Established in 1827, Thomas Goode & Co. is a London institution, long recognised as a byword for opulent luxury and exquisite craftsmanship.
Thomas Goode & Co. have occupied 19 South Audley Street since 1845 and first opened their doors to Mayfair's retail customers back in 1875. Designed by Ernest George, 19 South Audley Street was transformed into London's foremost tableware emporium by Thomas Goode's son, the enterprising William Goode, who travelled the world not just in search of the finest porcelain and bone china designs, but also providing a uniquely personal service to Europe's great families; in the process endowing the business with a calibre of clientèle that endures to this day.
Thomas Goode & Co. is very proud of its long standing relationship with the British Royal Family which still continues today. In recent times Thomas Goode & Co. has provided bespoke china for Queen Elizabeth II and was commissioned in 1981 to create a dinner service as a gift to Their Royal Highnesses, the Prince and Princess of Wales on the occasion of their wedding.
In recent times Thomas Goode & Co. has provided bespoke china for Queen Elizabeth II and was commissioned in 1981 to create a dinner service as a gift to Their Royal Highnesses, the Prince and Princess of Wales on the occasion of their wedding.
Always a Mayfair landmark, the twin Elephants of Thomas Goode & Co. have stood sentinel over South Audley Street since Victorian times and most recently one was lent as the centrepiece of the Sculpture Victorious exhibition at Tate Britain, in 2015.
Originally commissioned to stand at the entrance of Thomas Goode& Co's court at The Paris Universal Exhibition of 1889, the Elephants of Thomas Goode & Co. were the largest commissions ever undertaken by the Minton pottery. These graceful animals stand 7ft tall, complete with ceramic howdahs and carved ebony stands, and are a tour de force of the potter's art; and continue to be synonymous with the Thomas Goode & Co. brand – and with Mayfair itself – to this day.
Once the exhibition was over, the elephants were brought to Thomas Goode & Co. where they have been on display ever since.
Whilst the elephants are not for sale, the Thomas Goode showrooms are as rich in fabulously breathtaking china and porcelain as when the elephants first arrived all those years ago; and if they don't give cause enough to visit the showrooms, Thomas Goode's showrooms might give you the perfect reason to explore what else is on display inside the store alongside say hello to the two magnificent beasts that stand either side of the entrance to welcome you.


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Showing posts with label East Africa. Show all posts
Tort liability brakes U.S. policy shift on Sudan, marks crossroads of past, future where Africa meets Arabia
Street corner in the Arabian Market district of Khartoum
(RJ Peltz-Steele CC BY-NC-SA 4.0)
With economic sanctions exacting an intensified toll amid the pandemic and humanitarian crises fraying the peace at political borders, 40 million people in the East African Republic of Sudan may hope that long awaited normalization of relations with the United States will bolster stability and produce prosperity. Meanwhile, in Washington, American tort claims have thrown a wrench into the diplomatic works.
Smaller Sudan after 2011 (LouisianaFan CC BY-SA 3.0)
Unending War
Before its 2011 division into north and south, Sudan was the largest country in Africa. Its location is strategically important. Sudan borders Libya and Egypt to the north, the lifeline of the Nile flowing into the latter. The country's Red Sea coast positions Port Sudan opposite Jeddah and Mecca. Chad and the Central African Republic (CAR) sit to the west, and Eritrea and Ethiopia to the east—where more than 40,000 Ethiopian refugees have fled conflict and now strain Sudan's thin resources. Tumultuous northern regions of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and Uganda, the latter yielding the Nile, lie in reach of South Sudan's capital, Juba, along with a disputed stretch of border with Kenya.
At last abandoning imperial ambition in 1953, the British left Sudan to the tempest of regime rise-and-fall that tragically characterized post-colonial power vacuum in Africa. The country declared itself independent in 1956, but for a quarter century, no one form of government would stick. An Islamic state brought about some political consistency in 1983, but plenty of ills, too: reigniting civil war between north and south, and paving the path of three decades' dictatorship and an abysmal human rights record under President Omar al-Bashir, from 1989 to 2019.
Part of embassy bombing memorial in Dar es Salaam
Relations with the United States went from bad to worse after Sudan backed Iraq in the 1990-91 Gulf War. Osama bin Laden took up residence in Khartoum for five years at that time. He built a favorable reputation for philanthropy by building legitimate businesses and financing infrastructure projects, such as the main highway, named for him, linking Khartoum to Port Sudan. In 1993, the United States listed Sudan as a state sponsor of terrorism. Under U.S. pressure, Sudan expelled bin Laden in 1996. But Sudan was not spared blame when al-Qaeda bombed the U.S. embassies in Tanzania and Kenya in 1998, killing 224 people, including 12 U.S. citizens, and injuring thousands. U.S. retaliation included a cruise-missile strike against a Khartoum chemical plant—unfortunately and very likely a target accused erroneously of complicity in chemical weapons manufacture.
Ironically, the bin Laden-orchestrated terror attacks of September 11, 2001, set Sudan and the United States on a winding road of fits and starts toward reconciliation. U.S. President George W. Bush recognized the need for American allies on the East African doorstep to the Middle East. U.S. policy leveraged austere sanctions to incentivize Sudanese cooperation in counter-terrorism, and the Bashir regime was supportive.
Sudan needed help, too. The civil war between the Islamic government in Khartoum and the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA), started in 1983, had never ended. The exhausting conflict, which ultimately cost more than 2 million civilian lives, was dragging into one of the longest civil wars in modern history—besides that it was really a sequel to the never-quite-resolved first Sudanese civil war of 1955 to 1972, another tragically typical consequence, in part, of arbitrary colonial political borders. Multi-national diplomatic interventions helped at last to draw the war to a close in 2005. The peace agreement led to the secession of South Sudan in 2011, a development that seemed promising at the time, but since has seen the two states teetering ceaselessly on the brink of combustion.
A spellbinding sampling of the human toll of the civil war can be found in Dave Eggers's What Is the What: The Autobiography of Valentino Achak Deng (2006). Spanning events from 1983 to 2005, the book is an artfully novelized memoir of a real child refugee among Sudan's "lost boys."
In 2017, the Obama Administration further loosened sanctions on Sudan. A coup in 2019 sent Bashir from office the same way he came in, and in 2020, Sudan reconstituted itself as a secular state. Al-Bashir, 76, is now in prison for corruption. Marking a significant policy reversal, the government has signaled that it might be willing to turn Bashir over to the International Criminal Court for prosecution in connection with the genocide in Darfur during the second civil war. In October, the Trump administration moved to clear the way for U.S. businesses to reenter Sudan, bargaining the country's de-listing as a state sponsor of terrorism in exchange for Sudanese recognition of Israel. The administration was accused of too-little-too-late effort to bolster its foreign policy portfolio in the run-up to the 2020 election, but, at this point, the end means more than the motive.
Persistent Perseverance
In short order, Sudan has transformed from war-torn religious state, ruled by a dictator accused of crimes against humanity, to secular constitutional democracy, pivotal in Middle East peace and primed for western commercial investment. In other words, Sudan might be in the midst of a remarkably rapid transition from paradigmatic problematic state to African success story.
View of Khartoum and the Nile from Corinthia observation level
Long acquainted with the hardships of war and sanctions, the Sudanese have persevered, developing a resilient infrastructure and an enviable standard of living, especially relative to neighbors such as the CAR, the DRC, and Eritrea. Sudanese teens wield smartphones in the dustiest of wayside villages. Sudan has oil and refining capacity, though the division of natural resources between north and south remains a key cause of simmering contention. The Khartoum skyline is dotted with structures infamously financed by deliberate defiance of sanctions. Representative is the Corinthia Hotel: opened in 2008, the oval-shaped building is called "Gaddafi's egg," because Libya paid for its €80m construction.
Wayside fuel and rest area, Shendi-Atbara Road, Al Buqayr
At present, Sudan has one arm tied behind its back. Trucks sit idle in fuel queues. Western credit cards don't work; cash is king. For better and worse, local products, mostly MENA-manufactured, substitute for the usual globalized glut of soda and snack options in the convenience stores, excepting the universe's inexplicably irreducible constant, Coca-Cola.
If sanctions go away, an energizing flow of auto parts, industrial equipment, transnational banking services, and development of telecommunication and physical infrastructure will irrigate Sudan's thirsty landscape. The new constitutional government will be boosted to a threshold on prosperity unprecedented in the nation's history. Already in June, the UK announced a £150m commitment to ease democratic transition and coronavirus impact by combating inflation and poverty. Sudan unbound stands poised to achieve African development in a region that's long been starved of a win.
But There's a Hitch
Tort liability in U.S. courts is presently a sticking point in negotiations over normalization of U.S.-Sudanese relations and the entry of American enterprise in Sudan. In 1996, Congress amended the Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act (FSIA) to allow civil lawsuits against foreign state actors for support of terrorism. Survivors and families of victims of the 1998 embassy bombings sued Sudan in 2001. The lawsuits floundered in the 20-aughts amid confusion over what plaintiffs, defendants, and causes of action Congress intended to authorize. In 2008, Congress clarified the law on those questions and revived the earlier suits.
Subsequently, plaintiffs, numbering more than 700, won an award in federal court of $10.2bn, including $4.3bn in punitive damages. The D.C. Circuit struck the punitive damages, doubting that Congress intended to authorize punitive recovery retroactively. In May 2020, in Opati v. Republic of Sudan, the U.S. Supreme Court disagreed, vacating the striking of punitive damages and remanding for the lower courts to reconsider. Litigation questions remain on remand. The defense might yet challenge the constitutionality of the retroactive authorization of punitive damages, and it's not clear whether Congress intended foreign plaintiffs to be eligible for punitive awards. Still, the massive compensatory award stands ripe for harvest.
Sen. Schumer in October (Senate Democrats CC BY 2.0)
All that litigation might, however, amount to naught if Congress acts again. As a condition of the current agreement over sanctions and Israel, Sudan wants free of the Opati judgment. In October, the State Department indicated willingness to negotiate immunity for Sudan against liability for past acts. But that immunity would require another change of law, and Congress is not yet on board.
According to a report in Tuesday's New York Times, Sudan has offered a settlement of $335m, undoubtedly a more realistic number than multiple billions. But Sudan has threatened to exit the agreement in whole if Congress doesn't authorize immunity by year's end. Deadlocked legislators are trying to broker a compromise through a military spending bill in these first weeks of December. To the displeasure of some in Congress, the working proposal would compensate U.S. citizens naturalized subsequently to the 1998 attacks less than those who were citizens at the time—working a de facto racial disparity.
Even if the 1998 claims can be resolved, a bigger hurdle looms in the prospect of blanket immunity-to-date for Sudan. While Sudan did defend the embassy-bombing lawsuits on grounds of FSIA interpretation, it has not responded to the legal claims of, The Hill estimates, about 3,000 family members of September 11 victims who blame Sudan for bin Laden's five-year safe harbor there. According to the New York Times story, those plaintiffs have the support of Senate leader Chuck Schumer (D-NY) to see that their claims are not extinguished. It seems unlikely that a closely divided Congress would have any appetite to favor foreign tranquility over September 11 victims, no matter how much U.S. businesses are chomping at the bit to trade in Sudan.
Local heroes (with a smartphone) atop Jebel Barkal
Last Week in Sudan
Here in the United States, if we hear about Sudan, it's likely to be in the context of civil war atrocities, the human rights abuses of the Bashir regime, or Middle East tensions. Yet last week in Sudan, I saw little evidence of those worldly matters. On the roads of Khartoum, in the markets, and in the countryside, I found only a gracious and warm people, a rich Nubian cultural tradition, and a stunning archaeological record of our shared human heritage.
Your interpid blogger at the Nuri Pyramids
(Steven Mueller CC BY-NC-SA 4.0)
Both of those views, the ugly and the beautiful, the grim and the genial, are Sudan. We disregard the former at our hazard. But to disregard the latter, we risk much more.
Sudan is the beating heart of the African continent. Sudan will not forever be deterred by colonial legacy and the politics of aging superpowers. However we manage to balance redress for past wrongs with a way forward, America will have to decide how to be a part of Sudan's future. The only alternative will be to join the crumbling desert relics of Sudan's past.
UPDATE, Dec. 13, 2020: See Conor Finnegan, Trump admin offered $700M to 9/11 victims to save Sudan deal, ABC News, Dec. 11, 2020. UPDATE, Dec. 20, 2020: Sudan's Listing as Sponsor of Terrorism Ended by US, BBC, Dec. 14, 2020.
Posted by Richard Peltz-Steele at 8:00 AM No comments:
Labels: Africa, Dave Eggers, development, East Africa, embassy bombings, FSIA, human rights, Islam, Libya, Omar al-Bashir, Osama bin Laden, punitive damages, September 11, Sudan, terrorism, Valentino Achak Deng
Poor development choices may bolster quality-of-life disparity on Tanzania's Msasani Peninsula
Coco Beach, Msasani Peninsula, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. All photos RJ Peltz-Steele CC BY-SA 4.0.
The short length of Coco Beach is the touristic gem of Tanzania's largest city, Dar es Salaam, which, for all its rugged charms, is not rich with touristic gems. Coco Beach sits on the eastern, Indian Ocean, coast of the ritzy Msasani Peninsula, just a few kilometers northwest of the CBD.
Msasani says a lot about wealth stratification in Africa. The worsening wealth gap is an issue that vexes me in the United States. But we've got nothing on many an African country. Where subsistence living is the norm, and social safety nets are nearly non-existent, the disparity between haves and have-nots gets closer at each end to all and nothing. And as on Msasani, the extremes are often abruptly juxtaposed. The peninsula is home to subsistence fishermen, and the polluted beaches of the slipway, in the west, and the luxury condominiums of posh Oyster Bay, in the east.
Luxury condo building on the road from Oyster Bay to Sea Cliff Village
I walked the peninsula from west to east and saw, in the span of just a few kilometers, ramshackle wood dwellings on potholed dirt trails without plumbing, in the west and center, and gated condo complexes with marble-esque, statued facades, in the east. While the former teemed with human life, the latter were eerily vacant, deserted of all but the occasional maintenance worker. I assume the condos are mostly second-home getaways and vacation rentals for the well-to-do in high season and on weekends. (I was reminded of the dark-windowed high rises that loom over Central Park West, New York.)
Qatar's is the most modest of the beachfront embassies.
At that, the most striking residences of the eastern Msasani are not luxury homes, but foreign embassies, including those of Qatar, Brazil, Canada, Ireland, the UAE, and Saudi Arabia. (The U.S. embassy and others are in Oyster Bay, but in the interior.) They line the main coastal road that runs between Oyster Bay and Coco Beach, which runs on northward to swank Sea Cliff Village and the Yacht Club.
Present service structures on Coco Beach, astride road construction.
At present, it isn't easy to cross this road, because a massive construction project runs all along the length of Coco Beach. I had hoped that this construction would improve the beach for touristic use that might fuel economic development to benefit the peninsula's have-nots. What passes for services on the beachfront now are wood shacks of dubious hygiene, selling drinks and snacks that might prove hazardous to foreign GI tracts. One municipal toilet building has seen better days and is now inaccessible anyway because of the construction. Alas, no, a local on the beach informed me: The purpose of the construction is to convert the shoulderless, two-lane, asphalt coast road into a four-lane highway, because, he said, the embassies want better and more secure access.
Nearly completed end of beachfront highway entering the CBD.
Many an American city can today tell tales of costly woe for having built transportation and utility infrastructure along prime waterfront property. It's bad enough that embassies, with their high, secure walls, occupy this land on the peninsula to begin with. Their inefficient use of prime real estate, distant from the administrative offices of the CBD, and in the company of Tanzania's "one percent" and cloistered ex-pats, sounds an awakward echo of colonial elitism. To boot, now, the embassies and luxury homes will soon be served by a four-lane road that will further limit public access from the peninsula to the already underdeveloped beachfront.
Tanzania in 1974 moved its capital de jure to central Dodoma, in an effort to broaden economic opportunity in the country beyond Dar es Salaam. Nevertheless, concentration of development in Dar is still a problem that plagues the country. A businessman in the northeastern town of Arusha told me there's mounting resentment there about rural taxes paying for big-city infrastructure. (Boston says hello, western Massachusetts.) Maybe foreign nations can help Tanzania take a step forward by transferring their embassies from walled beachfront luxury to central locations with better access to government, whether Dar or Dodoma, on condition that appropriate public development of the Msasani Peninsula be left in their wake. After all, foreign diplomatic posting is supposed to be a hardship, and it's compensated accordingly.
The new highway runs in front of the historic Ocean Road Hospital, where a street sign bears a familiar name.
Labels: Africa, beach access, development, diplomacy, East Africa, foreign aid, infrastructure, Msasani, Tanzania, transportation, wealth gap
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Q: IntelXDK api for android notification I'm trying to archive this in intel xdk. But I couldn't find any relevant API. Would be great if someone can point me to the correct source.
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A: This plugin will enable you to do local notifications in your application - https://github.com/katzer/cordova-plugin-local-notifications/
See the following for adding 3rd party plugins to your app - https://software.intel.com/en-us/xdk/docs/adding-third-party-plugins-to-your-xdk-cordova-app

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John Gilbert Layton  (July 18, 1950 – August 22, 2011) was a Canadian academic and politician who served as the leader of the New Democratic Party (NDP) from 2003 to 2011 and leader of the Official Opposition in 2011. He previously sat on Toronto City Council, occasionally holding the title of acting mayor or deputy mayor of Toronto during his tenure as city councillor. Layton was the member of Parliament (MP) for Toronto—Danforth from 2004 until his death.

The son of a Progressive Conservative cabinet minister, Layton was raised in Hudson, Quebec. He rose to prominence in Toronto municipal politics, where he was one of the most prominent left-wing voices on the city and Metropolitan Toronto councils, championing many progressive causes. In 1991, he ran for mayor, losing to June Rowlands. Returning to council, he rose to become head of the Federation of Canadian Municipalities. In 2003, he was elected leader of the NDP on the first ballot of the convention.

Under his leadership, support for the NDP increased in each election. The party's popular vote almost doubled in the 2004 election, which gave the NDP the balance of power in Paul Martin's minority government. In May 2005, the NDP supported the Liberal budget in exchange for major amendments, in what was promoted as Canada's "first NDP budget". In November of that year, Layton voted with other opposition parties to defeat the Liberal government over the findings of the Gomery Commission. The NDP saw further gains in the 2006 and 2008 elections, in which the party elected 29 and 37 MPs, respectively.

In the 2011 election, Layton led the NDP to the most successful result in the party's history, winning 103 seats—enough for the party to form the Official Opposition for the first time. Federal support for Layton and the NDP in the election was unprecedented, especially in the province of Quebec, where the party won 59 out of 75 seats.

Layton died on August 22, 2011, after being diagnosed with cancer. He was survived by his wife of 23 years, fellow Toronto MP Olivia Chow. Details of the type and spread of the cancer, and the exact cause of death, were not released to the public. Shortly before he died, Layton had nominated Nycole Turmel as interim leader of the NDP and, consequently, of the Official Opposition. Tom Mulcair won the NDP leadership contest to replace Layton.

Early life and education
Layton was born in Montreal and raised in nearby Hudson, Quebec, a largely Anglophone community. His parents were Doris Elizabeth (née Steeves), a grand-niece of William Steeves, a Father of Confederation, and Progressive Conservative MP Robert Layton. He was the grandson of Gilbert Layton, who served as a minister without portfolio the government of Quebec's Union Nationale Premier Maurice Duplessis. He was elected student council president of his high school, Hudson High School, and his yearbook predicted that he would become a politician; he would later also credit Billy Bryans, who went on to become a prominent musician with the band the Parachute Club, for having played a role in his student council victory. He graduated from McGill University in 1970 with an honours Bachelor of Arts (BA) in political science and became a member of the Sigma Chi fraternity.

In 1969–70, he was the prime minister of the Quebec Youth Parliament.

Layton credited a professor at McGill, the political philosopher Charles Taylor, with being the primary influence in his decision to switch from a science degree to an arts degree. Moreover, it was on Taylor's advice that he pursued his doctorate at University of Toronto to study under political philosopher C. B. Macpherson.

In a foreword Layton wrote for Canadian Idealism and the Philosophy of Freedom, he explains, "The idealist current holds that human society has the potential to achieve liberty when people work together to form a society in which equality means more than negative liberty, the absolute and protected right to run races against each other to determine winners. Idealists imagine a positive liberty that enables us to build together toward common objectives that fulfill and even surpass our individual goals." Upon reading Canadian Idealism and the Philosophy of Freedom, Layton came to understand himself as part of the intellectual tradition of Canadian idealists.

In 1970, the family moved to Toronto, where Layton graduated the following year from York University with a Master of Arts (MA) in political science; and later in 1983, he completed his Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) in political science at York. In 1974, Layton became a professor at Ryerson Polytechnical Institute (now Toronto Metropolitan University). Over the next decade, he taught at Ryerson, York, and University of Toronto. He also became a prominent activist for a variety of causes. He wrote several books, including Homelessness: The Making and Unmaking of a Crisis and a book on general public policy, Speaking Out.

Family and personal life

Layton's great-granduncle, William Steeves, was a Father of Confederation. His great-grandfather, Philip E. Layton, was a blind activist who founded the Montreal Association for the Blind in 1908 and led a campaign for disability pensions in the 1930s. Philip was the senior partner in the family business, Layton Bros. Pianos. Layton Pianos had been made in London, England, since 1837, and Philip had emigrated to Montreal at the age of 19. Philip was a blind organist, composer ("Dominion March", played on carillon at Jack's lying-in-state), piano tuner, and piano retailer. The family business survives as Layton Audio in Montreal.

Jack Layton's grandfather, Gilbert Layton, was a Quebec cabinet minister in the Union Nationale government of Maurice Duplessis and resigned due to the provincial government's lack of support for Canadian participation in World War II. His father, Robert Layton, was a Liberal Party activist in the 1960s and 1970s, and served as a Progressive Conservative member of Parliament and federal Cabinet minister in the 1980s under Prime Minister Brian Mulroney.

Layton was raised as a member of the United Church of Canada, and was a member of the Bloor Street United Church parish in Toronto. However, he also sometimes attended services at the Metropolitan Community Church of Toronto, whose pastor, Brent Hawkes, was a longtime NDP activist and a personal friend of Layton's.

In 1969, at age 19, Jack married his high school sweetheart Sally Halford, with whom he had two children: Mike, currently a Toronto City Councillor, and Sarah, currently a senior staffer for the Stephen Lewis Foundation. Layton and Halford's marriage ended in divorce in 1983 after 14 years.

Layton first met Olivia Chow in 1985 during an auction at Village by the Grange, in which Jack was the auctioneer and Olivia was the interpreter for the Cantonese language observers. They had been previously acquainted, however they realized that they were both candidates in the upcoming election and decided to have lunch together to talk about the campaign. Three weeks after the auction, they went on their first date. Olivia's mother did not approve of Jack at first, because of his race as well as him not being a lawyer or doctor. Jack was invited to dinner at the home of Olivia's mother, where they also played mahjong. After the dinner, Jack attempted to thank Olivia's mother in Cantonese, however Jack's incorrect tone had him inadvertently saying, "Thank you for the good sex." Layton stated "My faux pas broke the ice completely. We've been good buddies ever since."

Layton was known for playing music and singing songs at party gatherings. Alberta NDP leader Brian Mason remembered during the three-day board meetings when Layton was running for president of the Federation of Canadian Municipalities: "He would gather people together in his hotel room and play the guitar and get everybody singing old folk songs from the 1960s. He just got people involved, just with his personality, not politics."

Layton was a keen Trekkie, having a custom Starfleet uniform made by a tailor. Layton was famously photographed wearing his uniform at a Star Trek convention in 1991.

At the 2005 Parliamentary Press Gallery Dinner (typically a satirical event), Layton sent up himself and his party, playing guitar and singing three songs: "Party for Sale or Rent" (to the tune of "King of the Road"), a re-worked version of "Nobody Knows You When You're Down and Out" with different humorous lyrics, and "If I Had Another $4.6 Billion".

Toronto City Council
At York and Ryerson, Layton developed close links with a number of Toronto figures including John Sewell and David Crombie. He was first elected to Toronto City Council in 1982, in a surprise upset against incumbent Gordon Chong. He quickly became one of the most outspoken members of council, and a leader of the left wing. He was one of the most vocal opponents of the massive SkyDome project, and an early advocate for rights for AIDS patients. In 1984, he was fined for trespassing when he handed out leaflets at the Toronto Eaton Centre during a strike by Eaton's staff, but the charge was later thrown out on freedom of speech grounds. Layton was also one of the few opponents to Toronto's bid for the 1996 Summer Olympics. In 1985, he moved to the Metropolitan Toronto Council, in the first direct elections for members of that body. In the 1988 municipal elections, Layton traded places with city council ally Dale Martin, with Martin going to Metro and Layton returning to Toronto City Council. Layton was easily elected in a contest with former high school teacher Lois MacMillan-Walker. The election was a major victory for Layton as the reformist coalition of which he was the de facto head gained control of city council, the first time in city history a coalition of New Democrats and independents controlled council.

On July 9, 1988, he married Hong Kong-born Toronto District School Board trustee Olivia Chow in a ceremony on Algonquin Island. Their whitewater rafting honeymoon plans had to be abandoned, however, when days before the wedding Layton collided with a newspaper box while bicycling. Chow later joined Layton on the Toronto City Council. She has been a candidate for the federal New Democrats five times, first winning her seat the third time in a close race against Tony Ianno in the 2006 Canadian election, and re-elected in 2008 and 2011. Chow resigned from federal politics in 2014 to run for mayor of Toronto; she placed third.

Layton and Chow were also the subject of some dispute when a June 14, 1990, Toronto Star article by Tom Kerr accused them of unfairly living in a housing cooperative subsidized by the federal government, despite their high income. Layton and Chow had both lived in the Hazelburn co-op since 1985, and lived together in an $800 per month three-bedroom apartment after their marriage in 1988. By 1990, their combined annual income was $120,000, and in March of that year they began voluntarily paying an additional $325 per month to offset their share of the co-op's Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation subsidy, the only members of the co-op to do so. In response to the article, the co-op's board argued that having mixed-income tenants was crucial to the success of co-ops, and that the laws deliberately set aside apartments for those willing to pay market rates, such as Layton and Chow. During the late 1980s and early 1990s they maintained approximately 30% of their units as low income units and provided the rest at what they considered market rent. In June 1990, the city solicitor cleared the couple of any wrongdoing, and later that month, Layton and Chow left the co-op and bought a house in Toronto's Chinatown together with Chow's mother, a move they said had been planned for some time. Former Toronto mayor John Sewell later wrote in NOW that rival Toronto city councillor Tom Jakobek had given the story to Tom Kerr.

Originally known for coming to council meetings in blue jeans with unkempt hair, Layton worked to change his image to run for mayor in the 1991 civic election. He also started wearing contact lenses, abandoning his glasses, and traded in his blue jeans for suits. In February 1991, Layton became the first official NDP candidate for the mayoralty, pitting him against centrist incumbent Art Eggleton. In a move that surprised many, Eggleton elected not to run again.

Layton was opposed by three right-of-centre candidates: Susan Fish, June Rowlands, and Betty Disero. Right-wing support soon coalesced around former city councillor Rowlands, preventing the internal divisions Layton needed to win office. Layton was also hurt by the growing unpopularity of the provincial NDP government of Bob Rae, and by his earlier opposition to Toronto's Olympic bid. Bid organizer Paul Henderson accused Layton and his allies of costing Toronto the event. Despite this, October polls showed Layton only four points behind Rowlands, with 36% support. However, on October 17, Fish, a former provincial Progressive Conservative cabinet minister who had only 19% support, pulled out of the race, and many of her supporters moved to Rowlands. Layton lost the November 12 election by a considerable margin. However, in the same election Olivia Chow easily won a seat on city council.

In November 1991, Layton co-founded the White Ribbon Campaign of men working to end male violence against women. Layton returned to academia and also founded the Green Catalyst Group Inc., an environmental consulting business. In 1993, he ran for the House of Commons in the riding of Rosedale for the NDP, but finished fourth in the generally Liberal riding. In 1994, he returned to Metropolitan Toronto Council, succeeding Roger Hollander in the Don River ward, and he resumed his high-profile role in local politics; following the "megacity" merger of Metropolitan Toronto into the current city of Toronto, he was again re-elected to Toronto City Council, serving alongside Pam McConnell in a two-member ward. He remained on Toronto City Council until pursuing the leadership of the federal New Democrats. He also came to national attention as the leader of the Federation of Canadian Municipalities. Federally, he ran again in the 1997 election, this time in the neighbouring riding of Toronto—Danforth, but lost to incumbent Dennis Mills by a wide margin. In June 1999, as chair of Toronto's environmental task force, the Toronto Atmospheric Fund, he was instrumental in the preliminary phases of the WindShare wind power cooperative in Toronto through the Toronto Renewable Energy Co-operative.

Leader of the NDP
Layton was elected leader of the NDP at the party's leadership convention in Toronto, on January 25, 2003. Layton won on the first ballot with 53.5% of the vote, defeating Bill Blaikie, Lorne Nystrom, Joe Comartin and Pierre Ducasse. His campaign was focused on the need to reinvigorate the party, and was prominently endorsed by former NDP leader Ed Broadbent.

Layton did not seek election to the House of Commons by running in a by-election, as is the tradition among new party leaders without a seat. Instead, he waited until the 2004 federal election to contest the riding of Toronto—Danforth against Liberal Dennis Mills. With no seat in the House of Commons, he appointed the runner-up, longtime Winnipeg-area MP Bill Blaikie, as parliamentary leader. Although he had no parliamentary seat, Layton was noted for drawing considerable attention from the Canadian mass media. Much of his rhetoric involved attacking the policies of then Canadian Prime Minister Paul Martin as conservative, and arguing the ideology of the Liberal Party of Canada had shifted in a more right wing direction. Another focus of Layton's leadership was to focus the party's efforts on Quebec, one of the party's weaker provinces. One of his opponents in the leadership race, Pierre Ducasse, was the first Québécois to run for leader of the NDP. After the race, Layton appointed Ducasse as his Quebec lieutenant and party spokesperson.

The result of Layton's efforts was a strong increase in the party's support. By the end of 2003, the party was polling higher than both the Canadian Alliance or the Progressive Conservatives and it was even suggested that the next election could see the NDP in place as Official Opposition.

2004 election

During the 2004 Canadian federal election, controversy erupted over Layton's accusation that Liberal Prime Minister Paul Martin was responsible for the deaths of homeless people because he failed to provide funding for affordable housing. While rates of homelessness and homeless deaths increased during the eleven years of Liberal government, the link to Martin's decisions was indirect as affordable housing is a mainly provincial jurisdiction. Layton's charge was defended by some, including the Ottawa Citizen, but most attacked it as inaccurate and negative campaigning. Moreover, the controversy consumed the campaign, overshadowing policy announcements over the next week.

Further controversy followed as Layton suggested the removal of the Clarity Act, considered by some to be vital to keeping Quebec in Canada and by others as undemocratic, and promised to recognize any declaration of independence by Quebec after a referendum. This position was not part of the NDP's official party policy, leading some high-profile party members, such as NDP House leader Bill Blaikie and former NDP leader Alexa McDonough, to publicly indicate that they did not share Layton's views. His position on the Clarity Act was reversed in the 2006 election to one of support.

Layton also continued his effort to improve his party's standing in Quebec. The NDP ran French-language ads in the province and Layton, who spoke colloquial Québécois French, appeared in them. He advocated replacing the first-past-the-post system with proportional representation. He threatened to use the NDP's clout in the event of a minority government. However, it was dismissed out of hand by the Liberal and Bloc Québécois leaders, as they tend to be favored by the first-past-the-post system, normally being allocated a greater proportion of seats than the proportion of votes cast for them. Historically, the NDP's popular vote does not translate into a proportional number of seats because of scattered support. This was most opposed by the Bloc Québécois, who usually had the lowest popular vote but nonetheless won many seats because their support was concentrated in Quebec. Despite these problems, Layton led the NDP to a 15% popular vote, its highest in 16 years. However, it only won 19 seats in the House of Commons, two less than the 21 won under Alexa McDonough in 1997, and far short of the 40 that Layton predicted on the eve of the election. However, some potential NDP voters may have voted Liberal to prevent a possible Conservative win. Olivia Chow and several other prominent Toronto NDP candidates lost tight races and Layton won his own seat against incumbent Liberal Dennis Mills by a much narrower margin than early polls indicated.

Liberal minority government

With the ruling Liberal Party being reduced to a minority government, revelations of the sponsorship scandal damaging its popularity to the point where both the Conservative Party and the Bloc Québécois were pressing their advantage for a snap election, the prime minister approached the NDP for its support. Layton demanded the cancellation of proposed corporate tax cuts and called for an increase in social spending. The ensuing compromise in the NDP's favour was protested by the other opposition parties who used it as a pretext to force a non-confidence vote. On May 19, two such votes were defeated and Layton's amendments went on to be passed on its final reading vote on June 23. As a result of this political coup and his apparent civil behaviour in a spitefully raucous parliament, many political analysts noted that Layton gained increased credibility as an effective leader of an important party, becoming the major second choice leader in many political polls – for example, polling second in Quebec after Gilles Duceppe, despite the low polls for his party as a whole in the province.

In mid-November 2005, when Liberal support dropped after the Gomery Commission delivered its first report, Layton offered the prime minister several conditions in return for the NDP's continued support, most notably on the issue of privatization of health care in Canada, where Layton wanted strict provisions for controlling public spending on private health care delivery, saying that without "significant action" on the issue, "Mr. Martin can't count on our support." Martin for his part offered no comment on a meeting held to discuss the issue, only saying that it was a "good meeting", while Layton publicly expressed his disappointment at the outcome. Layton announced he would introduce a motion requesting a February election. However, the Martin government refused to allow the election date to be decided by the opposition. A motion of non-confidence followed, moved by Stephen Harper and seconded by Layton, triggering the 2006 federal election. Layton was working with the Liberal government, but determined he would have a better chance of electoral success by voting against the government and having an election.

Coalition attempt with the Bloc Québécois and the Conservatives
On March 26, 2011, in response to Harper's allegations that a coalition is not a legitimate or principled way to form government, Duceppe stated that Harper had once tried to form a coalition government with the Bloc Québécois and NDP. In 2004 Stephen Harper privately met with Bloc Québécois leader Gilles Duceppe and Layton in a Montreal hotel. The meeting that took place between the three party leaders happened two months before the federal election. On September 9, 2004, the three signed a letter addressed to then-Governor General Adrienne Clarkson, stating,

On the same day the letter was written, the three party leaders held a joint press conference at which they expressed their intent to co-operate on changing parliamentary rules, and to request that the governor general consult with them before deciding to call an election. At the news conference, Harper said "It is the Parliament that's supposed to run the country, not just the largest party and the single leader of that party. That's a criticism I've had and that we've had and that most Canadians have had for a long, long time now so this is an opportunity to start to change that." However, at the time, Harper and the two other opposition leaders denied trying to form a coalition government. Harper said, "This is not a coalition, but this is a co-operative effort."

One month later, on October 4, Mike Duffy, now a Conservative senator (appointed by Harper), said "It is possible that you could change prime minister without having an election", and that some Conservatives wanted Harper as prime minister. The next day Layton walked out on talks with Harper and Duceppe, accusing them of trying to replace Paul Martin with Harper as prime minister. Both Bloc and Conservative officials denied Layton's accusations.

2006 campaign

With a vote scheduled for January 23, 2006, many New Democrats expected Layton to deliver substantially more seats than he did in 2004. They hoped the NDP would hold the balance of power in a new minority Parliament, so that they could carry additional leverage in negotiating with the governing party. Mike Klander, the executive vice-president of the federal Liberals' Ontario wing, resigned after making posts on his blog comparing Chow to a Chow Chow dog and calling Layton an "asshole".

Through the course of the campaign, Layton attempted to cast himself as the sole remaining champion of universal health care. Some opinion polls showed that Canadians found Layton the most appealing and charismatic of the leaders. Layton repeatedly insisted that "Canadians have a third choice", and urged Liberals to "lend us your vote". Some commentators and pundits mocked Layton for over-using these catchphrases instead of explaining the NDP platform.

The NDP strategy had changed in that they were focusing their attacks on the Liberals rather than in 2004, where they criticized both the Liberals and Conservatives in equal measure, prompting some criticism from Paul Martin. Andrew Coyne suggested that the NDP not only wanted to disassociate themselves from the scandal-ridden Liberals, but also because the Liberals were likely to receive credit for legislation achieved under the Liberal-NDP partnership. The NDP had also lost close races in the 2004 election due to the Liberals' strategic voting. Early in the campaign, NDP MP Judy Wasylycia-Leis had asked the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) to launch a criminal investigation into the leaking of the income trust announcement. The criminal probe seriously damaged the Liberal campaign and preventing them from making their key policy announcements, as well as bringing alleged Liberal corruption back into the spotlight.

Layton's campaign direction also caused a break between him and Canadian Auto Workers union head Buzz Hargrove over the issue of strategic voting. Hargrove preferred a Liberal minority government supported by the NDP and he had earlier criticized Layton for participating in the motion of non-confidence that brought down the Liberal government. Hargrove allied with the Liberals and publicly stated that he "did not like the campaign that Jack Layton was running", criticizing Layton for "spending too much time attacking the Liberals". During the final week of the campaign, knowing that last-minute strategic voting had cost the NDP seats in several close ridings during the 2004 election, Hargrove and Martin urged all progressive voters to unite behind the Liberal banner to stop a Conservative government.

Layton intensified his attacks on the Liberal scandals, pledging to use his minority clout to keep the Conservatives in check. Shortly after the election, the Ontario provincial branch of the NDP revoked Hargrove's party membership because he had violated the party's constitution by campaigning for other parties during an election campaign, though Layton disagreed with this. Hargrove retaliated by severing ties with the NDP at the annual CAW convention. The election increased the NDP's total seats to 29 seats, up from 18 before dissolution. Among the new NDP candidates elected was Olivia Chow, making the two only the second husband-and-wife team in Canadian Parliament history (Gurmant Grewal and Nina Grewal were the first husband-and-wife team in Canadian Parliament after the 2004 federal election). In the end, the NDP succeeded in increasing their parliamentary representation to 29 MPs, though they had significantly fewer seats than the Bloc Québécois (51) or the Opposition Liberals (103).

Conservative minority government

At the NDP's 22nd Convention, held on September 10, 2006, in Quebec City, Layton received a 92% approval rating in a leadership vote, tying former Reform Party leader Preston Manning's record for this kind of voting. This record was later broken in 2016 by Elizabeth May of the Green Party of Canada. At the same convention, the NDP passed a motion calling for the return of Canadian Forces from Afghanistan. On September 24, 2006, he met with Afghan President Hamid Karzai to discuss the NDP position. After the meeting Layton stated that Canada's role should be focused on traditional peacekeeping and reconstruction rather than in a front line combat role currently taking place.

Layton and his caucus voted to support the new proposed rules for income trusts introduced by the Conservatives October 31, 2006. The short-term result of the tax policy announcement was a loss to Canadian investors of $20 billion, the largest ever loss attributed to a change in government policy.

Layton threatened to move a motion of non-confidence against the government over the "Clean Air Act" unless action was taken to improve the bill and its approach to environmental policy. Prime Minister Harper agreed to put an end to the Parliamentary logjam by sending the bill to a special legislative committee before second reading. He released his proposed changes to the "Clean Air Act" on November 19, 2006.

On June 3, 2008, Layton voted to implement a program which would "allow conscientious objectors ... to a war not sanctioned by the United Nations ... to ... remain in Canada ..." Layton led the NDP to be instrumental in taking action on the peace issue of Canada and Iraq War resisters.

On June 11, 2008, Prime Minister Stephen Harper made it known that he had received private counsel from Layton on the matter of Indian residential schools and the apology to former students of the schools. Before delivering the apology, Harper thanked Layton.

2008 campaign

Layton started off the 2008 federal election campaign with a speech similar to that of US presidential nominee Barack Obama. Layton denied he was trying to draw comparisons with Obama, saying "I mean, I am a lot shorter than he is. He is a brilliant orator. I'm never going to claim to be that. But what I have noticed is that the key issues faced by the American middle class, the working people of the U.S. and their concerns about their families' futures, are awfully similar to the issues that I hear in Canada." Layton said that he has also written to Obama and Hillary Clinton saying that the North American Free Trade Agreement had hurt working people in both countries "and those stories have to be told."

Layton, along with Prime Minister Harper and Bloc Québécois leader Gilles Duceppe, initially opposed the inclusion of Green Party leader Elizabeth May in the leaders' televised debates. Layton initially said that he was following the rules of the broadcast consortium, while NDP spokesman Brad Lavigne confirmed that Layton had refused to attend if May was present, noting that May had endorsed Liberal leader Stéphane Dion for prime minister, and arguing that her inclusion would in effect give the Liberals two representatives at the debate. Rod Love, former chief of staff to Ralph Klein, suggested that the Greens could potentially cut into the NDP's support. Layton's stance drew criticism from the YWCA, Judy Rebick, and members of his own party. Layton dropped his opposition to May's inclusion on September 10, 2008. "This whole issue of debating about the debate has become a distraction to the real debate that needs to happen", Layton said. "I have only one condition for this debate and that is that the prime minister is there."

In October 2008, Layton posted an online video message speaking out in favour of net neutrality, torrent sites, video-sharing sites, and social-networking sites. In a separate interview he said that increasing corporate control "is very, very dangerous and we have put the whole issue of net neutrality right into the heart of our campaign platform", and that the Internet is "a public tool for exchanging ideas and I particularly want to say that if we don't fight to preserve it, we could lose it." In the end, the NDP gained 8 new seats, taking its tally to 37. This result still left the NDP as Canada's fourth party, behind the Bloc Québécois with 50. The NDP managed to retain Outremont, held by Tom Mulcair, its only seat in the province.

Continued Conservative minority government

The 40th session of Parliament began on November 27, 2008, with a fiscal update by the Conservatives that outlined their agenda for the upcoming term. This included a temporary suspension of federal employees' right to strike and a removal of monetary subsidies for political parties. All three opposition parties including the NDP stated that they could not support this position. Layton along with Liberal leader Stéphane Dion and Bloc Québécois leader Gilles Duceppe began negotiations to form a coalition that would replace the Conservatives as the government. The three opposition parties planned to table a motion of non-confidence in the House of Commons, and counted on the likelihood that the Governor General Michaëlle Jean, would invite the coalition to govern instead of dissolving parliament and calling an election so soon after the last election.

On December 1, 2008, the three opposition leaders signed an accord that laid down the basis for an agreement on a coalition government. The proposed structure would be a coalition between the Liberals and the NDP, with the New Democrats getting six Cabinet positions. Both parties agreed to continue the coalition until June 30, 2011. The Bloc Québécois would not be formally part of the government but would provide support on confidence motions for 18 months.

Opposition to the proposed coalition developed in all provinces except Quebec. On December 4, 2008, the governor general granted Prime Minister Harper's request to prorogue Parliament until January 26, 2009, at which time Harper had planned to introduce the budget. Dion had since been ousted from the leadership of the Liberals and his successor, Michael Ignatieff, had distanced himself from the coalition.

Layton remained committed to ousting the Harper government, pledging that the NDP would vote against the Conservative budget regardless of what it contained. Layton urged Ignatieff's Liberal Party to topple the Conservatives before the shelf life of the coalition expired; constitutional experts said that four months after the last election, if the government fell, the governor general would likely grant the prime minister's request to dissolve Parliament instead of inviting the coalition.

On January 28, 2009, the Liberals agreed to support the Conservative budget with an amendment, ending the possibility of the coalition, so Layton said "Today we have learned that you can't trust Mr. Ignatieff to oppose Mr. Harper. If you oppose Mr. Harper and you want a new government, I urge you to support the NDP."

In March 2009, the NDP, under Layton's leadership, re-introduced a motion (first passed June 3, 2008) which, if implemented, would allow conscientious objectors to the Iraq War to remain in Canada. The motion again passed March 30, 2009, by 129–125, but it was non-binding. In a leadership review vote held at the NDP's August 2009 federal policy convention, 89.25% of delegates voted against holding a leadership convention to replace Layton. In October 2009, Layton paired up with the Stephen Lewis Foundation to raise money for HIV/AIDS affected families in Africa. As part of the foundation's A Dare to Remember campaign, Layton busked on a busy street corner.

Layton's son, Mike was elected to Toronto City Council in the 2010 city council election.

In early 2011, Layton was featured in an episode of CBC Television's Make the Politician Work.

The Conservative government was defeated in a no-confidence vote on March 25, 2011, with the motion gaining full support of all opposition parties including the New Democrats, after the government was found in contempt of Parliament. It was the first time in Commonwealth history that a government lost the confidence of the House of Commons on the grounds of contempt of Parliament. The no-confidence motion was carried with a vote of 156 in favour of the motion, and 145 against, thus resulting in the prime minister advising a dissolution of Parliament and a federal election.

2011 campaign

The day after the successful passing of the motion, Layton started the NDP election campaign, first with a speech in Ottawa followed later in the day by an event in Edmonton, Alberta. Questions about Layton's health due to a recent hip surgery were often directed to him during the campaign, with Layton insisting that he was healthy enough to lead. On March 29, 2011, the New Democrats presented their first real campaign promise, a proposal to cap credit card rates in order to reduce credit card debt.

Unlike the previous election, Layton stated he was in favour of Green Party leader Elizabeth May speaking at the leaders debates, despite the fact that she was once again being discouraged by the Canadian media networks. The NDP also embarked upon the largest advertising campaign in its history, focusing on the Harper government's health care record. He also dedicated the federal election campaign to former Saskatchewan premier Allan Blakeney, who died about halfway through the campaign.

Despite entering the campaign with relatively low poll numbers, the NDP recovered and increased their support significantly after Layton's performance in the leaders debates. In the English-language debate, Layton criticized Michael Ignatieff's poor attendance record in the House of Commons, saying "You know, most Canadians, if they don't show up for work, they don't get a promotion!", to which Ignatieff was unable to respond effectively. The Globe and Mail described Layton's attack as a "knock-out punch" while the Toronto Star stated it was the "pivot in the debate [that] was a turning point in the federal campaign". Layton's New Democrats successfully capitalized on Ignatieff's attendance record in the Toronto area.

On February 4, 2011, Layton attended a rally against Usage Based Billing in Toronto with MPs Dan McTeague, Olivia Chow, Peggy Nash and others. His attendance at this rally was accompanied by several press releases by the NDP denouncing metered internet usage in Canada.

The NDP surge began in Quebec, with the NDP surprising many observers by surpassing the previously front-running Bloc in Quebec. In Canada overall, the NDP surged past the Liberals to take the second place behind the Conservatives; in Quebec, the NDP took first place. The NDP surge became the dominant narrative of the last week of the campaign, as other parties turned their attacks on the party and Layton.

On April 29, 2011, a retired police officer told the Sun News Network and the Toronto Sun newspaper that in 1996, Layton had been found in a massage parlour when police, looking for underage Asian sex workers, raided the establishment. The police informed Layton of the potentially questionable use of the business and recommended that he avoid it in the future. No charges were filed. The Sun later ran a follow-up piece, in which Toronto city councillor Giorgio Mammoliti criticized Layton. Layton has said there was no wrongdoing in the matter, saying that he simply "went for a massage at a community clinic" and did not return after the police advised him not to. He also referred to the release of the police report as a smear campaign against him. Bloc Québécois leader Gilles Duceppe also dismissed the claim. A columnist for the National Post suggested that it was a Liberal insider that leaked the story, although a Liberal Party spokesman denied that they had anything to do with it.

A subsequent Toronto Star column stated that most contributors to online discussions agreed there was a smear campaign against Layton. As for political damage from this story, that same day's update of the Nanos Leadership Index, which assesses public opinion on the Canadian federal leaders' trustworthiness, competence and vision for Canada, saw Layton rise from a score of 80 to a score of 97, surpassing Harper's 88 and Ignatieff's 39. The polling company speculated this improvement is due to strong sympathy by the public for a political candidate they judged as being unfairly maligned. The Toronto Police Service launched an investigation into how official police notes were leaked to Sun Media. Police notebooks are closely guarded and may contain unfounded and unproven allegations. On May 5, 2011, it was announced that no charges would be laid with regards to the leaked information.

Layton appeared on the Radio-Canada talk show Tout le monde en parle on April 3, an appearance that was credited for improving his party's standing among Francophone voters due to his informal Québécois French. The show is the most popular program in Quebec. He was also perceived to have performed well in the televised French-language party leaders' debate on April 13.

In the May 2, 2011, election, Layton led the NDP to 103 seats, more than double its previous high. This was also enough to make the NDP the Official Opposition for the first time. The NDP gains were partly due to a major surge in Quebec as the party won 59 of the province's 75 seats, dominating Montreal and sweeping Quebec City and the Outaouais, although the NDP also won more seats than any other opposition party in the rest of Canada. The NDP had gone into the election with only one seat in Quebec, that of Thomas Mulcair, and had won but a single seat in the province historically (Phil Edmonston in a 1990 by-election). Many of these gains came at the expense of the Bloc, which was reduced to a four-seat rump without official party status in Parliament.

Illness and death

On February 5, 2010, Layton announced that he had been diagnosed with prostate cancer. He noted that his father Robert Layton had the same type of cancer 17 years before and recovered from it. His wife, Olivia Chow, had thyroid cancer a few years before. He vowed to beat the cancer, and said it would not interrupt his duties as member of Parliament or as leader of the NDP.

Following the 2011 federal election, Layton led the party into the first month of the new session of Parliament, as well as attending the NDP Federal Convention in Vancouver. After Parliament rose for the summer, Layton announced on July 25, 2011 that he would be taking a temporary leave from his post to fight an unspecified, newly diagnosed cancer. He was hoping to return as leader of the NDP upon the resumption of the House of Commons on September 19, 2011. Layton recommended that NDP caucus chair Nycole Turmel serve as interim leader during his leave of absence.

Layton died at 4:45 am ET on Monday, August 22, 2011, at his home in Toronto. He was 61 years old.

Upon hearing the news, there was a nationwide outpouring of grief, and Governor General David Johnston, Prime Minister Stephen Harper, NDP deputy leader Libby Davies, and the US ambassador to Canada, David Jacobson issued statements praising Layton and mourning his loss. Layton's family released an open letter, written by Layton two days before his death. In it, he expressed his wishes regarding the NDP's leadership in the event of his death, and addressed various segments of the Canadian population, concluding, "My friends, love is better than anger. Hope is better than fear. Optimism is better than despair. So let us be loving, hopeful and optimistic. And we'll change the world."

Layton was accorded a state funeral, which took place between August 25 and 27, 2011, with the final memorial service at Roy Thomson Hall in Toronto. Layton was the second leader of the Official Opposition to die while in office; the first, Sir Wilfrid Laurier, had been a former prime minister, and had been given a state funeral under the protocol for prime ministers. Layton was the first Official Opposition leader to die for whom a state funeral would not otherwise have been afforded, but Prime Minister Harper made the offer to Layton's widow who accepted. Layton's body was cremated following the funeral. A portion of his ashes was scattered under a jack pine planted on Toronto Island in his honour, with a second portion scattered at the Layton family's plot at Cote St. Charles United Church in Hudson, Quebec. A third portion was scattered under a memorial sculpted by Chow, placed at the Toronto Necropolis Cemetery on the first anniversary of his death.

In popular culture
Layton's life is portrayed in a 2013 television movie entitled Jack, with Rick Roberts portraying Layton and Sook-Yin Lee as Olivia Chow. The cast also includes Wendy Crewson and Erin Karpluk. It was released on March 10, 2013, and aired on CBC Television.

Electoral history

Legacy and honours

 The Jack Layton Ferry Terminal in Toronto was renamed in Layton's honour in 2013, on the second anniversary of his death. A bronze statue of Layton riding on a tandem bicycle was installed at the site.
 Jack Layton Way in Toronto was named in 2013 (formerly Don Jail Roadway and parking area in front of the old jail). The street was once part of the driveway to the Don Jail and now being transformed as part of the Bridgepoint Health redevelopment in the Toronto neighbourhood of Riverdale; the community is in Layton's former electoral district of Toronto—Danforth. South side of the roadway is Toronto Public Library Riverdale Branch and Hubbard Park (named after William Peyton Hubbard.)
 Ryerson University (now Toronto Metropolitan University), where Layton was a professor for many years, honoured him by creating the Jack Layton Chair in the Department of Politics and Public Administration. The endowment sponsors several events including the annual Jack Layton Lecture series, the Jack Layton Book Club held in conjunction with Ryerson Archives and which holds discussions about various books that are part of the archive's Jack Layton Collection. As well, the chair sponsors the annual Jack Layton School for Leadership, an annual program aimed at building the leadership capacity of leaders and activists working towards social change.
 The Broadbent Institute awards an annual Jack Layton Progress Prize to "recognize the person or organization that has created and fielded an exceptional and successful campaign for progressive change."
 Parc Jack-Layton in Layton's hometown of Hudson, Quebec, was named in 2012. Previously known as Hudson Marina, the park is located by the shore of Lake of Two Mountains. Layton's widow, Olivia Chow, along with family members and MP Tom Mulcair, attended the renaming ceremony.
 A plaque commemorating Layton was unveiled in 2013 in Toronto's Withrow Park in front on an oak tree that was planted in his memory.
 The educational organization Learning for a Sustainable Future has established the LSF Jack Layton Award for Youth Action in Sustainability to honour schools that have "responded to community challenges with creativity, responsible citizenship and innovative action".
 Toronto's Woodgreen Community Services renamed their seniors' housing building at 1070 Queen Street East, Jack Layton Seniors' Housing in honour of Layton.
 The national headquarters of the federal NDP was named the "Jack Layton Building" after him.

Selected works

  (revised and expanded edition of Speaking Out: Ideas that Work For Canadians)

Notes

References

External links
 New Democratic Party – NDP official website

1950 births
2011 deaths
Anglophone Quebec people
Canadian activists
Canadian monarchists
Canadian people of English descent
Canadian people of German descent
Canadian political scientists
Canadian social democrats
Deaths from cancer in Ontario
Leaders of the Opposition (Canada)
McGill University alumni
Members of the House of Commons of Canada from Ontario
Members of the King's Privy Council for Canada
Members of the United Church of Canada
Metropolitan Toronto councillors
NDP and CCF leaders
New Democratic Party MPs
People from Montérégie
Politicians from Montreal
Writers from Montreal
Jack Layton
Academic staff of Toronto Metropolitan University
Toronto city councillors
York University alumni
Canadian non-fiction writers
Academic staff of York University
Academic staff of the University of Toronto
Writers from Toronto
Canadian political writers
Recipients of the Meritorious Service Decoration
Spouses of Canadian politicians
21st-century Canadian politicians
Burials at Toronto Necropolis
Progressivism in Canada

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Forums > Chatter Galore > Fan Town >
Chills, Thrills and Spills: A Horror Thread
Discussion in 'Fan Town' started by Newlyread, Jun 22, 2015.
Wormwitch I'm literally Mulder.
Just finished watching Host on shudder, and it was better than I thought it would be. Some friends get together on a zoom (?) call to do a seance and it goes horribly wrong.
Wormwitch, Aug 27, 2020 at 10:01 AM
Informative x 2
Pumpkageist Warning: I Shitpost
Oh hey, I watched Host a couple days ago, too! Like you, I wasn't blown away, but it pleasantly surprised me. I think it executed the videochat thing best out of the films I've seen that use that kind of framing. Without giving too much of the ending away, though... don't phones usually have flashlights nowadays?
Edit: typos
Pumpkageist, Aug 27, 2020 at 6:10 PM
Today is the first day of Shudder's 61 days of Halloween!
https://news.avclub.com/shudder-to-stretch-out-spooky-season-with-its-61-days-o-1844801549
Wormwitch, Sep 1, 2020 at 5:43 AM
Watched The Color Out Of Space remake with Nic Cage, and it was ok. The acting wasn't very good, but I did like the special/practical effects and the music was very good.
Does anyone have any horror documentary recommendations? I watched In Search of Darkness and Cursed Films on Shudder, but I need more.
Aondeug Cringe Annoying Ass Female Lobster
Horror Noire is required doc watching I feel like. It's on Shudder.
Aondeug, Sep 4, 2020 at 10:02 AM
I'm going to try to keep track of what I watch for the 61 days of Halloween. I'll update the days as I go along.
Spoiler: Long
Day 1: Cold Skin
Day 2: The Color Out of Space
Day 3: In Search of Darkness
Day 4: Cursed Films
Day 5: Horror Noire
Day 6: Most Beautiful Island
Day 7: Stake Land
Day 8: A Bluebird In My Heart
Day 9: The House of the Devil
Day 10: Why Horror?
Day 11: The Changeling
Day 12: Downrange
Day 13: The Beach House
Day 14: Blood Quantum
Day 15: The Beyond
Day 16: Revenge
Day 17: The Room
Day 18: Scream, Queen! My Nightmare on Elm Street
Day 19: Never Sleep Again: The Elm Street Legacy
Day 20: Tourist Trap
Day 21: Rabbit
Day 22: The Taking of Deborah Logan
Day 23: Haunt
Day 24: Voice From the Stone
Day 25: Starfish
Day 26: Nina Forever
Day 27: Next of Kin
Day 28: Sam Was Here
Day 29: Still/Born
Day 30: The Siren
Day 31: Daniel Isn't Real
Day 32: Scare Me
Day 33: The Masque of the Red Death
Day 34: The Nightshifter
Day 35: The Deeper You Dig
Day 36: From the Dark
Day 37: Z
Day 38: The Cleansing Hour
Day 39: From Beyond
Day 40: Warning: Do Not Play
Day 41: Metamorphosis
Day 42: Satan's Slaves
Day 43: Incident In A Ghostland
Day 44: The Awakening
Day 45: The Mortuary Collection
Day 46: WNUF Halloween Special
Day 47: The Witch in the Window
Day 48: Tales of Halloween
Day 49: One Cut of the Dead
Day 50: Theater of Blood
Day 51: The Boulet Brothers' Dragula: Resurrection
Day 52: 32 Malasana Street
Day 53: 0.0 Mhz
Day 54: A Tale of Two Sisters
Day 55: Noroi: The Curse
Day 56: Ring
Day 57: Ginger Snaps
Day 58: The Mimic
Day 59: A Creepshow Animated Special
Day 60: May the Devil Take You Too
Day 61: Terrified
Just finished watching Spiral on shudder. It's the shudder original and not the Saw movie. God this movie filled me with so much dread.
Wormwitch, Sep 17, 2020 at 6:18 PM
Deresto Foolish Mortal
Yo, my fellow creepy crawlsters! I need some recs for scary movies for someone who hasn't seen any, specifically supernatural in genre.
We started in the saw series yesterday for the classic serial killer gore fest, and next Sunday we're moving into spoopy. Problem is those types of movies tend to fall flat for me and knowing my friend's tastes it'll be a hard job to scare him as well.
I kinda need one that hits all the tropes; jumpscares, otherworldly origins, unexplainable happenings, paranoia, the works! Age of film doesn't matter, just as long as it showcases the classics and still is Very Scary. Can I get some help? :0c
Deresto, Oct 5, 2020 at 12:21 PM
Acey dancing there in the moonbeam rays
Deresto said: ↑
I don't have any recs myself sadly, but Ima summon @strictly quadrilateral because he's been watching a FUCKTON of horror movies and might have some great thoughts!
Acey, Oct 5, 2020 at 1:27 PM
Useful x 1
Supernatural if you want ghosts. I'd suggest maybe the Thai film Shutter. It's a clever done ghost film that works well enough even if you're not in the know about the specific cultural things. A lot of it is very tense paranoia and guilt.
If you are fine with the supernatural that ain't ghosts then The Witch is really good. Again very tense film and often just kind of. Uncomfortable.
The Insidious films aren't art by any stretch but they're fun watches. I mean their casts involve things like bumbling Ghost Adventures type assholes and a ghost hunting grandma who is one of the most competent horror film characters I've seen.
Aondeug, Oct 5, 2020 at 11:53 PM
gemini28 Don't Do A Hit
seconding shutter, though a trigger warning for rape. i also love Ghostwatch, which is a british film that polite takes the spooky knob and breaks it in two. hmmmm as above so below is also v tense and good and considered a classique
and judge me if you want, but the first conjuring movie scared the shit out of me.
gemini28, Oct 6, 2020 at 1:07 AM
Oh. Oh. If you want fairytale supernatural then The Babadook maybe? Its concept basically is that the monster in a children's book appears to be real.
Aondeug, Oct 6, 2020 at 1:09 AM
latitans zounds, scoob
Hereditary (2018) is scary as all hell, but also seriously dark and bloody.
Suspiria (1977, not the remake which I haven't same) is the same--not in terms of plot, but in terms of being an incredibly frightening, incredibly troubling, incredibly shot horror movie. it's giallo perfected
the Insidious movies (first 3 at least) are also unexpectedly good. they're made by james wan, who's the same guy who did Saw. don't know if a james wan film festival is what you're going for lol, but it could be interesting to see how he does different genres. i've also heard that Oculus (2014) is good, despite its goofy marketing.
The Shining (1980) is a classic for a reason. It is a great movie, and has some imo genuinely frightening moments.
Mulholland Drive (2001) might not fit the brief to a tee--it's probably more of a psychological thriller, but there is definitely a sense of fucked-up supernatural shit going on, because it's david lynch. but the diner scene is the tensest, most horrifying thing i've ever seen in my life. i creeped myself out just referring to it in type
Persona (1966) is similar in that it's psychological horror, but everything about it is so tense and sinister and deeply weird that it feels otherworldly and supernatural.
anyway i creeped myself out writing this post!!! gonna have to listen to a silly audio book before i can sleep!!
i seriously cannot do horror movies they ruin my life. watched most of these with a friend who does film and media studies, hoping the critical lens would somehow make them less spoopy and nope!!!!
latitans, Oct 6, 2020 at 4:55 AM
The Ring? Maybe it's a bit too well-known, Most people have osmosed how it ends by now, even if they haven't seen it, but it's a classic, and both the original and the Hollywood remake are good.
I haven't seen it all the way through, but The Haunting (the one from 1963) is pretty well-regarded.
Seconding Ghostwatch, it's great, even if the acting is stilted, and it's worth reading about the reception it got on first airing.
Pumpkageist, Oct 6, 2020 at 5:23 AM
Thanks so much! I'm seeing lots of variety and opinions, so it'll make it much easier to look into things with a lot of trusted points of view
Deresto, Oct 6, 2020 at 10:47 AM
strictly quadrilateral alive, alive, alive!
Acey said: ↑
oh i totally missed this!
i'm doing a RESEARCH PROJECT right now, which basically boils down to "i made a list of ~150 movies and i'm watching those". it's not 100% horror but it's mostly horror.
the birds (1963) is a classic for good reason and while it's slow to start it's definitely worth a watch if you haven't seen it already. similar for the wicker man (1973). seconding the rec for the shining. one of my absolute favorite movies so far was dark night of the scarecrow (1981) which i guess was where the animate scarecrow subgenre started? but ive seen some other scarecrow horror content and this is head and shoulders above it so don't judge it by its imitators. i also really enjoyed children of the corn (1984), house (1986, though the unrelated 1977 movie is also a delight), nightbreed (1990), and house on haunted hill (1999).
in addition to those, there's the hellraiser movies, which are fantastic supernatural horror and i recommend them wholeheartedly.
i have other recs but theyre worse fits for what you're asking about.
strictly quadrilateral, Oct 9, 2020 at 9:07 PM
If you're still looking for recommendations and you have Shudder, The Witch in the Window is good.
Wormwitch, Oct 17, 2020 at 10:33 AM
Out of all the movies I watched this month, this one is my favorite.
Spoiler: One Cut of the Dead
I was not expecting this movie to be as funny as it was. It's a movie within a movie about a film crew having to film a short horror film in one shot. The first part is the horror film live broadcast, and the rest of it is showing what went on behind the scenes. So many things go wrong, from one of the actors being too drunk to act and having to be moved around physically by the film's director, to the director wife (who's now playing the makeup artist after the other actress got into a car accident with the actor playing the director, because they were having an affair?) going overboard in her role.
I really felt bad for the director, he's trying his best and almost everything with this film goes wrong despite his best efforts. Everything worked out in the end though, and even some of the improvised moments in the film made the first part scarier than following the script would have. When one of the actors ran off because of um... stomach problems and one of the crew tries to drag him back, the fear in his voice (not because he's being attacked by zombies, but because he might shit himself) made his screaming out of frame in the first part sound more realistic.
If you're looking for a good horror comedy I recommend this movie.
2020 was such a good year for horror movies. I rewatched Host, and then moved onto His House, The Block Island Sound, The Dark and the Wicked, and The Night.
Wormwitch, Apr 6, 2021 at 10:21 AM
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This blog provides news about research published in the Urban Affairs Review (UAR). For more than 50 years, scholars have turned to UAR for the latest research on the politics, governance, and public policies of urban and regional settings. The UAR Blog summarizes recently published articles, links to podcasts about recently published articles, publishes book notes, and provides article compilations from the first 50 years of UAR.
UAR is an outlet for theoretically and empirically grounded research on the politics, governance, and public policies of urban and regional settings throughout the world. We welcome research employing any methodological approach and comparative analyses are of particular interest. Research focused on specific settings, events, or policies must have some general theoretical significance.
UAR welcomes papers on any topics relevant to the urban themes of politics, governance, and public policy. Common topics in recent years include: urban policy; urban economic development; residential and community development; governance and service delivery; comparative/international urban research; and social, spatial, and cultural dynamics.


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PSP characters teach the fundamentals of fractions in Japan
LocoRoco rolls into education
MCV Staff 25th March 2008	Development News
A school in Japan's Chiba prefecture has played host to a unique method of teaching children maths, reports Famitsu.
In a collaboration with Sony Computer Entertainment, the non-profit organisation ACE – the Association of Corporate and Education – has formulated a way of teaching multiplication and division of fractions to children using the LocoRoco characters to explain difficult concepts.
The aim of the session was not to teach the actual method of, say, dividing fractions – the students involved had already been taught that the way to do so was by inverting the numerator and denominator of one of the fractions – but was to explain the method logically so that students would understand why the method works.
The presentation was based around a Flash game that featured the LocoRoco characters following a story that saw the concepts being explained, with additional worksheets giving the students practice.
The teachers at the school were impressed, noting that students didn't get bored because of the story and that the pupils were more engaged through the usage of game characters.
"There are things that are difficult to teach in normal classes, but I think that they can be explained well by using the charm that games have," said Daisuke Fujikawa, board chairman of ACE.
"We think of today as being the starting point of our activities, which we hope to expand this much further in the future."
[Image: Famitsu]
Tags infodevelop-online-net sony computer entertainment japa
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Next Metanet: 'The vast majority of XBLA games suck'
Jagex on making the voice of the player heard
Iterating for better: How G Into Gaming wants to drive diversity forward
Welcome to Ukie's Gamescom funfair


With most organizations having some business linked to and more importantly relying on an online presence, challenges linked to DNS servers in the enterprise are one of the biggest concerns for the IT team. The results of a DNS attack can be catastrophic for any organization, resulting in business loss, stolen intellectual property, public leakage of sensitive information and plummeting reputation.
IDC ran a survey in three countries, France, the United Kingdom (UK) and United States of America (US) and gathered information from 244 interviews across multiple verticals and enterprise of sizes of 500 employees and above that have deployed a DNS server in their organization, with the aim to gain insight to thought leadership position around IT security and with a particular focus on DNS security.
This executive brief discusses the results of this survey, and will further look into the challenges, market drivers and risks linked to DNS server, and the threats and vulnerabilities that are inevitably linked to their deployment in any organization.


Oster has correctly identified the divergence in economic performance between SEQ and regional Queensland. This divergence means it is difficult to characterise how the total Queensland economy is performing. The ongoing economic weakness in regional Queensland has contributed to the Queensland unemployment rate increasing slightly to 6.5 percent in June, up from 6.4 percent in May (see chart below and Queensland Treasury's Labour force brief). This is much higher than pre-financial crisis lows, but is much lower than historical double-digit highs, last seen in the early 1990s when the unemployment rate reached 10-11 percent. That said, the Queensland outback had a double-digit unemployment rate in May of nearly 12 percent and Townsville had an unemployment rate over 9 percent, according to Queensland Treasury's smoothed estimates of the ABS original data (see Treasury's Regional Labour Force brief).
While SEQ appears to be performing reasonably well, it is obvious that jobs growth in SEQ is being offset to a large extent by job losses in regional Queensland, producing a relatively low rate of employment growth of only 0.3 percent over the year to June, compared with 1.9 percent nationally (see chart below).
As I have commented previously, Queensland's under-performing economy may have discouraged many people from looking for work, resulting in a reduction in the labour force participation rate (see chart below). Indeed, our participation rate has converged to the national rate (now 64.9 percent), while historically Queensland had a significantly higher participation rate.
This entry was posted in Labour market, Macroeconomy, Uncategorized and tagged abs, australia, jobs, labourforce, labourforcesurvey, qld, queensland, townsville, unemployment, unemploymentrate. Bookmark the permalink.
Gene in regards to the participation rate, evidence from the ground would indicate a growing number of people up my way who after many years of good wages have simply decided they can afford not to work. Some who have worked 10 – 20 years on good money in mining, mine services, minerals processing and support industries have managed to eliminate most debt and at the same time secure large super balances that will continue to grow. Very low interest rates will also allow many to redraw on current credit facilities to maintain a standard of living for quite a period of time until either a good paying job comes along or for some in the fifties until they can access their super. Cities like Townsville may well drift towards the type of numbers we see out of Wide Bay who have a large retirement population which would require a totally different workforce than the one we have today.
We just finished supplying products to quite a few new nursing home/ retirement villages under construction in Townsville, management from completed projects advise they are bringing up staff from down south to operate and run them as the skills just aren't available in Townsville at the moment despite double digit unemployment, clearly this is an indication that training is not being provided for the types of jobs that are required into the future.
Very interesting info, thanks Glen.


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Writing Your Blurb or Bio: The Essential Points
huffingtonpost.com – Thursday March 10, 2016
Your blurb or bio is a short, concise, effective introduction and description of yourself. It can be used and inserted in myriad ways: for your company profile, as an introduction at meetings or presentations, on social media sites such as LinkedIn, for your articles, blogs or books, and whenever and wherever you need a pithy, interesting and informative description of yourself. The essential characteristics of effective and memorable blurbs are:
Monkeys, Shakespeare, Writing and Me
There's an adage that says, "If you put 100 monkeys with typewriters in a room long enough, eventually they'll write Hamlet." It requires just a nanosecond of reflection to realize that the monkeys wouldn't actually be writing. They'd merely be typing. But the idea is they'd be typing fast and furious and eventually create something worth reading.
This is the biggest year I've ever experienced as a writer and there are indeed times when I feel like the aforementioned monkeys. I have four books being published in 2016 -- one each in January, March, April and May. When I mention the four books in conversation, people often regard me with incredulous shock. How is such a thing possible? Do you write non-stop? Did you write all four books simultaneously? Were you actually just monkey-typing?
Evelyn Conlon: prize culture devalues art of writing
irishtimes.com – Wednesday March 9, 2016
I am saddened for the apprentice writers who think that the only way their work can be judged is by a prize listing. What an awful thing for the industry to subject writers to.
My fear is that we're in danger of losing the challenge of [the independent bookshop]. What happens now is that the window can be bought and that all that exciting innovative work has been bulldozed by giddy marketing. Too many people now make straight for the prize-winning shelf. I am not averse to the notion of the occasional prize, and yes I understand that it is a method of bringing attention to the as yet unknown, but when the bookshop experience seems like you've been tipped into a tombola then clearly we have lost sight of the art of finding our own books.
Save dragons, save books! Three authors give tips on children's writing
theguardian.com – Wednesday March 9, 2016
It's a perennial bugbear among children's writers that every other writer thinks it's an easy thing to do when, in fact, children are among the most discerning readers, with an intimate relationship with the on-off switch. Three leading authors will be passing on the tricks of the trade in a Guardian Masterclass on Sunday, 20 March. We asked Philip Ardagh, author of the Eddie Dickens series; How to Train Your Dragon author Cressida Cowell; and Laura Dockrill, author of the Darcy Burdock books, to explain the challenges and the rewards of specialising in literature for young people. They also give some useful tips for anyone hoping to follow them into this most demanding of areas.
For writers: To agent or not to agent?
wnd.com – Wednesday March 9, 2016
Writers who want to be published (or who have already been published) are constantly in a state of turmoil trying to answer the question: Do I need an agent?
A writer's lament: Literary efforts are labors of love, but bittersweet
duluthnewstribune.com – Sunday March 6, 2016
Someday I'm gonna sit down, open my old files and figure out how many book signings, library talks, book festivals, craft fairs and book clubs I've attended over the 25 years I've been writing. In summary fashion, I can safely say I've been as far west as Calgary, Alberta, as far east as Youngstown, Ohio, as far north as Winnipeg, Manitoba, and as far south as Council Bluffs, Iowa.
The mistakes writers make
barrowjournal.com – Thursday March 3, 2016
As an editor of a homeschool magazine, I get a lot of queries (i.e. "pitches" in the form of letters or e-mails) from writers wanting to write for us. I rarely respond to any of them because they rarely warrant a response. While I wish I could return each message with an instructional guide on how to make a proper pitch, it would be a waste of my time. Still, my heart goes out to these wannabe writers because many years ago, I didn't know how to make a pitch either.
Ross MacKenzie's whirlwind guide to writing mystery
When I first sat down to write The Nowhere Emporium, I didn't really think of it as a mystery novel at all. It was just a story I knew I really wanted to tell. It began with the vision of an enchanted shop, a shop that moved around, appearing anywhere, at any time. But I didn't know why this happened. So I wrote the rest of the book to find out. And as the story developed, I slowly realised that I was writing a mystery book.
Things that nearly put me off writing my first novel
femalefirst.co.uk – Monday February 29, 2016
I don't know what the statistics are but I have a feeling that journalists don't automatically make very good fiction writers. It's a different part of the brain. And it's a different business model. When you're a journalist you write a thousand words or so are about someone, somewhere, something else. Very often, no personal opinion required. After a thousand words or so, you get paid. You park that feature and start on the next one. You also have an editor, mostly at the end of an email, saying (hopefully), 'thanks for that - good job'. And (hopefully) your byline will pop up somewhere. Both these are a journalistic equivalent of hearty pats on the back. Reasons to carry on.
What Even Great Writers Do Badly: How to Up Your Game as an Author
huffingtonpost.com – Friday February 26, 2016
Literary agents often get a reputation for being cruel and heartless. It is true that not a one of us has escaped sending out many, many rejection letters. I am sure that there are a few slightly sadistic agents out there, but for the most part, authors, please know that we take no pleasure in saying no to you and your project!
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Bright red ears randing from 2" - 5" in length.
The main husk color is beige, but 25% or more of the husks are colored burgundy, red and red streaked.
Ears are dried and grouped by size into bunches of three. They are bound and tagged for sale as produce.
Sold in boxes of 18 bunches.


text:
/* ###
 * IP: GHIDRA
 *
 * Licensed under the Apache License, Version 2.0 (the "License");
 * you may not use this file except in compliance with the License.
 * You may obtain a copy of the License at
 *
 *      http://www.apache.org/licenses/LICENSE-2.0
 *
 * Unless required by applicable law or agreed to in writing, software
 * distributed under the License is distributed on an "AS IS" BASIS,
 * WITHOUT WARRANTIES OR CONDITIONS OF ANY KIND, either express or implied.
 * See the License for the specific language governing permissions and
 * limitations under the License.
 */
package resources;

/**
 * Enum specifying the quadrant of an overlay, either upper left, upper right, lower left, lower right.
 */
public enum QUADRANT {
	UL(0, 0), UR(1, 0), LL(0, 1), LR(1, 1);

	QUADRANT(int x, int y) {
		this.x = x;
		this.y = y;
	}

	int x, y;

	/**
	 * String to enum.
	 *
	 * @param s string of either "UL", "UR", "LL", "LR"
	 * @param defaultValue value to return if string is invalid
	 * @return QUADRANT enum
	 */
	public static QUADRANT valueOf(String s, QUADRANT defaultValue) {
		if (s != null) {
			try {
				return QUADRANT.valueOf(s.toUpperCase());
			}
			catch (IllegalArgumentException iae) {
				// ignore
			}
		}
		return defaultValue;
	}
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


The NS series of slicers of for medium to heavy duty food slicing applications. The range has something to suit the small shop or deli up to large restaurants, kitchens and supermarkets. Models available include manual belt driven; vertical belt driven; manual gravity feed gear driven; semi automatic belt driven; and fully automatic belt driven.


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Osiedle Kmity – osiedle nr VIII miasta Rzeszowa. Dnia 28 grudnia 2010 r. liczyło 7388 mieszkańców, a według stanu na dzień 10 maja 2019 r. osiedle zamieszkiwało 6695 osób. Według stanu na 31 października 2019 r. osiedle liczyło 6603 mieszkańców, natomiast dnia 18 lutego 2021 r. osiedle liczyło 6447 mieszkańców . Do dnia 11 czerwca 1991 r. osiedle oficjalnie nosiło nazwę Gwardzistów. Nazwa pochodzi od nazwiska średniowiecznego właściciela Rzeszowa Piotra Lunaka Kmity.

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Dzielnice i osiedla Rzeszowa