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Volume 22, Issue 5 /
Professor Cope Vs. Professor Marsh
A bitter feud among the bones
James Penick Jr.
10 years ago By admin
In the early 1870's two American scientists began a vicious personal contest for position and eminence in the world of science. As vertebrate paleontologists they delved into the crust of the earth for evidence of ancient life, at a time when the surface had barely been scratched and popular interest in such discoveries was intense. In the infancy of a new science, both men sought immortality. Their quarrel led them to maneuver within the institutions that served American science, and their story reveals much about the workings of that institutional complex. Edward Drinker Cope, a Philadelphia Quaker—elegant chestnut mustaches and a jaw that was an affront to the peace—was barely thirty when the decade opened, yet already his opposition to Darwin as well as his reputation for precocious brilliance was well established among fellow scientists. His chief rival was balding, bearded Othniel Marsh of Yale College, nine years older, slower, more methodical, and less established. Once they had been friends of a sort, but paleontology and old bones had come between them. Their enmity was destined to burn brightly as long as they both lived.
In 1873 their sulphurous fury ignited in the learned journals. The previous year Cope had invaded the Bridger Basin of southwest Wyoming, which Marsh considered his private boneyard, where strewn about were the remains of a large ugly ungulate with stumpy feet and three sets of bony protuberances that had flourished and become extinct during the Eocene epoch, about sixty million years ago. Even though Cope was brought back to Fort Bridger in October babbling out of his head with mountain fever and severe carbuncles, he nevertheless managed to publish sixteen articles on the uintatheres, thus matching Marsh's production for the year. " I have of late been subjected to a very unscrupulous rivalry," Marsh was writing to fellow scientists during the spring, "and have thus lost more than half of the discoveries for which I risked my life during my western explorations."
In full array he took the field in defense of his "discoveries." Of the proboscis that Cope insisted on attaching to uintatheres, Marsh wrote, "Surely such an animal belongs in the Arabian nights …" Marsh, Cope replied, "repeats his statements, as though the Uintatherium were a Rosinante, and the ninth commandment a wind-mill." Marsh pressed on. Asserting that Cope had falsified dates on his publications in order to establish prior discovery, he said Cope was "almost as well known" for his "sharp practice in science … as he is for the number and magnitude of his blunders." "As to the learned professor of Copeology in Yale," Cope wrote his father, "he does not disturb me, and … I will not notice him again." Yet the two combative explorers were up to anything except ignoring one another. In 1877 and 1878 parties of collectors for both men were mining vast deposits of dinosaur remains in Colorado and Wyoming, while their employers squabbled over the credits for discovery.
No one before or since Cope has published with such remorseless volume. He once attributed the torrential stream (a staggering lifetime total of 1,395 titles) to "eschewing liquor and tobacco and minimizing nervous storms," but he was a chimney for cigars, and the storms played around his head like lightning around the brow of Jove. Nor did he limit himself to vertebrate paleontology. Although he embraced all of natural history, he was a world-renowned herpetologist and an ichthyologist of formidable repute. During his life he published 125 papers on fishes, in which he described 220 new species; but for Cope, fishes were a sideline.
Marsh viewed such a flood of learning with deep suspicion. He was a methodical, slow worker and a patient, grasping, possessive collector. Even in his garden in New Haven he collected thousands of varieties, including 1,300 rare orchids. He had an unforgiving eye for error. Cope published so much so rapidly that error occasionally was inevitable. And for years Marsh collected Cope's slips just as he did bones and orchids.
What breathed life and excitement into paleontology was the storm aroused by the publication of On the Origin of Species in 1859, although the controversy was not for the most part over evolution. The idea that things evolved from the simple to the complex had worked its way into many crannies of Western thought, and with a little effort was reconcilable with most cherished beliefs. As for Genesis, educated men had long since taken it for metaphor, and it was educated men, after all, who squabbled over Darwin. The full title of his work was On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection, or the Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for Life . It was the "natural selection" at which men balked. It threatened their telic view of the cosmos—the orderly rules, that is to say, by which God was held to govern the world. It was the accidental quality of natural selection, repudiating divine guidance, that was so disturbing.
Darwin mucked up existing biology as remorselessly as Ricardo and Malthus had the realm of political economy. Indeed, it was straight from Malthus that Darwin drew the insight that more individuals were born into the biological world than the environment could support, thus setting up a struggle for existence. Because no two individuals were alike, some variations would prove more advantageous and their survival would be encouraged; individuals lacking such characteristics would be placed in an unfortunate competitive position and would perish. Thus laissez faire entered the blood stream of biology, and the life sciences caught up with the "dismal science." Given enough time—and Darwin's system required a lot of time because "nature's" selection of desirable traits, unlike those of the stockbreeder, were not guided by intelligence and purpose—species would form.
"The law of higgledy piggledy" is what the English astronomer Sir John Herschel called it. Even Darwin's American defender, the botanist Asa Gray, tried to reconcile natural selection with Christian teleology. Yet if Darwinism was to be taken straight, higgledy-piggledy would have to wash down with it. Some found it hard to swallow. As late as 1874 the Princeton theologian Charles Hodge asked, "What is Darwinism?" in a widely read book. His answer was unequivocal. "It is atheism."
Darwin himself expected that when the gaps were filled in the geologic record, his argument would be strengthened by the discovery of "missing links." Vertebrate paleontology would later provide supporting evidence, mostly after his death, but at the start the paucity of the evidence had been Darwin's chief defense. The genetic mechanism was not yet known to Western science, and only a beginning had been made. Marsh was the first American professor of paleontology, the second in the world. Of the seven hundred pages devoted to North American geology in James Dwight Dana's Manual of Geology (1862), only two dealt with vertebrate fossils; and those were mostly elephants, mastodons, sloths, and horses, dating from the recent Quaternary period, about five hundred thousand years ago. Many of them had been identified by Joseph Leidy, professor of anatomy at the University of Pennsylvania. As early as 1847 he had demonstrated that horses had lived and become extinct on the North American continent long before Columbus. But the record of five hundred million years of geologic history since the first vertebrates appeared on earth was still largely unimagined when Marsh and Cope began their careers in the 1860's.
Evidence for the existence of animals that no longer walked the earth played havoc with the orthodox belief in the immutability of species—the belief that God had created one pair of every kind of animal and had let nature take its course. Thomas Jefferson had solved this dilemma by predicting that the "great claw" of a curious fossil which he examined (a giant sloth, as it turned out) would be found attached to the descendants of its owner somewhere out in the unexplored interior of North America. Presumably this applied also to the mastodon bones from Big Bone Lick, in Kentucky, with which he filled a room at the White House. The French naturalist Baron Cuvier admitted that some species had been entirely wiped out by catastrophes, but denied that any new species had come into being. His student, Louis Agassiz—Darwin's chief critic in America finally threw up his hands and concluded that the Creator must periodically have wiped the slate clean and started afresh. This theory of "special serial creations" was heretical to the orthodox, but at ieast it recoernized a deity.
Agassiz held out against evolution, but his students, notably Alphaeus Hyatt, who gained renown as an invertebrate paleontologist, joined with Edward Cope to subdue evolution to ideological rules. Cope's "Origin of Genera," which appeared in 1867, established him at the tender age of twenty-seven as a theorist who accepted evolution but rejected natural selection. Hyatt's own contribution appeared independently about the same time. Geologic catastrophes had periodically presented organisms with a choice between survival and extinction, they argued. Out of the death struggle that ensued, eventually new forms adapted to new conditions had emerged. The scene was one of utter chaos. Many forms disappeared into the obscurity of time, while others were transformed beyond recognition. But the chaos was more apparent than real. Beneath the surface an orderly plan governed. Organisms were presented with choices (something Darwin denied them). Life continued because some organisms made the requisite effort . Free will existed; mind and consciousness were still at work in the universe. Agassiz's "special creations" were recognizable in the pioneering organisms that emerged from the time of troubles to make a fresh start. To explain how variations acquired in the lifetime of an individual (to deal with sudden change) were transmitted to later generations, Cope and Hyatt added a theory of the heredity of acquired characteristics. It was not until 1871 that either realized that Charles's grandfather, Erasmus Darwin, and the Chevalier de Lamarck had travelled the same ground decades before Charles Darwin. To avoid confusion they singled out Lamarck rather than the elder Darwin as their patron saint. People talked of the American School of Evolution, or Neo-Lamarckism. Cope's alliance with the Agassiz students entered a new stage in 1877 when he purchased the American Naturalist magazine, which had already become an outlet for Neo-Lamarckian views.
ARTHUR LAKES RECORDS MARSH'S DIGS OF THE 1870's
Almost alone among the great American naturalists of his generation Marsh accepted evolution and natural selection without moping around about how unfair it was to the Deity. But Cope saw in one reading of the Origin that it endangered his faith, and he wrote dozens of essays in the years that followed to exorcise the threat. Many of them were pulled together in a volume called the Origin of the Fittest , in 1886. It was full of references to vital forces and of words like kinetogenesis, catagenesis, metaesthetism, archesthetism , and retrograde metamorphosis , most of which read today like incantations.
Meanwhile Marsh methodically collected more than thirty individual specimens that outlined the evolutionary history of the horse from the tiny Eocene three-toed quadruped to the modern animal. A monograph on extinct toothed birds in 1880 confirmed an earlier European discovery of this strange transitional form that suggested the reptilian origin of birds and other modern forms. This was filling in the geologic record with a vengeance, and the rewards were great. "I received … yesterday the magnificent volume," wrote Charles Darwin. "I have looked with renewed admiration at the plates, and will soon read the text. Your work on these old birds and on the many fossil animals of N. America has afforded the best support to the theory of evolution which has appeared within the last 20 years …"
Thomas Henry Huxley, an authority on the genealogy of the horse, visited New Haven in 1876 and followed Marsh's reconstruction of the horse's evolution with mounting astonishment and excitement; when "Darwin's bulldog" returned home, Marsh's reputation in Europe was assured. This was a great source of strength to him, just as it was a disadvantage for Cope. More than any other factor, Marsh's recognition in Europe (a famous Heidelberg professor once called him " der Grösster Palaeontolog aller Zeiten ") was the solid foundation for his emergence as one of the most powerful scientific statesmen of his day.
Old bones rattle in more ways than one. When they fought over bones in the Bridger Basin in 1872, Marsh was forty-one, Cope thirty-two. At Cope's age Marsh had still been a student dependent on the charity of a wealthy uncle. Perhaps comparison was unfair, for certainly Cope was precocious. He had no formal college education, except for a year studying anatomy under Joseph Leidy at the University of Pennsylvania. His graduate training consisted of three years among the herpetology collections of the Smithsonian Institution and a year abroad visiting museums.
Cope settled down to marriage with his cousin Annie Pirn and a professorship at Haverford College, in Pennsylvania. He even seems to have tried farming, apparently to satisfy his father's wishes that his capital be sunk into something solid. But by 1869 he had left both teaching and husbandry to devote full time to science.The seventies were his creative years as a scientist. Every year but one he risked the dangers of hostile Indians, alkali water, and fiendish insects. ("There are three kinds of gnats," he reported from Wyoming, a scientist even while being eaten, "and all are of the most blood-thirsty description.") The West over which he travelled, armed only with his geologist's hammer, is like a scene glimpsed from the window of a train, clear and sharp, but only for an instant. The buffalo were dying at the rate of a million a year. A Leaven—worth firm took in more than thirty thousand hides a month. At every station along the line of the Kansas Pacific, immense stacks of hides waited to be carted away, and with them went the last support of the nomadic tribes. Indians wandered about half-starved, the cavalry in hot pursuit. Through it all roamed Cope. He refused even to carry re—volvers, which offended his Quaker sensibilities. He rarely travelled with a military escort.
He thrived in the field. Whatever came up he handled : if a mule balked, he took a rope end to it; if the mule-skinners sneered when he read the Bible aloud every night, he stared them down to nervous shuffling silence; a cook whose profanity offended him was promptly hauled back to the path of virtue. During the day he was indefatigable in pursuit of fossils, and at night they wandered through the corridors of his restless sleep. "Every animal of which we had found traces during the day played with him at night," recalled a travelling companion, "tossing him into the air, kicking him, trampling upon him."
The eighties were as frustrating for Cope as the seventies had been triumphant. Early battles began to catch up with him. His money ran out, and field trips became infrequent. Nor was Marsh his only foe. His volatile temperament and quick tongue had assured that. Enemies lurked in ambush in every shadowed cranny of the Academy of Natural Sciences and the American Philosophical Society in Philadelphia. A friend recalled that he seemed to enjoy their yapping at his heels, but it was costly amusement. With his capital squandered in worn-out silver mines in a misguided itch for speculation, he found himself in need, with as many enemies as he had friends.
Only the incredible productivity continued. The papers rolled out on every subject from femurs to feminism. The subjects were few that did not at one time or another engage his attention. Meanwhile he grew more eccentric. In an early flush of ardor for something besides fossils he begat a daughter, and during her childhood he conscientiously maintained an establishment. He took two row houses on Pine Street, one for his bones and one for his family. But in later life, when the daughter was grown and the need for space was pressing, his wife went to the country and the second house also filled up with bones.
He lived like a monk in those years, sleeping on a camp cot among the bones, books, and bottles of frogs preserved in alcohol, a huge tortoise shuffling about the premises. Neighborhood boys gazed in awe at the shades of ancient monsters glimpsed through the windows, and sometimes played pranks on the shade who lived among them. Visitors found him behind a desk smoking cigars, tapping the ashes on the edge of the desk from whence they fell to add to the small mountain of volcanic ash sprouting from the carpet. Eventually the fossils were sold to the American Museum of Natural History in New York to raise money, but by that time they had become ghosts not so much of animals that had once walked the earth as of dreams of greatness shrivelled by malice and disappointment.
Othniel Marsh, the object of that malice if not the cause of the disappointment, might have spent his days as an obscure farmer in western New York, as did his father, but for a whim of fortune that made him the nephew of George Peabody. This enigmatic figure possessed one of the largest personal fortunes in the world [see "The First Great Cheerful Giver," A MERICAN H ERITAGE , June, 1966]. As a London-based exporter of capital to America he competed successfully with Rothschilds and Barings; when he took Junius Spencer Morgan into the business, his firm became an even greater financial empire. He had apparently loved his sister: the glow of this emotion still warmed him seventeen years after her death; at the age of twenty her son Othniel was plucked from anonymity as if by divine decree.
Under the protection of this awesome relation Marsh spent five years at Phillips Academy, Andover, a grown man among adolescents, and the rest of his twenties and early thirties at Yale College and Yale's new Sheffield Scientific School. Marsh flourished under the influence of the elder Benjamin Silliman and his son-in-law, James Dwight Dana. There followed further study abroad at Berlin and Heidelberg, and occasional salmon fishing with Uncle George in Scotland. Peabody was a generous man. Much of his large fortune he gave away before his death, and the name of Peabody blossomed across the American landscape: the Peabody Institute in Baltimore; the Peabody Institute in Peabody (formerly South Danvers), Massachusetts; the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology at Harvard; the Peabody Academy of Science (later renamed the Peabody Museum) in Salem; the Peabody Education Fund for the Promotion of Education in the South. When Othniel Marsh returned to New Haven in 1866, Yale College received a hundred and fifty thousand dollars to endow a museum of natural history. Marsh received a professor's chair at the college.
Although his death in 1869 left Marsh financially independent, Uncle George had extracted his toll. Othniel Marsh, like Peabody himself, never married. During his long apprenticeship he had had ample opportunity to sample the steel in his uncle's paternalism. One nephew was struck from The Will when he married prematurely, and Othniel's maternal aunt made sure the lesson struck home: Uncle had said, "… if any of his nephews should in any way so conduct [himself] as to disgrace themselves and him, or (now mind this ) should any of them form a marriage connection, or even get engaged before they had the means of supporting a family, they should never have a cent of his money . … He desired me to communicate this … to all his nephews. …" Marsh was a twenty-five-year-old freshman at Yale when he received this alarming letter; when he finally left the shade of his uncle's protection, he was thirty-five. Probably bachelor habits were set firmly. His hair had already begun to recede from the melon shape it had decently covered. Although he was once overheard referring to a young lady as "the prettiest little vertebrate" he had seen in a long time, he never added her or any other woman to the trophies with which he filled the big ugly Victorian mansion on Prospect Street in New Haven. As a classmate later told him, he handled many bones but somehow never acquired a rib.
Marsh made his first trip to the West in 1868on the brand new Union Pacific Railroad. At Antelope Station, Nebraska, while the conductor fretted, Marsh sifted through the loose dirt from a newly dug well. In the space of a few minutes he found the bones of eleven extinct animals. One was a small horse, "then and there christened Equus parvulus, " he recalled, "a name he still bears. … During life, he was scarcely a yard in height, and each of his slender legs was terminated by three toes. Later researches proved him to be a veritable missing link in the genealogy of the modern horse."
In two years Marsh was back with a party of Yale seniors. He was to make four such trips between 1870 and 1873. For the students, many of whom went on to distinguished careers in business, finance, journalism, or politics, the expeditions were a memorable lark, perhaps the high point of their lives. They hunted buffalo, hobnobbed with hard-bitten cavalrymen and notorious characters (Buffalo Bill was their guide one year, Major Frank North and his Pawnee scouts another, and once both together), and ogled Indians. Through the influence of Yale alumni in Washington, Marsh was provided with military escort and supplies from post commissaries.
For Marsh the trips were the foundation of his career. They yielded not only the specimens that made possible his triumph with the horse, but also the first of the toothed birds. The students worked for their lark. "Instead of riding along looking for a gigantic telltale vertebra," one recalled, "it was necessary literally to crawl over the country on hands and knees … Often a quarter of a mile of the most inviting country would be carefully gone over with no result, and then again someone would chance upon a butte which seemed almost made of teeth."
The last Yale expedition in 1873 was followed by a short excursion into the Sioux reservation south of the Black Hills. After that he retired from field work except for short trips to check on his workmen. He maintained an army of diggers in the field, around a hundred altogether over the years. The volume of bones funnelling into New Haven mounted until it eventually reached a total of thirty freight-car loads for Marsh's lifetime haul—seven of which eventually went to enrich the National Museum in Washington, the rest remaining in the Peabody. Tons of bones remained in boxes unopened at his death.
Marsh's trip into the Sioux Badlands in 1874 had been accomplished at great peril to the scalps of the entire party, and was permitted only after he had promised the great war chief Red Cloud that he would go to Washington to find out why wretched rations and moth-eaten blankets were being distributed to starving, freezing Indians by venal Indian agents. It was a promise that raised him to as great prominence with the public as his work with horses had with scientists. He unearthed the scandals of the so-called Indian Ring, although in the long run the lot of the Sioux was not much improved.
Professor Marsh had been elected to the National Academy of Sciences in 1874. His exposure of the frauds on the Indians made him a nationally known figure. As a result, although a member only four years, he was elected vice president of the Academy. It seemed at best a hollow honor, but the death of the long-time president, Joseph Henry, almost immediately elevated him to the position of acting president of the institution created by Congress in 1863 to provide it with technical advice. This came on the eve of one of those rare occasions when the Academy was actually asked for such advice.
KNIGHT'S FEARFUL MONSTERS
Through most of the decade of the seventies, three and sometimes four different surveys, each supported by a different branch of the federal government, were operating in the vast area west of the hundredth meridian. Cope had worked for two of them at different times, those directed by Ferdinand V. Hayden and George Wheeler. Marsh was associated with the one operated by Clarence King. Mostly through the influence of Huxley, although King was a fellow classmate from Sheffield at Yale, it was already arranged that the monograph on birds with teeth would appear as one of the publications of King's Report of the Geological Exploration of the Fortieth Parallel . A relative newcomer was the fourth survey under the direction of Major John Wesley Powell, the one-armed veteran of Shiloh celebrated for navigating the Colorado through the Grand Canyon. Powell, like Marsh, was inclined to make common cause with King.
"You know … how our government surveys have been fighting each other for years," Marsh wrote in April, 1879. "Congress decided to stop it and referred the matter to the National Academy of Sciences of which I am at present the presiding officer. We proposed a plan of reorganization … after much opposition from Hayden and others … a new geological survey (in place of the three old ones∗) has been established with Clarence King as director. This a great thing for American science."
∗King had retired from the field in 1873 and spent the rest of the decade preparing the results for publication.
Cope called it a "raid on the Surveys" and "a disaster." He had done his best to ward it off. ("Did you authorize Cope to state in a letter to Congress that you were opposed to the Academy's plan of National Surveys?" Marsh asked Joseph Leidy suspiciously [Leidy had not). "Cope mentioned [Spencer] Baird as one opponent, but he denied it strongly. … What is Cope up to at present?") Cope had every reason to fight. The "survey in charge of Professor Hayden has been conducted in a liberal, catholic way," he wrote in the Naturalist . It had also provided Cope with an economic base for the pursuit of his science and a means of publication. The new survey supported Marsh. After a year King resigned, but not before he had seen Powell appointed as his successor. Othniel Marsh became vertebrate paleontologist of the United States Geological Survey ( USGS ). In 1883 he became president of the Academy in his own right. He was now preeminent in the world of American science.
Hayden's defeat changed the course of Edward Cope's career. The loss of government support was disastrous. Before the decade of the eighties had advanced very far, he was trying to find a buyer for his precious collections. Before it had advanced very much farther, he had hit the lecture circuit to raise enough money to keep one or two collectors in the field. Finally, he was reduced to renting one of his houses on Pine Street and moving his family to smaller quarters nearby.
His attempts to find another paying position showed his error in not associating himself long before with an important college or university. In the final analysis. Marsh's own rise to power rested firmly in that chair at Yale. The age of the university scientist had arrived, and Cope was an isolated individual. Even alone Cope was a force to be reckoned with, and he did have the Naturalist as a mouthpiece; but this was no substitute for the prestige and influence of a professorship at a good university.
Of course, Cope was not without allies, notably two young Princetonians whom he befriended, Henry Fairfield Osborn and William Berryman Scott. Both returned from study in Europe to Princeton, where they soon gained distinction as vertebrate paleontologists. In the early nineties Osborn moved to the American Museum of Natural History, where with large funds at his disposal he became more of a threat to Marsh's hegemony than Cope had ever been. The two young men took Cope's part against Marsh. Osborn occasionally used his wealth to bail out the Naturalist . But they could not save his career.
Cope's decade-long search for employment underscored his position as an outsider, a kind of rogue scientist who had made himself unwelcome to powerful bulls in the herd. At first he seems to have hoped for the position that went to Marsh in the USGS . For a while he was in the service of the Canadian Geological Survey, but the work was infrequent and undependable. Meanwhile, Marsh's boxcars continued to rattle into New Haven with their tons of bones. The contrast was painful. With his income from the USGS supplementing his own private funds, Peabody's heir maintained an army in the field and a battalion of laboratory assistants at Yale, many of whom went on to distinguished careers in paleontology themselves. Cope limped along with one assistant to help prepare his specimens, the long-suffering Jacob Geismar, who sometimes waited for his salary.
In 1887 the position of assistant secretary of the Smithsonian fell vacant. "Some of my friends have been urging me to apply for the place," Cope wrote. "I am willing to ask for help," he confessed. Such efforts, as well as others to find a faculty appointment, usually ploughed up another enemy or two to block it. An impressive number inhabited the Philadelphia Academy of Natural Sciences. Finally in 1889, when his elbows were wearing threadbare, he managed to grasp a tenuous handhold on the University of Pennsylvania, and a small salary. When Professor Leidy died in 1891 (it seemed a last futile effort to appease Cope), he moved into the vacant chair of anatomy, and a stronger position. He proved to be a brilliant teacher, but that was not the way he wanted to be remembered.
His dreams of immortality were linked inseparably with the work he had done for Hayden in the seventies, most of which remained unpublished when the USGS was created. However, an appropriation had provided for completing the work of publishing the Hayden reports. After great spasms of labor, while Powell reluctantly stood by like an impatient midwife, Cope gave birth to The Vertebrata of the Tertiary Formations of the West , a volume so enormous that it is still known as Cope's Bible. By itself it was enough to establish Cope once and for all as one of the world's great naturalists. But Cope was only half through; volume two was in the wings.
After the appearance of the first volume, Powell announced that the money appropriated to finish the Hayden publications was spent. Cope suspected the hand of Marsh, and railed at Powell; but Powell told him he was lucky even that one had appeared. "The many delays in your work, exhibited in the failure to furnish MS to the printer, and the many changes you asked, has [sic] caused the officers of the Printing Bureau to feel that they could not depend upon you for any regular prosecution of the work of publication; and it was only by argument and earnest solicitation by myself that they were induced to take it up …"
With his lifework at stake, Cope rejected all such explanations. In every year that followed for the remainder of the decade, Cope moved about official Washington, seeking a private appropriation of money to complete his work. For weeks and months and then years, he talked to congressmen, cooled his heels in antechambers of Cabinet officers, and sometimes shouldered his way into the inner keep of the Secretary of the Interior by sheer force of cheek. A couple of times he seemed close to success, but always something happened. Cope thought he knew. "Next winter … I intend to try it again," he wrote to Osborn. "It will however require all the aid that I can muster … to preserve myself from the attacks of Powell, Marsh and some of their adherents."
He counterattacked wherever he could find an opening. When the USGS came under congressional attack in mid-decade he and other former Hayden men supplied the anti-Powell forces with a twenty-three-thousand-word assault on Powell and Marsh. In the Academy he tried to prevent Marsh's re-election with such violent mudslinging that even his friends shied away. "I received your letter of March 27 [188g] … but have let it lie for a few days to think over the matter," wrote Alphaeus Hyatt. "I shall, as in duty bound as a friend of yours, talk 'English Straight' Unfortunately … your antagonist is strong, he being in possession. … A second fact on his side lies in the sympathy people are sure to feel for an orRcer attacked by a person suspected of having personal motives. … A third support lies in the use his personal friends k* are sure to make of every fact of this kind. … I consider such accusations as hardly worth the trouble of the making. … I strongly advise you as a friend to drop the affair, no good will come to you, and you may, and I think will strengthen the position of the man you are working to defeat. …" Cope was outraged. "You really only give me advice as to the 'political' situation, and do not appear to care about the real merit of the case. You must care whether we arc to be represented before the world by the most consummate fraud in the country." A month later he seethed, "The National Academy disgraced themselves by rcelccting O. C. Marsh President."
In January, logo, alter a decade of frustration, Cope finally lost control of himself. The occasion was a letter from the Secretary of the Interior instructing Cope to turn over to the National Museum all of the fossils he had collected while working for the Hayden Survey. Cope considered these fossils, the core of his collection, an economic as well as a scientific resource. He claimed that he had expended eighty thousand dollars of his own money in their collection, as no doubt he did. But the demand that they be given to the National Museum seems valid. He had collected them while working for Hayden. The material he amassed the year he worked for Wheeler had already been deposited there.
Five years before, Cope had discovered the chink in Marsh's armor, but one thing and another had prevented him from striking home. It was an undeniable fact that at least some of Marsh's assistants in New Haven loathed him. Cope had sniffed this out by 1885, when he and Scott travelled to New Haven, ostensibly for a Yale-Princeton football game but in reality to meet clandestinely with four of these disgruntled employees. Each seems to have had his own reason for turning on Marsh, but in general three motives prevailed: Marsh was frequently in arrears in the payment of salaries; he gave his assistants little opportunity for self-expression, by closing the Peabody collections to their own research and publication; and he gave little or no recognition of his debt to assistants in the preparation of his own publications.
All these accusations were finally trotted out for public view in the pages of the Sunday New York Herald on January 12, 1890. The reporter, W. H. Ballou, was a friend of Cope's who had once worked for the Naturalist . In column after column Cope repeated every charge, verified and unverified, that he had been collecting on Marsh for twenty years. To the dismay of his friends he quoted private correspondence in which Marsh had been criticized. But the core of his scatter shot came from the Marsh assistants. They charged that Marsh's publications had been written by others and that Marsh had stolen his work on the horse from Huxley and a Russian named Kowalevsky. As for the USGS , Cope called it a "gigantic politico-scientific monopoly next in importance to Tammany Hall." He accused Powell and Marsh of conspiring to pack the Academy with Survey men. Many of the slanders against Powell given Congress earlier in the decade were aired. Powell replied in the same edition with a dignified denial of every accusation. He even made the disarming offer to publish Cope's book if he would send the completed manuscript. (A shrewd stroke, for Cope never came close to completing the book for which he crusaded so energetically, although the plates were published after his death.)
In a more detailed reply a week later, Marsh now produced the Cope errors so lovingly preserved over the years, and held them up for inspection. Everything was there: a fossil with its head on the wrong end; Cope's earlier troubles with dates. Error was embroidered with chicanery as Cope was pictured in western Kansas breaking open crates of fossils that belonged to Marsh, or sneaking around the Peabody to ferret out secrets. In fury Marsh turned to the question of the horse's genealogy, which had made, and still largely supported, his scientific reputation. The accusation that he had stolen from Huxley he brushed aside as insupportable, since it was Huxley himself who had first announced the scientific value of his work. As for Kowalevsky, he was pictured as a Muscovite Cope who had been brought to justice. "Kowalevsky was at last stricken with remorse and ended his unfortunate career by blowing out his own brains. Cope still lives, unrepentant." Very soon after, Cope received a letter from the Secretary of the Interior closing off any possibility that he could win support for his appropriation in the Department.
The battle raged on, at great cost to both men. Cope, reinforced by Osborn, won a kind of victory over Marsh and Powell two years later, reviving many old charges that resulted in a great slash in USGS appropriations. Marsh felt forced to resign his government position. He had spent so much Peabody money by now that he had to start accepting a salary from Yale.
In 1897 Cope died of renal failure. An inability to discharge the poisons from his system had finally killed him. Two years later Marsh followed him. In 1902 Leading American Men of Science appeared, edited by David Starr Jordan. It contained a biography of Cope and a biography of Marsh, as well as assessments of their accomplishments. In neither was the feud with the other mentioned. It was an embarrassment, and held to be unrelated to the achievements of either man.
The Cope-Marsh feud has always been treated as a kind of scientific indiscretion. Another biographer of Marsh, himself a paleontologist, called it a "washing of dirty paleontological linen." The blackout imposed by Jordan ended years ago, but to men of science, especially naturalists, it is still an "unfortunate incident." The workaday people in every profession consider indiscretion as the least admirable of virtues. Cope and Marsh were not workaday in any sense. They yearned to have their names echo down the corridors of time. Such men are never discreet, nor are they content to wait and let the event decide, but must be ever trying to impose their will on their surroundings. A contemporary wit wrote their epitaph after the feud erupted in the newspapers in 1890, when he gibed derisively:
So science walks, with gait serene, her crown an olive sprig, Intent alone on holy truth and otium cum dig.
Archeaology
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Many people ask me why I chose to go with Young Living instead of the myriad of other companies out there. I used essential oils from 4 different companies before I switched to only buying Young Living oils.
Even after experiencing the significantly more powerful effects of a few samples of Young Living oils and blends, my geeky mind had to research the various companies and Young Living's claims for days before I bought a starter kit.
Young Living has been doing this for decades. The science behind their innovations and the research and development behind their products continues to blow me away.
Aside from the science, their Seed to Seal process, their standards, the miraculous stories from Young Living users I knew personally, and my own experience eventually confirmed to me that quality really does matter.
Whether you apply them topically, inhale them, or ingest them - your essential oils are going into your body. They WILL cause some sort of reaction, whether it's noticeable or not, whether it's immediate, or long-term.
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It is exceedingly expensive to grow enough plant material to produce a bottle of essential oil, and it is expensive to extract and properly store that essential oil.
And you can be sure that most companies out there utilize these strategies - unless there is some sort of system of checks and balances in place and transparency in the process of production of the essential oils.
Visit a Young Living farm or one of their partner co-op farms, and you can view the entire process from start to finish - nothing is proprietary. They have no "dirt" to hide.
For years, I used a bottle from NOW brand for $4.99, that is double the size of Young Living's large bottle.
Did you know that the peel of the average citrus fruit sold in the US that was conventionally grown has a toxic chemical content that exceeds the daily limit for a 44lb. child? Yep - carcinogenic preservatives and pesticides included! And if you multiply that by 150 lemon peels, that's what's in your cheap bottle of essential oil.
Ok...let's pretend that somehow, even though it's not labeled as such, NOW's oil came from 100% USDA organic lemons. Even if this NOW brand's lemon-grower's process, and the extraction company's process ARE up to snuff, there's no way that bottle of 150 lemons, plus the grower's markup, plus the extraction company's fees, plus NOW's advertising costs, plus NOW's labeling cost, plus Natural Grocers' middle man markup could add up to a mere $4.99! Smells like some corners got cut!
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But what if a company claims they only sell "100% therapeutic grade, organic oil"?
Was the soil stripped of all nutrients?
Has the soil been free of all chemical fertilizers/herbicides/pesticides for 20 years?
How likely is it that the growers used GMO seeds that produce unnaturally bug-resistant, lightning-speed growing, gargantuan plants for maximum profit?
Were the plants themselves healthy, or were some of the crops diseased?
Was the water used to steam distill the plant pure and filtered?
Was the temperature of the steam too high, damaging the constituents of the plant?
Once the crops were harvested, was the plant material distilled immediately, or was it left in warehouses for weeks to grow mold before the oil was extracted?
Companies re-bottle and sell oil that may be labeled "organic", even if it fails all the above criteria.
Crappy plants make crappy oils, and crappy oils only smell like they're the real deal. If that.
I've compared and contrasted Young Living's lavender with other lavenders, their peppermint with other peppermints, and their ylang ylang with other ylang ylang's....I know there's a difference.
Did you know that Young Living is exceedingly careful about making sure that the plants themselves are in excellent health before harvesting them? Chemical constituents in the oil matter when we use them therapeutically, and sickly, diseased or immature plants do not make for quality oils. If the full spectrum of chemical constituents is not there, then the full spectrum of therapeutic effects or uses or "miraculous" powers simply are not going to be there either.
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Young Living will test the plant material, and if they pass the tests, then they'll distill the oil.
On some crops whose constituent levels are very delicate, Young Living will send chemists out every few hours prior to harvest time to ensure the maximum amount of naturally occurring chemical constituents are present. Too ripe of a plant means the oils in the plant have diminished, so as soon as the levels plateau or dip, they will harvest right away. It's meticulous attention to detail that guarantees the multitude of therapeutic effects of the plant oils.
Next, they test the oil itself, multiple times, to see if it was distilled properly and contains the proper amounts of all the constituents. If it doesn't pass that test - they reject it.
GET THIS: The rejected vats of oil are bought by essential oil bottling companies. The bottling companies turn around and sell it to Young Living's competitors, who stick their labels on the bottles. This is oil that did NOT pass the chemical constituents/quality/purity tests!
Alteration of Pure Oils? To each his own.
One of Young Living's biggest competitors has a peppermint oil that smells more like candy than an herb. When questioned about why their peppermint smells so different than other peppermint essential oil, they state that the pure form of peppermint is just too strong. So rather than leaving it up to the user to dilute it, they alter it in a proprietary way. And thus - it smells utterly delicious!
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I know which I would choose. And that's why I made the decision I did. And the miraculous effects of these quality oils confirm to me daily that these really, truly are the purest oils on the planet.


text:
module NCBIBlastResultsParser
  VERSION = '0.1.0'
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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
GC Surveillance
About ASTDA
February 1999 - Volume 26 - Issue 2
Thought you might appreciate this item(s) I saw at Sexually Transmitted Diseases.
The Geography of Sexual Partnerships in Baltimore: Applications of Core Theory Dynamics Using a Geographic Information System
ZENILMAN, JONATHAN M. MD*†‡; ELLISH, NANCY DrPH*; FRESIA, ANNE*; GLASS, GREGORY PhD†
From the *Division of Infectious Diseases, Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine; †Department of Molecular Microbiology and Immunology, Johns Hopkins University School of Hygiene and Public Health; and ‡Preventive Medicine and Epidemiology, Baltimore City Health Department, Baltimore, Maryland
Portions of this work were presented at the 11th meeting of the International Society for the Study of Sexually Transmitted Diseases (ISSTDR), New Orleans, August 1995.
Correspondence: Jonathan M. Zenilman, MD, Division of Infectious Diseases, Ross 1159, 720 Rutland Avenue, Baltimore, MD 21205. E-mail: [email protected]
Received for publication July 10, 1998, revised November 9, 1998, and accepted November 10, 1998.
Sexually Transmitted Diseases: February 1999 - Volume 26 - Issue 2 - p 75-81
Gonorrhea has a focused geographic distribution characterized by high incidence rates in defined "core" areas and decreased incidence as the radial distance from the central core increases. Dense core group transmission has long been hypothesized.
We have previously mapped sexually transmitted disease (STD) rates in Baltimore census tracts using STD morbidity data interfaced with a geographic information system. Core areas were defined using a standard definition based on gonorrhea distribution. We studied spatial distance patterns between sexual partners, using the residential addresses of 572 individuals, representing 286 dyad partnerships recruited as part of an epidemiology and behavioral study. To determine if partners lived closer together than would be expected, a modified bootstrap algorithm using Monte Carlo models was developed to compare the distances between partners' residences and all other possible residences.
Two distinct (east and west) core areas were previously identified. Compared with randomly selected Baltimore addresses, partners tended to reside closer to one another than would be expected by chance (z = −1.8), with a median distance of 1.7 kilometers. Within the core areas, women resided a median of 547 meters from their partner, and men resided a median of 339 meters from their reported partners.
When all partnerships were considered, the median distance was 1,699 meters. Of the 500 simulation models, the minimum median distance was 4,889 meters.
Partners of patients in core areas in Baltimore live remarkably close to one another, and the partner selection patterns in general indicate nonrandom distribution. Geographic information system-determined patterns of STD patients residing in hyperendemic census tracts support the core theory of disease transmission. In these areas, targeted geographically based interventions may be warranted.
THE EPIDEMIOLOGY of sexually transmitted diseases is often characterized by high incidence rates within core groups.1,2 In developing countries, core groups are usually defined by occupational risk-such as long-distance truck drivers or commercial sex workers.3,4 In the United States and Western Europe, core groups are often defined behaviorally, such as commercial sex workers or homosexual men, or geographically-as residents of defined areas that typically are socioeconomically depressed. In the U.S. and British urban environment, core areas have been well documented for gonorrhea,5-11 syphilis, and HIV. Within a core area, disease incidence may be 20 to 30 times that of surrounding areas. For example, in Baltimore we have identified discrete core areas where the reported gonorrhea rate in 1994 for persons age 15 to 39 years was 6,821/100,000 for men and 4,341/100,000 for women.12
The transmission efficiency of gonorrhea through unprotected sexual exposure has been empirically estimated to be 30% to 50% per exposure and treatment effectively breaks the transmission chain. Therefore, under most circumstances, introduction of gonorrhea into a community free of infection should not result in a sustained epidemic. Community-based models of STD transmission therefore postulate that core areas or epidemiologically defined core groups are critical to maintaining high rates of gonorrhea.13,14 In these models, cores are characterized by a high transmission density,15 an empirical function that is dependent on characteristics of the sexual network. In contrast to many other infectious diseases, STD transmission is dependent on behavior-i.e., sexual intercourse. Sexually transmitted disease transmission is therefore limited to sexual networks-i.e., the interrelated sexual connections of a defined social group. Previous work has demonstrated that sexual network members have similar characteristics, such as socioeconomic status and ethnicity.16,17
Analyses of sexual networks provide a rational basis for defining transmissibility to susceptible sexual partners.18 A sexual network is the interrelated sexual connections of a defined social group. In a dense sexual network, there are multiple pathways between sexual partners, leading to multiple sources for disease exposure.19
Sexually transmitted disease field workers have suggested in anecdotal reports that sexual partners within core areas had residences within close geographical proximity,20 (Baltimore City Health Department, unpublished data). This finding, if confirmed, would support the concept of geographic density as a characteristic of sexual networks at least in the core areas.
In 1990 to 1992, we conducted a large prospective study of STD incidence in the Baltimore STD clinics that included data on sexual partner characteristics.21-23 In this analysis, we describe the geographical epidemiology of sexual partnerships and compare the geographic epidemiology of sexual partnerships between core and noncore areas in a high prevalence city. Our hypothesis was that the geographic distance between sexual partners within the core areas would be small. This finding would support the concept of dense sexual networks by imputing that partnerships in core areas were drawn from locally restricted populations.
The STD Transmission and Acquisition (TRAC) study, conducted in 1990 to 1992, was a prospective study of the behavioral and clinical determinants of STD acquisition that has been previously described.21-23 Subjects were systematically recruited from patients attending the two public Baltimore STD Clinics. Briefly, after informed consent, a study clinician administered a comprehensive behavioral questionnaire that included elements of a detailed sexual history, knowledge attitudes and behaviors related to STD and STD prevention, previous medical history, and current symptoms. This was followed by comprehensive clinical and laboratory evaluations for STDs including anogenital culture for N. gonorrhoeae, C. trachomatis, and T. vaginalis and serological evaluation for syphilis. Subjects were encouraged to refer their partners for enrollment.
During the study period, 1,389 persons enrolled. Ninety-five percent were blacks, and the median age was 26 years for men and 23 years for women. Gonorrhea was diagnosed in 21% of subjects, and chlamydia was diagnosed in 21%. An STD was diagnosed in 31% of men and 36% of women at the clinic visit. Of the study participants, 572 were individuals who comprised 286 dyad partnerships. Sexual partnerships were considered only if intercourse was reported within 30 days of the index patient's visit and each partner was named by the other. In situations where both partners came to the clinic together, the index patient was defined as the first person interviewed. The members of these partnerships are considered in the analysis presented here.
Mapping Spatial Patterns
As part of study enrollment subjects and partners had to give a valid residential address to the interviewer, which was used to contact the subjects periodically for follow-up visits. These addresses were entered into a geographic information system (GIS). The GIS software package used was Map Info (version 4.0) (Map Info Corporation, Troy, NY), a commercially available GIS software package. The digitized Baltimore regional street maps for use with the software package were obtained from the Baltimore Metropolitan Council and are similar to the U.S. Census TIGER files. Addresses were validated using the database of all known residential addresses in the Baltimore region.
Enrollment of Partnerships
The spatial relationships of partnerships were evaluated by converting the locations of geocoded addresses to standardized State Plane Coordinates (NAD 83). Using the GIS software, the distances between partner residences was calculated as the Euclidean straight line distance between each pair of points and distance was expressed in meters (Figure 1). In Baltimore City, there are few natural barriers (e.g., mountain, large rivers), and therefore the distance between two points is a good approximation of accessibility. Partners who lived together by definition were assigned a distance of zero.
Fig. 1:
Examples using the geographic information system to determine scalar distances between cases in Baltimore. Three examples are presented. Cases are initially plotted on a digitized map, and then scalar distances are computed. In the three examples, the distances shown are 4.4 kilometers, 12.8 kilometers, and 2.6 kilometers. The 4.4 kilometer partnership has a partner within the Baltimore city limits and a partner within the adjacent Baltimore County.
The patterns of residential distances for males and females were examined separately. We compared the cumulative distribution of distances between residences of each sex living in and outside the core using one-tailed Kolmogorov-Smirnov two-sample tests,24 because under the theory of core maintenance we anticipated a priori that the distances between residences of partners in which the referent individuals lived in the core should be smaller than for those residing outside the core.
To determine if the spatial distribution of partnerships was random relative to the recruited population, a series of Monte Carlo simulations were used to generate the expected distribution of distances. The simulation algorithm was written in a spreadsheet program (Microsoft Excel, Redmond, WA) and is available from the authors upon request. The expected distribution of the distances between members of dyadic partnerships was determined by assigning the residences of the males in the dyad to a randomly selected female partner, until all partnerships were assigned. Distances were calculated between these assigned partnerships and the cumulative distribution function of distances between partnerships calculated. The random assignments were repeated 500 times to generate the expected range of partnership distances. The models were based on selecting random partners for index cases from any of the enrolled members. These distributions were ranked and compared with the observed cumulative distribution function of the distances between the residences of partners.
Defining the Core
The core area for gonorrhea was defined using the reported public and private-sector reported gonorrhea in 1994. This is described in detail elsewhere,11 and has had a stable epidemiologic pattern since 1990 (Baltimore City Health Department, unpublished data). Briefly, the 7,330 cases for 1994 were geocoded as described earlier. The 1990 census data and census tract borders were imported into the software, and census-tract specific rates were calculated. Of 202 census tracts in Baltimore City, 90 had ≥30 cases of gonorrhea reported in 1994. The gonorrhea core was defined as the 13 census tracts with upper quartile gonorrhea rates for persons age 15 to 39 years, corresponding to rates of 4,370 to 6,370 per 100,000. When compared with the overall citywide incidence, the rate ratio of the core rate/citywide was 2.2 to 3.2.
Data from the 286 dyad partnerships with addresses within the Baltimore metropolitan area for both individuals were used for this study. Seventy-two (25.2%) partnerships reported living at the same address. Based on the 1994 gonorrhea incidence rate, the core areas were defined in two inner-city regions of Baltimore City, including six census tracts on the east side and seven on the west side.11
A total of 40 men and 44 women reported residences within the 13 census tracts identified as the core area for gonorrhea transmission in Baltimore,11 whereas 246 males and 242 females resided outside the core. There were no significant differences in the proportion of partners reporting that they lived together inside and outside the core area (Table 1).
Scalar Distance Between Reported Residential Address of Sexual Partners By Gender of Index Case
There was a significant difference for both males and females in the distance to their partner's residence depending on whether they lived in the core area (Figure 2). Individuals who lived in the core area tended to reside significantly closer to their partners, on average, than individuals who lived outside the core. Males living in the core resided within 338.7 meters (median) of their partner (0-1,077.2 meters; 1st-3rd quartiles), with a maximum distance of 12.2 kilometers. Males residing outside the core had a median distance to their partner's residence of 1,956.5 meters (0-5,178.9 meters; 1st-3rd quartiles), with a maximum distance of 24.0 kilometers. This difference was statistically significant (K-S statistic = 0.35; p = 0.0002). Similarly, females residing in the core tended to live closer to their partners (median = 547.4 meters; 1st-3rd quartiles = 0-2,631.9 meters; maximum = 23.1 kilometers) than did females living outside the core (median = 1,805.9 meters; 1st-3rd quartiles = 0-5,101.1 meters; maximum = 21.4 kilometers). However, the difference was only marginally significant (K-S statistic = 0.19; p = 0.076). Spatial patterns did not differ by presence or absence of an STD diagnosis in the index subject or partner.
Cumulative proportion of partners' distances from index case by gender. Note that the core index cases (▪) were much more likely to have a short distance to partners compared with the partners of index cases who lived outside the core (⧖). The pattern was similar for partners of both male index cases (A) and female index cases (B).
Although the distances between residences of core residents and their partners were short, there was substantial contact between core residents and those outside the core. Among males residing in the core, 55.0% (22/40) of their partners also had residences within the core, but 12 of these lived together. If individuals with the same address were excluded, 64.3% (18/28) of women with male partners in the core lived outside the core themselves. The trend was even stronger for women residing in the core (n = 44). Of these, excluding the 12 living with their partners, 71.9% (23/32) of their male partners lived outside the core area.
This high proportion of core individuals with partners outside the core resulted in a relatively low proportion of individuals outside the core whose partners resided inside the core-12.0% (22/184) of males who did not live with their partners and lived outside the core area had a female partner living in the core. Similarly, 10.6% (19/180) of females living outside the core whose partners lived at a different address had male partners residing in the core.
Partnerships were not randomly distributed in space. Compared with the Monte Carlo simulation models, the observed distances between the residents of partnerships was significantly shorter than expected if the partners were selected at random. The cumulative distribution function of the distances between partnerships was much shorter than even the most extreme random pattern generated (Figure 3). In the observed data, including all partnerships (with core and noncore index subjects), the median distance between partner residences was 1,699 meters (0-5,023 meters; 25% and 75% quartiles). In the Monte Carlo models, which were based on selecting random partners for index cases from the enrolled members' addresses, the median ranked model (i.e., of the 500 model curves generated) had a median distance between residences of 5,779 meters, whereas the series with the lowest median distance had a median distance of 4,889 meters, significantly different from the observed data.
Distances between partners under a variety of Monte Carlo simulations. The observed pattern from the actual partner data results in the highest proportion of partners living within close proximity (Curveser_mtch). Of the 500 simulations, the one that is closest to the observed data is Curve mtc_no0. The other models include the simulation that is at the 90th percentile (Curve s70), the median simulation (Curve allrand), and a 10th percentile simulation (Curve s70) (see text). We conclude that partners are not spatially distributed randomly.
Our study demonstrates that within the Baltimore STD core area, sexual partners are recruited from within the immediate neighborhood. Sexual network analysis has become an important tool in studying the epidemiology of sexually transmitted diseases and intravenous drug use. Most analyses have focused on describing sociometric measures of "network closeness" in a traditional sociological context, with each step defined as either a sexual partner interaction (sexual networks),18 a needle sharing interaction (needle sharing networks), or as a friend or associate (social network). In this framework, the number of social or behavioral contacts of an individual and their potential interrelatedness solely defines "dense" networks. For example, in a study of inner-city Baltimore injecting drug users, Latkin25,26 found that the mean size of drug and sex partner networks was 10.3, and the number of ties in the network (density) was associated with more frequent injecting. In Klovdahl's Colorado Springs study,19 a similar analysis found that the size of injecting-sexual networks was an average of 11.3 members. Therefore, social networks may provide a good index of the daily routine for injecting drug users. Friedman27 and colleagues in New York found that the sociometric location (i.e., location within a social network) was associated with risky drug use behaviors, although not condom use. However, because of the expense and training required, social network interviewing is not practical as a widespread intervention strategy.
Klovdahl also described the intervention challenge as finding reliable markers or proxies for the structural or sociometric location of individuals in large social networks to develop network-informed control strategies, a sentiment which was echoed by Friedman28 in reviewing approaches to gonorrhea contact tracing.
Network analyses are extremely valuable in describing risk behaviors and in understanding the social determinants of those behaviors, especially in situations where behavioral interventions are the only potential control strategies. However, for STDs we make here an important distinction between the theoretical definition of the core group, which is a conceptual entity, and an operational definition, which allows the targeting of control interventions. Sexually transmitted disease dynamics are directly related to sexual partner mixing patterns, which in the field intervention setting are particularly difficult and expensive to discern. Garnett17 notes that spatial location is undoubtedly linked to socioeconomic indicators-it provides a useful starting point to crudely estimate mixing patterns between groups. For gonorrhea and syphilis, incident diseases that have well-described focal distributions, this approach may be appropriate.
Our data confirm that sexual partner recruitment in dense urban areas with high STD rates is truly a neighborhood phenomenon. In Baltimore, where inner-city communities are highly segregated on the basis of economic and racial characteristics, this pattern produces assortative mixing of sexual partners within the core. This concurs with Garnett's17 analysis of the Colorado Springs contact tracing data; using census tract definitions, he found that assortative mixing is a key factor in the endemic persistence of gonorrhea.
Nevertheless, core members often had substantial contact outside the core-especially females. This pattern supports Rothenberg's original hypothesis5 that maintaining a community-wide epidemic is dependent on core areas functioning as a reservoir for infecting other areas.
No previous study to our knowledge has evaluated the sociogeographical characteristics of sexual contacts. Potterat,6 also in Colorado Springs, reported that 51% of gonorrhea in the city came from four census tracts, in other words, a core pattern. Although their further work extensively documented the social network characteristics of this population, they did not describe the geography of sexual partnerships.
Baltimore provides a unique setting to study this phenomenon because of its high population density and geographic compactness. Population density in Baltimore is 9,109 per square mile (1990 census),29 and within the core areas, the density is higher because much of the housing stock is either row houses or apartment complexes. This density in part explains the remarkably short distances between the residences of sexual partners. Because there are no geographic barriers in the central city that would impede movement, such as waterways or mountains, we believe that the scalar distance measures represent accurate representations of ranging distances used to recruit sexual partners. For example, this type of situation would need to be modified in New York or Pittsburgh, where natural barriers such as waterways or mountains may make the scalar distance inaccurate when used alone.
Our data are subject to a number of biases. For example, because index patients and partners were recruited from the STD clinic, the population served by those clinics will be overrepresented. These persons are predominantly poor, minority residents of inner-city Baltimore. In our data, this bias cannot be controlled. However, the overall epidemiology of both syphilis and gonorrhea in Baltimore, including cases reported from the private sector, closely follow the catchment patterns of the STD clinic. Therefore, we do not believe that this bias would markedly affect our results. Second, the core area represents the most impoverished sections of Baltimore. Persons living in the adjacent and peripheral areas may have higher income and therefore increased access to transportation, especially automobiles. This pattern also correlates closely with housing and population density.
Nevertheless, our data provide intriguing insights into the microepidemiology of STDs and sexual partner recruitment patterns in a dense urban center that offer opportunities for new intervention strategies. Rothenberg18 and Potterat30 have suggested that, in contrast to the current "disease specific approach," intervention programs adopt a "neighborhood approach" using an ethnographically directed evaluation of the local setting. These approaches can be further strengthened by the incorporation of noninvasive, urine-based nucleic acid diagnostics for gonorrhea and chlamydia testing into a field setting that will use sociogeographic risk as the trigger for interventions. For example, approaches could use mobile clinics or vans that could collect population-based samples from areas identified to be at high risk for disease. Geographic approaches to disease intervention may be viable alternatives to traditional case-by-case contact tracing and warrant further, more formalized evaluation.
1. Thomas JC, Tucker MJ. The development and use of the concept of a sexually transmitted disease core. J Infect Dis 1996; 174(Suppl 2):S134-S143.
2. Woodhouse MEJ, Dye C, Etard J-F, et al. Heterogeneities in the transmission of infectious agents: implications for the design of control programs. Proc Natl Acad Sci USA 1997; 94:338-342.
3. Bwayo J, Plummer FA, Omari M, et al. Human immunodeficiency virus infection in long-distance truck drivers in east Africa. Arch Intern Med 1994; 154:1391-1396.
4. Moses S, Plummer FA, Ngugi EN, Nagelkerke NJD, Anzala AO, Ndinya-Achola JO. Controlling HIV in Africa: effectiveness and cost of an intervention in a high-frequency STD transmitter core group. AIDS 1991; 5:407-411.
5. Rothenberg RB. The geography of gonorrhea: empirical demonstration of core group transmission. Am J Epidemiol 1983; 117:688-693.
6. Potterat JJ, Rothenberg RB, Woodhouse DE, Muth JB, Pratts CI, Fogle JS II. Gonorrhea as a social disease. Sex Transm Dis 1985; 12:25-32.
7. Zenilman JM, Bonner M, Sharp KL, Rabb J, Alexander R, and The Disease Intervention Staff of The Dade County Public Health Unit. Penicillinase-producing Neisseria gonorrhoeae in Dade County, Florida: evidence of core-group transmitters and the impact of illicit antibiotics. Sex Transm Dis 1988; 15:45-50.
8. Rice RJ, Roberts PL, Handsfield HH, Holmes KK. Sociodemographic distribution of gonorrhea incidence: implications for prevention and behavioral research. Am J Public Health 1991; 81:1252-1257.
9. Lacey CJN, Merrick DW, Bensley DC, Fairley I. Analysis of the sociodemography of gonorrhoea in Leeds, 1989-93. Br Med J 1997; 314:1715-1718.
10. Low N, Daker-White G, Barlow D, Pozniak AL. Gonorrhoea in inner London: results of a cross sectional study. Br Med J 1997; 314:1719-1723.
11. Ellen JM, Hessol NA, Kohn RP, Bolan GA. An investigation of geographic clustering of repeat cases of gonorrhea and chlamydial infection in San Francisco, 1989-1993: evidence for core groups. J Infect Dis 1997; 175:1519-1522.
12. Becker KM, Glass GG, Brathwaite W, Zenilman JM. The geographic epidemiology of gonorrhea in Baltimore using a geographic information system. Am J Epidemiol 1998; 147:709-716.
13. Yorke JA, Hethcote HW, Nold A. Dynamics and control of the transmission of gonorrhea. Sex Transm Dis 1978; 5:51-56.
14. Anderson RM, May RM. Infectious Diseases of Humans: Dynamics and Control. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992.
15. Rothenberg RB, Potterat JJ. Temporal and social aspects of gonorrhea transmission: the force of infectivity. Sex Transm Dis 1988; 15:88-92.
16. Catania JA, Binson D, Stone V. Relationship of sexual mixing across age and ethnic groups to herpes simplex virus-2 among unmarried heterosexual adults with multiple partners. Health Psychol 1996; 15:362-370.
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18. Rothenberg RB, Narramore J. The relevance of social network concepts to sexually transmitted disease control. Sex Transm Dis 1996; 23:24-29.
19. Klovdahl AS, Potterat JJ, Woodhouse DE, Muth JB, Muth SQ, Darrow WW. Social networks and infectious disease: the Colorado Springs study. Soc Sci Med 1994; 38:79-88.
20. New York City Health Department STD Control Bureau. Final report of the PPNG Targeted Intervention Program (TIP) study, 1988.
21. Ellish N, Weisman CS, Celentano D, Zenilman JM. Reliability of partner reports of sexual histories in a heterosexual STD clinic population. Sex Transm Dis 1996; 23:446-452.
22. Thomas DL, Zenilman J, Shih JW, et al. Evidence of sexual transmission of hepatitis C to females attending Baltimore sexually transmitted disease clinics-an analysis of 309 sexual partnerships. J Infect Dis 1995; 171:768-775.
23. Zenilman JM, Weisman CS, Rompalo AM, et al. Condom use to prevent incident STDs: the validity of self-reported condom use. Sex Transm Dis 1995; 22:1-7.
24. Conover WJ. Practical Nonparametric Statistics. New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1971:462.
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© Copyright 1999 American Sexually Transmitted Diseases Association
Sexually Transmitted Diseases26(2):75-81, February 1999.
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Support Groups Meetings
Sunday 8:00 am Springfield, IL Sunday @ 8:00 am	 Unity of Springfield, 417 E Cordelia St, Springfield, IL 62703	 417 E Cordelia St Springfield, IL
Sunday 9:00 am Tempe, AZ Sundays @ 9:00 am	 Pigeon Coop, 4415 S Rural Road, Suite 8 & 9 (corner of Rural Road & US 60), Tempe, AZ 85203	 4413 S Rural Rd #10 Tempe, AZ
Sunday 10:30 am Jalisco, Mexico Sundays @ 10:30 am	 Colonia Chapalita Sur, San Salvador, 5 de Diciembre, 48350 Puerto Vallarta, Jal., Mexico	 San Salvador Mexico
Sunday 11:00 am Nanaimo, British Columbia, Canada Sunday @ 11:00 am	 2217 Meredith Rd, Nanaimo, BC V9S 2N2, Canada	 2217 Meredith Rd Canada
Sunday 11:00 am Encinitas, CA Sundays @ 11:00 am	 Leucadia Six Step House, 1430 North Hwy 101, Encinitas, CA 92024	 1430 N Coast Hwy 101 Encinitas, CA
Sunday 11:00 am Dublin, Ireland Sundays @ 11:00 am	 Rutland Centre, Knocklyon Rd, Dublin, Ireland	 Knocklyon Rd Ireland
Sunday 11:30 am Bellingham, WA Sunday @ 11:30 am	 Co-op Bakery Cafe, 405 E Holly Street, Bellingham, WA 98225	 405 E Holly St Bellingham, WA
Sunday 12:15 pm Portland, ME Sundays @ 12:15 pm	 Portland Recovery Community Center, 468 Forest Ave, Portland, ME 04101	 468 Forest Ave Portland, ME
Sunday 3:30 pm Nashville, TN Sunday @ 3:30 PM	 Nashville Recovery Center, 6030 Neighborly Ave, Nashville, TN 37209	 6030 Neighborly Ave Nashville, TN
Sunday 4:00 pm Denver, CO Sundays @ 4:00 pm	 Christian Church of Denver, 3690 Cherry Creek Drive South, Denver, CO 80209	 3690 Cherry Creek S Dr Denver, CO
Sunday 4:30 pm Charles Town, WV Sundays @ 4:30 pm	 Ashbury Methodist Church, 110 W North St, Charles Town, WV 25414	 110 W North St Charles Town, WV
Sunday 4:45 pm New Canaan, CT Sundays @ 4:45 pm	 Silver Hill Hospital, Jurguson Building, 208 Valley Rd, New Canaan, CT 06840	 208 Valley Rd New Canaan, CT
Sunday 5:00 pm Reykjavík, Iceland Sunday @ 5:00 pm	 Héðinsgata 1-3	 Héðinsgata 1 Iceland
Sunday 5:00 pm Phoenix, AZ Sundays @ 5:00 pm	 Studio 164, Room B, 13627 N 32nd, Phoenix, AZ 85032	 13627 N 32nd St Studio 164 Phoenix, AZ
Sunday 5:30 pm Dover, NH Sunday @ 5:30 PM	 The Triangle Club, 120 Broadway, Dover, NH 03820	 120 Broadway Dover, NH
Sunday 6:00 pm Lubbock, TX Sunday @ 6:00 pm	 Center for Collegiate Recovery Communities (TTU Campus), 1309 Akron Avenue, Lubbock, TX 79401	 2500 Broadway St Lubbock, TX
Sunday 6:30 pm Memphis, TN Sundays @ 6:30 pm	 Hope Church Memphis, Room 221, 8500 Walnut Grove Road, Cordova, TN 38018	 8500 Walnut Grove Rd Memphis, TN
Sunday 7:00 pm Duluth, MN Sunday @ 7:00 pm	 First United Methodist Church, 230 E Skyline Parkway, Duluth, MN 55811	 230 E Skyline Pkwy Duluth, MN
Sunday 7:00 pm Oakland, CA Sundays @ 7:00 pm	 Kaiser 3600 Broadway, Lower Level, Conference Rm LLH 1 & 2, Oakland, CA 94611	 3600 Broadway Oakland, CA
Sunday 7:00 pm Cambridge, MA Sundays @ 7:00 pm	 Spaulding Rehab, Board Room, 1575 Cambridge St., Cambridge, MA 02138	 1575 Cambridge St Cambridge, MA
Sunday 7:15 pm Wickenburg, AZ Sunday @ 7:15 pm	 Rosa Capri Partial Hospitlaization Program, 521 W Wickenburg Way, Wickenburg, AZ 85390	 521 W Wickenburg Way Wickenburg, AZ
Sunday 7:30 pm Delray Beach, FL Sundays @ 7:30 pm	 Crossroads Club, 1700 Lake Ida Road, Delray Beach FL 33444	 1700 Lake Ida Rd Delray Beach, FL
Monday 6:45 am New York City, NY Mondays @ 6:45 pm	 BALANCE Eating Disorder Treatment Center, 112 W. 27th St, 7th floor, New York, NY 10001	 112 W 27th St 7th Floor New York City, NY
Monday 5:30 pm Salisbury, MD Mondays @ 5:30 pm	 Recovery Resources Center, 726 S. Salisbury Road, Salisbury, MD 21804	 726 S Salisbury Blvd Salisbury, MD
Monday 5:30 pm Cedar Rapids, IA Monday @ 5:30 PM	 Renova Therapy Offices, Executive Plaza, 4403 1st Ave NE, Suite 510, Cedar Rapids, IA 52228	 4403 1st Ave NE #510
Monday 6:00 pm Boise, ID Monday @ 6:00 PM	 Center For Change, 1411 W Franklin St, Boise, ID 83702	 1411 W Franklin St
Monday 6:00 pm Knoxville, TN Mondays @ 6:00 pm	 Cherokee Mills, 2210 Sutherland Ave, Knoxville, TN 37919	 2220 Sutherland Ave Knoxville, TN
Monday 6:00 pm Deep River, CT Monday @ 6:00 pm	 Deep River Congregational Church, 1 Church Street, Deep River, CT 06417	 1 Church St Deep River, CT
Monday 6:00 pm Beaufort, SC Mondays @ 6:00 pm	 St John's Lutheran Church, 157 Ladys Island Dr, Beaufort, SC 29907	 157 Ladys Island Dr Beaufort, SC
Monday 6:00 pm Houston (Spring Branch), TX Monday @ 6:00 pm	 Trini Menden Community Center, 1414 Wirt Road, Houston, TX 77055	 1414 Wirt Rd Houston (Spring Branch), TX
Monday 6:30 pm Lancaster, PA Monday @ 6:30 pm	 Hempfield United Methodist Church, 3050 Marietta Ave, Room 126, Lancaster, PA 17601	 3050 Marietta Ave Lancaster, PA
Monday 6:30 pm Santa Cruz, CA Mondays @ 6:30 pm	 Lotus Collaborative Building, 603 Mission St, Santa Cruz, CA 95060	 603 Mission St Santa Cruz, CA
Monday 6:30 pm Escondido, CA Mondays @ 6:30 pm	 Trinity Church, 845 Chestnut St, Library	 Trinity Neighborhood Garden Escondido, CA
Monday 7:00 pm Memphis, TN Monday @ 7:00 pm	 28 S Evergreen, Memphis, TN 38104	 28 S Evergreen St Memphis, TN
Monday 7:00 pm Jalisco, Mexico Mondays @ 7:00 pm	 Av. De La Calma 4169, Colonia La Calma	 Av De La Calma 4169 Mexico
Monday 7:00 pm Phoenix, AZ Mondays @ 7:00 pm	 Campbell Community Church, 2927 E. Campbell Dr. Suite 104, Phoenix, AZ 85016	 2927 E Campbell Ave Phoenix, AZ
Monday 7:00 pm St. Paul, MN Mondays @ 7:00 pm	 Minnesota Recovery Center, 2446 University Ave W, #112, St Paul, MN 55114	 2446 University Ave W #112 St. Paul, MN
Monday 7:00 pm Reno, NV Mondays @ 7:00 pm	 Reno Buddhist Temple, 820 Plumas St, Reno, NV 89509	 820 Plumas St Reno, NV
Monday 7:00 pm Charleston, SC Mondays @ 7:00 pm	 St. Andrew's United Methodist Church, 3225 Ashley Road, Charleston, SC 29414	 3225 Ashley River Rd Charleston, SC
Monday 7:00 pm Helena, MT (this meeting on hiatus) Monday @ 7:00 pm (060119)	 St. Paul's United Methodist Church, 512 Jackson Street, Helena Montana 59601, Room #200.	 512 N Jackson St Helena, MT
Monday 7:30 pm Hollywood, FL (NEW MEETING BEGINS AUG 5, 2019!!) Monday @ 7:30 PM	 Sober Today Club, 1633 S 21st Ave, Hollywood, FL 33020	 1633 S 21st Ave Hollywood, FL
Monday 7:30 pm Cape Town, South Africa Monday @ 7:30 pm	 St Michael's Church, 23 Rouwkoop Rd, Rondebosch, Cape Town, 7700, South Africa	 23 Rouwkoop Rd South Africa
Tuesday 5:30 pm Hendersonville, NC Tuesday @ 5:00 pm	 542 N Oak St, Hendersonville, NC 28739	 542 N Oak St Hendersonville, NC
Tuesday 5:30 pm Orem, UT Tuesday @ 5:30 pm	 Center for Change, 1790 North State Street, Orem, UT 84057	 1790 N State St Orem, UT
Tuesday 5:30 pm Delray Beach, FL Tuesdays @ 5:30 pm	 Crossroads Club, 1700 Lake Ida Road, Delray Beach FL 33444	 1700 Lake Ida Rd Delray Beach, FL
Tuesday 5:30 pm Tucson, AZ Tuesdays @ 5:30 pm	 Mountain View Retirement Village, 2nd floor, 7900 N. La Canada Drive, Tucson, AZ 85704	 7900 N La Cañada Dr Tucson, AZ
Tuesday 5:30 pm Jackson, MS Tuesday @ 5:30 pm	 St. James Episcopal Church, Moyer Room (Gray Hall), 3921 Oakridge Dr., Jackson, MS 39216	 3921 Oakridge Dr Jackson, MS
Tuesday 6:00 pm Austin, TX Tuesday @ 6:00 PM	 Alpha 180 House, 1904 Nueces St, Austin, TX 78705	 1904 Nueces St Austin, TX
Tuesday 6:00 pm Soldotna, AK Tuesday @ 6:00 pm	 Central Peninsula Hospital River Tower, Kenai Room (2nd floor), 250 Hospital Place, Soldotna, AK 99669	 250 Hospital Pl Soldotna, AK
Tuesday 6:00 pm Minneapolis, MN Tuesday @ 6:00 pm	 Grace Trinity Church, Library, 1430 W 28th, Minneapolis, MN 55408	 1430 W 28th St Minneapolis, MN
Tuesday 6:00 pm Poway, CA Tuesday @ 6:00 pm	 Poway Alano Club, 13939 Poway Road, Suite 10 (small room), Poway, CA 92064	 13939 Poway Rd Poway, CA
Tuesday 6:00 pm Cumming, GA Tuesdays @ 6:00 pm	 St. Brendan's Catholic Church, 4633 Shiloh Road, Cumming, GA 30040	 4633 Shiloh Rd Cumming, GA
Tuesday 6:00 pm Australia, Tuesdays @ 6:00 pm	 St. Helen's Community Centre	 184 Glebe Point Rd Australia
Tuesday 6:00 pm Palm Beach Gardens, FL Tuesday @ 6:00 pm	 The Center, 1408 N Killian Drive, Suite 105, Lake Park FL 33403	 1408 N Killian Dr #105 Palm Beach Gardens, FL
Tuesday 6:30 pm Salt Lake City, UT Tuesday @ 6:30 pm	 All Saints Episcopal Church (St. John's Hall Room), 1710 Foothill Drive, SLC, UT 84108	 1710 Foothill Dr Salt Lake City, UT
Tuesday 6:30 pm San Francisco, CA Tuesday @ 6:30 pm	 Association of Professionals Treating Eating Disorders, 3195 California Street, #E San Francisco, CA 94115	 3195 California St San Francisco, CA
Tuesday 6:30 pm London, United Kingdom, Tuesday @ 6:30 PM	 Fitzrovia Community Centre, 2 Foley St, Fitzrovia, London W1W, UK	 Fitzrovia Community Centre United Kingdom
Tuesday 6:30 pm Cork, Ireland Tuesday @ 6:30 pm	 Iniscarrig Centre, Erinville Hospital, 14 Mardyke Walk, Alverna, Mardyke, Cork, T12 N7YA, Ireland	 14 Mardyke Walk Ireland
Tuesday 6:30 pm Reidsville, NC Tuesday @ 6:30 pm	 Living Faith Communities Church, 513 S. Main Street, Reidsville, NC 27320	 513 S Main St Reidsville, NC
Tuesday 6:30 pm Columbus, OH Tuesdays @ 6:30 pm	 St Luke's United Methodist Church, 1150 W 5th Ave, Columbus, OH 43212	 1150 W 5th Ave Columbus, OH
Tuesday 6:30 pm Macon, GA Tuesdays @ 6:30 pm	 St. Francis Episcopal Church - Parish Hall (next to chapel),432 Forest Hill Road, Macon, GA 31210	 432 Forest Hill Rd Macon, GA
Tuesday 6:45 pm Boulder, CO (NEW MEETING!!) 1st/3rd/5th Tuesdays @ 6:45 pm	 Boulder Public Library (Meadows Branch), Meeting Room, 4800 Baseline Road, Boulder, CO 80303	 4800 Baseline Rd Boulder, CO
Tuesday 7:00 pm Nanaimo, British Columbia, Canada Tuesday @ 7:00 pm	 Blossom Place 3069 Alan a Dale Pl, Nanaimo, BC V9T 1N7, Canada	 3069 Alan a Dale Pl Canada
Tuesday 7:00 pm Seattle, WA Tuesdays @ 7:00 pm	 Peace Lutheran Church, 8316 39th Ave SW, Seattle, WA	 8316 39th Ave SW Seattle, WA
Tuesday 7:00 pm Nashville, TN Tuesdays @ 7:00 pm	 The Integrative Life Center, 1104 16th Ave South, Nashville TN 37212	 1104 16th Ave S Nashville, TN
Tuesday 7:00 pm Germantown, MD Tuesdays @ 7:00 pm	 Upper Seneca Baptist Church, 23401 Davis Mill Road, Germantown, MD 20876	 23401 Davis Mill Rd Germantown, MD
Tuesday 7:30 pm Berlin, Germany Tuesdays @ 7:30 pm	 American Church, Dennewitzplatz 1, 10783, Berlin Schöneberg	 Dennewitzplatz Germany
Tuesday 7:30 pm Helmond, Netherlands Tuesdays @ 7:30 pm	 Zelfhulp Netwerk, Pastoriestraat 147, 5612 EK Eindhoven, Netherlands	 Pastoriestraat 147 Netherlands
Tuesday 8:00 pm Dunedin, FL Tuesday @ 8:00 pm	 Warehouse Club of Dunedin, 2024 Main Street, Dunedin, FL 34698	 2024 Main St Dunedin, FL
Wednesday 10:30 am Pearl River, NY Wednesdays @ 10:30 am	 St. Stephen's Church (Library), 84 Ehrhardt Road, Pearl River, NY 10965	 84 Ehrhardt Rd Pearl River, NY
Wednesday Noon Fort Bragg, CA Wednesday @ 12:00 pm	 St. Michael's Church, 201 E. Fir Street, Ft. Bragg, CA 95437	 201 E Fir St Fort Bragg, CA
Wednesday 4:00 pm Asheville, NC Wednesday @ 4:00 pm	 12-Step Club, 22B New Leicester Hwy. Asheville, NC 28806	 22 New Leicester Hwy Asheville, NC
Wednesday 6:00 pm Chattanooga, TN Wednesday @ 6:00 pm	 Focus Treatment Center, 7429 Shallowford Road, Chattanooga, TN 37421	 Chattanooga, TN
Wednesday 6:30 pm Kennesaw, GA (NEW DAY & TIME!!!) Wednesdays @ 6:30 pm	 Kennesaw State University, University Village, 1085 Canton Place NW, Building 6000, Room 6137, Kennesaw, GA 30144	 Ksu Place Apartments Kennesaw, GA
Wednesday 6:30 pm Dublin, Ireland Wednesdays @ 6:30 pm	 Rutland Centre, Knocklyon Rd, Dublin, Ireland	 Knocklyon Rd Ireland
Wednesday 6:30 pm Walla Walla, WA (this meeting on hiatus) Wednesday @ 6:30 pm	 St. Paul's Episcopal Church, (front library), 323 Catherine St, Walla Walla, WA 99362	 323 Catherine St Walla Walla, WA
Wednesday 7:00 pm Palo Alto, CA Wednesdays @ 7:00 pm	 All Saints Episcopal Church, Library, 555 Waverley Street, Palo Alto, CA 94301	 555 Waverley St Palo Alto, CA
Wednesday 7:00 pm Austin, TX Wednesday @ 7:00 pm	 Alpha 180 House, 1904 Nueces St, Austin, TX 78705	 1904 Nueces St Austin, TX
Wednesday 7:00 pm Medford, WI 2nd Wednesday of each month @ 7:00 pm	 Community United Church of Christ, 510 E. Broadway, Medford, WI 54451	 510 E Broadway Ave Medford, WI
Wednesday 7:15 pm Wickenburg, AZ Wednesday @ 7:15 pm	 Rosa Capri Partial Hospitlaization Program, 521 W Wickenburg Way, Wickenburg, AZ 85390	 521 W Wickenburg Way Wickenburg, AZ
Wednesday 7:30 pm Murfreesboro, TN Wednesdays @ 7:30 pm	 Cumberland Heights IOP, 745 S. Church St, Suite 505, Murfreesboro, TN 37130	 745 S Church St #505 Murfreesboro, TN
Wednesday 7:30 pm Westminster, MD Wednesdays @ 7:30 pm	 Grace Lutheran Church, 21 Carroll St, Westminster, MD 21157	 21 Carroll St #4829 Westminister, MD
Wednesday 7:30 pm Essex, United Kingdom Wednesday @ 7:30 pm	 Westleigh Baptist Church 1150 London Road, Leigh-on-Sea, Essex SS9 2AJ	 1150 London Rd United Kingdom
Wednesday 8:00 pm Noblesville, IN (this meeting on hiatus) Wednesday @ 8:00 pm (060119)	 17090 Mercantile Road, Noblesville, IN 46060	 17090 Mercantile Blvd Noblesville, IN
Wednesday 8:00 pm Newtown, PA Wednesday @ 8:00 pm	 Bucks Support Services in the Yoga Studio, 17 Barclay Street, Bldg. A, Newton, PA 18940	 17 Barclay St Newtown, PA
Wednesday 8:00 pm Genève, Switzerland Wednesdays @ 8:00 pm	 Rue du Vieux Billard 23, Rue du Vieux-Billard 23, 1205 Genève, Switzerland	 Rue du Vieux-Billard 23 Switzerland
Thursday 8:30 am Asheville, NC Thursdays @ 8:30 am	 The Relationship Center, 70 Woodfin Place, Suite #021, Asheville, NC 28801	 2560 Asheville, NC
Thursday 5:00 pm Cottonwood Heights, UT Thursday @ 5:00 pm	 Center for Change, 7050 Highland Drive Suite 310, Cottonwood Heights, UT 84121	 7050 Highland Dr #310 Cottonwood Heights, UT
Thursday 5:30 pm Rochester, NY Thursdays @ 5:30 pm	 Creative Wellness Center, 320 Goodman St N, #201, Rochester, NY 14607	 320 Goodman St N Rochester, NY
Thursday 5:30 pm Victoria, British Columbia, Canada Thursday @ 5:30 pm	 Esquimalt Recreation Centre, 527 Fraser St, Victoria, BC V9A 6H7, Canada	 527 Fraser St Canada
Thursday 6:00 pm Delray Beach, FL Thursdays @ 6:00 pm	 Lakeview Church Fellowship Hall, 2599 N. Swinton Avenue, Delray Beach FL 33444	 2599 N Swinton Ave Delray Beach, FL
Thursday 6:30 pm Rome, GA Thursday @ 6:30 Pm	 408 Shorter Ave., Rome, GA 30165	 408 Shorter Ave Rome, GA
Thursday 6:30 pm Cork, Ireland Thursday @ 6:30 pm	 Iniscarrig Centre, Erinville Hospital, 14 Mardyke Walk, Alverna, Mardyke, Cork, T12 N7YA, Ireland	 14 Mardyke Walk Ireland
Thursday 7:00 pm Cape Town, South Africa Thursdays @ 7:00 pm	 115 Valyand Centre, Upper Recreation Rd, Fish Hoek, Cape Town, 7974, South Africa	 Upper Recreation Rd South Africa
Thursday 7:00 pm Grand Rapids, MI Thursday @ 7:00 pm	 Alano Club of Kent County, 1020 College Ave NE, Room 5, Grand Rapids, MI 49508	 1020 College Ave NE Grand Rapids, MI
Thursday 7:00 pm Jalisco, Mexico Thursdays @ 7:00 pm	 Av. De La Calma 4169, Colonia La Calma	 Av De La Calma 4169 Mexico
Thursday 7:00 pm Ajax, Ontario, Canada Thursday @ 7:00 pm	 Pickering Village United Church, 300 Church St N, Ajax, ON L1T 2W7, Canada	 300 Church St N Canada
Thursday 7:00 pm Mandeville, LA (This meeting is on hiatus until a co-moderator can be found. If interested please email or call.) Thursday @ 7:00 pm	 Starbucks, 3601 US-190, Mandeville, LA 70471	 3601 Highway 190 D&E Mandeville, LA
Thursday 7:00 pm Medway, MA Thursday @ 7:00 pm	 The Medway Public Library (downstairs), 26 High St. Medway, MA 02053	 26 High St Medway, MA
Thursday 7:00 pm Seattle, WA Thursday @ 7:00 pm	 YMCA Downtown Seattle (room 123 North), 909 4th Ave, Seattle, WA 98104	 909 4th Ave Seattle, WA
Friday 9:00 am Winter Park, FL (this meeting on hiatus) Friday @ 9:00 AM (060119)	 First Congregational Church, 225 S. Interlachen Ave, Winter Park, FL 32789	 225 S Interlachen Ave Winter Park, FL
Friday 5:00 pm Rome, GA Friday @ 5:00 pm	 408 Shorter Ave., Rome, GA 30165	 408 Shorter Ave Rome, GA
Friday 5:15 pm Lakewood, CO Friday @ 5:15 PM	 Red Rock Recovery Center, 12567 W. Cedar Dr, Suite 100, Lakewood, CO 80228	 12567 W Cedar Dr #100 Lakewood, CO
Friday 6:30 pm Tucson, AZ Friday @ 6:30 pm	 Unity Church of Tucson 3617 N Camino Blanco, Tucson, AZ 85718	 3617 N Camino Blanco Tucson, AZ
Friday 7:30 pm St. Louis area, MO Fridays @ 7:30 pm	 Webster Groves Christian Church, Heritage Room, 1320 W. Lockwood Ave., Webster Groves, MO 63122	 1320 W Lockwood Ave St. Louis, MO
Saturday 9:30 am Palo Alto, CA Saturdays @ 9:30 am	 All Saints Episcopal Church, Library, 555 Waverley Street, Palo Alto, CA 94301	 555 Waverley St Palo Alto, CA
Saturday 9:30 am Columbus, OH Saturday @ 9:30 am	 Maple Grove United Methodist Church, 7 W Henderson, Columbus, OH 43214	 7 W Henderson Rd Columbus, OH
Saturday 10:00 am Amherst, NY Saturday @ 10:00 am	 Clarifien Center LLC, 1412 Sweet Home Road, Suite #1, amherst, NY 14228	 1412 Sweet Home Rd #1 Amherst, NY
Saturday 10:00 am Corinth, MS Saturday @ 10:00 am	 St Paul's Episcopal Church, 250 Hwy 2, Corinth, MS 38834	 250 MS-2 #8359 Corinth, MS
Saturday 10:00 am Macon, GA Saturday @ 10:00 am	 St. Francis Episcopal Church - Parish Hall (next to chapel),432 Forest Hill Road, Macon, GA 31210	 432 Forest Hill Rd Macon, GA
Saturday 10:00 am Mesa, AZ Saturdays @ 10:00 am	 St. Matthew's United Methodist Church, 2540 WEST Baseline Road, Bldg 1, Room B13, Mesa, AZ 85202	 2540 W Baseline Rd Mesa, AZ
Saturday 10:00 am Pearl River, NY Saturdays @ 10:30 am	 St. Stephen's Church (Library), 84 Ehrhardt Road, Pearl River, NY 10965	 84 Ehrhardt Rd Pearl River, NY
Saturday 10:30 am Brooklyn, NY Saturdays @ 10:30 am This meeting is on hiatus until a co-moderator can be found (060119)	 Brooklyn, NY	 Brooklyn, NY Brooklyn, NY
Saturday 12:30 pm New York City, NY Saturdays @ 12:30 pm	 BALANCE Eating Disorder Treatment Center, 112 W. 27th St, 7th floor, New York, NY 10001	 112 W 27th St 7th Floor New York City, NY
Saturday 3:00 pm Pretoria, South Africa Saturdays @ 3:00 pm	 607 View St, Rietvalleirand, Pretoria, 0174, South Africa	 607 View St South Africa
Saturday 4:00 pm Chico, CA Saturdays @ 4:00 pm	 Chiropractic Office, 11 Williamsburg Ln, Unit B, Chico, CA 95926	 11 Williamsburg Ln Chico, CA
Saturday 5:30 pm Newport Beach, CA Saturday @ 5:30 PM.	 Newport Beach Alano Club	 414 32nd St Newport Beach, CA
Saturday 5:30 pm Newport Beach, CA Saturdays @ 5:30 pm	 Newport Beach Alano Club	 414 32nd St Newport Beach, CA
Saturday 6:00 pm Philadelphia, PA Saturday @ 6:00 pm	 Lumos Yoga and Barre, 2001 Green Street, Philadelphia, PA 19130	 2001 Green St Philadelphia, PA
Appointment Campbellsville, KY Weekly meeting. Times and days vary.	 St. Mark's United Methodist Church, 400 Meader Street, Campbellsville KY 42718	 400 Meader St Campbellsville, KY