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5 Things U.S. Policymakers Must Understand About China-Africa Relations
Report Oct 5, 2021
The United States must focus on developing a positive vision for the future of its role in Africa rather than relying solely on criticizing China's engagement on the continent.
Jordan Link
Restoring Social Trust in Democracy, Africa, Asia-Pacific, China, Foreign Policy+2 More
Chinese President Xi Jinping, front center, gives a speech during the opening ceremony of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation at the Great Hall of the People, September 3, 2018, in Beijing. (Getty/Madoka Ikegami)
The eighth convening of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC), likely to be held late this year, marks more than 20 years of high-level and institutionalized dialogue between Beijing and African leaders. The forum serves as a joint platform allowing Chinese and African officials to formulate how Chinese engagement can support African development goals and other ongoing initiatives. Over the years, Chinese leaders have used FOCAC to announce pledges for development financing in Africa.
U.S. policymakers on both sides of the aisle have grown more anxious about Beijing's role on the African continent as China-Africa relations have deepened in a variety of areas, including trade and commercial ties, military-security relations, and technology. However, American policymakers across the political spectrum have not prioritized African countries when it comes to U.S. foreign policy plans. Rather, Washington's limited focus on Africa has lacked coordination and now is often unsettled by an ill-defined concept of "Chinese influence." When former President Donald Trump's administration unveiled a new strategy for Africa, it framed the continent as a venue for competition with Beijing, rather than offering a positive vision for U.S.-Africa relations.1 The Biden administration has sought to refocus the Trump administration's Prosper Africa initiative, a campaign to increase two-way trade and investment with African countries.2 In April 2021, U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken held virtual meetings with Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta, Kenyan Cabinet Secretary for Foreign Affairs Ambassador Raychelle Omamo, Nigerian President Muhammadu Buhari, and Nigerian Foreign Minister Geoffrey Onyeama to discuss mutual goals and shared concerns.3
It is critical that the United States works to rebalance its relations with African countries, especially as the continent undergoes dramatic demographic and economic changes. Africa's population is expected to double to 2.5 billion by 2050, accounting for more than one-quarter of the global population.4 In addition, prior to the COVID-19 pandemic, the continent was home to 7 of the world's 10 fastest-growing economies.5 As Africa expert Judd Devermont argues, "every global problem is going to have an African dimension to it."6 From climate change and pandemic responses to cyber governance, African countries are sure to play a significant role in the future of global affairs.
Chinese engagement across Africa is important because it is meeting the needs of one or more powerful local constituencies, from the creation of jobs to providing needed technology and related infrastructure.
U.S. policymakers must realize that if they are unable to advance U.S.-Africa relations in the near future, they will miss a crucial opportunity to participate in a rapidly changing region where American national interests are at stake. Most importantly, the United States cannot continue to rely solely on a strategy of criticizing Beijing's engagement across Africa. This report outlines five key realities of China's role in Africa that U.S. policymakers need to understand in order to get U.S. Africa-focused policy right:
Africans view the United States and China favorably.
Chinese economic activities across Africa are not solely extractive and create jobs.
The claim that China is engaged in so-called debt trap diplomacy lacks evidence, but transparency is still a key concern.
Chinese state financing is paving the way for Chinese companies to dominate telecommunications infrastructure development in many African nations.
Chinese commercial activity has harmed the environment in many African countries.
American officials need to understand China's activities in Africa to contextualize their own policy and, in some cases, learn from Chinese successes and failures. Fundamentally, Chinese engagement across Africa is important because it is meeting the needs of one or more powerful local constituencies, from the creation of jobs to providing needed technology and related infrastructure. This report offers recommendations for U.S. policymakers to advance their own positive agenda in Africa by meeting Africa's needs. These needs include increasing donations of COVID-19 vaccines to African countries, helping African partners develop local laws to improve outcomes from foreign investment and lending, institutionalizing the U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit, and forming and funding an export-credit coalition to provide alternatives to Chinese government lending.
Africans view the United States and China favorably
While U.S. policymakers warn the American public and the rest of the world of the dangers of Beijing's influence, populations in many African countries do not see Chinese engagement in the same light. The latest public attitudes surveys, conducted in 18 African countries between 2019 and 2020 by the nonpartisan research institution Afrobarometer, reveal that perceptions of China's political and economic influence across the continent are positive.7 For example, 59 percent of individuals interviewed believe China's economic and political influence is "somewhat or very positive."8
How Africans view the United States and China
Percentage of respondents who viewed Chinese economic and political influence favorably
Percentage of respondents who viewed U.S. political and economic influence favorably
Comparatively, 58 percent of those interviewed think the United States has a "somewhat positive or mostly positive" economic and political influence in their home countries, showing that despite seeming neglect on the U.S. side, America is still viewed positively among African populations.9 In fact, a higher percentage of survey participants believe China's economic and political influence is "somewhat negative or very negative" than believe the same regarding the United States—15 percent to 13 percent, respectively.10 The average level of "somewhat positive or very positive" views on China's economic and political influence has also dropped slightly across Africa over the years. Afrobarometer's 16-country poll average from 2014 to 2015 was 65 percent.11 Currently, the 18-country poll average stands at 60 percent.12
The African public surveyed sees neither the United States nor China as a strong model for future development. However, when asked to pick the country that represents the best model for future development, it gave the United States the highest percentage of the vote: 32 percent of respondents chose the United States, while 23 percent chose China.13
Despite the resources the Chinese government has dedicated to fostering China-Africa relations, what China offers is not perceived as overwhelmingly better than what's offered by the United States. At the U.N. General Assembly in September 2017, nine African leaders told then-President Trump that "we would prefer to do business with the United States and other western countries, but you aren't there … unlike China."14 (emphasis added)
Moving forward, U.S. policymakers should track how individual African countries react to Washington's and Beijing's handling of the COVID-19 pandemic and race issues, areas where both countries have mixed records. African leaders have criticized both governments for their handling of the pandemic.15 For example, Nigerian Cabinet Minister Oby Ezekwesili criticized China for its mismanagement of the outbreak and demanded Beijing compensate Africa for damages caused by the pandemic.16 Further, the African Group, a regional group at the United Nations composed of 54 member states from the African continent, backed the European Union's resolution calling for an independent inquiry into the origins of the coronavirus pandemic.17 African leaders also openly criticized Trump for his tweets claiming that the World Health Organization, led by Ethiopian Dr. Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, was "China centric."18
African leaders have voiced deep reservations about both Chinese and U.S. race policies. In 2020, officials in Nigeria and Ghana voiced their concerns regarding discrimination targeting Africans in Guangzhou.19 The murder of George Floyd also evoked critical responses from African leaders such as Ghanaian President Nana Akufo-Addo, who took to Twitter to say, "It cannot be right that, in the 21st century, the U.S., this great bastion of democracy, continues to grapple with the problem of systemic racism."20
As concerns over Chinese influence in Africa grow among U.S. policymakers, it is critical to realize that positive perceptions in African countries toward China do not drastically outpace those toward the United States. There is strong evidence that African citizens and governments are open to partnering with the United States over China if American leadership shows up and delivers.
Chinese activity creates jobs in Africa, albeit low-skill ones
As the United States has prioritized other regions in foreign policy, China is currently the African continent's most significant bilateral economic partner. Extensive economic activity has led to concerns that Beijing's state-owned and private enterprises are exclusively extracting resources from African countries and importing Chinese workers for these projects instead of employing local African labor.
Number of Chinese workers in Africa as of 2019
To be sure, there are Chinese workers in Africa. According to Chinese government data, in 2019, there were a total of 182,745 workers across the continent.21 That same year, the top five countries with Chinese workers were Algeria (42,999), Angola (22,868), Nigeria (12,199), Zambia (8,906), and Kenya (8,348). These five countries accounted for slightly more than 50 percent of all Chinese workers in Africa at the end of 2019; Algeria alone accounts for just less than 25 percent.
However, extensive research shows that Chinese firms in Africa also create jobs for local workers. Field research conducted in 2013 by Tang Xiaoyang, the deputy director of the Carnegie-Tsinghua Center for Global Policy, demonstrates that China-Africa Cotton has created thousands of jobs for local workers in Malawi and Zambia and contracts with more than 100,000 farmers throughout Southern Africa.22 A 2015 survey of 73 different Chinese manufacturing companies across three Ethiopian industrial zones found that Chinese factories employed nearly 28,000 Ethiopians and fewer than 1,500 Chinese expats.23 In other words, approximately 95 percent of the workforce were local hires. Other research from 2015 conducted by scholars at the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology shows that 85 percent of workers across 400 Chinese companies were Africans.24 A 2017 McKinsey & Company study found that in the 4,832 Chinese-owned firms in Africa it surveyed, 89 percent of employees were African—with nearly 300,000 jobs created for local workers.25 The authors of that study argue that if this figure were scaled across their estimate of 10,000 Chinese-owned firms across Africa, Chinese-owned businesses would employ several million Africans. Other research conducted from 2016 to 2019 demonstrates similar findings in Chinese-backed wind energy projects in Ethiopia. Two projects surveyed—Adama 1 and Adama 2, which are responsible for nearly 5 percent of all Ethiopia's electricity generation—employed roughly 75 percent and 81 percent local workers, respectively, for a total of approximately 2,000 local Ethiopian workers.26
When compared with non-Chinese foreign firms operating in Africa, Chinese enterprises employ close to the same percentage of local workers. A 2016 comparative research project examining 12 ongoing construction projects in Ghana found that hiring practices by Chinese firms were similar to those of other foreign construction enterprises.27 This research analyzed six Chinese-led projects, three foreign-led projects not of Chinese origin, and three Ghanaian-led projects. The Chinese-owned enterprises surveyed employed 90 percent local hires. Other foreign-led projects employed 93 percent local hires. Surprisingly, Ghanaian enterprises had the lowest share of local employees at 85 percent.28 Another project conducted between 2016 and 2017 by researchers at SOAS University of London surveyed 37 firms in Angola and 40 firms in Ethiopia, of which about half were Chinese-owned. In Angola, 74 percent of workers employed by the Chinese firms were local Angolans, while 90 percent of employees in Ethiopia were Ethiopian.29
Despite significant evidence of Chinese-led job creation, however, issues remain with the labor practices of Chinese-firms in Africa. Most notably, Chinese managers do not often promote local Africans to higher ranks within Chinese-owned businesses. According to McKinsey, only 44 percent of local managers at Chinese-owned companies surveyed were African. Frangton Chiyemura, a lecturer in international development, found that top management and technical positions at Chinese-backed wind energy projects in Ethiopia remain dominated by Chinese employees.30 Tang Xiaoyang has also found that the proportion of African employees is often much lower in companies offering high-skill and technical jobs.31
Besides disparities in promotion opportunities, reports have highlighted various instances of alleged labor rights violations and human rights abuses by Chinese companies in Africa. African workers have complained of low wages and poor working and living conditions.32 In a 2020 incident, two Zimbabwean miners were allegedly shot by their Chinese employer during a dispute over wages, when one worker confronted his employer regarding his wages.33 The Zimbabwe Environmental Lawyers Association stated that the incident demonstrated the "systematic and widespread" abuse of workers by the Chinese company.34 One victim was compensated by the mining company following the incident; the company also covered his medical expenses.35 The Chinese Embassy in Zimbabwe said it was "highly concerned" by the case and called for a transparent investigation.36 Unfair Chinese labor practices in Africa have been a source of concern for workers, labor unions, and human rights organizations for decades.37 Human Rights Watch produced a detailed report in 2011 alleging that "Chinese-run copper mining companies in Zambia routinely flout labor laws and regulations designed to protect workers' safety and the right to organize."38 The report shed light on poor health and safety conditions, regular 12- to 18-hour shifts of hard labor, and anti-union practices.39 All such activities highlighted in the report represented a gross violation of Zambia's labor laws.40
'Debt trap diplomacy' lacks evidence, but transparency is a key concern
The practice of so-called debt trap diplomacy—the theory that Beijing uses loans to saddle foreign countries with debt in order to force governments to hand over strategic assets such as ports and railways—has gripped many U.S. policymakers.
There is no evidence of the Chinese government seizing an asset in response to an unpaid debt owed by an African government.
41 This narrative has been dismissed by many experts as fiction.42 To date, there is no evidence of the Chinese government seizing an asset in response to an unpaid debt owed by an African government. Officials from South Africa, Uganda, Zambia, Rwanda, Ethiopia, Djibouti, and the African Development Bank have all rejected the debt trap narrative.43 Even the most widely cited example of debt trap diplomacy outside Africa, the Hambantota port in Sri Lanka, has been shown to actually be a more complicated problem created by "a persistent balance of payment (BOP) crisis resulting from the reduction of trade over the years" while the port faced external debt servicing costs, most of which were not Chinese loans. At the end of 2017, Chinese loans only amounted to 10 percent of Sri Lanka's total debt.44 International sovereign bonds composed the largest part of Sri Lanka's total foreign debt at 39 percent. In the face of external debt servicing costs, Sri Lanka needed foreign currency inflows. Sri Lanka leased the Hambantota port to China Merchants Port Holdings Co. Ltd. to increase its foreign reserves.45
Nevertheless, Chinese lending across Africa remains a complex story. The Chinese government is the African continent's largest bilateral creditor, holding 21 percent of all African debt.46 Researchers at the Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies China-Africa Research Initiative have found that from 2000 to 2019, Chinese financiers—both public and private—signed $153 billion worth of loans spread across 1,141 loan commitments with African governments and their state-owned enterprises.47 The top five borrowers—Angola ($42.6 billion), Ethiopia ($13.7 billion), Zambia ($9.9 billion), Kenya ($9.2 billion), and Nigeria ($6.7 billion)—held more than 50 percent of all the Chinese loans to African governments.48 Resource-backed lending—loans based on future income from accessing natural resources—accounted for 26 percent of all Chinese loans in Africa from 2000 to 2019.49 Moreover, Angola accounted for 70 percent of China's resource-secured lending.50
Chinese lending is likely under increased international scrutiny due to President Xi Jinping's outward foreign policy push, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Despite the international attention the initiative has spurred regarding major infrastructure projects, Chinese lending to African BRI signatories per year has remained static since the public unveiling of the BRI in 2013.51 In fact, Chinese lending to African governments peaked as the BRI was launched.52 Since 2014, the amount of total Chinese lending to Africa has hovered around $10 billion per year, excluding Angola.53
Despite a lack of evidence to support the debt trap narrative, policymakers and researchers cannot be fully confident that China does not conduct debt trap diplomacy because Chinese lending is purposefully opaque. Research led by AidData, a research center at the College of William & Mary, demonstrates that Chinese loan contracts often contain confidentiality clauses that prohibit borrowers from revealing the terms or even the existence of the debt.54 According to AidData's assessment of 100 loan contracts, most of the contracts prevent borrowers from disclosing contract terms or related information unless required by domestic law.55 These confidentiality requirements are atypical compared with other non-Chinese loans; as AidData concludes, "Borrower confidentiality obligations outside the Chinese sample are rare and narrowly drawn." AidData also found that nearly 75 percent of Chinese loans identified contain clauses that prevent the debt from being restructured in multilateral settings.56
Warnings about Chinese technology fail to resonate with African governments
U.S. officials have long warned other countries about the dangers of adopting 5G telecommunications and surveillance equipment from Chinese companies over concerns of deep connections to Beijing and its surveillance state.57 However, these warnings do not resonate with many African leaders, as price and basic connectivity outweigh security concerns. Some African leaders have blatantly rejected the merits of U.S. warnings about Huawei, labeling the warnings political. For instance, South African President Cyril Ramaphosa has said the United States is "jealous" of Huawei's success in 5G.58 Kenya's Cabinet Secretary for Information and Communications Technology Joe Mucheru summed up U.S. warnings not to partner with Huawei as merely "political postures."59
W. Gyude Moore, former Liberian minister of public works and current senior policy fellow at the Center for Global Development, clearly lays out the calculus facing African countries. The concern is not about whether Huawei or other Chinese technology firms create security vulnerabilities for critical data but more about "basic connectivity," said Moore.60 He adds, "It is about connecting each country to the internet in a way that is adequate, dependable and affordable."
Despite U.S. warnings, Huawei is a mainstay in African telecommunications networks. Huawei has conducted business in Africa since 1998 and now operates in 40 African countries.61 Huawei's success in Africa is due in part to the company's access to Chinese state loans. Over the past 20 years, 29 African governments have signed 69 loans with China's state-owned banks and other financial institutions, worth more than $6 billion, for Huawei projects.62 ZTE, another prominent Chinese telecommunications equipment provider, has had similar state support from Beijing. Since 2000, the governments of 14 African countries have signed 23 loans for projects involving ZTE, worth more than $3.7 billion. Researchers with the China-Africa Research Initiative have identified some of the interest rates for these loans, which are often well below market rates. The interest rates for 28 of the 69 loans involving Huawei are publicly available, at an average interest rate of 2.25 percent. Six of the 23 loans involving ZTE also averaged interest rates of 2.25 percent.63
Cost will continue to be a determining factor in the telecommunications industry. According to China-Africa expert Cobus van Staden, "one of the key reasons African countries have pushed back against pressure to drop Huawei is that the company is involved at every level of internet provision, from undersea cables … to terrestrial networks to selling mobile phones to African consumers."64 As countries transition to the next generation of telecoms equipment, African governments may need to incorporate at least some Huawei equipment or face the high costs of eliminating Huawei equipment from already-existing networks. Unless U.S. government warnings to avoid technology from Chinese companies are accompanied by financial assistance or a near-peer competitor to Huawei's service offerings, they will likely continue to fall on deaf ears.
Chinese commercial activity has harmed the environment in many African countries
Chinese activities across Africa raise serious questions about their potential consequences on the environment and climate. Some fallouts from Chinese projects across the continent include the prevalent use of fossil fuels, increased pollution, and heightened incentives for illegal exploitation of natural resources.
Chinese loans have been used to finance coal projects in South Africa, Zimbabwe, Morocco, Malawi, Botswana, and Zambia.65 According to the China-Africa Research Initiative, since 2000, Chinese state-owned banks have supplied $3.7 billion in financing for coal projects in Africa, totaling 6,800 megawatts.66 Many African countries have been eager to proceed with coal-powered energy projects that only China will finance, as they want to meet the energy demand quickly and place less importance on long-term environmental damage and the contribution to climate change. The Chinese government and its lending institutions have recently shown signs of reducing support for coal projects abroad, but it is unclear if this is a temporary, pandemic-related dip or a policy shift.
Another negative externality of Chinese engagement in Africa is environmental degradation and pollution. For instance, Ghana's leaders, with the help of a Chinese stated-owned enterprise, are attempting to mine bauxite in a world-renowned forest reserve called Atewa. Local activists and water experts say that the mining would taint the water for 5 million people.67 In addition, the mine is expected to have an impact on an estimated 17,400 hectares of protected forest area. According to a 2018 Human Rights Watch report, mining bauxite has had devastating consequences in a number of African countries.68 The report found that mining in Guinea damaged farmlands and water sources and coated crops in dust. Sand mining conducted by a Chinese company, Haiyu Mozambique Mining Co. Lda, has severely affected the housing and living conditions of Nagonha residents in Mozambique and likely significantly contributed to a flood that partially destroyed a coastal village, leaving nearly 300 people homeless in February 2015.69 Haiyu denied responsibility; however, Amnesty International concluded that "all of the available evidence strongly suggests that Haiyu's mining activities and in particular the way it deposited sand across the landscape placed the coastal village at heightened risk of flooding."70
Chinese commercial engagement with Africa has also heightened incentives for illegal or damaging—often both—exploitation of natural resources. For example, Chinese demand for African timber has led to significant black-market activity. In 2017, the Environmental Investigation Agency detailed how 1.4 million illegally harvested logs in Nigeria with a market value of $300 million were laundered into China with more than $1 million worth of bribes paid to Nigerian government officials.71 Furthermore, in 2018, Chinese entities owned around 90 percent of Ghana's industrial fishing fleet despite Ghanaian law forbidding foreign ownership or control.72 This sort of illegal fishing has cost the Ghanaian economy an estimated $65 million per year.73 Illicit fishing operations place Ghana's fish stocks under pressure, so much so that pelagic fisheries in the region may collapse within three to seven years.74 Lastly, the Chinese market for ejiao, a traditional medicine made from gelatin extracted from boiled donkey skins, has put donkey populations at risk throughout several African countries such as Botswana, Ethiopia, Ghana, and Kenya. For many vulnerable populations, donkeys are a vital labor resource to transport food, water, firewood, goods, and people.75
Although negative environmental impacts have resulted from Chinese economic engagement in Africa, the Chinese government has nonetheless made some positive contributions to Africa's renewable energy development. In 2014, the Chinese government donated $800,000 worth of solar street lights to Uganda's Kampala Capital City Authority.76 Moreover, in 2016, the Zambian government signed a loan from the China Development Bank worth $170 million to finance solar-powered milling plants.77 With the help of Chinese contractors, Kenya launched a 50-megawatt solar power plant, one of the largest photovoltaic electricity stations in Africa.78 Looking forward, it will be important to track Chinese energy engagement in Africa following President Xi Jinping's announcement that China "will not build new coal-fired power projects abroad."79 While this is a step in the right direction, Xi was not clear if this announcement applies to all forms of financial support, or what it means for Chinese coal-fired power plants already underway.
The double-edged nature of China's environmental footprint in African countries is best displayed through a Tanzanian case study.80 In 2017, the Chinese government announced that it would stop importing certain types of waste, including unprocessed waste plastics, as of January 1, 2018. This development combined with rising labor costs encouraged some Chinese businesses to look toward Africa for opportunities in the recycling industry. Currently, about 60 Chinese factories are involved in plastic recycling, granulation, and the manufacturing of a variety of plastic products in Tanzania.
Plastic recycling was almost nonexistent in Tanzania before the Chinese factories opened. Interviews with Chinese investors revealed that dozens of local recyclers bought used machines from Chinese factories in order to set up their own smaller trash collection and recycling centers.81 In other words, not only did Chinese factories help Tanzania create a new industry, but they also spurred local workers into starting their own small businesses, further fueling the economy.
However, this seemingly positive development had a negative environmental impact. During extensive field research in Tanzania, Ying Xia, a researcher affiliated with the China-Africa Research Initiative, found that "most plastic recycling facilities [we] visited during this research hadn't installed any waste management systems at all, nor did they provide any protective health or safety equipment for their workers. … Many workshops are located within or near residential areas, where they can easily find temporary workers. There was even one facility we visited that was dumping their discarded materials, like flexible labels, into an open well near a local school's soccer playground."
The United States has ample opportunity to improve its economic and security partnerships in Africa and an urgent need to do so in the context of U.S.-China competition. But much of what America needs to do to counter Chinese influence in Africa has nothing to do with China. Instead, the United States must take basic steps to improve its performance in Africa as a reliable partner.
Regardless of the contours of U.S.-Africa relations and the rivalry between Washington and Beijing, a historic pandemic is raging. African countries need better access to COVID-19 vaccines, and the United States is an ideal partner to help provide critical assistance in a time of need. This can be accomplished by:
Donating more vaccines. To date, just 4.3 percent of all Africans are fully vaccinated.82 As the COVID-19 pandemic continues to rage outside developed countries, U.S. policymakers must find a way to increase vaccine donations to African countries. Of the 72 million doses delivered to Africa from the Chinese government, only 11 million have been donations.83 African nations have had to buy almost 85 percent of their Chinese vaccines.
Next, U.S. policymakers must carefully thread the needle between articulating a positive vision for the future of U.S.-Africa relations independent of rivalry with Beijing while also offering policy solutions that mitigate challenges catalyzed by Chinese engagement across the continent. Toward these ends, this report recommends the following:
Drop the lecturing rhetoric. U.S. policymakers' warnings of Chinese debt traps, imported Chinese workers stealing local jobs, and security concerns related to 5G technologies do not resonate with African leaders. The first step toward articulating a positive vision for the future of U.S.-Africa relations must include dropping paternalistic rhetoric based on false assumptions.
Refocus existing aid and development programs in Africa:
Develop a sectoral focus and targeted incentives for the Prosper Africa initiative. The Prosper Africa initiative, which aims to increase two-way trade and investment between the United States and African countries, should focus on two to three priority sectors and experiment to find the right combination of financial and commercial diplomacy support to boost U.S. participation.84 Originally developed under the Trump administration, the initiative as it stands lacks specific directives or incentives to boost U.S. business interests. U.S. policymakers can better facilitate increased trade and investment linkages by helping direct businesses to the most attractive opportunities and increasing financial support and small-business knowhow in the region.
Increase funding and support for Power Africa. Former President Barack Obama's signature Africa-focused initiative, supported by the Electrify Africa Act of 2015, sought to bring market-based sustainable electricity development solutions to 50 million people in Africa by 2020, a goal it reached easily. The Biden administration should undertake a review of this successful program and work with Congress to significantly expand funding support.85
Announce the return of the U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit. Last held in 2014, the Leaders Summit should be a permanent fixture of U.S.-Africa relations that is planned by career staff at the State Department in collaboration with the African Union. It will demonstrate a high-level commitment to furthering ties between Washington and African capitals. If the summit is held once every four years, each sitting U.S. president will be ensured to host or attend the event once during their term of office. Comparatively, Japan hosts the Tokyo International Conference on African Development once every five years, while China hosts the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation once every three years.
To further demonstrate high-level commitment, the United States should establish diplomatic reciprocity by suggesting the next summit be hosted by a key African partner in 2022, or when it is safe to travel again given the COVID-19 pandemic. In order to improve political buy-in within the United States and bureaucratic longevity for the summit, the Biden administration may want to include bipartisan congressional and key cultural figure attendance and request multiyear funding support for the summit in the fiscal year 2023 budget.
Strengthen educational and person-to-person exchanges. The United States should expand the Fulbright Program; increase EducationUSA funding targeted to encourage more Africans to enroll in U.S. universities; and increase International Visitor Leadership Program funding in key African nations.86
Encourage more government-to-government contact across departments. The United States should approve more high-level African delegations to visit Washington while also increasing high-level U.S. government travel to African countries, especially those involved in trade. The U.S. trade representative should prioritize long-term discussions with the African Continental Free Trade Area, both to encourage the area's effectiveness and to gauge the potential for future trade talks. When safe, the U.S. secretaries of commerce, agriculture, and energy should undertake a trade mission to key African nations. The United States should also significantly increase contact between the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and the recently established Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention and finance work not just on infectious diseases but also on noncommunicable diseases, environmental health issues, natural disaster response, and capacity-building in member states.
Finally, Chinese engagement in Africa—through Chinese government initiatives, state-owned enterprises, and private Chinese firms—presents both opportunities and risks for partner governments on the African continent. The United States should help African partners mitigate the negative aspects of that engagement by:
Partnering with African governments to help develop laws that address challenges brought about by China's economic engagement. China's engagement with African countries poses risks and challenges to key interests such as transparency, labor practices, and environmental sustainability. As such, the United States should help African countries develop local laws and standards to mitigate these risks. As previously noted, Chinese government lenders themselves have imposed confidentiality requirements on partner countries to not reveal details of loans unless required by local law. Therefore, the United States should partner with African governments to develop pertinent local laws. These efforts should span different issues such as labor practices, to ensure that local African workers are able to reach management positions and receive technical training, and environmental standards, to mitigate damage done to local environments.
Forming a coalition of export credit agencies to support vendors seeking to compete against Huawei and Chinese state-backed loans.87 U.S. policymakers should stop warning African countries against partnering with Chinese technology companies for telecommunications equipment without offering price-competitive alternatives. To date, U.S. warnings have not resulted in any African governments switching from Huawei or ZTE. To offer an alternative, the United States, together with other countries, should seek to create competition in the 5G arena through a coalition of export credit agencies.
The soon-to-be eighth Forum on China-Africa Cooperation demonstrates Beijing's high-level commitment to developing partnerships with countries across the African continent. Despite Beijing's long-term focus on becoming the partner of choice in Africa, the United States still enjoys comparable public support and a strong foundation for significant economic and security partnerships on the continent. U.S. policymakers should focus on developing a positive vision for the future of America's role in Africa rather than relying solely on criticizing China's engagement.
Jordan Link is the China policy analyst for National Security and International Policy at the Center for American Progress. He focuses on understanding the strategic and economic challenges that the Chinese Communist Party presents for the future of American foreign policy.
Before joining CAP, Link worked as the research manager of the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies China-Africa Research Initiative, where he led the China-Africa loans database research team and conducted quantitative and qualitative studies of China-Africa trade, finance, and security affairs. He also worked at National Defense University's Center for the Study of Chinese Military Affairs.
Link has an M.A. in Asian studies from the Elliott School of International Affairs at The George Washington University and a B.A. in international relations from the College of William & Mary.
The author would like to thank Laura Edwards, CAP program associate for China policy, and China research interns Anna Lipscomb and Patrick Yu for their invaluable research support.
Mark Landler and Edward Wong, "Bolton Outlines a Strategy for Africa That's Really About Countering China," The New York Times, December 13, 2018, available at https://www.nytimes.com/2018/12/13/us/politics/john-bolton-africa-china.html.
U.S. Department of State, "Digital Press Briefing on U.S.-Africa Trade and Investment through Prosper Africa," Press release, July 28, 2021, available at https://www.state.gov/digital-press-briefing-on-u-s-africa-trade-and-investment-through-prosper-africa/.
U.S. Department of State, "Secretary Blinken's Virtual Travel to Africa," Press release, April 26, 2021, available at https://www.state.gov/secretary-blinkens-virtual-travel-to-africa/.
The Economist, "Africa's population will double by 2050," May 28, 2020, available at https://www.economist.com/special-report/2020/03/26/africas-population-will-double-by-2050.
Matthew Winkler, "Coronavirus Is Helping African Economies Compete," Bloomberg, November 25, 2020, available at https://www.bloomberg.com/opinion/articles/2020-11-25/coronavirus-is-helping-african-economies-compete.
Judd Devermont, "Transcript: Africa expert Judd Devermont talks with Michael Morell on 'Intelligence Matters'," CBS News, February 26, 2020, available at https://www.cbsnews.com/news/transcript-africa-expert-judd-devermont-talks-with-michael-morell-on-intelligence-matters/.
Countries included Cabo Verde, Guinea, Mali, Burkina Faso, Côte d'Ivoire, Kenya, Nigeria, Botswana, Ethiopia, Gabon, Lesotho, Uganda, Malawi, Namibia, Ghana, Angola, Sierra Leone, and Tunisia. Edem Selormey, "Africans' perceptions about China: A sneak peek from 18 countries," Afrobarometer, September 3, 2020, available at https://afrobarometer.org/sites/default/files/africa-china_relations-3sept20.pdf.
Judd Devermont, "Haven't We Done This Before? Lessons from and Recommendations for Strategic Competition in Sub-Saharan Africa," Center for Strategic and International Studies, April 17, 2019, available at https://www.csis.org/analysis/havent-we-done-lessons-and-recommendations-strategic-competition-sub-saharan-africa; Oliver Caslin, "Afrique-États-Unis : rencontre avec Cyril Sartor, le Monsieur Afrique de Trump" (Africa-United States: meeting with Cyril Sartor, Trump's "Mr. Africa"), Jeune Afrique, June 12, 2018, available at https://www.jeuneafrique.com/mag/564959/politique/afrique-etats-unis-rencontre-avec-cyril-sartor-le-monsieur-afrique-de-trump/.
Judd Devermont, "A Seat at the Table: African Leadership in a Post-Covid-19 World" (Washington: Center for Strategic and International Studies, 2020), available at https://www.csis.org/analysis/seat-table-african-leadership-post-covid-19-world.
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Chiyemura, "Chinese firms — and African labor — are building Africa's infrastructure."
Tang, "The Impact of Chinese Investment on Skill Development and Technology Transfer in Zambia and Malawi's Cotton Sector."
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Mbamalu, "Plight of African workers under Chinese employers."
Human Rights Watch, "Zambia: Workers Detail Abuse in Chinese-Owned Mines," November 3, 2011, available at https://www.hrw.org/news/2011/11/03/zambia-workers-detail-abuse-chinese-owned-mines#.
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It is important to make this distinction because Angola is one of China's major oil suppliers, and Chinese banks have long provided oil-collateralized loans to the Angolan government and its state-owned oil company Sonangol. These are repaid through oil exports. To meet balance-of-payments problems caused by the price of oil plummeting in 2014, Angola negotiated a large infusion of finance in 2016. Jordan Link, "Neither Tightening Nor Loosening the Belt: Chinese Lending to African BRI Signatories," China-Africa Research Initiative China in Africa The Real Story blog, April 24, 2019, available at http://www.chinaafricarealstory.com/2019/04/neither-tightening-or-loosening-belt.html; Acker and Brautigam, "Twenty Years of Data on China's Africa Lending."
China-Africa Research Initiative, "Loan Data, 2020."
Anna Gelpern and others, "How China Lends: A Rare Look into 100 Debt Contracts with Foreign Governments" (Williamsburg, VA: AidData and others, 2021), available at https://docs.aiddata.org/reports/how-china-lends.html.
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Melanie Hart and Jordan Link, "There Is a Solution to the Huawei Challenge" (Washington: Center for American Progress, 2020), available at https://americanprogress.org/issues/security/reports/2020/10/14/491476/solution-huawei-challenge/.
Cobus van Staden, "How the U.S. can eclipse China in the battle over Africa," Politico, April 22, 2021, available at https://www.politico.com/newsletters/politico-china-watcher/2021/04/22/how-biden-can-win-over-africa-in-battle-with-china-492553.
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Stacey Knott, "Mining Ghana's bauxite would bring in billions from China. But it could also taint the water for 5 million people.", The Washington Post, October 28, 2019, available at https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/africa/mining-ghanas-bauxite-would-bring-in-billions-from-china-but-it-could-also-taint-the-water-for-5-million-people/2019/10/25/e4726518-e3a7-11e9-b0a6-3d03721b85ef_story.html.
Human Rights Watch, "Guinea: Bauxite Mining Boom Threatens Rights," October 4, 2018, available at https://www.hrw.org/news/2018/10/04/guinea-bauxite-mining-boom-threatens-rights#.
Amnesty International, "Mozambique: 'Our lives mean nothing': The human cost of Chinese Mining in Nagonha, Mozambique" (London: 2018), available at https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/afr41/7851/2018/en/.
Environmental Investigation Agency, "Historic Endangered Timber Smuggling Case Revealed Between Nigeria and China," Press release, November 9, 2017, available at https://eia-global.org/press-releases/historic-endangered-timber-smuggling-case-revealed-between-nigeria-and-china.
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Kate Hodal, "Illegal fishing by foreign trawlers costs Ghana $50m a year, researchers say," The Guardian, June 17, 2019, available at https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2019/jun/17/illegal-fishing-by-foreign-trawlers-costs-ghana-50-million-dollars-a-year-researchers-say.
Environmental Justice Foundation, "China's Hidden Fleet in West Africa."
Rachel Nuwer, "To Sate China's Demand, African Donkeys Are Stolen and Skinned," The New York Times, January 2, 2018, available at https://www.nytimes.com/2018/01/02/science/donkeys-africa-china-ejiao.html.
Biztech Africa, "China donates $800,000 in solar street lights to KCCA," July 22, 2014, available at https://www.biztechafrica.com/article/china-donates-800000-solar-street-lights-kcca/8484/.
Embassy of the People's Republic of China in the Republic of Zambia, "Yang you ming da shi kao cha lu sa ka tai yang neng mo fang chang xiang mu" ("Ambassador Yang Youming inspects the Lusaka Solar Mill Project"), December 8, 2016, available at http://zm.chineseembassy.org/chn/sgzxdthxx/t1422549.htm.
Xinhua News, "Kenya launches Chinese-built 50MW solar power plant," December 14, 2019, available at http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-12/14/c_138631435_2.htm.
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Ying Xia, "Wealth from Waste? Chinese Investments and Technology Transfer in the Tanzanian Plastic Recycling Industry" (Washington: China-Africa Research Initiative, 2019), available at https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5652847de4b033f56d2bdc29/t/5cdc2b0d8a9a0100011b02cf/1557932813533/PB-2019-06-XIA-Tanzania-Plastic-Recycling.pdf.
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Former Policy Analyst, China
The Expanding International Reach of China's Police
Focus Assistance to Tunisia—Don't Suspend It
Gordon Gray
Rising Anti-China Sentiment in South Korea Offers Opportunities To Strengthen US-ROK Relations
Haneul Lee, Tobias Harris, Alan Yu
Putin's Quagmire: Russia's Invasion of Ukraine Is a Strategic Disaster for the Kremlin


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This powerful combo exercise focuses on the legs and shoulders, but trains the entire body. You'll develop core strength and power as you squat and jump with dumbbells in your hands, then work your shoulders with shoulder presses at the end of the move.
Stand upright with legs a little more than shoulder-width apart. Hold dumbbells in each hand; your arms should be at your sides and your palms facing inward, with your thumbs forward (see Photo 1).
After pausing for only a moment in the plank position, lift up your feet and shoot them back towards your hands, landing them back at the squatted position (see Photo 5).
Stand up from the squat and lift the dumbbells to your shoulders, then press both dumbbells above your head in a shoulder press, with your palms facing inward (see Photo 6).
From the top of the shoulder press, lower the dumbbells back to the starting position. Repeat the exercise 12 times for a full set.


Message: Loved all the collars and the great pics of large dogs, esp. pit bulls. I love them. WOOF member rexasaurus65.
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With all of these happening in one day...the reality kind of set in that I really am not a kid anymore. This is pretty obvious, I know, being 20 years old and living on my own for the third year. But facing the not-so-fun aspects of growing up, well...it just made me feel kind of strange for some reason.
Talking to an RN about my healthcare plan in regards to my upcoming surgery and asking about a living will??
They are little yes. And for most of you this is old news. I am not complaining by any means- I don't necessarily mind all of these, just all in one day?
As my 17 year old cousin said recently..."I don't want to be an adult because that means you have to do taxes and get colonoscopies." Maybe I am not yet in need for the latter, but I know what she means!
I am sorry to say it, but as you get older, more and more stuff just gets piled on! And then you are thirty! But, life is an adventure, right??
so true! But it is just a weird feeling being in my twenties because it feels like a decade of a lot of pressure. Exciting pressure, graduating college, starting a career, possibly getting married....and being almost 21 it just seems like time has FLOWN by. It is really exciting!!! But scary. And like you said Erika, I am going to blink and be thirty before I know it!


text:
Fernand Gabriel ( à Paris  -  à La Garenne-Colombes) est un pilote  automobile français.

Biographie
En 1899, il remporte à 21 ans la catégorie Voiturettes du premier Tour de France automobile sur Decauville, et il doit abandonner lors du Paris-Bordeaux.

En 1901, il ne termine pas le Paris-Berlin, alors sur Darracq. L'année suivante, il est deuxième du Circuit des Ardennes sur une Mors Z et il se retire lors du Paris-Vienne, obtenant encore une victoire dans la côte de Château-Thierry près de Reims en 1902 sur Mors 60 HP et en fin d'année au mois d'octobre au kilomètre de Deauville (à , pour ).

Il remporte la course automobile Paris-Madrid en 1903 aussi sur une Mors et il termine alors quatrième de la Coupe automobile Gordon Bennett, finissant aussi deuxième de la classe L lors de son séjour aux États-Unis en juin à Phoenix Park, sur la "Dauphine" 70 HP de Mors.

En 1904, il court sur de Dietrich : il est alors vainqueur des  du Meeting d'Arras, quatrième lors des Éliminatoires Françaises de la Coupe Internationale, huitième au Circuit des Ardennes, et il abandonne au sixième tour de la Coupe Vanderbilt sur problème pneumatique. Ses résultats sont décevants en 1905 avec le modèle 24/28 (quatorzième des éliminatoires de la coupe internationale, dixième de la Coppa Florio et, abandon dans les Ardennes). De retour avec Lorraine-Dietrich en 1906, il est cinquième lors du circuit des Ardennes, après un abandon au début du Grand Prix de France au Mans. En 1907, il commence sa saison par le Kaiserpreis dans le Taunus alors associé à Arthur Duray (douzième de la première course), puis il est quatrième du Grand Prix de France à Dieppe ainsi qu'à la Coppa Velocita di Brescia et, sixième de la deuxième Targa Florio. En 1908, il passe sur Clément-Bayard lors du Grand Prix de France à Dieppe (douzième) et de la Coppa Florio à Bologne (abandon).

En 1911, le Grand Prix de France n'est pas organisé par l'ACF, et prend la dénomination de « Grand Prix des Vieux Tacots » au Mans. Gabriel s'y classe troisième, désormais sur Rolland-Pilain (son ami Duray étant quatrième), puis il abandonne peu après en juin sur FIF dans la Coupe des Voiturettes de Boulogne. En 1912, il ne prend part qu'au Grand Prix de France, qui le voit abandonner sur Côte. Il n'est pas plus heureux l'année suivante (sur Théodore Schneider désormais au GP de l'ACF (à Amiens) puis au GP de France (au Mans). Pour sa dernière saison (tronquée pour cause de Première Guerre mondiale) il n'obtient qu'un abandon de plus à Lyon, lieu d'organisation du GP de France.

Inlassable conducteur (à la suite de sept Grand Prix de France), Gabriel termine après guerre les 24 Heures du Mans en 1924 (deuxième édition) à la onzième place avec Henri Lapierre sur Ariès 8-10 CV (avec en prime la victoire de classe , l'équipage devant abandonner en 1925), et en 1926 à la treizième place avec Louis Paris sur un modèle 5-9 Sup CV (élimination de l'équipage en 1927, puis ultime abandon en 1928 alors que Gabriel est âgé de 50 ans pour sa cinquième apparition consécutive).

Il meurt dans un bombardement de l'usine Renault durant la Seconde Guerre mondiale.

Distinctions

Vie privée
Marié une première fois à Paris avec Berthe Cerisay en 1901, il se remarie à Colombes en 1938 avec Huguette Detrez.

Galerie d'images

Notes et références

Bibliographie

Liens externes

Pilote automobile français
Pilote des 24 Heures du Mans
Pilote de Grand Prix (avant 1950)
Naissance en avril 1878
Naissance dans le 17e arrondissement de Paris
Décès en septembre 1943
Décès à 65 ans
Décès à la Garenne-Colombes

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
Q: How to assign an interface to a reactive() object Vuejs 3 How to assign an interface to a reactive() object Vuejs 3
Interface
export interface ProdutoInterface {
  codigo: number
  nome: string
}

Component
const dadosProduto = reactive()

I can't get it to work. Would anyone know how to help me.
thank you very much for your attention

A: You can add interface like this way
1. need to initialize object insize reactive
const dadosProduto = reactive<ProdutoInterface>({
 codigo: 1,
 nome: 'some string'
})

or
const dadosProduto: ProdutoInterface = reactive({
 codigo: 1,
 nome: 'some string'
})

2. set undefined for reactive
let dadosProduto = reactive<ProdutoInterface | undefined>()

let dadosProduto: ProdutoInterface | undefined = reactive()

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
( en anglais) est un film muet danois de 1913 réalisé par Christian Schrøder selon son propre scénario.

Synopsis

Fiche technique

Distribution

 Olivia Norrie
 Christian Schrøder
 Anton Gambetta Salmson

Notes et références

Liens externes

 Loppen sur danskefilm.dk
 Loppen sur danskfilmogtv.dk

Film danois sorti en 1913
Comédie danoise
Court métrage danois
Film muet danois


Medium glass bell jar cloche. A faithful reproduction of the original Victorian glass bell jar. – small and large also available.
Both practical and decorative for outdoor or indoor use. This medium glass bell jar cloche makes an excellent cloche for protecting young plants from harsh weather and will add character and charm to any garden. Hand-blown glass provides plenty of weight to ensure the bells do not blow away in stormy weather.
Medium glass bell cloche: 10″ (25cm) diameter. External height approx 25cm Internal height approx 20cm.


If you're keeping score at home, you know I have two fat quarters left out of the bunch I received from my New Zealand fabric swap partner. They're my favorites, so I wanted to make sure I used them for something I could keep. I've been working on a full apron pattern I'll be sharing with you soon, but sometimes all you need is a half. Since I don't own an apron at all, that settled it.
To make this apron, you'll need two fat quarters and this pocket pattern.
Sew the two pockets, right sides together, leaving a 2" opening at the bottom to turn. Clip the corners.
Turn the pocket right side out and press, turning in the opening. Place the pocket, centered on the skirt, 6 1/2" from the top edge. Stitch around the straight edges of the pocket, leaving the two curved sides open.
Fold the bottom edge trim in half with wrong sides together. Press the fold. Open back up and line up one edge with the bottom edge of the apron skirt, right sides together. Stitch. Press seam toward the trim.
Repeat the same process with the waistband, stitching it to the top of the skirt and pressing the seam toward the waistband.
Create a 1/4" rolled hem on each side by folding the edge under 1/2", then folding the raw edge in 1/4". Stitch.
Fold tie the long way, right sides together. Stitch near edge, angling at the end if desired and leaving the opposite end open. Turn and press.
Turn the raw edge of the waistband under 1/4" and press. Fold in along the previously pressed center line, so the folded edge covers the seam on the back. Tuck the raw end of the tie into the end of the waistband. Stitch near the bottom edge and down the sides of the waistband.
Repeat with the bottom trim, leaving out the ties.
This is quick and easy to make and takes very few supplies. You could even change up the shape of the pocket.
I'm not only the proud owner of a new apron, but a new apron with a story behind it. The very best kind.
Bet you can't guess what my Friday Favorites theme is tomorrow!


text:
NewsAgricultureFood Supply
Nurseries Seek Summary Judgment In Cherry Tree Patent Dispute Initiated by Canada
Last week, a group of fruit tree companies and their owners sought summary judgment in their favor in a cherry tree patent lawsuit filed against them by the Canadian government. In their motion, which will be considered in a hearing on September 30, Van Well Nursery Inc., Monsoon Fruit Company Inc., and Gordon and Sally Goodwin argued that the plaintiff, Her Majesty the Queen in Right of Canada as Represented by the Minister of Agriculture and Agri-Food, does not have a valid patent for the Staccato cherry tree.
The initial complaint, filed by Canada in May 2020, claimed that the two fruit tree companies and Gordon Goodwin patented and sold a cherry tree called the Glory Tree which was identical to and came from the Staccato tree patented by Canada. The tree is unique because its sweet cherries mature later allowing for an extended harvest. The plaintiff sought destruction and removal of the defendant's trees, injunctive relief, and damages.
Earlier this year, the Eastern District of Washington ruled against dismissing the case, disagreeing with the defendants' claims that Summerland Varieties Corporation which developed the Staccato Tree should be joined as a plaintiff and that Canada did not have standing. The defendants also claimed in March that the plaintiff did not disclose that the tree had previously been widely sold in the U.S. when applying for a U.S. patent for their Staccato Tree.
In the present motion for summary judgment, the defendants reiterated its allegations, and claimed that there is evidence showing "over 9,200 Staccato trees on sale more than one year before the earliest priority date claimed" by Canada's patent. It was reportedly sold by three separate nurseries, and Canada was aware of the sales.
The motion predicted that the plaintiff will likely claim that the tree was not ready to be patented previously but was still being tested, but the defendants claimed that there is no documentation of experimentation to support this claim and the sales were commercial. The defendants asked the court to rule that the patent for the Staccato tree is invalid, that there are "no genuine issues of material fact" to dispute, and that the defendants should be awarded summary judgment.
The plaintiff is represented by Dentons US and Paine Hamblen. Van Well Nursery and Sally and Gordon Goodwin are represented by Davis Arneil Law Firm, Feltman Ewing P.S., and Tbillick Law. Monsoon Fruit Co is represented by Lowe Graham Jones.
Davis Arneil
Feltman Ewing
Monson Fruit
Paine Hamblen
Tbillick Law
Van Well Nursery

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


Her name is actually means "Queen" in French. I don't think she has a name other than her title, and I believe that when her bio was being translated, they translated every instance of "reine" to "queen." In actuality, I think her English name should have been translated to simply "Queen Cr," but I'd suppose it's too late for that now.
Reine Cr is not a bad card. She's great for bluffs, as your opponent will have to pill regardless or suffer 8 damage (thanks to her bonus). As part of a damage-reduction deck alongside Graksmxxt, Uranus and Na Boh, she really shines, as you can save your pillz for her and sacrifice the aforementioned blockers. In any case, Reine is the only (readily available) 8 damage Sakrohm, and that alone makes her a winner.
An accual playable card from Soleil !
Not the most attractive card!


text:
Category: PAF
Princeton Alternative Funding (PAF) returns 16.78% in its first year of management
Princeton Alternative Funding (PAF), an investment management company in exclusive partnership with Microbilt Inc., a Consumer Rating Agency has posted a 16.78% return in its first year of management. They accumulated roughly $65 million under management in the first year and aim to significantly increase asset under management. Credit bureau partnership PAF's partnership with Microbilt […]
Princeton Alternative Funding (PAF), an investment management company in exclusive partnership with Microbilt Inc., a Consumer Rating Agency has posted a 16.78% return in its first year of management.
They accumulated roughly $65 million under management in the first year and aim to significantly increase asset under management.
Credit bureau partnership
PAF's partnership with Microbilt gives it a protective moat through best-in-class analysis and monitoring of both borrowers and lenders. The initial returns posted by the fund are impressive and should help it in attracting new investors. But the fund has still to experience a financial downturn like the Lehman crisis. Despite research that non-prime is not only the first category to be hit but it also experiences the largest number of delinquencies, Microbilt research shows that delinquencies in the subprime marketplace actually trended lower in 2009 and 2010, the peak of the recent major downturn. How is this possible? "This population of consumers is more influenced by the price of gas than the financial markets. 2009 was the last time the price of oil dropped to near $35 a barrel," said COO Jack Cook. How will the fund manage such a situation and will Microbilt's analytics hold in such a crisis are important questions.
By targeting a specific category of lenders focusing on non-prime consumers, PAF underlines its focus on generating superior alpha while mitigating risk through superior data and analytics available at its partner firm, Microbilt. In hedge fund parlance, it's like a fund of funds which will use its oversight and deep knowledge to ensure that its investors end up on the winning side of the trade. The fund is suitable for family offices, fund-of-funds, pension funds, endowments and HNWIs, or basically, qualified investors who are seeking positive yield.
Two-thirds of U.S adults are not able to cover unexpected or emergency expenses. According to recent research, 26 million Americans do not have a credit history, in addition to that 19 million have limited or thin credit files. According to Experian, a further 68 million US Consumers have credit scores less than 601, rendering them ineligible for the majority of credit products. After the financial meltdown in 2009 and subsequent regulation of the banking industry, alternative lending models grew to occupy the space vacated by banks. Princeton Alternative Funding (PAF) is trying to fill the gap for non-prime consumers by providing credit facilities to select lenders while concentrating on the top companies in the space to ensure superior returns for its investors.
Princeton Alternative Funding (PAF), an investment management company launched Princeton Alternative Income Fund (PAIF) in March 2015. The company has an exclusive partnership with Microbilt Inc., a Consumer Rating Agency which provides top of the line analysis and monitoring capabilities. According to the management of PAF, Microbilt(MB), which has been in business for 38 years, has three times the alternative market data than the three big credit agencies combined.
PAF has senior personnel of MB on board as advisors. The close relationship can be attested by the fact that PAF is currently housed in the New Jersey office of MB. Through this partnership, PAIF will be able to lower the risk while ensuring a higher rate of return to its investors. It will have access to proprietary databases and scorecards of MB, which will allow it not only to analyze the originators and their performance but evaluate borrower performance on a granular level. More than 27 million loans have been originated using MB's database.
The loans have averaged a 15% default rate, which allows for appropriate pricing by the lenders. PAF generates revenue by charging 2% as management fees and 20% as performance fees.
Princeton Alternative Income Fund is an open-end 3(c)7 vehicle with a monthly redemption period, subject to notice of 180 days. Investors have the choice to choose monthly distributions from underlying loans or they can reinvest the capital.
PAF has an experienced team. Howard Davner (CEO) was a founder and principal of Terrapin Advisors and Ryett Capital Partners, a long and short Hedge Fund with a successful track record. He was an equity specialist at Goldman Sachs and a member of NYSE. Jack Cook (CCO & COO) was also a founder of Terrapin Advisors and Director at Credit Suisse in the Fixed Income Division. Jeff Davner (Executive Vice President) was a co-founder of Terrapin Advisors, a partner in Bluestone Capital, and co- founder of ATL consulting.
Targeting sub-prime for better returns
Last year, PAIF agreed to provide a credit facility of up to $ 100 million in growth capital in Balance Credit, a leading online lender to working class families and individuals. The facility will enable Balance Credit to expand their offering of unsecured personal loans and credit services to people who are in urgent need of cash. Balance Credit provides loans that are a better option to payday and title loans. Another credit facility was extended to Argon, a leading provider of online customer loans. The financing has enabled Argon to accelerate their growth in near-prime and prime consumer loans through its own online platform.
Authors: Heena Dhir and George Popescu
Author George PopescuPosted on August 17, 2016 Categories Analysis, Featured, microbilt, PAF, Princeton Alternative Funding, returns, subprime


text:
Ancient History Sonorously, Sensually Brought Back to Life
Ed Rampell: In addition to this study in leadership style contrasts, Mozart's opera eerily puts its finger right on a central concern affecting America right now - presidential pardon power.
Taylor Raven as Annio and Janai Brugger as Servilla (photo Cory Walker)
I Beg Your Pardon: Mozart's Morality Play & The Anti-Trump Enlightened Leader
Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart's The Clemency of Titus (La Clemenza di Tito), dramatizes part of the life and reign of the Emperor Titus Flavius Caesar Vespasianus Augustus, who ruled the Roman Empire from 79 to 81 A.D. This work of historically-inspired fiction with a libretto by Caterino Mazzola, based on an earlier libretto by Pietro Metastasio, vividly brings ancient Rome alive with exquisite costumes by Mattie Ullrich (which much to my sheer delight include, at long last, togas!) and stellar sets by Thaddeus Strassberger, who also expertly helms this colossal epic about the emperor who, among other things, completed the Colosseum. So let the operatic games begin!
Tenor Russell Thomas (the Floridian previously portrayed Cavaradossi in LA Op's 2017 Tosca and tackles the title character in Verdi's Otello for the Canadian Opera Company later this year) portrays Titus as a benign despot ensnared in a web of assassination plots and tangled sexual relationships that play into statecraft and rule. The storyline is so complex that this opera seria is a veritable soap opera - if not telenovela.
Russell Thomas as Emporer Titus
Very much a philosopher king in Plato's mode (even if the opera's peccadilloes and infidelities are anything but Platonic), Titus waxes poetically on the constraints and restraints of rule, as "Mr. Nice Guy" seeks to impart a measure of civility, mercy and justice onto those the emperor reigns over. Titus searches for ways to ease, enlighten and lighten the load of leadership which, as his British counterpart pithily noted centuries later in Shakespeare's Henry IV, Part 2, Act 3, scene 1, "uneasy lies the head that wears the crown."
Or to quote that Yorick of TV's Hollywood Squares, the immortal Paul Lynde: "You think it's easy? Not so easy!" Especially when surrounded by sexual schemers, double dealers, conspirators and would-be assassins. At the center lies ("lays"?) the sensuous Vitellia (Chinese soprano Guanqun Yu, who previously gave voice to the Countess in LA Op's 2015 mounting of Mozart's The Marriage of Figaro), who desires to become empress by tying the knot with Titus. But they have, shall we say, a bit of a family history: Titus' dear old dad brutally executed Vitellia's father. To further cum-plicate matters, the sexy Vitellia is screwing the brains out of Sesto (Pennsylvanian mezzo-soprano Elizabeth DeShong), ecstatically diddling his schlong to the point that Sesto is so brain addled and pussy-whipped that the ignoble nobleman actually conspires to kill his besty Titus at her behest. Conscience-stricken, Sesto is faced with that age-old dilemma:
"Bros before hos?"
Guanqun Yu as Vitellia
Complications ensue, as Sesto's pal, the infatuated Annio (North Carolinian mezzo-soprano Taylor Raven, whose LA Op debut was in 2018's Candide) announces his intentions to wed Sesto's sister Servilia (Illinois' soprano Janai Brugger, who previously appeared in LA Op productions such as 2010's Figaro, and, like Yu, Brugger bestows beauty upon her part). However, there's a fly in the libidinal ointment: Before Sesto can tell Titus of Annio's marital wishes, the Roman ruler proclaims that he himself has chosen the fair Servilia to be his bride!
OMG, what's an Emperor to do? Holy Jupiter there, Annio!
All this happens by around the middle section of Act I of this about two-hour and 40 minute-long sextravaganza, including one nail biting intermission. Suffice it to say that by the second act, Titus walks a tightrope contending with riots, Mt. Vesuvius' eruption at Pompeii, conspiracies, navigating the tricky faction fights with regime hardliners such as his Chief Counsellor Publio (Washington State bass James Creswell) and last but not least, circumnavigating the sexual convolutions of those rascally Roaming Empire pagan libertines, as - like an ancient Spike-us Lee-us - our man Titus tries to do the right on thing.
Lizabeth DeShong as Sesto and Taylor Raven as Annio
At this point, kudos must be tossed like fragrant laurels upon Strassberger's brow for spectacularly rendering Rome, from sublime spectacle and splendor to wrack and ruin. Strassberger's eye-popping scenery, superbly enhanced by Greg Emetaz's projection designs and JAX Messenger's lighting design in their LA Op debuts, is virtually a character unto itself that enlivens all of the action onstage. I also had an excellent eyeful of maestro James Conlon's quite energetic conducting of the orchestra, with his kung fu-like movements conjuring up a sort of musical martial art magic.
Coded Chronicles
Although this was Mozart's last opera, which premiered September 6, 1791 at Prague, Titus remains uncannily timely, with LA Opera's splendiferous version opening the same day that Pres. Trump ranted and raved for hours at the CPAP convention near the U.S. Empire's current imperial capital. Meanwhile, simultaneously, up north at Brooklyn College, self-proclaimed socialist Sen. Bernie Sanders launched his presidential campaign with soaring rhetoric full of high-minded sentiments. If Trump is Emperor "Don-ligula, the First, Worst and Last," to whom the Romans would have built monuments to emoluments, Bernie looms like a latter day Titus, full of benevolence and mercy for the people - if enmity for the power elite personified by Don-ligula.
In addition to this study in leadership style contrasts, Mozart's opera eerily puts its finger right on a central concern affecting America right now - presidential pardon power.
In addition to this study in leadership style contrasts, Mozart's opera eerily puts its finger right on a central concern affecting America right now - presidential pardon power. Will Don-ligula seek to pardon Paul Manafort, Roger Stone and other cronies (a formerly proposed pardon for Michael Cohen is much in the news as of this writing) - and if so, inquiring minds want to know why? As its title indicates, the granting of leniency by those in power is a key theme of Clemency and couldn't be more of the moment in American political life. Perhaps Mozart, who died in 1791, had the gift of prophecy and we should also refer to the composer as "Amadeus-damus"? Or maybe, consciously or unconsciously, LA Opera's powers-that-be are shrewdly, slyly selecting productions with not only historical value, but with au courant meaning as well?
Of course, Titus - who outlawed treason trials as one of his first acts upon taking office - was motivated by compassion and a wish to render justice. To be fair, while Don-ligula has granted an imprisoned drug offender or two clemency (although perhaps as a publicity stunt to appease celebrity sycophants - and, possibly, with an eye towards prison reform as he may soon be behind bars himself), his dubious pardon for professional racist Sheriff Joe Arpaio was as clearly politically-motivated as the possible ones for his criminal cronies, as a form of bribery to prevent their singing like birdies and turning treacherous (i.e., telling the truth publically).
(BTW, along with obstruction of justice, purported abuse of the pardoning power was charged against that other wanna be American emperor - Trickius Dickius. According to Article 1, 9., of the House Judiciary Committee's July 27, 1974 Articles of Impeachment, Nixon was accused of: "endeavoring to cause prospective defendants, and individuals duly tried and convicted, to expect favored treatment and consideration in return for their silence or false testimony, or rewarding individuals for their silence or false testimony.")
As Don-ligula was braying like a psychotic jackass at the dirty CPAP crap conservative convention, I noticed that CNN instead of covering the former reality TV star's Nuremberg rally the network instead televised Sanders' formal announcement speech live at Brooklyn College in its entirety. This is a far cry from CNN's woeful coverage during the 2016 race when it cut away from and preempted a triumphant Bernie's speech following a primary victory to Trump's literally empty podium, as the cameras cooled their proverbial heels to await his arrival at the mikes. Can it be that MSM has learned its lesson - that pandering solely to ratings for a celebrity candidate (who has a SAG card!) may have "earned" CNN higher ratings (translation into English: more advertising buckeroos) - but at the expense of helping the "Selectoral College" to select a would-be emperor who threatens the Fourth Estate as "enemies of the people," "fake news", and so on, jeopardizing journalists' rights and safety?
BTW, in Titus His Majesty has some great lines about freedom of speech and if I recall correctly, comedy, too. Considering Don-ligula's CPAPquestionable comments re: his only "joking" about Russia finding and releasing (as opposed to, ahem, "capturing and killing") Hillary's emails, does his defense of humor extend to SNL and the other comics he attacks and threatens? Does Don-ligula's CPAP call for free speech on college campuses extend to proponents of the Boycott Divestment Sanctions Movement aimed against Israeli ultra-militarism, etc. - and, while we're at, for freedom of expression of Colin Kaepernick and other athlete protesters, too? Or is the First Amendment solely for Don-ligula's "brown-togas"?
(BTW, could you imagine if Trump was Emperor when Mt. Vesuvius blew its top? He'd go to Pompeii and toss paper togas to survivors.)
Non-Traditional Casting
Finally, a word about this production's unconventional casting. In my extensive research of Emperor Titus in preparation for writing this review (i.e., I skimmed Performances Magazine and Wikipedia), it did not state that Titus - who was born in Rome and belonged to the Flavia dynasty - was of African ancestry. After the most distressing Black History Month I can remember (surely a sign of our racist times), along with L.A.'s annual effervescent Pan African Film Festival, it was refreshing exception to see Russell Thomas play the opera's dignified protagonist. Not just because as Emperor Titus had high status, prestige and power, but much more importantly, because he strives to be an ethical, just leader - exactly what is so sorely lacking in the new Imperial headquarters of the world empire.
Other actor/singers such as Yu are unconventionally cast to play against ethnic type. And the fact that the bearded male characters Sesto and Annio are both played by female mezzo-sopranos is also noteworthy. (Perhaps this is a reference to Mozart's 18th century use of castrato - you know, those no-nuts high-notes hitters.)
Given Titus���s darker, conspiratorial themes I leave Don-ligula, who is beset by testifiers warbling like canaries, wannabe impeachers and who-knows-what behind the scenes and on all sides plotters, with Shakespeare's Romanesque warning: "Beware the Ides of March." After all Don-ligula, we never promised you the Rose Garden.
The Clemency of Titus will be performed Thursday, March 7, Wednesday, March 13 and Saturday March 16 at 7:30 p.m., and Sundays March 10 and 24 at 2:00 p.m. at L.A. Opera at the Dorothy Chandler Pavilion, 135 N. Grand Ave., Los Angeles, CA 90012. See: https://www.laopera.org/season/1819-season-la-opera-season/the-clemency-of-titus/.
The third edition of "The Hawaii Movie and Television Book"co-authored by Rampell is now available at: https://mutualpublishing.com/product/the-hawaii-movie-and-television-book/ .


text:
Pokémon Sun & Moon: The Release!
By LUDWIG VON KOOPA - Generation 7 is upon the world! (Except Europe and Oceania.)
Surely you don't need the likes of me to tell you this: The long-awaited Pokémon Sun and Pokémon Moon versions are now released by Game Freak. We've been publishing articles on it very consistently for several months now, and it's the last major release for a Nintendo system for 2016.
The next big Pokémon adventure is now available for the Nintendo 3DS family of systems!
Image source: The official site for Pokémon Sun and Pokémon Moon. KoopaTV has covered every bit of content on that site, by the way.
Like Pokémon Omega Ruby and Alpha Sapphire, players will not be able to post screenshots of their adventures on the games' Miiverse community. Huge bummer and missed opportunity. However, given the opportunity to take in-game screenshots and photos, you can send them via the just-released Swapdoodle communication application.
In case you haven't followed our coverage at all, if you're wondering what version I'm getting (note the use of "getting" — as of publishing, I don't own the game, and I don't really know WHEN I plan to get it), it's Pokémon Moon. And I'm going to choose Rowlet as my starter. It seems like more people will get Pokémon Moon than Pokémon Sun, according to today's GameFAQs Poll of the Day and my small straw poll posted in my Pokémon Online channel, Fullmoon Island.
(I'm running something called Fullmoon Island, so you should expect that I'm getting Pokémon Moon.)
If you have any comments as to your experience with the game so far, or you want to keep this article nice and active with comments throughout your play experience, I'm fine with that. Don't expect much more Pokémon Sun and Pokémon Moon articles on KoopaTV after this.
I don't know if I'll cover my experience on a Planet Koopa thread like I've done for all my other playthroughs of Pokémon RPGs for the past several years since SoulSilver, or if I'll do it on Miiverse. No screenshots either way, but in terms of archival purposes Planet Koopa seems better. Miiverse might go and disappear once the Nintendo Switch is released, anyway!
This will not be the last notable game released this year. Don't forget: KoopaTV still has not released its 2016 videogame, and since it's called the 2016 videogame, that means KoopaTV has until tonight to December 31st to do so! Stay tuned! (KoopaTV is aiming for before December 31st, if you're wondering. Don't want to repeat last year.)
Super Mario Run does not count as a major release for a Nintendo system, and it's garbage anyway.
KoopaTV's 2016 game, which is heavily based on Pokémon's Super Contest system, was released on December 23rd!
Kody B. November 19, 2016 at 11:12 PM
According to a rumor, Pokémon Sun & Moon will also have another version released on the Switch called Pokémon Stars. Pokémon Earth or Planet would be a more fitting title since the sun is a star, but then again this game will probably never release.
Ludwig Von Koopa November 20, 2016 at 9:37 AM
Well, you know how I feel about speculating on rumours. The point of it is to try to depress current sales!
Samantha Lienhard November 22, 2016 at 5:17 PM
I was planning to go for Litten as my starter, but I've been leaning toward Rowlet lately.
Ludwig Von Koopa November 22, 2016 at 9:49 PM
Samantha Lienhard November 23, 2016 at 9:23 AM
I saw their evolutions, and I don't like Litten's final form very much. Meanwhile, all of Rowlet's forms are great! (Rowlet also drew tons of Edgeworth comparisons for its second form.)
Would you like Incineroar better if, say, they weren't bipedal? So like Luxray?
(Yeah, including on this very website's comments section.)
Hmm, yes, although even if it was still bipedal, if it looked less like a wrestler. xD
So that's your problem with 5-2 of Dual Destinies!!
Hey, since when do I have a problem with 5-2?
You don't have a problem with 5-2?
Capture the Confederate Flag Strategy Guide Part 3...
The Vision for Nintendo at Universal Theme Parks
Ludwig's Second Miiverse Ban
Nintendo's Cyber Deals for Cyber Monday
Things to be Thankful for Thanksgiving 2016
Nintendo Considers Itself a Family Friendly Compan...
How To Be A Good Consumer of Media
Trump Transition Team Considering Reggie Fils-Aime?!
Nintendo Swapdoodle — The Swapnote Revival!
Real Escape Game: Defenders of the Triforce
Super Mario Run Out December 15; One-Time Payment
Starter Pokémon Z-Moves, More Ultra Beasts, Alolan...
The Nintendo Entertainment System: NES Classic Edi...
The Donald Trump-KoopaTV Kinship
Donald Trump -- The Miracle Never Happen
Today Is Election Day 2016
I Believe In Miracles
Five Women We'd Rather Have As President Than Hill...
Once More, False Rumours Around the Wii U's Produc...
KoopaTV's October 2016 Review Newsletter


text:
Title: Associations of wintering waterfowl with freshwater on the mudflats of East Anglian estuaries
Author: N.O.M. Ravenscroft
The associations of wintering waterfowl with freshwater that flows over the intertidal mudflats of four East Anglian estuaries were studied between 1996 and 1998. The research was initiated in response to concerns over the impact of further reduction in freshwater inputs to these estuaries through abstraction. The wintering bird populations of these estuaries contribute to internationally recognised and designated conservation sites. The numbers and densities of some waterfowl in corridors around freshwater flows were consistently greater than those on the remaining mudflats of all the estuaries studied. Shelduck, wigeon, pintail, grey plover and redshank showed the strongest relationships overall, and large proportions of the estuary populations of these species occurred around flows. The potential influence of freshwater on the distribution of waterfowl is discussed. Among possibilities are its effect on local microclimate, prey density or availability, as well as the shelter provided by channels. Little is known about impact of reducing the discharge of flows, although its effects on remaining mudflats may be similar to the displacement of birds from other intertidal grounds. It is also possible that loss of freshwater sources on mudflats could affect birds from other estuaries as well as on surrounding land.
Publication Place: Suffolk
Subject Keywords: Estuaries; Waterfowl; Mudflats; Geographical distribution; Population survey; Discharge (hydrology)
Geographic Keywords: East Anglia; Orwell; Stour (Suffolk); Stour catchment
Extent: 15; + appendices
Permalink: http://www.environmentdata.org/archive/ealit:253


text:
Willem "Wim" Ruska, född 29 augusti 1940 i Amsterdam, död 14 februari 2015 i Hoorn i Noord-Holland, var en nederländsk judoutövare.

Han tog OS-guld i herrarnas tungvikt och likaså i den öppna viktklassen i samband med de olympiska judotävlingarna 1972 i München.

Referenser

Källor

Externa länkar

Nederländska judoutövare
Nederländska olympiska guldmedaljörer
Olympiska guldmedaljörer 1972
Tävlande vid olympiska sommarspelen 1972 från Nederländerna
Tävlande i judo vid olympiska sommarspelen 1972
Män
Födda 1940
Avlidna 2015
Idrottare från Amsterdam
Nederländska idrottare under 1900-talet


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