
One of the early occupants of the valley was a neighbor of
Logan. One day, during the absence of the settler, he came to
his house and having gained the confidence of his little son, car-
ried him off through the woods to his cabin. The lone and ter-
rified mother dared not resist; but after several hours of fearful
anxiety, she determined to follow at any risk and rescue her
child. Her relief can scarcely be imagined when she met the
friendly chief bringing her little boy in his arms, having on his
feet a pair of beautiful beaded moccasins-the gift of Logan.72
Another mother had a similar experience; but it was a little
daughter this time, that was carried off. She was just beginning
to walk, when the parent expressed her regret, in the chief's
presence, that she could not get a pair of shoes to give more
firmness to her little step. Logan stood by, but said nothing.
Soon, however, he asked the mother to let the girl go with him
and spend the day at his cabin; but her cautious heart was
alarmed at such a proposition. With apparent cheerfulness but
secret reluctance, she complied with the request. At sundown
the child was brought back shod with a dainty pair of moccasins,
wrought by Logan's own hands.
The course of the Indian, like that of empire, is westward;
-and Logan turned his eyes toward the region of the setting
sun. Leaving the valley of the Kishacoquillas, he moved up the
Juniata to the Standing Stone,74 now Huntingdon, Pennsylvania.
Before taking his departure, he carved, it is said, with his
hatchet, on the trunk of a royal oak, the full-length image of an
Indian, brandishing, in his right hand, a tomahawk. This "mon-
arch of the forest trees" stood there, long after the chief had
gone, attracting the attention of the curious.75 A fine spring in
the valley still perpetuates the name of Logan.76 Crossing the
Alleghanies, the son of Shikelimo did not rest his feet until the
Ohio was reached; which, at least as early as the Summer of
1772.77 Upon the "Beautiful River" or some of its branches,
Logan spent the residue of his years.
Upon the arrival of Logan in the trans-Alleghany country
he made his camp at the mouth of the Big Beaver, upon the
northern site of Beaver, Pennsylvania.78 He was a frequent vis-
itor at Pittsburgh then an insignificant village of about thirty log
houses.79 A pious missionary, who was then visiting that town,
was not favorably impressed with the moral condition of things.
"About every day," says he, "since our arrival, we have had the
disagreeable sight of drunken Indians staggering through the
streets;-as this is the most frontier settlement of the English,
and the chief place of rendezvous where the miserable creatures
frequently meet for the sake of a drunken frolic."80 Logan's
appetite for rum had already become his besetting sin. His in-
dulgence was so great as to bring on occasional attacks of de-
lirium tremens. "Wherever I go," said he, at this time, when
suffering from a debauch, "the devils are pursuing me. If I go
into my cabin, it is full of them; and the air itself is full of them.
They hunt me by day and by night. They seem to want to catch
me and throw me into a great deep pit, full of fire !"81
The Spring of 1773 found Logan farther down the Ohio
than the mouth of Big Beaver.82 At this time, there was a vil-
lage of Mingoes-Iroquois-at Mingo Bottom, on the west or
Indian side of the Ohio, nearly three miles below the present
city of Steubenville, in Jefferson county, Ohio. By the Fall of
that year, these Indians--off-shoots or colonists of the Six
Nations-had left that locality, removing to Pluggy's-town on
the Scioto. But Logan and his friends and relatives-also Min-
goes83-remained upon the Ohio; where, at or near the mouth
of the Big Yellow Creek, fifty-five miles below Pittsburgh, they
had, in the Spring of 1774, "a hunting camp, composed of men,
women and children."64
For ten years subsequent to Pontiac's War, there was peace
all along the frontiers from Lake Erie to the Gulf of Mexico,
but in reality a nominal one only; for, as the natural result of the
ever-increasing numbers of one race crowding in upon the ever-
decreasing population of another-"while neither the savages
of the one, nor the hardy woodsmen of the other were prepared,
by continuous forbearance, to avoid a conflict"-murders were
frequent. Here, a trader was killed; there, a peaceable settler.
Here, an Indian was shot while hunting in the forest or paddling
his canoe upon the Ohio; there, another was slain in the cabin
of the white man. Then, whole parties were killed, on either
side; culminating, finally, in the Indian War of 1774, generally
known as Lord Dunmore's War.
Pennsylvania was not brought as close to the western In-
dians as Virginia; and her intercourse with the savages was
mostly through the channels of trade. She enjoyed, therefore,
a large immunity from savages attrocities. With Virginia, the
case was very different. Her borders were the Ohio-her set-
tlements crowding down that river, out-running treaties with the
Indians, and rapidly moving toward Kentucky. Besides, she
then claimed Pittsburg and its surroundings. So, while Penn-
sylvania strove to conciliate the savages thereby to avoid their
wrath, Virginia, goaded by their hostilities, determined to punish
them for their continued aggressions;-and for such they seemed
to her Government.
Logan, at Yellow Creek, was not an indifferent spectator
of the events transpiring around him; yet he counselled peace.
"I admit," said he to the assembled Mingoes, "that you have
just cause of complaint." "But you must remember," he added,
"that you, too, have sometimes been in the wrong. By war, you
can only harass and distress the frontier settlements for a time,
then the Virginians will come like the trees in the woods in num-
ber, and drive you from the good lands you possess-from the
hunting grounds so dear to you." Meanwhile, the contest was
gradually increasing in intensity and drawing nearer and nearer
to the camp of Logan. Unfortunately, his endeavors to restrain
his followers did not succeed; as some of them soon determined
to take up the hatchet-at least, to the extent of killing a family
of Virginians the nearest to their locality ;85 the members of which
were Joshua Baker, his wife and children, then living just op-
posite the mouth of Yellow Creek. A friendly intercourse had
been kept up between these people and the Mingoes, until the
evening of the twenty-ninth of April, when one of the squaws
who had been particularly befriended by Baker's wife, came over
the river and after considerable hesitation disclosed to her that
the Indians the next day were going to kill her and all her fam-
ily. Just what particular act or acts prompted this sudden de-
termination86 of the friends of Logan, it is left to conjecture to
determine.
Indians had very recently been killed upon the Ohio, below
them, and only the night pervious, it is said, two had been shot
close to Logan's camp.67 The warning of the friendly squaw
was at once heeded by Baker, who, before morning, had several
frontier men, well armed, gathered at his house, where they
were secreted to await the coming events.
Early in the morning of the thirtieth, a party, consisting of
four unarmed Indians, and three squaws,-one of whom brought
with her a child two months old-came over the river to Baker's
cabin. Among them was John Petty, the youngest brother of
Logan; also his mother and sister. The child was the daughter of
the latter. The Indians, except Logan's brother, having obtained
some rum, soon became excessively drunk. It had been previ-
ously arranged that two of Baker's friends should not conceal
themselves but remain with him to watch the course of events.
After some time, John Petty took down a coat and hat be-
longing to Baker's brother-in-law and putting them on strutted
about the room; then, coming up abruptly to one of the board-
ers addressed him with very offensive language and attempted
to strike him. The frontiersman thus assailed, kept out of his
way for some time; finally, becoming irritated, he seized his gun
and shot him as he was running for the door. The report of the
rifle brought the hidden party at once from their place of con-
cealment. In a few moments every Mingo was killed, except
the child. Thus perished the relatives of Logan-all but his
"cousin," as he was wont to call his little niece.
While these events were transpiring, two canoes were ob-
served putting out from the Mingo camp and steering across
the river. In one, there were two Indians; in the other, five; all
were naked and painted and armed. The frontiersmen thereupon
ranged themselves under cover of some bushes along the bank
ready to receive the canoes. The foremost one carried the two
Indians. Both these were killed at the first fire of the border-
men. The other canoe then went back. After this, two other
canoes started across, one containing eleven, the other seven In-
dians painted and armed as the first. These attempted to land
below; but being fired upon, they retreated, with one of their
number killed, at the same time, returning the fire, but with no
harm to the Virginians.88
Logan now smothered down the promptings of his better
nature. He gave full play to his savage instincts. Vengeance
was his from the moment he heard the sad news of the killing
of his relatives. Wo to the hapless victim upon the frontier,
young or old, male or female, who should be startled by his war-
cry! Wo to the father or mother, brother or sister, -decrepit
age or the tender babe,-who should come in the way of his
brandishing tomahawk! He was no longer "an advocate for
peace." Now, his voice was for war-war to the knife.
Upon the west side of the Muskingum river at a point near
the site of the present town of Dresden, Ohio, there was located,
in 1774, the Shawanese Village of Wakatomica.89 Here lived
many of the friends of the slain at Baker's.90
Hither hastened Logan, breathing destruction and death
to the Virginians. The Mingoes-mostly Senecas-followed
him to the Muskingum.91 The news they brought caused lam-
entation in the Shawanese town.92 So enraged was Logan that
he raised a party to cut off some traders among the Shawanese
at a place then known as Canoe Bottom on the Hockhocking,
where they were pressing their peltry preparatory to tranship-
ping it to Pittsburgh; but the Indians with whom they had been
trafficking protected them, else even Pennsylvanians would have
suffered from the wrath of the Mingo Chief. Indeed one was
barbarously slain.93
On Monday, the nineteenth of May, 1774, Logan with a
small party of Mingoes and Shawanese, for the second time
started upon the war-path, from Wakatomica, now, however,
on a maraud into the Virginia settlements-the first overt act
of war, on his part against the borders. A still smaller number
soon followed the others, making in all thirteen warriors. It
was their intention to strike their blows on that part of the Ohio
near where their friends had been killed or somewhere else be-
low that point if practicable. They declared that as soon as they
had taken revenge for their people, they would then return
home, sit down and listen to their chiefs who advised against
their taking up the hatchet.94
Logan and his warriors were out about two weeks before
they found a good opportunity to commence the work of death;
and, instead of the Ohio, it was upon the west side of the Monon-
gahela in the settlements on Tenmile, Dunkard, Whitely, and
Muddy creeks-then claimed as a part of Virginia-that their
depredations began. Stealthily they came upon the settlers. The
first who fell victims to their vengeance were a man by the name
of Spicer, his wife and five children, living at Meadow Run on
Dunkard's creek. Two others of the children-Betsey, a girl
eleven years of age, and William, nine years old-were taken
prisoners. The former was afterward given up; the latter spent
most of his life with the Indians. After the taking of sixteen
scalps in all, Logan and his warriors, with their two prisoners,
returned to Wakatomica. His success had now somewhat ap-
peased his wrath; and he seemed ready to listen to the counsels
of the Shawanese chiefs, who had vainly endeavored, before
his setting out, to restrain his bloodthirsty animosity against the
Long Knives.95 By this time, however,-the last of June-even
the Shawanese were beginning to waver. So Logan, in a few
days, was again upon the warpath.
On the twelfth of July, as William Robinson and two others
were pulling flax in a field upon the West Fork of the Monon-
gahela, opposite the mouth of Simpson's creek, in what is now
Harrison county, West Virginia, Logan with a party of seven
warriors approached unperceived and fired at them. One by the
name of Brown was killed; the others were made prisoners. The
Indians now set out on their return to Wakatomica, taking with
them a horse belonging to Hellen. They reached the village on
the eighteenth when both prisoners were compelled to run the
gauntlet. Ever since the capture, Logan had manifested a
friendly disposition to Robinson, who having been tied to a stake,
preparatory to being tortured, had his life saved by that chief.
He was then adopted by Logan in place of a warrior killed at
Baker's; his intention being, should an opportunity present it-
self, to have him exchanged for his "cousin"-the young child
saved from the general massacre on the thirtieth of April; but
such an occasion not occurring, Robinson was finally delivered
up, under other stipulations. Logan, thereupon, made immediate
preparation for another war-expedition. On the twenty-first,
he brought Robinson, who was then in a Shawanese village near
Wapatomica, a piece of paper and told him he must write a let-
ter which he intended to carry with him and leave in some house
where he should kill some one. After making ink of gunpowder,
he instructed his amanuensis to address the note to Captain
Michael Cresap, who he supposed-but in this he was mistaken
-had killed his relatives at Baker's Bottom, or commanded the
party upon that occasion. Robinson, from Logan's dictation,
wrote as follows:
To Captain Cresap:
What did you kill my People on Yellow Creek for? The White
People killed my Kin at Conestoga a great while ago & I thought
nothing of that; but you killed my Kin again on Yellow Creek, and
took my Cousin Prisoner. Then I thought I must kill too; and I have
been three times to War since; but the Indians is not angry only myself.
CAPTAIN JOHN LOGAN,
July 21 Day, 1774.
With this letter- "savagely circumstantial and circum-
stantial savage"-Logan started upon his fourth maraud.96
The settlements next to suffer from the malignity and im-
placable animosity of Logan were in the Southwestern corner of
Virginia, upon the waters of the Holston and Clinch. This
region was a long distance from Wakatomica; and Logan and
his party did not reach it until near the middle of September.
The letter written by Robinson was left in the house of John
Roberts, upon Reedy Creek, a branch of Holston. It was found
tied to a war-club among the mangled remains of the slain fam-
ily. The presence of the hostile savages caused great excitement
among the settlers. Several were killed, while a son of Roberts
and two negroes belonging to a man by the name of Blackmore
living upon Clinch, were taken prisoners.97
With his captives and booty, Logan retraced his steps to the
Ohio, crossing that stream about the middle of October. In the
meantime, the Shawanese and Mingoes had been driven from
the Muskingum to the Scioto by the Virginians; so Logan and
his party sought their friends upon that river, at Chillicothe,98
the principal Shawanese village,-now Westfall, Pickaway coun-
ty, Ohio. The son of Shikelimo had by this time fully "glutted
his vengeance" upon the hated Virginians. He brought with
him not less than five scalps from this his last foray. These
were not exhibited as trophies of his prowess, but to show his
deadly thirst for revenge upon the people who had slain his
relatives.
Great were the events which had occurred upon the Mus-
kingum and the Ohio during the absence of Logan. His raids
upon the Monongahela settlements had hastened the Virginians
in their resort to arms. The Shawanese, as well as the Mingoes,
had become involved in the contest. Late in July, four hundred
men crossed the Ohio under Major Angus McDonald and easily
in August laid waste not only Wakatomica but several contiguous
villages of the Shawanese.99 This had aroused that nation to a
most determined effort. Sympathizing with them and indeed
finally coming to their aid against the Long Knives, were war-
riors of the Delawares upon the Muskingum, of the Wyandots
upon the Sandusky, of the Ottawas upon the Maumee, and of
the Miamis upon that river and the Wabash. The vagrant Min-
goes, who had villages upon the Scioto, were, of all the Indians,
the most vindictive against the Virginians.100 A few renegade
Cherokees also took part in the war. No nation however as a
whole took up the hatchet except the Shawanese.
Logan, upon his arrival at Chillicothe learned that Levis'
army was rapidly approaching the Scioto. He saw around him
everywhere that active war-like preparations had been made to
meet the expected coming of the Long Knives. He heard the
tales of the warriors, concerning a great battle they had fought
a few days previous-October the tenth-at the mouth of the
Great Kanawha. He knew but too well they must have been
discomfited by the Virginians. The Shawanese had seen that
a conjunction of the two parties was inevitable; so they haste
to treat with Lord Dunmore. Conferences had been held pre-
liminary to a treaty. Some distance from the spot, Logan, to one
of Dunmore's interpreters, spoke the following speech, desiring
it might be delivered to the Governor :102
"I appeal to any white man to say that he ever entered
Logan's cabin but I gave him meat; that he ever came naked
but I clothed him. In the course of the last war, Logan re-
mained in his cabin an advocate for peace. I had such an affec-
tion for the white people, that I was pointed at by the rest of my
nation. I should have ever lived with them, had it not been
for Colonel Cresap, who last Spring cut off, in cold blood, all
the relatives of Logan, not sparing women and children: There
runs not a drop of my blood in the veins of any human creature.
This called upon me for revenge; I have sought it, I have killed
many, and fully glutted my revenge. I am glad that there is a
prospect of peace on account of the nation; but I beg you will
not entertain a thought that anything I have said proceeds from
fear! Logan disdains the thought! He will not turn on his heel
to save his life! Who is there to mourn for Logan?-No
one." 103
"I may challenge," says Jefferson, "the whole orations of
Demosthenes and Cicero, and of any more eminent orator-if
Europe has furnished any more eminent-to produce a single
passage superior to this speech."104 "Nothing can be imagined,"
are the words of an American historian, "more venerable than
the strain of tender and lofty sentiment running through this
short address. Parts of it rise into the highest order of moral
sublimity. It reminds us of Ossian, 'the last of his race'; of
Fingal, 'in the last of his fields.' "105 "It was uttered," writes
a learned jurist, "in accents dictated by an abiding sense of his
wrongs, and in tones expressive of the hopeless desolation of
his heart. It was its last passionate throb. The man was done
with impulses, even of revenge."106
And thus an accomplished scholar of our own times: "The
speech was repeated throughout the North American colonies
as a lesson of eloquence in the schools, and copies upon the pages
of literary Journals in Great Britain and on the Continent. This
brief effusion of mingled pride, courage and sorrow elevated the
character of the native American throughout the intelligent
world."108
The treaty entered into between the Shawanese and Lord
Dunmore adjusted all important differences; but the Mingoes
were not a party to it. They stood aloof. They did not share
in the sentiment of their chief as to the "prospect or peace."
They wanted none. Thereupon the Virginia Governor resolved
they should be pursued up the Scioto. Major William Craw-
ford with two hundred and forty men marched against them.
Seekunk was destroyed. Six Mingoes were killed and a num-
ber made prisoners. A considerable amount of plunder consist-
ing of Indian goods, horses, silver trinkets and other articles,
were captured.109 Thus ended the Indian War of 1774. The
Virginians returned to their homes; and their Assembly declared
Dunmore's conduct in the Campaign "noble wise and spirited."
Time has confirmed its judgment.
From Chillicothe Logan made his way to Pluggy's-town. To
this village, the Mingo prisoners captured by Crawford and
taken to Fort Pitt for safe keeping, returned after several
months detention,1l0-their people, in the Spring of 1775, mani-
festing a sincere desire for peace,111 and joining in the Autumn
of that year with other nations in a treaty with Virginians and
Congressional commissioners.112 But their friendship was of
short duration; for the very next year they had again become
troublesome to the Virginia border, being now under British
influence.113.
Logan carried with him to Pluggy's-town the same feelings
-the same spirit-manifested in his speech to Lord Dunmore.
He no longer sought revenge against the Virginians; he brooded
over his misfortunes; he became more intemperate; he often re-
peated the story of his wrongs and as often recounted his ex-
ploits connected with their requital.114 When in 1776, his peo-
ple again began to show their animosity he apologized for their
conduct and remained in his cabin. "We hear bad news," said
he. "Some of us are constantly threatened. We are informed
that a great reward is offered to any person who will take or
entice either of us to Pittsburg, where we are to be hung up like
dogs by the Big Knife. This being true, how can we think of
what is good. That it is true, we have no doubt.115
Although Lieutenant-Governor Henry Hamilton, in the
service of Great Britain, had as early as September, 1776, ex-
erted himself at Detroit-then the center of British influence
in the Far West-to organize small parties of savages against
"the scattered settlers in the Ohio and its branches," yet the war
upon the Western border was not fully commenced by British
Indians for nearly a year afterward. But the frontiers of Vir-
ginia, in the meantime, were sorely afflicted with savage incur-
sions, mostly by the lawless gang of Mingoes of Pluggy's-town.
These Indians having in reality no tribal organization, marauded
upon the settlements independent of surrounding nations. It is
not known, however, that Logan took part in any of their raids.
The death of their leader-the Mohawk Pluggy-who was shot
at the attack upon McClelland's fort, in Kentucky, at the close
of 1776,116 somewhat abated their activity; but their depreda-
tions were sufficiently galling in the Spring of 1777, to induce
the Governor of Virginia to organize an expedition against them;
which was abandoned, finally, for fear of a general Indian war,
should the Mingoes be attacked.
Afterwards, the machinations of the British, through the
instrumentality of agents and traders, having secured the alliance
of the Shawanese and Wyandots in hostility to the Americans,
the Mingoes joined these confederated nations. Meanwhile
Pluggy's-town was deserted by its occupants, Logan and his
friends moving still farther up the Scioto-near the head springs
of that river, in what is now Hardin county, Ohio, also upon
the upper waters of Mad river in the present county of Logan,
adjoining Hardin on the south.
In the Fall of 1778, Logan occupied "a little winter town
used for hunting" on the Scioto. It was situated on the Indian
trace leading from the Indian village of Wapatomica, in what
is now Logan county, to the Wyandot town of Upper Sandusky,
in the present county of Wyandot, Ohio. Simon Kenton, who
was then a prisoner among the Indians, saw the chief at his
village. Logan, learning his fate, and commiserating his condi-
tion, said, "I will send two men to Sandusky to speak a good
word for you." He did so; and the prisoner who had been con-
demned to be tortured at the stake was, through his instru-
mentality, taken safely to Detroit, where he was out of danger
from the infuriated savages.l17 Logan continued his good of-
fices to persons captured by the British Indians. In 1779 he
adopted in his family a white female captive as his sister in place
of the one killed at Baker's.18l
It was not until the Western border war of the revolution
had continued fully three years, that Logan appears as an actor
on the side of the British Indians against the Americans. In
1780, the plan of an expedition was laid by the British at Detroit,
to break up the settlements in Kentucky. To effect this project,
a force of British Indians with some soldiers of the regular army
and a number of Canadian volunteers, marched for the Ohio.
With them was Logan. The whole was under the command of
Captain Henry Bird. After crossing into Kentucky, the army
ascended the Licking river and captured Ruddell's and Martin's
Stations. The enemy then re-crossed the Ohio, without further
molesting the settlements. Many prisoners were carried into
captivity by the savages.119 Logan had frequent conversations
with some of these unfortunate persons. His remarks, after-
ward related by one of the captives, concerning his disposition
and belief, are of interest: "I know," said he, "that I have two
souls; the one good, the other bad. When the good soul has the
ascendant, I am kind and humane. When the bad soul rules, I
am perfectly savage and delight in nothing but blood and car-
nage."120
Soon after the expedition into Kentucky, Logan visited De-
troit. On his journey homeward, at a noted camping-place, four
miles south of Brownstown, on the bank of a small creek, upon
the trace leading to Sandusky and his town upon the Scioto, he
was killed, because of an insult, fancied or real, by one of his
own friends-a Mingo. The next morning, one of the party
returned to Brownstown and gave information of what had hap-
pened. A number of leading Wyandots went out, brought in his
body and buried it in the burial place of their village.121 Thus
miserably perished Logan-the Mingo Chief, as renowned an
Indian, perhaps, as the world has ever known.
Logan was a tall man considerably above six feet in height,
strong and well proportioned. He had a brave, open, manly
countenance. He was as straight as an arrow, and to appear-
ance would not be afraid to meet anyone in a personal encounter.
He weighed about two hundred pounds,-had a full chest, and
prominent and expansive features. To those who were ignorant
of his paternity, his complexion seemed very white for a savage.
His talk and actions showed the effects of his intercourse with
the English. He was, when sober, dignified and reserved, but
frank- and honest; when intoxicated, he was vain, boastful and
foolish.122
For sterling integrity, kindness of disposition, quickness of
comprehension and solidity of judgment, few of any North
American Indians have equaled Logan. As an orator, he stands
unrivaled. The famous Red Jacket took him for his model.123
Nature has implanted in the savage the faculty of appreciating
beauty; and this faculty joined to limited endowments of rea-
son and speech constitutes the elements of their rude oratory.
Hence their proneness to indulge in extravagant metaphor. Their
declamation is but little more than uneducated harrangue, hight-
ened by comparison with natural objects, and giving off oc-
casional corruscations of strong and vehement passion.124 But
the oratory of Logan was cast in altogether a different mould.
It was born, it is true, in the deep shades of the forest-in the
darkness of ignorance-but a keen discernment illuminated it,
until it shone in a splendor truly wonderful. His words were
never figurative: their power lay in their truthfulness and rele-
vancy.
Bartram's Travels (Lond. 1751), p. 17.
2Loskiel's Hist. Morav. Miss., P. II, p. 120.
3 Bartram's Travels, p. 17.
4Reichel's Mem. Morav. Church, Vol. I, p. 83, note.
5Synonyms: Shikellimus, Sichalamy, Shikellamy, etc. More than
thirty different methods of spelling this name have been noticed. Shikel-
imo had two other Indian names: Swadamy, Swatana, or Swatane; and
the unpronounceable one of Unguatenighiathe. Mass. Hist. Coll., 1st
Series, Vol. VII, p. 195. Reichel's Mem. Morav. Church, Vol. I, p. 83.
Colden's Hist. Five Nations, II, p. 12. Schweinitz' Zeisberger, p. 109
note.
6Bartram's Travels, p. 17.
7Reichel's Mem. Morav. Church, Vol. I, p. 83 note.
9Colden II, p. 12. Hist. Coll. of Mass., 1st Series, Vol. VII, p. 195.
Reichel's Mem. Morav. Church, Vol. I, p. 83. Penn. Arch. Vol. 1, pp.
495-497, 656. Schweinitz' Zeisberger, p. 10 note.
10Penn. Arch. I, p. 228. Col. Rec. Penn., Vol. III, pp. 330, 337,
404. Day's Hist. Pa., 525. "A guide to the wild Shawanese." Reichel's
Mem. Morav. Church, Vol. I, p. 98.
11 Schoolcraft's Indian Tribes, P. IV, pp. 324-341. Bartram's Trav-
els, p. 20.
12 See, in general, Penn. Arch., Vols. I and II; Col. Rec. of Penn.,
Vols. III, IV and V; Loskiel's Hist. Morav. Miss.; Schweinitz' Zeis-
berger; Reichel's Mem. Morav. Church, Vol. I; Rupp's Hist. Berkes
County etc., also, his Hist. Dauphin County, etc.; and Day's Hist. Coll.
Penn.
13Col. Rec.. Penn. IV, 307. Reichel's Mem. Morav. Church, Vol. I,
83, 90. Schweinitz' Zeisberger, p. 150.
14"On the sixth of December, (1748)": Schweinitz. "December 17,
1748": Reichel. Loskiel (P. II, p. 119) mistakes the year. Compare
Penn. Arch. II, 23.
15 Reichel's Mem. Morav. Church, Vol. I, p. 90 note.
16As, by this name, he is best known to the world, it has been re-
tained throughout this chapter.
17 The orthography of Logan's Indian name is as various as that of
his father's. See Penn. Arch., I, 656, 750,-II, 23, 33, 34, 776,-IV, 91;
Col. Rec. Penn. III, 435, 500,-V, 84,-VI, 120,-VIII, 729; Colden's
Hist. Five Nations, II, 13; Rupp's Dauphin County, etc., p. 304, - North-
umberland County, etc., p. 459; Reichel's Mem. Morav. Church, I, 84, 261.
18 Reichel's Mem. Morav. Church, Vol. I, p. 84.
19 "Taghneghdoarns, Shickelimy's eldest son:" Conrad Weiser to
Gov. Hamilton, in Penn. Arch., II, 23. Same in Rupp's Hist. Dauphin
County, etc., p. 319.
20Col. Rec. Penn. VI, 420, 421;-VII, 47, 65, 171, 244,-VIII, p.
729. Penn. Arch. II, 167, 634, 664, 776;--III, 721, 727, 728, 729, 730;-
IV, 91. Rupp's Dauphin County, etc., 84, 100, 259, 316;-Berkes County
etc., 39;- Northumberland County, etc., 109, 116, 166, 226, 366, 456, 459;-
Northampton County, etc., 103. Reichel's Mem. Morav. Church, I, pp
84, 261. He was sometimes familiarly called Jack. See Col. Rec. Penn.
IV, 685.
21As to the ancient seat of the Oneidas, See Cusick's Six Nations;
Gallatin's Synopsis; Schoolcraft's Notes on the Iroquois; Morgan's
League of the Iroquois; and Jones' Annals Oneida County, (N. Y.).
22"His (Shikelimo's) son told me he (the son) was the Cayuga
nation--that of the mother:" Bartram. Compare Penn. Arch., IV, 91.
23 The fact of Logan being a Cayuga and his father an Oneida (by
adoption) explains why so much confusion is observable in the giving
of their titles by historians. Shikellmo was an Oneida chief; Logan
became, as will be presently seen, a Cayuga sachem. For additional evi-
dence of Logan's being a mixt-breed, see Mayer's Logan and Cresap,
p. III note.
24 Logan appeared along with his father, in council, as early as 1733.
Col. Rec. Penn., III, 500.
25 Extract from the Autobiography of Martin Mack, in Reichel's
Mem. Morav. Church, I, 66.
26 Bartram (1743) in his "Travels", p. 16.
27Edward's Life of Brainerd, p. 167. Compare Reichel's Mem.
Morav. Church, p. 66 note.
28 Penn. Arch., I, 241.
29 "Sayughtowa": Penn. Arch., II, 776. "Soyeghtowa": Penn. Arch.
IV, 91.
30 Penn. Arch., IV, 91. Col. Rec. Penn., VI, 649,-VII, 640, 649.
Rupp's Northumberland County, etc., 459. Compare Reichel's Mem.
Morav. Church I, p. 84 note. He was lame. See Rupp's Northumberland
31 Penn. Arch. IV, 91. See also Rupp's Northumberland County, etc.
459, where he is spoken of as "John Petty's Sicalamy;" Col. Rec. Penn.
VIII, 212, 263, 264.
32 Reichel's Mem. Morav. Church, Vol. I, p. 84 note. See, as to the
trader, Penn. Arch. I., 216, 227-229, 232, Col. Rec. Penn. III, 330.
33 Penn. Arch. I, 665.
34 Ibid. Weiser and others so frequently vary the spelling of the
Oneida Chief's name that the one previously used in the text is retained
in this extract, as well as in those which follow in this chapter.
35Rupp's Berks County, etc., p. 213. Reichel's Mem. Morav. Church,
Vol. I, 83.
36 Col. Rec. Penn. VII, p. 47. Rupp's Northumberland County, etc.,
117. Rupp's Dauphin County, etc., 100 note.
37 A son of one of his sisters took up the hatchet against the English
in the Old French War, and was killed and scalped on the 20th Feb., 1756,
on Middle creek, in what is now Union County, Pennsylvania. - Rupp's
Dauphin County, etc., p. 99.
44 Penn. Arch. I 750. Col. Penn. V, 83.
45Col. Rec. Penn. VI, 212, 222, etc.
46 Col. Rec. Penn. III, 500. Colden's Hist. Five Nations, II, 13.
47An Indian never transacts public business while in mourning.
Logan's wife died early in October, 1747, at Shamokin, of fever. His
children, it seems, afterward went to live with their Conestoga aunt.
Rupp's Dauphin County, etc., p. 100 notes;- Northumberland County,
etc., p. 117. Logan soon married again. His second wife was a Shaw-
anese and could speak English. There was no issue by the last marriage.
48 Penn. Arch II, 8.
49 Schweinitz' Zeisberger, 151. Shikelimo "fell happily asleep asleep
in the Lord, in full assurance of obtaining eternal life, through the
merits of Jesus Christ."-Loskiel, P. II, p. 120.
50 Penn. Arch. II, 23.
52"Causes of the Alienation of the Delaware and Shawanese Indians
(Lond., 1759)," p. 50.
53 Penn. Arch. II, 33-36.
54Morgan's League of the Iroquois, p. 100 note. Compare Col. Rec.
Penn. VI, 119,-VIII, 729; Penn. Arch. IV, 91.
55 Rupp's Dauphin County, etc., p. 574.
56Penn. Arch. II, 166, 167. Col. Rec. Penn. VI, 118-122, 216.
57Col. Rec. Penn., VI, 420.
58 Penn. Arch. II, 777.
59 Col. Rec. Penn. VI, 763,-VII, 65.
60 Col. Rec. Penn. VII, 64, 65.
61 Col. Rec. Penn. VII, 46-54.
62Rupp's Dauphin County, etc., p. 100 note.
63 Penn. Arch. II, 634, 778.
64Col. Rec. Penn. VII, 147, 171.
65 Col. Rec. Penn. VII, 244, 245. Reichel's Mem. Morav. Church,
66 Penn. Arch. VII, 776.
67 Penn. Arch., III, 699, 701, 713, 721, 727-730.
68 Penn. Arch. IV, 91. Cl. Rec. Penn. VIII, 729-774.
66Rupp's Northumberland County, etc., pp. 47, 227. Day's Pennsyl-
vania, p. 466. Beatty's Journal (Lond., 1768), p. 19.
70Archibald Loudon, in his Hist. Ind. Wars (Carlisle, 1811), Vol.
II, pp. 223-225. The date (1765) given in this connection is the earliest
mention of the change of the chief's name, as known to the whites,
from "John Shikelimo" to "Capt. John Logan." The reason for the
change must be left entirely to conjecture. His younger brother, the
second son of Shikelimo, being known as "James Logan," the two have
been frequently confounded. Heckewelder, in App. to Jefferson's Notes
copied from the MSS. of Rev. C. Pyrlaus that "Logan was the second
son of Shikellemus." He was;-but it was "James Logan," not "Capt.
John Logan." It may be proper here to mention that a Shamokin In-
dian whose name was "Jonathan," has been frequently, though errone-
ously, named as one of Logan's brothers. Concerning this Indian, see
Penn. Arch., VII, 64, 66, 68, 72. Col. Rec. Penn., VI, 640. Rupp's
Berks County, etc., pp. 40, 41.
71 Day's Pennsylvania, 467, 468.
72Cecil (Md.) Whig, 12 Sept., 1874.
73 Day's Pennsylvania, p. 468. The child was Mary Brown, born in
74 Jones' Hist. Juniata Valley, p. 114.
75The Cecil (Md.) Whig, 12 Sept., 1874.
76 Day's Pennsylvania, p. 467.
77 McClure and Parish's Mem. of Rev. E. Wheelock, D. D., p. 139.
Wheelock's Narr. (Hartford, 1773), p. 50. Heckewelder's Declaration,
in App. to Jefferson's notes on Va.
78 Heckewelder, in App. to Jefferson's Notes on Va McClure and
Parish's Mem. of Dr. Wheelock, p. 140.
79 Mem. of Wheelock, p. 140.
80Wheelock's Ind. Char. School (Hartford, 1773), p. 50.
81Mem. of Wheelock, pp. 140, 141. The words of Logan, and his
appearance, as described by the Rev. David Maccluer, in the work just
cited, (see, also, Indian Charity School, 1772-3), seem to leave no doubt
as to the real cause of Logan's suffering, although the zealous-hearted
missionary gives them another interpretation.
82 Heckewelder, in his Declaration, in App. to Jefferson's Notes on
Va., mentions Logan's intention (in 1772) "to settle on the Ohio,
below Beaver." The Moravian also speaks, in the same connection, of
calling, in April, 1773, "at Logan's settlement," on his passage down
the river.
83 Hence the appellation - "Logan, the Mingo Chief."
84 "With all their stuff with them:" G. R. Clark to S. B. Brown, 17
June, 1798, in Dep. of State, Washington. This letter has been fre-
quently published. See Heperian, Vol. II, p. 308; Mayer's Logan and
Cresap, 149; etc. Clark says Logan's Camp was "on the Ohio, about
thirty miles above Wheeling;" an inadvertance as to the distance. The
mouth of Big Yellow Creek is forty miles above. Logan's house was
"a small Indian village on Yellow Creek:" Amer. Arch. 4th series, I,
345; N. Y. Col. Hist., VIII, 463; Pa. Journal, 29 June, 1774. Com-
pare Mayer's Logan and Cresap, p. 162.
85 MSS. of Henry Jolly. (These have been published. See Silli-
man's Journal, Vol. XXXI, No. 1) They were obtained from S. P.
Hildreth, for whom they were written.
86 Reliance has been placed in the Declaration of John Sappington,
as published in Jefferson's Notes, for this statement as to the determina-
tion of the Mingoes.
87Whittlesey's Fugitive Essays, p. 134 note.
88 Sappington's Declaration, in Jefferson's Notes. See, also, the
Statement of Benjamin Tomlinson, in Jacob's Life of Cresap, pp. 107-109.
Both these accounts are from parties themselves who participated in
the affair and the only ones extant, not second-handed. They disagree
as to the date of the transaction; and in that regard, both are in error.
Valentine Crawford to Washington, 7 May, 1774, in Dep. of State,
Washington. Compare, also, Amer. Arch. 4th series, Vol. I, p 345 with
G. R. Clark's letter to S. Brown, 17 June, 1798. The testimony of
Logan shows that his mother and sister were killed. Diary of James
Wood, 1775: MS. Compare Jacob's Life of Cresap, p. 85. Wood's
journal has never been published. Concerning his journey, see Jacob's
Life of Cresap, 69; Almon's Remembrancer, 1775, p. 254; Va. Gaz.,
No. 1258. The party at Baker's had no leader-for the best of
reasons; no one was needed. Daniel Greathouse was present as an
active participant, but not otherwise. Captain Michael Cresap knew
nothing of the transaction until some days subsequent to its occurrence.
Compare in connection with, the statements of Sappington and Tomlin-
son, that of Meyers, in Whittlesey's Fugitive Essays, p. 134 note.
86 Synonyms: Wappatomica, Waukataumikee, Wakatomaca, Wake-
tameki, Waketummakie, etc. There was also a Shawanese village of the
same name, afterward upon the headwaters of Mad river, in what is
now Logan county, Ohio.
90 Amer. Arch., 4th Series, Vol. I, p. 481.
91 Heckewelder's Narr. Morav. Miss. p. 131.
92 Jolly MSS.
93Amer. Arch., 4th Series, Vol. I, pp. 469, 474, 481, 483, 484. See,
also, Penn. Arch., IV, 513, 527, 530; Heckewelder's Narr., pp. 131,
94John Connolly to Joel Reece, 27 May, 1774, in Jacob's Life of
Cresap. Amer. Arch., 4th Series, Vol. I, pp. 464, 481, 482. Penn. Gaz.,
8 June, 1774.
95 MS. Narr. of John Crawford. Amer. Arch., 4th Series, Vol. I,
405, 435, 445, 469-472, 475. Penn. Arch., IV, 517, 519, 520, 525, 632. Con-
cerning Wm. Spicer, See Indian Treaties (1837), p. 220; also His.
Seneca County (O.), pp. 75, 123, 190.
96 William Robinson's Declaration, in Jefferson's Notes. Statement
of James Robinson, in Howe's Ohio, p. 268. MS. letter of James E.
Robinson, 1 July, 1868. Arthur Campbell to Wm. Preston, 12 Oct.,
1774; MS. letter. Withers' Border Warfare, pp. 118-120. The letter
of Logan, as given in the text, is a literal transcript of one copied
from the original, by Col. Preston.
97MS. letters of Arthur Campbell to Wm. Preston in September
and October and one from Wm. Christian to same, in November, 1774.
See, also, Amer. Arch., 4th series, Vol. I, p. 808.
98"The chief town" in the Shawanese language. The name, at dif-
ferent times, was applied to several of their Towns: one about three
miles north of the present town of Xenia; one on the site of the town
of Frankfort, Ross county; another where the present city of Chilli-
cothe stands; all in what is now the State of Ohio.
99 Amer. Arch., 4th Series, Vol. I, pp. 722, 723.
100The Mingoes, in 1774, had two villages upon the waters of the
Scioto: Pluggy's-town, about eighteen miles up that river above the
site of the present city of Columbus, Ohio, near White Sulphur Springs,
in Delaware county; and Licktown (Seekunk), a short distance east-
ward of the Scioto, on one of its branches, in what is now Franklin
county, that State. Seekunk is a corruption of the Delaware Kseek-he-
oong, a place of salt. There was also a small village near the latter.
102The interpreter was John Gibson. "Gibson told Logan of his
being sent to bring him to the treaty. He found him in a cabin with
other Indians, when he told him his errand. Logan took Gibson aside,
a little distance in the woods and they seated themselves on a log
when they conversed freely on the subject of the war and the impending
treaty. Logan was deeply exercised--even to tears. He said he could
not go but that Gibson should deliver to Dunmore what he should say.
He then delivered his speech. Gibson says he was struck with it
as well as with the manner of its delivery; and that immediately upon
his arrival at headquarters he reduced it to writing in English and
handed it to Lord Dunmore." J. B. Gibson to J. W. Biddle-1847.
Compare Gibson's own Dep. in App. to Jefferson's Notes on Va.
103Copied verbatim from Dixon and Hunter's Va. Gazette of 4
Feb., 1775 (No. 1226), except that the word "Spring" is substituted for
the word "year"; the use of the latter being, doubtless, an inadvertence
in copying. The words were spoken by Logan in the Delaware lan-
guage to Gibson, an interpreter fully competent to translate their pre-
cise meaning into English. Compare Mayer's Logan and Cresap, pp.
186-190. The second publication of the speech was in New York, 16
Feb., 1775. Amer. Arch., 4th Series, Vol. I, p. 1020 note. It differs some-
what from the Williamsburg version of the 4th of February, given in
the text. The speech as printed by Jefferson in his Notes on Virginia,
varies but little from the New York version. The speech, very soon
after its delivery, was attempted to be rendered into French by M. l'
Abbe Robin, a French Traveler then in America, but the effort was
well-nigh a complete failure. See his Nouveau Voyage dans L' Amerique
Septentrionale, en l'Annee, 1781. A Paris, 1782, p. 147 note. The
error in the date, as given in that work, is probably a mistake of the
printer;-or, it may have occurred in the translation.
104 See his Notes on Virginia.
105John Burk in Hist. Va., Ill, 398.
106John Bannister Gibson. See Mayer's Logan and Cresap, 188.
107 Campbell's Gertrude of Wyoming; where the sentiment is trans-
ferred to another.
108 Whittlesey in his Fugitive Essays, 145. Compare Clinton's Hist.
Discourse, 1811.
109 William Crawford to Washington, 14 Nov., 1774. MS. Amer.
Arch., 4th Series, Vol. I, p. 1013. Withers' Border Warfare, 137. Re-
port of a Committee of Va. Assembly, Dec. 9th, 1776,-from the As-
sembly Journal of that year. Verbal Statement of Samuel Murphy
made in 1846. Seekunk (Lick-town) is given by Crawford as being
forty miles away. Other statements make it about thirty miles from
Camp Charlotte where the treaty was held with the Shawanese. Plug-
gy'stown was not attacked.
110 MS. Journal of James Wood. Jacob's Life of Cresap, p. 85.
111 Amer. Arch., 4 Series, Vol. I, p. 1226.
112Amer. Arch., 4 Series, Vol. III, p. 1542. The conference began
12 Sept. and ended 17 Oct.: Proceedings of the Treaty-MS. For
further information concerning this Treaty, see Jour. of Congs (old),
Vol. I, pp. 112, 161, 162, 168, 201; Plain Facts (Philad'a 1781), p. 144.
The Virginia Com. were Thomas Walker, Andrew Lewis, Adam Stephen,
and James Wood. The Con. Com. were Lewis Morris, James Wilson
and John Walker. These names appear in the MS. Proceedings of the
Treaty. Compare Bancroft Hist. U. S., Vol. VII, pp. 109, 110.
113 Hildreth's Pioneer Hist. 98-108.
114 Wood's MS. Journal.
115Journals of Congress, Vol. II, (1776), p. 318. Miner's Wyoming,
116 Bradford's Notes on Kentucky, (Stipps Miscellany), pp. 25, 26.
117 Verbal Statement of Kenton to John H. James, Feb., 1832.
McDonald's Sketches, pp. 231, 232. McClurg's Western Adventure, p. 121.
118Heckewelder to Col. John Gibson, 19 March, 1779. MS. letter
in Dept. of State, Washington.
119 For many interesting particulars of Bird's expedition, see Stipp's
Miscellany, p. 56 et seq. The commander was a Captain of the Eighth,
(or the King's) Regiment of Foot.
120 Amer. Pioneer, Vol. I, p. 359.
121 Verbal Statement of William Walker, 1868. Compare, also,
Amer. Pioneer, I, 359; Heckewelder's Declaration in Jefferson's Notes;
Howe's Ohio Hist. Coll., p. 409; Mayer's Logan and Cresap, pp. 138, 139,
185. That Logan was killed in the latter part of the year 1780, there
can be no doubt. John Todd to Gov. Jefferson, 24 Jan., 1781, in Jef-
ferson MSS.; Dept. of State, Washington. Vigne's Six Months in
America (p. 30) gives a highly sensational account of Logan's death.
122 For description of Logan's personal appearance at different peri-
ods, see Loudon's Ind. Wars, II, 225; Day's Hist. Coll. Penn. p. 467;
Jones' Hist. Juniata Valley, 114; Wheelock's Mem., p. 139, 141; Mayer's
Logan and Cresap, p. 59.
123 Schoolcraft's Indian Tribes, V. 669. Turner's Hist. of Phelps
and Gorham's Purchase, (N. Y.), p. 487.
124 "A language extremely deficient in words of general and abstract
signification renders the use of figures indispensible; and it is from this
cause, above all others, that the flowers of Indian rhetoric derive their
origin:" Parkman's Pontiac (6th ed.) Vol. II, p. 296 note.


Imagine six different, divergent futures for the Park . . . 25 years from now.
Everyone welcome. No registration fee.
forward. The broad range of ideas and possibilities envisioned in these six scenarios allow many points of view to be considered in the workshops. The Common Ground Alliance will gather all the data and input from these workshops together in a report this summer.


text:
The Complete Book of Numerology (Paperback)
By David Phillips
To the conventional scientist, numbers are merely symbols of comparative quantities, but in the broader, metaphysical sense, they assume a deeper, more profound significance.
The Complete Book of Numerology reveals the underlying meaning behind the numbers in your life and enables you to understand the connection between your numerological patterns and your degree of abundance, health, and general well-being.
Overall, delving into the world of numbers will provide you with a simple and accurate way to decipher your experiences in the same manner that a road map helps you navigate a route that you haven't previously traveled.
During his lifetime, David A. Phillips (1934 – 1993) wrote 12 books. His expertise in health and nutrition culminated in his attainment of a doctorate in philosophy from London University in 1971. He traveled regularly to every English-speaking country to lecture and consult on numerology, incorporating his lifelong study of health and personal growth into his teachings. He was regarded by many as one of the world's leading numerologists.
Publisher: Hay House Inc.
Body, Mind & Spirit / Numerology
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Jennifer Aniston wasn't kidding when she said she wanted to keep her Aug. 5 nuptials to Justin Theroux as private as possible.
In a new interview with makeup guru Bobbi Brown for Yahoo! Beauty, the 46-year-old star shares that even she and Justin haven't seen any wedding photos from their big day!
"We were determined to keep it just private and to ourselves," Aniston explains. "And the thing is, we haven't even seen pictures. But, you know, it was just everything we wanted it to be, and [we are] very happy that we didn't have to see our faces on the cover of a magazine."
"It was amazing," she adds about the star-studded affair.
But we know one reason the two haven't seen any photos -- Howard Stern, who was a guest at the wedding, previously said that nobody was allowed to have their cellphones as soon as they entered the couple's Bel-Air home. Photographer Terry Richardson reportedly took picures at the wedding.
"So I got up and bitched about that they took away my cell phone when I came in," Stern said on his Sirius XM show in August. "I was outraged. I said, 'I don't want to take a picture of you guys, why can't I have a cell phone?' The irony is I've been away on vacation with those two, and they take pictures every f**king minute. They're constantly shooting pictures, but if I take a picture, it's like I'm committing a sin."
Aniston also talks about Theroux's style preferences for her in the new chat, which she reveals are skinny jeans -- not surprising given the 44-year-old The Leftovers star's own penchant for them.
"My husband loves me in skinny jeans, that's like all he wants me to wear," Aniston says. "And he loves it. I personally love a nice flared option, kind of a '70s vibe or a ripped-up jean or something that's kind of loose."
"You know, like a skinny jean and me don't really get along," she jokes.
ET caught up with the beloved former Friends star in August, when she was tight-lipped about her wedding. The summer nuptials were attended by her and Theroux's famous pals, including Ellen DeGeneres, Jimmy Kimmel (who officiated the ceremony), Orlando Bloom, Whitney Cummings, Chelsea Handler, Sia (who performed her hit "Chandelier"), and Courteney Cox, who served as the maid of honor.
"We had the beautiful luxury of having a beautiful private moment and I'm going to be selfish and keep it that way!" she smiled.
Theroux, however, was more chatty about his wedding during his recent appearance on The Ellen DeGeneres Show, when he admitted how difficult it was to invite their famous friends without giving away the secret.
"We just sort of put it out there. ...If they said, 'we can't,' we really put more pressure on them to be at the 'birthday,'" he added. "You could spot the ones there that didn't know [because] they were in flip-flops and jeans."


text:
"""End to end test of running a job.

:copyright: Copyright (c) 2019 RadiaSoft LLC.  All Rights Reserved.
:license: http://www.apache.org/licenses/LICENSE-2.0.html
"""
from __future__ import absolute_import, division, print_function
import pytest
import os

# TODO(e-carlin): Tests that need to be implemented
#   - agent never starts
#   - agent response is bad (ex no req_id)
#   - server_req is malformed
#   - agent starts but we never get an incoming 'read_for_work' message
#   - canceling of requests in the q and running requests
#   - using only the resources that are available
#   - agent sigterm -> sigkill progression
#   - send kill to uknown agent

_REPORT = 'heightWeightReport'

def test_runCancel(fc):
    from pykern import pkunit
    from pykern.pkdebug import pkdc, pkdp, pkdlog
    import time

    d = fc.sr_sim_data()
    d.models.simulation.name = 'srunit_long_run'
    d = fc.sr_post(
        'runSimulation',
        dict(
            forceRun=False,
            models=d.models,
            report=_REPORT,
            simulationId=d.models.simulation.simulationId,
            simulationType=d.simulationType,
        ),
    )
    for _ in range(10):
        assert d.state != 'error'
        if d.state == 'running':
            break
        time.sleep(d.nextRequestSeconds)
        d = fc.sr_post('runStatus', d.nextRequest)
    else:
        pkunit.pkfail('runStatus: failed to start running: {}', d)

    x = d.nextRequest
    d = fc.sr_post(
        'runCancel',
        x,
    )
    assert d.state == 'canceled'
    d = fc.sr_post(
        'runStatus',
        x,
    )
    assert d.state == 'canceled'

def test_runSimulation(fc):
    from pykern import pkunit
    from pykern.pkdebug import pkdp, pkdlog
    from sirepo import job
    import time

    d = fc.sr_sim_data()
    d = fc.sr_post(
        'runSimulation',
        dict(
            forceRun=False,
            models=d.models,
            report=_REPORT,
            simulationId=d.models.simulation.simulationId,
            simulationType=d.simulationType,
        ),
    )
    for _ in range(10):
        pkdlog(d)
        assert d.state != 'error'
        if d.state == 'completed':
            break
        time.sleep(d.nextRequestSeconds)
        d = fc.sr_post('runStatus', d.nextRequest)
    else:
        pkunit.pkfail('runStatus: failed to complete: {}', d)
    # Just double-check it actually worked
    assert u'plots' in d

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


A place where you won't feel guilt, shame or condemnation but just the opposite. You'll find people who are daily learning to walk in Love, Grace and sharing Mercy. You'll find families who come to worship God and learn how to apply this to their everyday life. We're a family; we're not perfect; but we are forgiven and we are striving to live as godly people in the community and the nations.
No matter what you have been through or what you are facing; you will feel right at home at Garfield Park Community Worship Center; we want you to come and be apart of this family.