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Home » Destiny 2 Xenophage Mission Guide
Destiny 2 Xenophage Mission Guide
Destiny 2 Xenophage is an all-new Exotic coming from the Destiny series. It is a fusion of three exotic weapons from the previous games and improved with new perks and stats. The gun has some cool features that will allow you to get kills more quickly and be in a better position to take down high ranks.
This is one of two quests in the game that feature special machine guns. You will have to fight your way through the Lost Sectors while collecting fragments for the machine gun. The other quest is call The Tower that features four statues and one machine gun. You need to kill a total of 16 enemies to progress this quest. You will also find two special exotic engrams here that further increase the power of this exotic weapon.
The second exotic machine gun quest in the game is call The Tower. In this quest, you have to defeat The Tower's guardian. The guardian looks like a huge pit monster that has three rows of spikes sticking out of its back. To get past this creature you will have to use a grapple to scale the sidewall and then blast through the middle spike on the right of the pit. The secret boss of this quest is The Pit Boss which can be access by using a special robot called Fistula.
The third exotic quest in the game is call the Road to The Tower. In this quest, you will have to follow along and winding road as you fight your way to the top of The Tower. There are three possible endings in this quest. One of them is that you get away successfully and the other is a failed attempt at the same mission. The Road to The Tower also has two machine gun nests along the way and the map objective is to kill all the enemy soldiers and then rescue the prisoners guarded by The Watchers.
The fourth and final quest in the game is call The Enduring Abyss. In this quest, you will have to find the last surviving destiny 2 xenophageand destroy it. It is recommend that you do this with the help of a rocket launcher. Also, there are four statues in this area. Which have to be shot at using the missiles provide with the mission. When you are done with the mission, a cut-in will appear and you have to defend yourself from the creatures that will attack you.
This is one of the most difficult and time-consuming missions in the game. The Enduring Abyss has ten levels including two bonus ones. If you think you can handle it, you can try this as your first exotics quest. The only problem you might encounter when you try to complete this as your first exotic quest is that the level does not load properly.
The second path uncover is call The Flame of the Reunion. It takes you to an exile location called the Flame of exile where you have to defend yourself against waves of enemies sent from orbit. Just like the previous area, this one loads quite a bit slower than the other one. The Flame of the Reunion features a cut-in where you have to defend yourself against an orbital strike. When you are finish with the mission, you will get the "The Flame of the Reunion" trophy.
The last and final mission in the game is call The Hive. This is a mission-based on a Hive mission in Halo. You have to kill the Queen and save the hive. The enemies here include the Scarab and the Scarabinator.
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Canadian Index of Wellbeing home
About the Canadian Index of Wellbeing
Reflecting Canadian values
Wellbeing in Canada
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Domains and indicators
Our index
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Summary of data sources
Community of users
Association of Ontario Health Centres
Bruce and Grey Counties, Ontario
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Oxford County, Ontario
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National Index Report
What is wellbeing?
Why we need the Canadian Index of Wellbeing (CIW)
Trends and statistical highlights
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Appendix A: GDP: What you need to know
Appendix B: The CIW: Methods
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Canadian Index of Wellbeing
In order to understand the differences between GDP and the CIW, it is important to understand how GDP is defined. Put simply, GDP refers to the aggregate production of an economy — meaning the value of all final goods and services — produced in a country in a given period of time. More technically, GDP can be determined in three ways, all of which should, in principle, give the same result. The three approaches to measuring GDP are: (1) the production or value-added approach, (2) the income approach, and (3) the final expenditure approach.37 To illustrate, using the expenditure approach, GDP is:
GDP = private consumption + gross investment + government spending + (exports-imports)
The CIW, on the other hand, tracks eight domains that together form a comprehensive measure of wellbeing. While the CIW measures how well we fare as engaged citizens in our private, public, and voluntary lives, GDP measures the aggregate of how much money we receive, what we buy with it, or how much we pay for it.
The fact that our wellbeing consistently lags behind expenditures and consumption does not just demonstrate that money cannot buy happiness, but reveals that when GDP is used to guide economic and social policies, we are not necessarily better off as a nation. As illustrated earlier in Figure 1, over time, our economic performance outpaces our quality of life. This is at the very heart of the issue of growing inequality — where some of us do extremely well while many of us fare less well.
Popular GDP myths
Myth #1: GDP shows how well a country is doing
Reality: GDP is not a measurement of a society's progress or wellbeing. It was never meant to be. As early as 1934, Nobel laureate Simon Kuznets recognized that "The welfare of a nation can scarcely be inferred from a measurement of national income" such as that defined by GDP.38
GDP was first introduced in the U.S. during the Great Depression as a way of measuring how much and how quickly the U.S. economy was shrinking. It was later adopted by the rest of the world because it's very good at doing what it does — adding up the value of all goods and services produced in a country in a given period. But GDP does not tell us anything about how well or poorly we are doing in a wide variety of other economic, social, health, and environmental determinants that shape our country, our communities, and our everyday lives. In short, GDP tells us nothing about the kind of world we are creating for ourselves and future generations, and whether we are progressing forward or moving back. The CIW does.
Myth #2: All growth is good
Reality: GDP rests on the philosophic assumption that all growth is good — a rising tide lifts all boats. But is all growth really good? And are all activities where no money changes hands of no value? If you're talking about GDP, the answer to both questions is "yes". GDP makes no distinction between economic activities that are good for our wellbeing and those that are harmful. Spending on tobacco, natural and human-made disasters, crime and accidents, all make GDP go up.
Conversely, the value of unpaid housework, child care, volunteer work, and leisure time are not included in GDP because they take place outside of the formal marketplace. Nor are subtractions made for activities that heat up our planet, pollute our air and waterways, or destroy farmlands, wetlands, and old-growth forests. The notion of sustainability — ensuring that precious resources are preserved for future generations — does not enter the equation.
The shortcomings of GDP, and its cousin GNP, were summarised most eloquently by Senator Robert Kennedy in a speech he gave nearly half a century ago:
…Gross National Product counts air pollution and cigarette advertising, and ambulances to clear our highways of carnage. It counts special locks for our doors and jails for the people who break them. It counts the destruction of the redwood and the loss of our natural wonder in chaotic sprawl … Yet the Gross National Product does not allow for the health of our children, the quality of their education, or the joy of their play. It does not include the beauty of our poetry or the strength of our marriages, or the intelligence of our public debate or the integrity of our public officials ... It measures neither our wit nor our courage, neither our wisdom nor our learning, neither our compassion nor our devotion to our country. It measures everything, in short, except that which makes life worthwhile.39
Myth #3: Cutting spending will fire up the economy and boost GDP
Reality: There is no doubt that governments spend a lot of money. But what do they spend it on? Mostly on building schools, hospitals, roads, bridges, public transportation, and paying the salaries of teachers, doctors, nurses, police, firefighters, and a host of other valuable public servants. They in turn return the money to the economy by buying food, clothes, housing, movie and hockey tickets, and generally supporting the many small businesses that dot every street.
Government spending makes up a large part of GDP. This means that when significant cuts are made to reduce deficits, pay down debt, or otherwise "get our fiscal house in order," a lot of money is siphoned out of the economy and GDP can shrink. If government cuts are big enough to reduce overall GDP, they will automatically push Canada into a painful recession. So instead of firing up the economy, massive public spending cuts can actually achieve the opposite.
The reality is we cannot shrink ourselves bigger. To pay off our public debts, we have to grow our economy. Governments must be part of the equation, but they have to spend and invest in those areas that improve our collective quality of life, so that we have a citizenry with the strength to meet both our challenges and obligations. It is really not that different than a family paying for its mortgage and household costs by getting higher value jobs instead of by cutting back on food and prescriptions.
37. Statistics Canada. (2008). Guide to the income and expenditure accounts. Catalogue no. 13-017-x. Ottawa, ON: Ministry of Industry.
38. Kuznets, S. (1934). National income, 1929-1932. 73rd US Congress, 2d Session, Senate Document no. 124, p. 7.
39. Kennedy, R.F. (1968, March 18). Remarks of Robert F. Kennedy at the University of Kansas. Lawrence, KS. Retrieved from http://www.jfklibrary.org/Research/Ready-Reference/RFK-Speeches/Remarks-of-Robert-F-Kennedy-at-the-University-of-Kansas-March-18-1968.aspx
The 2016 National Index Report: How are Canadians Really Doing?
What is wellbeing
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National report raw data
Toby Jenkins Applied Health Research Building, 340 Hagey Blvd, TJB 2203, Waterloo, ON N2L 6R6
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Meghan Markle and Prince Harry Are Officially Leaving Kensington Palace and Moving to Windsor
And apparently it's partially because they don't want to be near Will and Kate 😬.
By Alanna Greco
Prince Harry and Meghan Markle are officially leaving their two-bedroom cottage at Kensington Palace for a bigger and more remote home.
According to the Daily Mail, a spokesperson for the couple made the announcement today, saying:
The Duke and Duchess of Sussex will move to Frogmore Cottage on the Windsor Estate early next year as they prepare for the arrival of their first child...Windsor is a very special place for Their Royal Highnesses and they are grateful that their official residence will be on the estate. The Duke and Duchess's office will continue to be based at Kensington Palace.
If your first reaction to this news, like mine, was, "WTF is Frogmore Cottage?" well, it's a royal home near Windsor Castle and about 20 miles away from London. Frogmore Cottage is on the estate of the Frogmore House, which is the royal palace where Megs and Harry had their private wedding reception and took their engagement photos.
But don't be fooled but the humble 'cottage' title. Apparently, the residence, which was a gift from the Queen to Harry and Meghan, has ten bedrooms and a nursery, which, tbh, sounds more like a luxury home than a cottage.
And not only did the royal couple want to move in order to have more room for their growing family, but apparently this relocation was partially motivated by their desire to put some space between themselves and Prince William and Kate Middleton. According to a royal source, Harry and Meghan were originally going to move into a larger apartment at Kensington Palace, "but there has been a bit of tension between the brothers. Now Harry and Meghan don't want to live next to William and Kate and want to strike out on their own."
Interestinggggg. Now excuse me while I mull over this drama with a plate of second-day Thanksgiving leftovers.
From: Cosmopolitan US
Alanna Greco Weekend Editor I'm a writer and editor based in New York City.
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NYRA to discuss its future on Wednesday?
We may learn this week the direction the leadership of the New York Racing Association wishes to take the racing and breeding industries of the state. There is a meeting of NYRA's Board of Directors scheduled for Wednesday, November 12. Many of those involved with the thoroughbred industries are hoping for the best, although the current NYRA leadership has no past performances that warrant optimism.
The current Board was appointed over two years ago following Governor Andrew Cuomo's takeover of NYRA. The legislation creating the current entity put government firmly in charge with the state's political leadership appointing 12 of the 17 voting Board members. The Board was charged with submitting a plan by April, 2015, that would recommend a "statutory plan for the prospective not-for-profit governing structure" for NYRA.
Governing structure of the body that runs racing at Saratoga, Belmont and Aqueduct: The statutory language of "not-for-profit governing structure" leaves open the terrifying prospect that state government will continue to control racing. Chairman Skorton said as much at one Board meeting when he said the new entity would be "hopefully us." While one does not know how much NYRA believes its press releases of how great they have been over the past two years, if they are that delusional, it is not a big leap for them to recommend they remain in charge. If that is not the recommendation, however, there are a myriad of fascinating issues concerning the selection of the new NYRA. How, exactly, is that to be accomplished, and what will the role be of the Governor and legislative leaders? Will people actually knowledgeable about racing and breeding have a significant voice?
What is the future of VLT revenues that have been crucial to NYRA's sustainability? There had been a drumbeat by the Governor and his top racing appointees (Skorton, Budget Director and NYRA Board member Robert Megna and Franchise Oversight Board Chair Rob Williams) that NYRA had to achieve profitability without consideration of the revenues guaranteed by law to NYRA. While that campaign had been put on hold while another more important campaign was taking place, now that we are past Election Day, is that issue going to take center stage again? Convenient, isn't it, that serious discussions were delayed until the gubernatorial race was decided?
What is the future of Aqueduct and winter racing? There have been reports that the Cuomo Administration would like to sell Aqueduct. After all, all those real estate developers who were such heavy campaign contributors need something for their largesse. NYRA CEO Chris Kay told one group that Aqueduct loses $11.9 million during its winter meet. Now anytime Kay gets near a number, it is time to pay attention. In a written report to the NYRA Board he said that an indication of the success of NYRA's "Big Day" concept of racing was the "$574 million" Pick 6 carryover from the July 5 card. $574 million. He has also said that an indication of the enhanced guest experience at Saratoga is increased spending by fans, actually citing the higher admission and parking fees as examples. So when he says that Aqueduct winter racing loses almost $12 million per year, it's time to ask for a detailed explanation of that figure.
Does NYRA care about New York's breeding industry? The discussion of winter racing is inextricably intertwined with the future of the New York-bred program. Almost one-half of the NYRA's NY-bred races are run at Aqueduct, and are crucial to the sustainability of the breeding program. Not only is the New York-bred program on the upswing, but it provides some of the most lucrative incentives to breeders. (Dayatthespa became the first Grade I Breeders' Cup winner this year, and each juvenile race on the dirt saw a third-place finish from a NY-bred – Upstart in the Juvenile and Wonder Gal in the Juvenile Fillies.) The winter meeting gives local owners and trainers a place to race their stock, a particularly important consideration if we want to maintain the low-profile operations in the game. Not everyone can afford to move from New York to Florida during the cold weather months.
I give NYRA credit if Wednesday's meeting is the start of an open, public debate about these issues. It's a conversation that should have begun a long time ago. Board Chairman Skorton has been talking for at least 15 months about the hard choices facing NYRA and New York's racing without specifying what he means. I realize the Cuomo Administration has kept a lid on all matters that present difficult decisions until the political campaign was completed, but there are 30,000 jobs at stake in both the racing and breeding industries.
One of the major benefits of having that public discussion is that it will give the many knowledgeable and experienced horse people a say in how things should go. Neither Chairman Skorton nor CEO Kay has any background in the business and, quite frankly, neither has demonstrated anything more than a rudimentary familiarity with the issues. The fear, of course, is that any decisions are going to be made in the way that seems too typical of the Governor and his appointees – behind closed doors with no airing of the competing considerations. A recent news report that a decision on expanding the Saratoga meet was made in a secret meeting that violated the state's Open Meetings Law does not reduce the apprehension. We can at least hope that this time it will be different.
There was a NY-bred maiden claiming race at Aqueduct a few days ago that was won with a 30 Beyer Speed Figure. The past performances for that race strongly resemble those of the NYRA Board.
Now the new news is that to help make up Kay's bonus Security guards that earn $10.00 per hour when the meet is on and work every day (40) will earn a $100.00 bonus. The word from the top is that the bonus was only meant for 1st year guards and the bonus system was abused, so no more bonus. What about the bonuses for mutual clerks, ushers, box captains and white caps? This is how they are skewing the figures, off the backs of the under paid part time employees.


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Clayton: Seahawks may fully embrace the trend of using 2 TEs on offense
Jun 4, 2020, 11:38 PM | Updated: 11:46 pm
Seahawks TE Will Dissly will return from a torn Achilles suffered in 2019. (Getty)
Tampa Bay coach Bruce Arians announced Thursday that the Buccaneers' base offense will feature one back and two tight ends, known in football circles as "12 formation."
Wassell: Why won't Kurt Warner let it go with Seahawks' Russell Wilson?
No surprise. The Bucs have Rob Gronkowski and former first-round pick O.J. Howard as the two tight ends, and they lost their third receiver, Breshad Perriman, in free agency to the New York Jets.
But Arians is a two-tight end coach. According to Stats Inc., the Bucs were tied with the Philadelphia Eagles with 279 plays featuring two tight ends in 2019, most in the NFL. And in the past year, there has been a trend to use more two-tight end sets, and it should increase a little more in 2020.
In 2018, there were 5,597 two-tight end plays (17.5 plays per game). That number jumped to 6,315 (19.2 plays per game) last year. The three-receiver offense is the favorite alignment for NFL offenses, while through the years it's been back and forth between having more two-tight end sets or less.
Remember how much the New England Patriots used tight ends when they had Gronk and Aaron Hernandez? Even though this year's draft wasn't strong at the position, there are a lot of great ones in the league. San Francisco has George Kittle. Travis Kelce dominates as a tight end for the Kansas City Chiefs.
Eight of the 12 playoff teams last year were among the league leaders in using two tight ends. The Seahawks were one of those teams (the others being Philadelphia, Minnesota, Tennessee, San Francisco, Green Bay and Baltimore). Seattle ranked seventh in use of two tight ends with 224 plays. It even had 47 plays using three tight ends.
Don't be surprised if the Seahawks increase the number of two-tight end plays this year.
The Seahawks currently have eight tight ends on their 90-man roster. They expect Will Dissly to be healthy by the start of season. They signed Greg Olsen. They have Jacob Hollister. They drafted Colby Parkinson.
One of the reasons for the increase of tight end use is how the matchups help the offense. To counter three-receiver sets, defenses tried to get faster, taking a safety and use him as a linebacker. They also tried to get faster linebackers.
Using a few more plays with multiple tight ends counters those adjustments because you can have a bigger body on offense to go into routes or to help with blocking on running plays.
An interesting wrinkle for the Seahawks is that they signed Cedric Ogbuehi to be a swing tackle and take the tight end blocking role that George Fant played in the past two years.
The Seahawks have great flexibility on offense when you consider the receivers they have to go with all of their tight ends. They have two quality starting wide receivers in Tyler Lockett and DK Metcalf. They have Philip Dorsett, David Moore and John Ursua as third receivers. And it's not out of the question for them to add Josh Gordon back if his suspension is lifted.
It will be interesting to see how this all sorts out in training camp.
Follow 710 ESPN Seattle's John Clayton on Twitter.
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• Moore: Ranking the Seahawks' 20 best players going into the 2020 season
• Jake Heaps' four most important second-year Seahawks for next season


Safcos Coat Rack is a black coat hook featuring four double hooks to hold up to eight garments. The coat racks steel hooks with ball tips help to protect garments. The coat hook features a wide, sturdy 21" base.


Regarding the article: "Maimonides – the Saint and the Heretic"
On our new Internet Web Page we have an animated display (cleverly done by our expert Webmaster) that swirls through the air from afar into a final billboard scene that announces that people are now tuned online to the A.S.K. Web Site. This moving display is the last item to appear on the Web Page. It is first preceded by several important statements that people always ask about the site of the Temples in Jerusalem. All of you should click into the askelm.com Web Page on the Internet and see the display in its entirety. You'll like it.
Also, anyone doing research into matters dealing with the location of the Temples of God in Jerusalem must first be aware of some pitfalls that everyone encounters. Some of them deal with fundamental errors (even lies and deliberate falsehoods) that pepper the historical records particularly from the fourth to the thirteen centuries (and there is a good deal of fabrication in sixteenth century literature). These lies are in the main now fully recognized by modern scholars (thankfully), but they still remain in the various texts and must be answered by all of us trying to discover the truths concerning the whereabouts of the Temples. One of the prime lies (and most scholars as I have said recognize it as such) is found in the writings of Josephus that the priest/historian himself would NEVER have placed into his text (unless, perchance, he would have had five glasses of wine at the Purim festival – I am kidding I hope you know). This reference in the account of Josephus is clearly (and without the slightest doubt) a later insertion by malicious persons in probably the fourth century as a means of vindicating the Church of the Holy Sepulchre on the western hill as the "Temple" of God and that it was NOT located either at the Dome of the Rock or at the Gihon Spring (where it actually was). It is found in Josephus, War V.4,1. It states in clear Greek (and it blends cleverly into the context in a way that would fool even the most astute scholar if he or she did not know better) that Mount Zion was on the southwest hill (the Upper City of Josephus). It states that hill to be the Zion of David.
This verse has caused so much mischief over the centuries. It actually caused some of the top historians and biblical scholars until the year A.D.1875 to believe that the SOUTHWEST hill (that is, the Upper City of Josephus) was indeed the real "Mount Zion" of the Bible. No scholar today believes that this indication in the text of Josephus is correct, but they (and all of us) are at a loss to explain how the nonsense got put into the text (inserted spuriously into the text). Thankfully, all scholars today have seen the absurdity of this obvious erroneous insertion and they now accept (correctly) that the original "Mount Zion" of David was located on the SOUTHEAST ridge and on the very southern end of the ridge (see any modern Atlas for this fact). If you will read my book carefully, I show how Simon the Hasmonean in the middle of the second century before Christ torn down the old Mount Zion and placed everything onto the Southwest hill and renaming it the New Mount Zion. But in no circumstances was this southwest hill the place where David captured the city of Zion from the Canaanites (then called Jebus). That "Zion" was still on the southeast hill.
Of course, no one would think a decent and upright Christian would insert something into the text of Josephus that the Jewish priest/historian would never of himself stated. Oh? The fact is, brethren, that erroneous and mischievous statement got into the text of Josephus when our dear Christians copyists had control of the texts. This shows that they thought nothing of lying when it suited their purpose. As a matter of fact, look at the fallacious quote even in the New Testament itself found in I John 5:7 and 8. That part about the Trinity is a pure insertion by so-called pious Christians who wanted even the Scriptures to support the ridiculous Trinity doctrine that the Chalcedon bunch of ignoramuses promoted. These heretics were bold enough to try to enter the doctrine into the very text of the Holy Scriptures. Their plan did not work in the long run. Though you find the spurious and inserted text in our King James Version, it is accepted by all modern scholars that the part about the so-called Trinity of the Nicean and Chalcedon conclusions is pure fabrication and in no way should it be in the text of the New Testament. Neither should the bit about Mount Zion being on the southwest hill in Jerusalem be accepted (and it is NOT) by anyone with common sense.
Another warning to researchers into the location of the Temples. All writers, historians and theologians with the time of the Crusades until now (that is, until Ernest L. Martin basically straightened out the mess) accept that all references to a prominent "Rock" in Jerusalem in Christian, Jewish and Arabic literature from the fifth to the sixteenth centuries are often interpreted by scholars to mean the "Rock" underneath the Dome of the Rock. Believe me, you ought to see (it is actually funny and amusing in one way) how the scholars twist, cajole, pummel, mash, push and fudge the texts to make the records about a "Rock" fit the Dome of the Rock. After reading the scholars' interpretations (and even their false translations of the original documents), they bend and stretch the eyewitness accounts (which normally have the "Rock" in the right place near the Gihon Spring) into making them state it was under the Dome of the Rock. I have some examples of this false and malicious achievement in my book. But be warned! If you look at most records as provided by the scholars since the sixth century C.E., you will be forced by them in their translations and interpretations to make the same wrong interpretation. For example, Aristeas said there was an "inexhaustible spring of water" within the Temple precincts. But how does a professor in Charlesworth's work on the Apocrypha and Pseudepigraphical works translate the sentence? He states that it was "just as if" there were a spring there. He did this because he honestly believed the Temple was located at the Dome of the Rock and this belief misled him in translation (he was trying to be fair in interpretation and it is hard to blame him because all of us, including me, believed before 1995 that the Dome was the Temple site). The truth is, however, there is not (nor has been) an inexhaustible spring under the Dome of the Rock. So, when you do research into this subject of the Temple, you must be aware that ALL scholars today (BAR NONE – except those who have recently read my new research and correctly accept it) will stretch, cajole, twist and fudge the records about a "rock" to make every historical account of the ancients fit the WRONG site of the Dome of the Rock for the Temple location of Herod and Jesus. This false act makes the history of Jerusalem fall into utter confusion.
On the other hand, if you (or any of the scholars) will first recognize that ALL the Temples were indeed located over and near the Gihon Spring, and that the Jewish authorities knew this fact until the generation just before the Crusades, then virtually EVERY STATEMENT in the records (even the records of the seventh to tenth century Christians and Muslims, which Dr. Dan Bahat in his Illustrated Atlas of Jerusalem states are quite contradictory) will begin to make sense. My new book on the subject is devoted to straighten out the matter. So, when you or any scholar does research into the later records of the Christians and Muslims, be prepared to witness many contradictions in the records because they are in most circumstances erroneously entering the texts by identifying various and sundry "rocks" in Jerusalem with the "Rock" under the Dome of the Rock. It is false interpretations by the ancients (and moderns) that have caused the problem.
The fact is, I have considerable more evidence to give that shows the true site of the Temples of God. There can be no doubt that the original Temples (from Solomon to Herod) were built over and near the Gihon Spring on the southeast ridge of Jerusalem (the original area of the Mount Zion of David and the Holy Scriptures). The outstanding feature of this new research is the realization that when Christ Jesus said that every stone of the Herodian Temple (and this includes its outer walls) would be torn down to the ground and that not one stone would in the future be on top of another, that Christ's prophecy came true in a very precise manner. What was left in Jerusalem from early Herodian times was Fort Antonia. The Haram esh-Sharif is the remains of that Fort Antonia. That fortress continued to house the Tenth Roman Legion until A.D.289 when the Legion was then dispatched to Ailat on the Red Sea. When our Jewish, Muslim and Christian friends realize the truth of these matters, it may help to "level the ground" for all parties in Jerusalem when they come to negotiate the terms of who should politically and religiously rule in the various sections of Jerusalem. I hope that this information will prove valuable in bringing in a condition of peace in the area of Jerusalem that all people on earth will find acceptable. History is the key that will help us in our present plight. I hope we use it, and use it correctly, in order to bring about a civil and common sense result.
As for us who love the truths of the Holy Scriptures, we should be thankful to God that He has taken blinders off our eyes and the stoppers from our ears. He has now let us return to the simple teachings of the Scriptures on these matters. The truth shows that Christ Jesus was right after all. What one has to do now is to thoroughly jettison from one's mind that the Dome of the Rock is the Temple site. When one does, then the records of history begin to make sense as never before. See my new book for the truth of this matter.


A list of 470 words by Gildedmuse.
Some words really pop. They are the spices you use to give flavor; the bright paints used to color a text. Their connotations (often tied to historical periods, social movements, popular genres/media, or "foreign"/sub- cultures) are typically stronger than their actual dictionary definitions. When used in a neutral space they immediately draw upon certain feelings/perceptions to create a certain ambiance.
What I want is words with really strong connections or that are simple and fairly well known yet unusual for people to actually use seriously now-a-days. Odd words that immediately give your writing a setting.


RESEARCH: Andy Manley and Ania Michaelis created a children's show as a Scottish/German collaboration after engaging with tots.
When Andy Manley says "the whole shape of children's theatre in Scotland is down to imaginate and the individuals who work in it" he's not paying smarmy lip-service to the Edinburgh-based organisation just because his own work is part of their festival next week.
He says it because, like many other theatre-makers and performers, he can remember a time when shows for children and young people were clinging to the margins of arts provision across the country — rarely a priority when it came to funding, or being booked by venue programmers, and often assumed by those who hadn't faced an audience of volatile tots to be a happy-clappy easy way to get an Equity card.
Tony Reekie, Imaginate's director since 1996, tends not to look back — he spends much of the present caught up in future planning. But this is Imaginate's 25th anniversary season and memories — his own, and other people's — keep coming to the fore. "We've got volunteer staff with us this year who want to be involved because they saw some of our shows when they were kids themselves," he says, "and for me that's a kind of validation. Because the festival is all about giving young audiences the best-made, clever and inspiring theatre we can find. And when you discover that, one morning in May, an eight-year-old watched a performance that has stuck with them ever since... Maybe changed their understanding of the world, or the people around them, maybe even changed their ideas on what they wanted to do with their life — well, yes, it's like 'join the club' because that's more or less what everyone in Imaginate has felt and wants to share."
Any eight-year-olds who venture into A True Tall Tale — a Danish production that's coming to Imaginate — will certainly find their world view altered. Instead of formal theatre seating, the audience is invited to lie back in a hammock as the story of a forest adventure unfolds in projections overhead. "It's a kind of story-telling that encourages your brain absorb what's going on in lots of different ways," says Reekie. "You're listening to the words — but there are all of these wonderful visual images as well, and the feeling of being wrapped up in a hammock just seems to free up your thoughts. I think it's a wonderful approach to story-telling."
From overhead to underfoot, and an Australian show for the 4-8 age group called Saltbush. The clue is in the company name: it is Children's Cheering Carpet and this foray into Aboriginal culture and the actual landscape of Australia emerges when youngsters step onto an interactive surface and become part of the action. "Have technology, will travel" seems to be the motto here — when the Imaginate festival ends, this show will go on tour in Scotland.
"We simply didn't have these resources when the festival started out, " says Reekie. "I tell people over and over that really it is the artists who drive things forward. They are the ones who stay curious, experiment with different media, connect with the communities and engage with their feedback."
He explains: "Twenty-five years ago, the norm seemed to be that artists huddled away in their little ivory towers, made work — often with the intention of educating, maybe more than entertaining young audiences. They'd bring it out to the grateful masses and then dive for cover again. Not all artists behaved like that of course, and I'd like to think that at Imaginate we've been able to help them develop not just in the making of work, but in the showing of it in a much more outgoing way. I love it when we can take a piece of story-telling, or more frequently nowadays, a home-grown dance piece, out to Craigmiller or North Edinburgh Arts Centre and help artists to build relationships with the communities there."
Andy Manley would unstintingly second those notions. His new work for two to four- year-olds, A Small Story/Eine Kleine Geschichte — the twin title reflecting the Scottish/German collaboration masterminded by the Edinburgh-based Starcatchers — has emerged from a process of direct engagement with tots and toddlers that has not always been reassuring, but helpful.
"There have been some very bruising moments," laughs Manley as he explains that he and his German collaborator, Ania Michaelis, had sketched out a scenario where everyday objects would bring the story to life, not human actors. "We had this idea of drawers and boxes opening up, and maybe a jug or a door-knob making friends with each other, falling in love even - very little text, but structured rather in the way that when children play, they make-believe that objects can be whatever they want. But then this group of German four olds objected very loudly. We'd put glass and wood together as 'friends' — and they all said 'no! glass goes with glass, wood goes with wood' so we had to find other ways to make the piece work — but we'll find out at the Tron, and the Traverse, won't we?"
Manley, whose award-winning show White has now toured the world, reckons that any theatre-maker working in the children's sector never really steps off their learning curve. He vividly recalls when Imaginate sent him to fact-find in Denmark. "I saw two shows for very different age groups, and it was absolutely a game-changer for me. Out of that one trip, I got the inspiration — the confidence — to do My House and Pondlife McGurk: they'll go to LA in June.
"I suppose what Imaginate does is reminds us all — audiences and practioners — that we have this thrilling art form that is special and different: live theatre. We need to value it. Kids who saw White in Los Angeles loved the show — but they said 'that was a really great film!' because film, not theatre, is all they know. Imaginate has helped us develop an audience that knows what theatre, and dance is — and there are companies down south who look enviously at what we have here because of Imaginate."
A Small Story is at the Tron, Glasgow today and tomorrow. www.tron.co.uk The Imaginate festival is in Edinburgh from Monday 5 - Monday 12 May.


Gravesite no longer visible. GPS is approximate.
From the Hancock County Courthouse, travel east on Broad Street for 4 blocks. Turn left on Powelton Ave. The gravesite was in the yard of the first house on the left past the railroad tracks. The current (April 2004) address is 823 Powelton Ave.
There is no sign of the grave at this time.
Infant of Cicero Blankenship and Grace Osborne Blankenship. All info per Glen Cook. Grave could not be found.


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Begin Robotics
Learn robotics by exploring the history, anatomy and intelligence of robots and test drive robots using exciting simulations
Explore our introduction to robotics
Robots today are roving Mars, hoovering our floors, building cars and entertaining us in films. You may even share Stephen Hawking's world view that super-intelligent ones may one day bring about the end of the human race.
But what are the different forms of robots today? And how do they achieve particular tasks? In this introduction to robotics course, you'll explore these answers and more.
Discover the history of robots and their modern application
You'll kick things off by taking a look at the basics of robotics. By exploring the history of robots, you'll learn about some of the uses of these fascinating machines.
Next, you'll explore some of the modern applications of robotics and our relationship with them, helping you gain context for what's to follow.
Learn about the basics of robot design
On this robotics for beginners course, you'll discover some of the fundamentals of how robots are made. As well as looking at some of the key components of robot design, you'll also examine how they operate.
Examine robot anatomy, control and behaviour through a set of simulated tasks
If you'd like to find out more, but don't have Hawking's brain or an advanced qualification in cybernetics, this course is for you. You won't require a soldering iron, but you'll explore the basics of robot design, control and behaviour through a series of simulations that will have you test driving an ERIC – our very own University of Reading mobile robot.
Introduction to Robotics
Welcome to Begin Robotics
Here you will find out what we have in store for you over the next few weeks and how you can use the platform to make the most out of your learning experience.
Robots an introduction and brief history
Let's get started by looking at the definition and history of robotics.
In this section, we'll look at how robots are used and our relationship with them. We'll also introduce some of the robots here at the University of Reading.
Robot simulations
In the first two of a series of simulations throughout the course, you will be able to test drive an ERIC. This week you will be able to set the speed of ERIC to determine movement.
Review and reflect
Review and reflect on what you've learnt this week and test your knowledge with a quiz.
Robot anatomy
Welcome to Week 2
Have a look at what will be covered this week - robot anatomy.
Let's look in detail at sensors and actuators and how these allow a robot to move, measure quantities and achieve certain tasks.
Moving a robot
Now we'll look at how a robot moves. In particular, types of motors, power supplies and the 'brain'.
Week 2 simulations
Check out week two's simulations, where you will get the chance to navigate an ERIC around a racetrack.
Anatomy of the robots at the University of Reading
Let's look at the anatomy of some of our very own robots at Reading including ERIC and the rover robots. Then we'll meet R2-D2.
Review and reflect on the week and then test your knowledge with a short quiz.
Cybernetics and control
What will we be covering this week on control and why is it so important in robotics?
Let's take a closer look at how we can control a robot and also how it can be done automatically.
Feedback and interaction with robots at the University of Reading
We'll show you some of the ways you can interact with the robots here at the University.
Haptic technology
Find out about what haptic technology is and why it plays such an important part in psychology research at the University of Reading.
In this week's simulations, command a robot to do specific actions and to track a moving object.
Review what we've covered this week, before testing yourself with a short quiz.
Robot behaviours
Welcome to week 4.
Find out what you will be learning in this final week.
What features do robots have in common with living systems?
Lights and Robot Behaviour
Check out robot 'eyes', simple 'neurons' and responding to light.
Robot-to-robot interaction
Explore how light and light sensors can be used to control robot-to-robot interaction and mimic examples of behaviour found in nature.
Instinct and learning
Find out about the relationship between instinct and learning in nature and why it can be useful to devise a way for some robots to 'learn'.
Ants, flocking and Craig Reynolds boids; this is where you'll look at examples of robot cooperation that mimic cooperative behaviour in living systems.
In this Week's simulations; define motor speeds to help ERIC navigate along the walls of a maze and define neurons for Braitenberg-type robots.
Take some time to think about what you've learnt, what you've achieved and what's next.
Describe different forms of robot and applications where they may be used
Determine the appropriate commands to allow a robot to achieve particular tasks using information from sensors
Appreciate how aspects of robotics can be applied in many different scenarios
The course is designed for anyone interested in robotics- you don't need to own your own robot to take part! If you've always wanted to learn about robotics, robot design, or the history of robots, this is the course for you.
Please be aware that this course contains video clips that include sequences of flickering/flashing lights which might affect learners who are susceptible to photosensitive epilepsy.
Richard Mitchell
I am Professor of Cybernetics in the Department of Computer Science at the University of Reading. My interests include Education, Computing, Control, Robotics, AI Gaia Theory and Programming.
William Harwin
Professor of Interactive & Human Systems at the University of Reading.
The University of Reading has a reputation for excellence in teaching, research and enterprise.
A print and digital Certificate of Achievement once you're eligible
Get a taste of this course
Find out what this course is like by previewing some of the course steps before you join:
Types of robots
Meet the robots at Reading: the history of ERIC
Subsumption Architecture
You can use the hashtag #FLrobotics to talk about this course on social media.
Building a Future with Robots
Explore the everyday roles robots will play in the future, from job automation and medical science to our homes and cars.
Part of a degree
Coventry University & Institute of Coding
An Introduction to Cryptography
Explore how code breakers and spies influenced cryptography and investigate the role it plays in modern secure communication.
Browse more in IT & Computer Science
AI & Robotics


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text:
Professions and Professionalism
Most frequently downloaded
Vol. 4 No. 2 (2014): Special Issue: New Accountabilities in Professional Work /
A Sociomaterial Account of Partnership, Signatures and Accountability in Practice
Nick Hopwood University of Technology, Sydney
https://doi.org/10.7577/pp.604
Professional work is often heralded as undergoing radical transformation. This paper focuses on partnership between health professionals and families as a specific instance of changes aimed at delivering shared responsibility and joint knowledge work. An ethnographic study of a residential child and family health services provides the empirical basis for a detailed examination of what is signed, by whom, and with what effects. I show how signing and signatures provide fertile starting points for sociomaterial analysis, a rich empirical reference point for what Nicolini calls "zooming in" on particular instances, and "zooming out" to understand their connections to other practices. Schatzki's practice theory is used as a theoretical basis, drawing also on Kemmis' notions of practice architectures and ecologies of practices to elaborate such connections. I trace how acts of signing and signatures as artefacts are produced through and reflect partnership, indeed pointing to significant changes in professional work. However I also show that wider ecologies of practices present architectures that challenge diffuse accountability and shared epistemic work.
E-book (MOBI)
Hopwood, N. (2014). A Sociomaterial Account of Partnership, Signatures and Accountability in Practice. Professions and Professionalism, 4(2). https://doi.org/10.7577/pp.604
Vol. 4 No. 2 (2014): Special Issue: New Accountabilities in Professional Work
Authors retain copyright and grant the journal right of first publication with the work simultaneously licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License that allows others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.


Should we give away other people's money? It's complicated. In this episode, we talk with Kendra Albert about overturning expectations, becoming an activist, and running the Trans Documentation Funding Project.
Older PostNo. 31 — Be Powerful?


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Press Releases »
Federal Trade Commission & National Association of State Charities Officials To Host Conference Exploring Consumer Protection Issues and Charitable Solicitations March 2017
Americans contribute a lot of their hard-earned money to charity – more than $373 billion in 2015, which averaged about $1,100 per adult and more than $2,100 per household. With so much at stake for consumers and for legitimate charities that rely on public giving, consumer protection is an important topic when it comes to consumers' giving decisions.
The Federal Trade Commission, the nation's consumer protection agency, and the National Association of State Charities Officials, the association of state offices charged with oversight of charitable organizations and charitable solicitations, will host a conference on March 21, 2017, in Washington, DC, to examine how consumers evaluate and respond to various charitable solicitation practices and the role for consumer protection in ensuring consumers have confidence their giving expectations are fulfilled.
The event, Give & Take: Consumers, Contributions, and Charity, will engage regulators, researchers, practitioners, charity watchdogs, donor advocates, and members of the nonprofit sector in conversations about consumer protection concerns in the sector, including available data on donor expectations and perceptions, deceptive fundraising practices, the regulatory and enforcement environment, and new charitable giving options.
To enhance the discussion, submissions from the public, including original research, consumer surveys, and academic papers are invited. Of particular interest is research related to consumers' expectations regarding their donations, data measuring how often consumers are deceived by charitable solicitations, and recommendations for effective donor education tools or self-regulatory initiatives by charities and fundraisers. Research or data on new fundraising technologies and techniques and their impact on consumer giving is also of interest, as is comment and research from legal scholars on the consumer protection challenges in the evolving fundraising environment. Submitted materials will be available on the FTC's event webpage. Additional information about submitting a comment or research is available here.
The conference is free and open to the public. It will be held at the Constitution Center, 400 7th St., SW, Washington, DC 20024. A detailed agenda will be published at a later date. Information about reasonable accommodations is available on the conference website. Email questions to consumergiving@ftc.gov.
The Federal Trade Commission develops policy initiatives on issues that affect competition, consumers, and the U.S. economy. Like the FTC on Facebook, follow us on Twitter, read our blogs, and subscribe to press releases for the latest FTC news and resources.
Frank Dorman
Related Actions
Give & Take: Consumers, Contributions, and Charity


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Minister of Home Affairs orders the removal of "any material inciting hatred towards police"
Minister of Home Affairs Umar Naseer stated on Monday night that he had granted an order to police to remove any material which could be interpreted as "inciting hatred towards police".
"I have notified every police officer and police station in the country of this order. I have ordered the removal of any material that may incite hatred towards the police – whether it is text, a drawing, a poster or a billboard – that is found in any area of the Maldives at any time."
The Home Minister's announcement was made during an event held in honour of retired Commissioner of Police Abdulla Riyaz, who has left the services to pursue a political career.
"For a long time now, there have been attempts of different levels to ruin the reputation of the police force and to create hatred amongst the public for this institution. This is something that has been done in other countries too. But the thing is, peace and stability have never been established in such countries," Umar said.
Umar pledged to make the police force an institution which is loved and respected by all citizens.
Calling on educated youth to join the police forces, the Home Minister said that it is through employing young, capable, educated persons that the police force can be further strengthened and developed.
The Home Minister further pledged to "destroy gateways through which drugs are brought into the country", as well as to eradicate all such networks.
The biggest problem faced by the Maldivian society is the issue of drug abuse, he suggested, stating that he had already begun to take necessary measures to eradicate such networks in the near future.
He promised that the police would play a huge role in the operation, and opined that it would be near impossible to bring down other crime levels without first handling the issue of illicit drug sale and abuse.
"We are coming out on a war against the issue of drugs. I hope we will get your full cooperation in these efforts. We will completely destroy drug trade networks," he told the gathered officers.
Newly appointed Commissioner of Police Hussain Waheed, meanwhile, advised the police to speak "gently and caringly" when addressing citizens, and to maintain equal treatment to everyone.
He then said that police should become an entity which rids the community of the currently spreading "hatred and discord", and that is should aim to bring back unity amongst the people.
"Aim to enforce law, not gaining popularity": VP Jameel tells police
During the same event last night, Vice President Dr Mohamed Jameel Ahmed stated that the police's primary objective should be to ensure that they impartially enforce law, rather than whether or not they are garnering support and popularity.
Jameel stated that there are complaints that some of the police stationed in atolls work differently from the norms, saying that this leads to public disapproval and gives rise to concerns. He said that there should be no discrimination in the enforcement of law.
"Those who are mandated to enforce the law must not question the fundamentals of the law itself. Police must not question the substance of a law. It is not the police who decides whether or not the substance of a given law is solid. The law is already passed, and the police's duty is only to enforce it," Jameel said.
"If the citizens are being disturbed due to a loud speaker, you must be able to stop the loud speaker. If citizens are getting harassed on the street in a manner that disturbs them, and there is a law banning such action, you should be able to stop it. If there are laws made to assist the people, the police must be able to enforce it. I hope you will work in that manner," he stated.
Jameel said that, although at a low level, it had previously come to his notice that police officers had acted on their own accord in certain cases, despite actions to be taken being specifically stated in law. He said that such actions had inhibited the growth and development of the institution.
He added that it was only when crime rates go down and stability is maintained that the police can be considered as having fulfilled their mandate to its fullest. He further called on the police to help the government implement a social protection system, saying that one of the strongest pleas of the public is to remove the political polarisation and to establish unity and oneness among the people.
Police Commissioner accuses politicians of involvement in gang activity
Religion and nationalism key themes on National Day
Allegations of links to criminals dismissed as police celebrate SO Unit achievements
Home Minister Umar Naseer to run for presidency in 2023
FBI assisting with Afrasheem murder investigation: Police Commissioner Riyaz
Pistol and explosive device found at Nazim's home, says Police Commissioner
Posted on December 3, 2013 Author Mariyath MohamedCategories Politics, Society & CultureTags Abdulla Riyaz, Commissioner of police, Hussain Waheed, maldives, maldives news, minister of home affairs umar naseer, minivan, minivan news, Mohamed Jameel Ahmed, umar naseer, Vice President Mohamed Jameel Ahmed
7 thoughts on "Minister of Home Affairs orders the removal of "any material inciting hatred towards police""
We The People says:
**** the police.
OOOOOH THIS COMMENT IS ILLEGAL NOW
Hear Ye Its All So Supreme says:
"If the citizens are being disturbed due to a loud speaker, you must be able to stop the loud speaker." Tell that to PPM campers who have still not taken down their shanty towns. How Supreme.
What about "inciting hatred towards the people"?
Maldivian Man says:
The guilty are afraid of revenge.
NWA still touring? How Supreme.
Anees says:
The Umar minister looks like a crooked still even after rising to ministerial level in the same way the president does a dealer still.
2000 feets says:
Police n MNDF, we will never never ever forget the coup.whether you warn or kills us we will remain to call you bagees.disguting, unprofessional thugs.
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Logo Mark
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Write a review about a product or service associated with this the Logo trademark. Or, contact the owner Federal Republic of Germany of the the Logo trademark by filing a request to communicate with the Legal Correspondent for licensing, use, and/or questions related to the the Logo trademark.
On Wednesday, February 22, 1995, a U.S. federal trademark registration was filed for the above pictured logo. The USPTO has given the trademark serial number of 89001313. The current federal status of this trademark filing is NON REGISTRATION DATA. The correspondent listed for is FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY of ********,********, ***** **** . The trademark is filed in the category of . The description provided to the USPTO for is .
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SfNumericUpDown: how to change spin button style?
I really like the SfNumericUpDown control, but I don't quite like the + and - style of the Android buttons. Is it possible to alter the style?
Currently SfNumericUpDown control does not have a support to alter the style of android button on it. We have already considered this as feature. This implementation will be available in any of our upcoming release. You may also check our website periodically to know about our release.


We believe that beauty and sweat go together, that hard work is a beautiful thing, that every experience is an education, that every new venture, every fantastic idea, every great journey, is human-powered. And so: We make good things happen. We do good work that powers the world.
1. We use our hands (and our eyes, ears, voices, and hearts). You won't just practice what you learn in a lab class or on problem sets. You'll have the opportunity—nay, the obligation—to apply that knowledge in unfamiliar and unpredictable situations.
2. We live and work among people who are wildly unlike us. This is a proudly, radically open community. When we were founded, we were one of the first colleges in America to admit women and students of color. Today, we're more diverse in more ways than nearly any other college campus in the country. We learn from each other's experiences and perspectives, and it prepares us to be successful in a global, multicultural world.
3. We are a human-powered community, at work in the world. Our alumni include India's leading comedian (Vir Das '02), an aerospace entrepreneur working with NASA on manned space flight (Carol Craig '89), and a guy Time has called "one of the most influential people in the world" (Matt Berg '00). They also work at leading companies, earn advanced degrees at frankly astonishing rates, and, overwhelmingly, report feeling personally fulfilled by their lives.
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4. We're here to help. Use the resources and links on this page to get started; contact us with questions. Education is a shared enterprise; we're all in this together.


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Local News /
Advocates fight to end cash bail; highlight important role in this year's Allegheny County magistrate races
Jan 13, 2021 11:35 am Local News 30
CP Photo: Jared Wickerham
MAN-E poses for a portrait on the South Side on Sat., Jan. 9, 2021.
MAN-E was 16 years old when he was first arrested. While he wasn't found guilty of that charge, he and his family still suffered consequences. MAN-E, who uses a pseudonym but provided Pittsburgh City Paper his legal name, says the bail set from that charge was $25,000. He says he was fortunate enough that his family could raise enough money to secure the funds through a bail bondsman, but his family still had to forfeit a percentage — thousands of dollars, in this case — to the bondsman.
MAN-E, who is part of the BUKIT Bail Fund, a local collective of volunteers who raise money "for supporting the release of incarcerated individuals and the campaign to end cash bail," according to its website, has been charged three other times since, and each time was given a cash bail. Even though he was never found guilty of these charges, and some were dropped by prosecutors, he says he still had incurred more than $100,000 in total bail. That means he either has to hold large sums of cash to provide to courts, which will then be refunded once he appears for his hearing and/or trial, or he has to provide a percentage or that to a bail bondsman, who will then make the bail payment.
"In one case, my mother had to put our house up to a bail bondsman, and if I didn't show up to the court, then they could take her house," says MAN-E.
This system of cash bail is common in Allegheny County, and in most of the United States. The justification of assigning large sums of money bail to the accused is to encourage them to return to trial and hearings. If they don't show up, they forfeit the money and an arrest warrant is issued. If bail is not met, the accused are incarcerated in the Allegheny County Jail, which, like many jails, has documentation of unsafe conditions. This happens even if a person is eventually deemed not guilty or charges are dropped. MAN-E says he has spent a total of a few weeks in jail, even though he has never been convicted of any crime.
Cash bail is not just assigned to people accused of serious crimes. This summer, cash bail was often assigned to Black Lives Matter protesters, who were largely charged with misdemeanors like disorderly conduct or failure to disperse. According to the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, 32 protesters were ordered to pay 10% of a cash amount between $1,000 and $5,000, and eight were required to pay 10% of $10,000, in connection to arrests in summer 2020.
Criminal justice advocates have been trying to end the use of cash bail for years, and efforts have been successful in some states and jurisdictions. According to the Brennan Center for Justice, those held for pretrial are four times more likely to be sentenced to prison than defendants released prior to trial, due in part to defendants making hurried decisions to plea to lower charges just to get out of jail.
Those who can't make the cash payment risk being exposed to the negative mental effects incarceration can have on individuals, and the subpar mental health care provided at jails.
On top of that, some studies show that cash bail has little to no effect on court appearance rates or public safety. Academics at the University of Pennsylvania analyzed Philadelphia data in 2018, and showed that failure-to-appear rates and arrests didn't increase after cash bail was not assigned.
Advocates in Pennsylvania have tried to get county District Attorneys on board, tried to get the state legislature to pass laws, and other noble, yet difficult, efforts. But there are other, arguably, more direct levels of advocacy here in Pittsburgh and Pennsylvania's second largest county.
In Allegheny County, bail is set by a Magisterial District Judge at a preliminary arraignment, often before prosecutors are involved. That means Magisterial District Judges have discretion in how they set bail, and this relatively obscure public office can actually have the power to end the use of cash bail entirely. With about 20 magisterial district judges races on the ballot this year, a lot can change in districts across Allegheny County.
Judge Mik Pappas poses for a portrait inside his East Liberty office on Thu., Jan. 7, 2021.
"I would want to see the judges or people in power openly acknowledge that cash bail doesn't work and that it criminalizes poverty," says MAN-E. "It's not based on public safety, it is only focused on finances."
Late last year, Allegheny County had an opportunity to see what kind of effect wide-scale prohibition on cash bail would have, but many district judges failed to participate. According to Allegheny County Councilor Bethany Hallam (D-Ross), who also sits on the county's Jail Oversight Board, Allegheny County President Judge Kim Clark stated that she had recently asked magistrates to stop using cash bail at a Jail Oversight Board meeting in December 2020.
The criminal-justice advocacy group Abolitionist Law Center tracked how much cash bail was assigned across districts after Clark's request. Eleven judges complied and eliminated using cash bail in the aftermath of the meeting, but most didn't. Some lowered their average amounts of cash bail issued, but 13 judges actually increased how much they used cashing bail, on average.
"The left hand doesn't know what the right hand is doing," says Autumn Redcross of ALC. "We get to see the randomness of bail hearings from judge to judge. There are some that just charge higher bails than others, that is part of the arbitrariness of this and part of the problem."
This arbitrary nature has disproportionate effects on Black people in Allegheny County.
According to an ALC report that tracked court reports from May 11 through June 8, 2020, just nine zip codes with a disproportionate Black population accounted for 38% of the dollar value of all monetary bail bail issued in Allegheny County over that period. Only about 13% of Allegheny County residents are Black.
According to 2015 statistics from the Bureau of Justice, an estimated 450,000 people are sitting in jail awaiting trial on an average day, mostly because they can't afford bail. In Allegheny County, a large plurality of inmates in the jail are held because of parole/probation violations, another issue advocates want to reform.
A much smaller percentage of Allegheny County inmates are held solely because they can't pay cash bail, says Redcross, but she believes the practice is still overly punitive.
"If they want to take responsibility for those in jail, then the cash bail system makes no sense," says Redcross. "What are we protecting?"
Redcross says many local judges have been using "unsecured cash bail," which means defendants don't have to provide money upfront, and only have to pay if they fail to show up to their court dates. She says unsecured cash bail is a stepping stone and a good thing, but it is not the ultimate goal.
She says a more effective, and fair, method to get defendants to meet their court dates is just providing resources to remind them. Redcross says ALC and other advocacy groups have been dedicating efforts to do just that, providing text and mail reminders of court dates, but she says the county or the courts could be doing this, too.
"There is no system to remind people about their hearings. A lot of people that there are warrants for them, had no idea," says Redcross. "They might be housing insecure, don't receive mail, or they just forget."
More than twenty cars blocked Second Avenue outside of the Allegheny County Jail as people protested conditions for Black women, calling for the release of inmates and ending the use of cash bail on Tue., May 12, 2020.
City Paper listened in on one arraignment session on Jan. 6 in an Allegheny County magistrate court. Out of five defendants seen over less than an hour, only one was assigned cash bail: 10% of a $25,000 bond for summary and misdemeanor charges. Others were assigned unsecured cash bail. For the majority of the defendants, there wasn't a lot of dialogue between them and the judge. The judge didn't explain to most defendants why he was assigning the bail, and mostly just read off the charges and the defendants' upcoming court dates. For one defendant, who can be heard audibly yelling before seeing the judge, the judge did calmly, and thoroughly, explain why he was setting three separate unsecured cash bonds of $1,000 each.
"This is just a formality, you are going to get released today, just be quiet and listen," said the Allegheny County judge on Jan. 6.
One Allegheny County magistrate judge who says he has eliminated cash bail in his district is Mik Pappas. He has served since 2018 in District 05-02-31, which comprises several East End neighborhoods in the city of Pittsburgh. Pappas says there are some fixes that Magisterial District Judges can do to eliminate cash bail, and still assign conditions that defendants must meet to address any public safety concerns.
"There are a variety of options out there," says Pappas. "Because of the unsecured bail option, do we really need professional bail bondsmen at all? … They want to know that a community is going to be safe. I think if there were more options in place, than they would be willing to listen."
During his 2017 campaign, he openly ran on eliminating cash bail, and he believes other candidates can too. He says large foundations, like MacArther and Heinz, have become increasingly involved in trying to eliminate cash bail. Pappas says large majorities of Americans back criminal justice reforms and believe that rich Americans get better outcomes in courts than the poor.
"We have a responsibility to report to the public," says Pappas. "When I think of how much we rely on incarceration and arrest, and I see how much it impacts people's lives, we need to think of opportunities of diversion."
Pappas says he has relied on several different strategies to divert defendants from cash bail in his courtroom, including community-sponsored release, which provides services like helping to find housing, employment, and rides to court for defendants whose judges determine they might not show up to their court date. The Community Release Project created by advocacy group Silicon Valley De-Bug has been practicing this in Santa Clara County, Calif. and says community-sponsored release has resulted in a non-monetary release or significant bail reduction in 76% of all the cases it reviewed.
He says he can also deny cash bail, so that the bail decision is automatically pushed up to the higher Common Pleas Court Judge, who has more discretion to assign electronic monitoring and other policies that avoid cash bail. Pappas says he will really only assign unsecure cash bail or assign a non-contact condition to a defendant if there are certain risks he assesses, like in domestic violence cases.
MAN-E says it's crucial for magistrate judges in Allegheny County to do everything in their power to keep defendants out of jail, and hopes eliminating cash bail is part of that. He says one of his cousins sat in jail for four years before he went to court.
"A lot of people get lost in the wind. A lot of inmates say they are 'out of sight, out of mind.' A lot of people really feel abandoned," says MAN-E.
One big issue Pappas says that advocacy groups and foundations could initially fund is getting family members, social workers, lawyers, and/or members of advocacy groups at every preliminary arraignment.
Basically, Pappas uses several different rules afforded to him as a judge to avoid assigning cash bail. This is why he is bullish on judges and candidates following suit. He acknowledges that Magisterial District Judges can often be a mysterious elected office, but he is confident that, with the right advocacy and approach, all can be amenable to eliminating cash bail. It's just that many are used to the system risk assessment followed by assigning cash bail.
"It is rare for a human being who would see someone in a vulnerable position, and not give that person that chance," says Pappas.
advocates fight highlight important allegheny county magistrate races
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The Samora Machel Monument in Mbuzini, near Komatipoort in the Mpumalanga province of South Africa, marks the spot where the plane carrying the then-President of Mozambique crashed in 1986. It resulted in the deaths of President Machel and several Mozambican ministers. It was declared a National Heritage Site in 2006.

The monument was inaugurated by Joaquim Chissano and Nelson Mandela on 19 January 1999. It was constructed at a cost of $240,000 and incorporates some of the wreckage of the plane. Its central feature is 35 tubes of steel, symbolising the number of lives lost in the air crash, that create a wailing sound in the wind.

A planned R11.2 million upgrade was to add access roads, an amphitheater, a helipad and buildings.
In 2006 a nearby library with a collection of books in English and Portuguese was opened. A statue of Machel, donated by Norwegian anti-apartheid artists, was also erected at the site.

References

External links
Speech at the Unveiling of the Samora Machel Memorial by Nelson Mandela

Monuments and memorials in South Africa
Mozambique–South Africa relations
1999 establishments in South Africa

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


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An aneurysm is the abnormal enlargement or bulging of an artery caused by damage to or weakness in the blood vessel wall. Although aneurysms can occur in any type of the body's blood vessels, they almost always form in an artery. Most aneurysms occur in the abdomen and the brain.
An abdominal aortic aneurysm is an enlargement of the lower part of the aorta that extends through the abdominal area. The aorta is the main blood vessel that carries blood from the heart to the rest of the body. An aortic aneurysm can rupture, causing life-threatening bleeding.
Most people are unaware that they have an aneurysm because in most cases, there are no symptoms. However, a pulsating enlargement or tender mass may be felt by a physician when performing a physical examination or pain in the back, abdomen or groin may be mistaken for a kidney stone attack or a ruptured disc.
These rarely rupture and doctors usually prescribe blood pressure-lowering drugs. The patient's condition is also regularly monitored.
The aneurysm is surgically removed and that portion of the blood vessel is replaced with a flexible tube called a graft.
A cerebral aneurysm may cause symptoms ranging from headaches, drowsiness, neck stiffness, nausea and vomiting to more severe symptoms such as mental confusion, vertigo (dizziness) and loss of consciousness.
A ruptured aneurysm is most often accompanied by a severe headache that demands medical attention. The doctor takes an X-ray of the area to determine the exact location of the aneurysm. This information determines the patient's treatment options. A ruptured aneurysm can lead to bleeding inside the head. Often, the aneurysm heals, bleeding stops and the patient survives. In more serious cases, the bleeding may cause brain damage with paralysis or coma. In the most severe cases, a ruptured cerebral aneurysm can lead to death.
Brain aneurysms can be detected by imaging tests such as magnetic resonance imaging (MRI), computed axial tomography (CAT scans) and angiograms.
Patients with cerebral aneurysm require intensive care and as little stress as possible. Once detected, most brain aneurysms can be repaired with microsurgery. This type of surgery is performed with the aid of an operating microscope and tiny instruments. During surgery, the aneurysm is identified and removed.
Hardening of the arteries (atherosclerosis) weakens artery walls and predisposes the damaged portion to enlargement.
Copper deficiency can contribute to some cardiovascular risks. Aortic aneurysms may be a genetic condition related to a defect in the ability to store or absorb copper. Copper is a cofactor for lysyl oxidase, an enzyme that is responsible for the connective tissue integrity by crosslinking elastin. Elastin is the main material of several important organs, which include blood vessels, spinal discs, lungs, and skin. In theory if you have a family or personal history of aneurysms, consider taking 2-4mg of copper per day, especially if significant amounts of zinc have been or are being consumed.
Men are more susceptible to aneurysms than young women, probably because estrogen increases the efficiency of copper absorption. However, women can be affected by this problem after pregnancy, probably because women must give the liver of their unborn babies large copper stores in order for them to survive the low milk copper.
Total cholesterol and triglycerides have also been associated with increased risk.


MANY SCHOOLS, Labour councils and community groups will be celebrating Black History Month by re-telling the inspiring story of the anti-Apartheid struggle. And so they should. But, only to tell the story, as if the struggle for equality had ended with the dismantling of the Apartheid system, would do a disservice to those who fought it. We need also to look at the legacy of that struggle and the challenges it throws up for a new generation.
"The bottom 50 percent of households account for only 8 percent of incomes, 5 percent of asset values and 4 percent of net wealth. Conversely, the top 10 percent of households account for 55 percent of household incomes, 69 percent of total household asset values and 71 percent of household net wealth".
Unemployment stands at 27 percent, as high as 50 percent among youth. Well-paid jobs have been replaced, if at all, by precarious employment. Wages and growth are stagnant; capital flight is monstrous.
The 2018 budget raised VAT, cut social services, tightened anti-union laws and loosened restrictions on capital flight.
This adds to the misery already caused by the systematic corruption, personified by former President Jacob Zuma, the syphoning off of World Bank funds by ANC officials and crooks like the Gupta brothers and the denial of AIDS by the previous President, Thabo Mbeki, which is estimated to have caused hundreds of thousands of unnecessary premature deaths.
This year's budget, current President Cyril Ramaphosa's first, also introduced minimum wages ranging from R11 to R22, that is, €0.55 to €1.15 – an hour, sparking mass protests, even from the Stalinist South African Communist Party and the main Cosatu trade unions, which remain in coalition with the ruling African National Congress. The new, breakaway South African Federation of Trade Unions went further with a general strike on 25 March.
Finally there's the land question, one of the most burning issues during the anti-Apartheid struggle. Over a hundred years of injustice have still not been addressed since the fall of Apartheid 24 years ago.
The 1913 Natives Land Act stripped black people of land ownership awarding 87 percent of the land to white farmers. The black majority was designated just 13 percent in the overcrowded "native reserves".
Today, the figure for white land ownership stands at 72 percent – despite land reform, that is, transfer to black ownership, being at the heart of the Freedom Charter. Only 8 percent of white land has been transferred to black ownership since 1994. It is written into the post-Apartheid constitution that land cannot be expropriated but only transferred on the basis of there being "a willing seller" and "a willing [and able] buyer".
In short 2.2m black farmers are responsible for only 5 percent of all economic output in the agricultural sector, while 35,000 commercial farmers produce the remaining 95 percent on the best land, using the most up-to-date equipment, employing 800,000 agricultural workers, mostly black, and controlling the market. At the top, sit 1,300 enterprises, enjoying 50 percent of the income and producing for the global market.
Land seizures are common, occasionally violent, leading far right Afrikaaners to claim it's a "genocide".
However, figures show that it is more dangerous in the cities than rural areas, and more blacks die from violent land seizures than whites. In other words the motivation is not racial, it is economic. Meanwhile, retribution from white farmers has been extreme. In a sinister echo of the Apartheid era or that of the Jim Crow laws in the USA, a white farmer recently killed a black youth for stealing a sunflower.
While supporting the opposition Economic Freedom Fighters' Bill to amend the constitution and allow land expropriation and redistribution, Ramaphosa's ANC has been quick and firm in its condemnation of land seizures. Its support for reform is designed to defuse a militant movement from below: classic carrot and stick or, rather, carrot and gun.
It is impossible to understand today's political crisis without analysing the anti-Apartheid movement and the post-Apartheid settlement. Remarkably, this can be done by looking through the lens of Cyril Ramaphosa's own personal journey.
A student activist in the late 1970s and early 1980s, Ramaphosa joined the growing youth and student movement in the townships. He also joined the ANC, which was becoming pre-eminent in the anti-Apartheid struggle with its 10-point programme, the Freedom Charter, and its "twin-track" strategy to force the regime and bosses into negotiations by making the country ungovernable. It was a classic popular front strategy, with lots of "workerist" foliage, especially necessary since there was no black bourgeoisie and scarcely any petit-bourgeoisie. In all this, the SACP aided and abetted them.
Ramaphosa founded the National Union of Mineworkers in the mid-1980s, part of the Cosatu union federation which grew from scratch to 700,000 members in 1984-85. The 300,000 miners were at its core, along with the Metal and Allied Workers' Union (later renamed Numsa).
A huge strike wave in 1985-86 marked the explosion of the working class onto the stage of the bourgeois democratic revolution. Two great miners' strikes: the first lasting five and a half months in 1986, broken by a vicious State of Emergency, marked the movement's highpoint; the second, lasting three and a half weeks marked the final throes of the revolutionary movement. Both were led to defeat by Ramaphosa, the first heroically, the second ignominiously.
Ignominiously, because there was a growing strike wave, including retail workers and even domestic workers. Alongside this, MAWU and its imprisoned leader, Moses Mayekiso, were leading a movement to form a workers' party – to hold the ANC to account certainly but, more importantly, to fight for socialist demands in the here and now and a workers' government.
Soon after the miners' defeat, talks opened and Ramaphosa played a key role, drafting the new constitution, with its infamous Sunset Clause that guaranteed not to encroach on the bourgeois property rights of the white bourgeoisie, later to be termed White Monopoly Capital. The Triple Alliance, and later Tripartite rule of the ANC, SACP and Cosatu was established as the means for carrying out this democratic counter-revolution, safely distanced in time from the (now demobilised) revolution itself.
After the end of Apartheid in 1994, the ANC sent Ramaphosa as an "emissary" into the business world. It has been said many times that he took the Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) policy of Nelson Mandela's inaugural ANC government rather too literally and too personally. He is currently worth at least half a billion dollars and has served on the boards of Standard Bank and the Lonmin mining company.
Very many ANC politicians, SACP leaders and Cosatu officials have been damned by their words and actions against the working class in this 24-year period, but one incident, more than any other, ensured the utter disillusionment of the working class, or at least its vanguard, from the ANC and the popular front: the Marikana massacre of 2012.
A strike for higher pay, R1,200 a month, which has since become the rallying cry for a living wage, had already led to skirmishes with the police, leaving 10 miners dead. Tensions were rising between the NUM, Ramaphosa's old union, and a breakaway miners' union, Amcu, which was winning over more miners with its bold and decisive leadership. Then Ramaphosa, on the board of, and with massive investments in, Lonmin, the mine owners, sent an email in August to the Minister of Police, calling the strike a "dastardly criminal act" and urging the police to take "concomitant" action.
The next day police opened fire on strikers only armed with ceremonial spears, to give them courage more than anything else, killing 34 of them. Recent evidence showed many were "executed", shot in the back while retreating or in hiding. Ramaphosa has "apologised" (belatedly, that is, last year!) but only for the language he used.
A less well known fact, that only recently emerged, is that Ramaphosa was in charge of building 5,500 miners' dwellings and in receipt of $100 million from the World Bank for the project. Only 2 showhouses were ever built. No one is sure where the money went. Ramaphosa deceived the miners in the cruellest way, not once, but, at least, twice.
The next four years marked an upturn in the struggle, as austerity added to the years of frustration and impoverishment caused by neoliberalism. The townships had already renewed their struggles from the early 2000s onwards, under leaders like Trevor Ngwane and Ashwin Desai. Now the unions, especially the miners, joined in. Amcu led a five month long strike in the platinum mines, achieving a deal for an R800 a month minimum wage.
But the job losses, as the mining and steel companies reeled in the international market, continued.
The star of Ramaphosa, however, continued to rise and, in December 2017, he succeeded (by 51 percent to 49 percent) Jacob Zuma as the ANC President and, as has become customary, a month later as President of the Republic of South Africa.
However, he has had to include many of his defeated opponents in the cabinet, including the rival "Generation 40" faction, led by one of Zuma's wives, Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, or NDZ. But he will surely move to extract himself and the party from the scandals of Zuma, who faces over 780 charges of corruption, and the Gupta brothers, who invented and perfected "state capture", collectively known as Zupta.
Ramaphosa made it clear in his first budget that he will rule for White Monopoly Capital, the name given to his faction, presumably by his enemies.
That renewed period of heightened struggle had a profound effect on the working class and its organisations. The popular front was tested to breaking point.
First, the ANC expelled its youth leader Julius Malema, who had been calling for Zimbabwe-style land seizures and reforms. Malema went on to form the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) out of his loyal followers in the ANC Youth League.
They went on to win 6.35% in the last election, in 2014, and 25 MPs. Famously, on demos, at press conferences and in Parliament, the EFF wear red army-style fatigues and black berets. Their programme calls for nationalisation without compensation of the land and 60% of the mines, and for the establishment of a state investment bank: a standard left reformist programme, wrapped up in pseudo-Marxist phrases, clearly learned from the SACP, and, probably, the Chinese Communist Party.
Through intervention in the largely successful #FeesMustFall student movement, they have retained and renewed a youthful membership, able to pull crowds of up to 40,000 to their rallies.
But they are as Stalinist and authoritarian in their party structures, as in their programme. Furthermore, and to an extent inevitably, Malema also faces accusations of scandal and money laundering, unanswered from his days in the ANC.
Possibly more importantly, time will tell, was the series of events in 2013-14 leading to the expulsion of Numsa from Cosatu, ostensibly for membership-poaching, but in reality for calling for the breaking of the Triple Alliance and the forming of a workers' political organisation.
At a Special Conference, held almost concurrently with the Cosatu Congress that expelled them, Numsa unanimously passed a declaration that it would go on to form a united front of struggle across the working class, based on the model of the United Democratic Front, the legal wing of the banned ANC, and a Socialist Revolutionary Workers' Party after a workers' summit.
Then there came a long period of hesitancy and failure to bring the resolution to fruition, which highlighted all the problems of the trade union bureaucracy. Though Marxists emphasise the importance of the unions in the formation of a workers' party, if it is left to the officials who control the apparatus of the unions to launch the party, without the intervention of a revolutionary current within the membership, then the habits of trade union leadership; bureaucratism, firmness against dissent, caution, inflexibility, etc. do not favour success.
Evidently there have been ideological and political disagreements within the EFF, as well as over its internal regime. Amcu refused to join Numsa in forming a new federation, instead preferring to dominate the National Council of Trade Unions (Nactu), a black consciousness union federation. Talks ended in farce, with the ex-Cosatu president Zwelinzima Vavi, who was expelled along with Numsa, calling on miners to leave Amcu and join Numsa.
Last year, however, things did start to move. The South African Federation of Trades Unions, Saftu, was formed with 700,000 members, 40 from Numsa. A workers' summit was held in July 2018 with 1,000 delegates from over 450 township, student and landless workers' organisations, as well as trade unions. And Saftu held a general strike in April against the new minimum wage levels, with reportedly 100,000 on the streets.
Scrapping of Ramaphosa's new anti-union laws, requiring ballots before strikes, etc.
These are important and supportable demands but, even if they were all implemented in full, they would not amount to "finishing the work of the revolution", the entire state apparatus would remain intact and South Africa would remain a capitalist country. Nonetheless, faced with a determined struggle even for this programme, the South African ruling class will come under pressure from the markets, banks and imperialist institutions to attack the working class further and this could stir the resistance to greater militancy.
Jim promises that the SRWP will be launched before the end of the year. Good. Numsa and Saftu members should hold him to his word. All the objective elements for a mass revolutionary party to succeed are there in abundance: militant trade unions, like Amcu, Numsa, the postal workers; students and youth mobilised by #FeesMustFall and the EFF; mass movements in the townships, among the urban poor and landless workers.
In this situation, the key to taking the struggle forward is united action by these mass organisations in the fight to win the common demands such as R1,200 minimum wage, land to those who work on it and justice to bring the corrupt web of politicians and capitalists to trial. Revolutionaries will argue for the formation of local united front committees, drawing in the different organisations, to pressurise their leaders into calling such united action, or to mobilise it themselves if their present leaders fail.
It will be in the course of the struggle for the workers' immediate demands, and through the organisations formed to fight for them, that South African workers can convene a democratic conference to form a new workers' party that will take the power and really "finish the work of the Revolution".