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George Perles, former Michigan State football coach and board member, dies at 85
George Perles, the former Michigan State football coach and board member, died Tuesday night in East Lansing.
George Perles, former Michigan State football coach and board member, dies at 85 George Perles, the former Michigan State football coach and board member, died Tuesday night in East Lansing. Check out this story on Freep.com: https://www.freep.com/story/sports/college/michigan-state/spartans/2020/01/08/george-perles-dies-michigan-state-university/1909366001/
Chris Solari, Detroit Free Press Published 10:23 a.m. ET Jan. 8, 2020 | Updated 6:00 p.m. ET Jan. 8, 2020
EAST LANSING – George Julius Perles, the polarizing and outspoken former Michigan State University football player, coach, athletic director and Board of Trustees member, died late Tuesday night. He was 85.
Perles died peacefully in East Lansing with his family surrounding him, according to multiple sources close to family. He announced he was battling Parkinson's disease in 2017.
Perles was born July 16, 1934, on Detroit's west side and was a football and baseball star at Detroit Western. He earned all-state football honors as a junior and senior and graduated in 1953, then briefly attended the University of Tennessee before returning to Detroit and joining the Army with a number of his friends.
George Perles gets lifted on the shoulders of team members after a victory in 1984. (Photo: Manny Crisostomo, Detroit Free Press)
He served in the Army from 1954-56 and was stationed in Hawaii, where he continued to play football. After returning from active duty, Perles joined Duffy Daugherty's football team at MSU as an offensive and defensive tackle in the fall of 1956. Perles lettered for the Spartans in 1958 before a knee injury ended his playing career.
"He's a tough kid. It was a tough neighborhood," Danny Boisture, a former Daugherty assistant coach who grew up in the same neighborhood near Vernor and Junction as Perles, told the Free Press in 1982. "He was a great football player, a typical red-blooded young kid of that day."
More: MSU leaders mourn the loss of George Perles
After getting his bachelor's degree from MSU in 1960, Perles joined Daugherty's staff as a graduate assistant. He received his master's in educational administration in 1961 and went on to coach high school football at St. Rita's in Chicago and St. Ambrose High in Grosse Pointe Park, which went 23-2 in three seasons and won the 1962 City League championship with Perles as head coach.
After a two-year stint as an assistant coach at the University of Dayton, Perles returned to MSU and Daugherty's staff, coaching the defensive line from 1967-71.
Tom Landau, one of Perles' players at St. Ambrose, told the New York Times in 1990 that Perles was a "streets of Detroit guy."
"That's where he was from and it shaped the way he acted,'' Landau told the Times. "He was tough, but he was very loyal. If he thought you were with him, he stuck by you. But if he thought you weren't, you were his enemy for life."
Former MSU football coach George Perles: 1934-2020 - His career in photos
A feisty George Perles sends his troops onto the battlefield at the start of the war against U-M, 1985. Lansing State Journal Collection at the Archives of Michigan
MSU Football Coach George Perles, undated photo. Lansing State Journal Collection at the Archives of Michigan
George Perles wipes his face during the fourth quarter of the Aloha Bowl, 1989. Lansing State Journal Collection at the Archives of Michigan
MSU Football Coach George Perles looks on during pre-game drills, November 1986. Lansing State Journal Collection at the Archives of Michigan
MSU Football Coach George Perles reacts during a game, undated photo. Lansing State Journal Collection at the Archives of Michigan
Michigan State University Football Coach George Perles leads his team out to the field, date unknown. Lansing State Journal Collection at the Archives of Michigan
MSU Football Coach George Perles shows 98 how to position himself in a practice drill, undated photo. Lansing State Journal Collection at the Archives of Michigan
Michigan State head football coach George Perles walks off the field at Spartan Stadium after a loss to Notre Dame on Sept. 17, 1994. Perles was fired later that season. Associated Press file photo
Former MSU head football coach George Perles is carried off the field after his last game as coach at Spartan Stadium by his team after their come-from-behind victory over Iowa in November 1994. File / Lansing State Journal
MSU Football Coach George Perles calls a frantic time out in the last seconds of the MSU/Illinois game to attempt a winning field goal that was blocked, Jan. 27, 1988. Lansing State Journal Collection at the Archives of Michigan
Notre Dame head coach Lou Holtz and MSU head coach George Perles laugh together before the football game, September 1993. Lansing State Journal Collection at the Archives of Michigan
MSU football coach George Perles leads the cheers after the Spartans defeated Big Ten rival Wisconsin 14-9. MSU officially accepted a bowl invitation to the John Hancock Bowl against Southern Cal on Jan. 1 in El Paso, Texas. Lansing State Journal Collection at the Archives of Michigan
MSU football coach George Perles talks with quarterback Dan Enos during a timeout, undated photo. Lansing State Journal Collection at the Archives of Michigan
MSU's new athletic director George Perles talks about his new job during a morning news conference, Jan. 24, 1990. Lansing State Journal Collection at the Archives of Michigan
Coach George Perles oversees practice at the Silverdome, undated photo. Lansing State Journal collection at the Archives of Michigan
MSU head football coach George Perles reacts to CMU's final touchdown in the fourth quarter, Sept. 12, 1992. Lansing State Journal collection at the Archives of Michigan
MSU head football coach George Perles walks off the field after the Spartans lost to Notre Dame, 21-20, Sept. 17, 1994, in East Lansing. Courtesy photo/Associated Press
MSU head coach George Perles argues a call with referees in the fourth quarter. The play was ruled that an MSU receiver dropped the ball for a fumble recovery by CMU. MSU said that the catch was incomplete, September 1991. Lansing State Journal collection at the Archives of Michigan
George Perles and Bo Schembechler meet at the 50-yard line before the game in East Lansing , Oct. 14, 1989. Lansing State Journal collection at the Archives of Michigan
MSU football coach George Perles kicks his legs up near the end of his sixth year of recruiting high school prospects, Feb. 10, 1988. Lansing State Journal collection at the Archives of Michigan
MSU head football coach George Perles displays the Rose Bowl and Big Ten championship commemorative ring that the Spartan football staff and team received for their 1987 season, June 2, 1988. Lansing State Journal collection at the Archives of Michigan
MSU football coach George Perles gives and gets hugs from Sean Huber, left, and Steven Meddaugh, both official "huggers" at the sixth annual George Perles Charity Golf Classic for Special Olympics in Ingham and Eaton Counties, undated photo. Lansing State Journal collection at the Archives of Michigan
George Perles wipes his brow during a Q & A with the media during recruiting day at the Duffy Daughterty Building, Feb. 8, 1989. On the wall behind him are magnet placards with the names and schools, hometown, height and weight of players who had already signed letters of intent by 11:15 a.m. Lansing State Journal collection at the Archives of Michigan
A relieved Coach George Perles walks off the field at the end of the game after wiping his brow, September 1985. Lansing State Journal file photo
George Perles in action on the sidelines in the game vs Ohio State , November 1988. Lansing State Journal collection at the Archives of Michigan
Coach George Perles leads his team onto the field for opening football game of the season against the Sun Devils of Arizona State (1985) Lansing State Journal collection at the Archives of Michigan
MSU football coach George Perles talks to recruit James Johnson on his football office phone, February 1987. Lansing State Journal collection at the Archives of Michigan
A plane load of happy Spartans ready to take off at Capital City Airport , left to right, Sally and George Perles and A.D. Doug Weaver, coaches and players, Dec. 27, 1985. Lansing State Journal collection at the Archives of Michigan
MSU head coach George Perles and Georgia head coach Vince Dooley pose with the Mazda Gator Bowl Trophy before a coaches luncheon at the downtown Sheraton in Jacksonville. Michigan Governor James Blanchard was also in attendance, Nov. 30, 1989. Lansing State Journal collection at the Archives of Michigan
Michigan State head coach George Perles applaudes his team during the third quarter at the Rose Bowl game against USC in Pasadena. The Spartans won the 1988 Rose Bowl, Jan. 1, 1988. Lansing State Journal file photo
George Perles and FB James Moore at practice, Sept. 3, 1987. Lansing State Journal collection at the Archives of Michigan
Former MSU football head coach George Perles (left) greets head coach Mark Dantonio in downtown Los Angeles on Dec. 31. Perles reported the thefts of bowl game rings from his home this month. Rod Sanford/Lansing State Journal
Mill Coleman and his former college coach, Michigan State's George Perles. GEORGE WALDMAN, Detroit Free Press
MSU Board of Trustees member George Perles speaks briefly at the first MSU Board of Trustees meeting since the faculty no-confidence vote. Matthew Dae Smith/Lansing State Journal
Former MSU football coaches Hank Bullough, left, and George Perles ,right, were in attendance at MSU Footballs' NFL Pro Day Wednesday at the Duffy Daugherty Football Buliding. Kevin W. Fowler / for the Lansing State Journal
Former MSU head football coach George Perles along with his wife Sally, speaks a news conference concerning a fundraising event spearheaded by Kirk Gibson to combat Parkinson's Disease Saturday, Sept. 23, 2017. Robert Killips | Lansing State Journal
George Perles shouts instructions to his team, September 1983. Lansing State Journal collection at the Archives of Michigan
George Perles at the press conference, Jan. 28, 1988, announcing he was staying at MSU. Lansing State Journal collection at the Archives of Michigan
George Perles and the Paul Bunyan trophy, undated photo. Lansing State Journal collection at the Archives of Michigan
MSU coach and AD George Perles hugs Bonnie Jo May at the "hug zone" during the third annual George Perles charity golf classic at the Country Club of Lansing, Aug. 13, 1990. Lansing State Journal collection at the Archives of Michigan
MSU head football coach George Perles speaks with ex-Spartan Kirk Gibson at the Spartan Football Bust at the Holiday Inn South, December 1993. Lansing State Journal collection at the Archives of Michigan
Penn State head football coach Joe Paterno playfully nudges MSU AD and head football coach George Perles with a gift from the athletic department as the two leave a press conference at the Duffy Daugherty football building. Perles hosted a series of press conferences for the Penn State coach as a welcome to the newest member of the Big Ten conference, undated photo. Lansing State Journal collection at the Archives of Michigan
Seeing Roses
Chuck Noll, the legendary NFL coach, poached Perles in 1972 to coach the Pittsburgh Steelers' budding defensive line. Perles became one of the architects of the Steelers' vaunted Steel Curtain defense that dominated the decade, with his innovative stunt 4-3 formation helping Pittsburgh win four Super Bowls. He became Noll's defensive coordinator in 1978 and assistant head coach from 1979-82.
That led Perles to a head coaching job with the Philadelphia Stars of the upstart United States Football League. He helped build the team throughout 1982 but never coached a game when the league began in the spring of 1983 because his alma mater came calling for the job he coveted most.
MSU hired Perles to replace Muddy Waters on Dec. 3, 1982, giving the 48-year-old a five-year contract three years after he was bypassed for the job by Waters. He also applied for the job in 1976, after Denny Stolz was forced out and the school was placed on probation.
"That's the only college job in the country I would be interested in," Perles said in 1976. "I think anybody is interested in going home if he's not running away from something. And I'm definitely not running away from anything."
The decision to hire Perles resulted in a $1 million lawsuit by the Stars that was settled out of court, reportedly with MSU paying the USFL team $175,000. It foreshadowed the mercurial relationship between the university and Perles over the next three decades.
Perles promised to lead the Spartans, coming off a 2-9 season in Waters' final year, back to the national respectability it enjoyed during Daugherty's tenure.
"If we make all decisions based on winning the Rose Bowl," Perles told the Free Press in late 1982, "we won't make a poor decision."
He guided the Spartans to the 1988 Rose Bowl, their first since 1966, along with the 1987 Big Ten title that was their first since 1978. They also won a share of the 1990 conference championship, which would be MSU's last until Mark Dantonio earned a share in 2010.
"George was one of the most renowned coaches in America; everybody knew who Coach Perles was and what he brought to the game," Dantonio said in a statement Wednesday. "... He always brought a blue-collar mentality and really we've embraced a lot of things in our program over the years that came from him. He left a legacy and was an impactful figure."
Perles' tenure was marked with a number of ups and downs.
It included allegations of steroid abuse — documented in the book, "Behind the Green Curtain: The Sacrifice of Ethics and Academics in Michigan State Football's Rise to National Prominence" — that included offensive lineman Tony Mandarich, the No. 2 pick in the 1989 NFL draft.
[ 24 years sober, Tony Mandarich still can't escape 'incredible bust' moniker ]
On a few occasions, Perles leveraged his own NFL connections into more power at MSU. He reportedly was going to take over the Green Bay Packers after the Spartans won the Big Ten in 1987, only to remain at MSU. He then used talks with the New York Jets in 1990 to sway his alma mater into giving him the athletic director job along with his football responsibilities.
"There are a lot of people who take offense at my dad's personality," Perles' son, John, told the Free Press in 1982, before MSU hired his father. "He's not exactly a soft-spoken guy. There are always a few people overwhelmed by his aggressiveness."
Perles parlayed the Jets offer into a 10-year deal as football coach and athletic director that did not last. His stint as athletic director ended in 1992 after friction with then-president John DiBiaggio, who demanded Perles pick one job or the other. Perles then was fired as football coach by ensuing president Peter McPherson near the end of the 1994 season.
In 12 seasons, Perles was 73–62–4 overall and 58–37–2 in the Big Ten. However, he was forced to vacate five wins in his final season because of the NCAA finding major violations at MSU during his tenure — though Perles never was personally implicated in the NCAA's charges of academic fraud and payments to recruits. The Spartans received four years of probation and lost nine scholarships for Perles' eventual replacement Nick Saban, who had served as Perles' defensive coordinator for the 1987 Big Ten title team.
Nick Saban talks at a news conference announcing him as the successor to George Perles as football coach at Michigan State University after the 1994 season. (Photo: William Archie/Detroit Free Press)
"He was one of my mentors in this profession," Saban, now at Alabama, said in a statement Wednesday, "and he gave me my first opportunity to be in a position of leadership as the defensive coordinator at Michigan State. George was always a great friend and someone who I turned to for advice on many occasions. I learned an incredible amount of both football and life from him over the years.
"... Those five years at Michigan State, which culminated with a Rose Bowl victory at the end of the 1987 season, showed us the type of foundation necessary to build a program."
After being fired, Perles sued MSU in 1995 for breach of contract and age discrimination but eventually dropped the lawsuit two months later.
In 2006, Perles ran and won a seat on the MSU Board of Trustees as a Democrat, and was reelected in 2014. He served from 2007 until November 2018, when he resigned and cited health concerns following a year which included fallout from the Larry Nassar conviction, the resignation of president Lou Anna K. Simon and athletic director Mark Hollis, and scrutiny into sexual assault allegations surrounding the school's football and basketball programs.
A Free Press investigation found then-interim president John Engler helped wipe out Perles' nearly $200,000 debt from a gift pledge to the university days after his resignation. That situation prompted an investigation by state Attorney General Dana Nessel.
Following his stint as MSU coach, Perles helped create the Motor City Bowl in 1997, which reintroduced a college football bowl to Detroit (MSU had played in the 1984 Cherry Bowl under Perles, a game that existed for just two years).
Ex-MSU Board of Trustees member George Perles speaks briefly at the first MSU Board of Trustees meeting since the faculty no-confidence vote. (Photo: Matthew Dae Smith, LSJ)
Perles also was a staunch supporter of the Special Olympics. He joined with former attorney general Frank Kelley and Peter Secchia, a former ambassador to Italy and another MSU alum, to create the annual Kelley-Perles-Secchia Special Olympics Golf Classic in Lansing that began in 1987 and continued through 2018.
Among his other activities, Perles served on the board for Blue Cross Blue Shield, was a member of the selection committee for the Hula Bowl and was a contributor to the Harris Interactive College Football Poll. He was inducted into the Michigan Sports Hall of Fame in 2006.
Perles is survived by his wife, Sally, and their children Kathy, Terry, John and Patrick. They have six grandchildren.
"This is a sad day for our Spartan family," MSU Board of Trustees Chair Dianne Byrum said. "George's commitment to service and his passion for all things MSU are how I will remember him. Whether it was contributing to the success of our football program as head coach, guiding our athletics department to provide the very best for student-athletes or bringing his passion for this university — his alma mater — to the board table, George's impact on this university will be long-lasting."
2020 sports deaths: A retrospective gallery
Rocky Johnson, the former WWE tag team champion and father of movie superstar Dwayne (The Rock) Johnson, died on Jan. 15 at age 75. AP
Joe Roberson, who served as Michigan athletic director from 1994-97, died on Jan. 13 at the age of 84. JULIAN H. GONZALEZ, DETROIT FREE PRESS
Former Michigan State coach George Perles, who later became the school's athletic director and Board of Trustee member, died on Jan. 7 at age 85. BETH A. KEISER, Associated Press
Chuck Machock, a former Cincinnati Bearcats basketball radio analyst who also played at Cincinnati and served as an assistant coach under Bob Huggins from 1989-92, died at 82 years old Jan. 4. University of Cincinnati
Sam Wyche, who pushed the boundaries as an offensive innovator with the Bengals and challenged the NFL's protocols along the way, died on Jan. 2 after a battle with cancer. He was 74. DON HEUPEL, AP
David Stern, who spent 30 years as the NBA's longest-serving commissioner and oversaw its growth into a global power, died on Jan. 1 after suffering a brain hemorrhage in Dec. He was 77. Bebeto Matthews, AP
Don Larsen, the journeyman pitcher who reached the heights of baseball glory in 1956 for the Yankees when he threw a perfect game and the only no-hitter in World Series history, died on Jan. 1. He was 90. AP
Contact Chris Solari: csolari@freepress.com. Follow him on Twitter @chrissolari. Read more on the Michigan State Spartans and sign up for our Spartans newsletter
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U-M assistant Anthony Campanile leaving for Miami Dolphins
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Michigan's top recruiting targets for Class of 2021: Local and national


Jean Dubuffet had a vast knowledge of classical art and culture, but he sought a new path for his art based outside Western artistic conventions. He became a proponent of art brut (raw art), an anti-aesthetic inspired by the art of children, the mentally ill, prisoners, and those "unscathed by artistic culture, where mimicry plays little or no part." In his quest for a dynamic, expressive, and authentic style, Dubuffet developed a technique of scratching into thickly impastoed paint surfaces, often mixed with materials from the earth, to produce raw, graffiti-like images. This painting of the poet Jules Supervielle comes from a series of crude portraits of Parisian writers and intellectuals that the artist made from his imagination, depersonalizing and transforming his subjects into caricatures of human types.
"Chicago Asks Which is Real? You answer", Arts Digest, February 1, 1951, p. 20.
Georges Limbour, Tableau Bon Levain a vous de cuire la Pate, L'Art Brut de Jean Dubuffet, (Pierre Matisse,1953), ill. 91.
Jack Kroll, "Dubuffet in all his Existentialist glory," Art News, 61 (April 1962), pp. 42-44, 50-52, ill. 43.
Loreau, Max, Catalog des travaux de Jean Dubuffet, Fascicule III: Plus beaux qu'ils croient (portraits), (Société française des Presses suisses, 1966), cat. 161.
The Art Institute of Chicago, Twentieth Century Painting and Sculpture, (Hudson Hills Press, 1996), p.94.
William Griswold, Pierre Matisse and His Artists, exh. cat. (Pierpoint Morgan Library, 2001), ill. 220.
New York, Pierre Matisse Gallery, Jean Dubuffet, Paintings, Gouaches, 1946-48, November 30—December 1948, cat. 6.
New York, Pierre Matisse Gallery, Jean Dubuffet: Paintings, January 24—February 8, 1950.
The Arts Club of Chicago, School of Paris, December 15, 1951—January 15, 1952.
New York, The Museum of Modern Art, The Work of Jean Dubuffet, February 19—April 8, 1962, cat. 35, traveled to the Art Institute of Chicago, May 18—June 17, 1962, the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, July 10—August 12, 1962.
Pierre Matisse Gallery, New York, by 1948; sold to Mr. and Mrs. Maurice E. Culberg, 1950; given to the Art Institute of Chicago, 1950.


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Home Analysis
Death By A Thousand Cuts: The Chilling Politics Of Punjab
With Hamza Shehbaz as CM Punjab and Shehbaz Sharif as PM, the father-son duo will draw flak if they don't deliver on their promises soon. It will not be smooth sailing with the PTI as their opponents
by Zaeem Mumtaz Bhatti
in Analysis
What happened in the Punjab Assembly was not unexpected. The viral videos made one's head hang in shame. Democracy died by a thousand cuts on April 16, 2022.
Pervaiz Elahi turned out to be the proverbial wolf in sheep's clothing. With only 10 seats in the Punjab Assembly, his dream to become the king was certain to turn sour. He dug his own political grave when on his son's prodding; he refused to strike a deal with the PML-N. Rather, he struck a Faustian bargain with the PTI.
With the PTI's departure from the federation, its defeat in Punjab was a foregone conclusion. When Punjab Assembly's Deputy Speaker Dost Muhammad Mazari, told the press that he would go ahead with the chief minister's election and would not become a pawn in the PTI's great chess game, a spanner was thrown in the works. The assembly was prorogued to April 16, and sealed with barbed wires in the name of interior decoration. It was challenged before the Lahore High Court, which ordered not to cause any impediment to the deputy speaker's role to conduct the election for chief minister.
However, on April 16, Chaudhrys of Gujrat in concert with the PTI's members of the assembly came up with a different game plan. Colourful lotas made their way into the assembly to disgrace defectors, particularly the deputy speaker. They were waved and thrown at him. Slogans were raised. The Punjab Assembly portrayed a picture of a wrestling match of WWE, where Pervaiz Elahi was found directing goons to thrash the deputy speaker and then patting them on their backs with a thumbs-up sign.
The PTI is turning into a far-right party emblematic of fascism, parochialism, and extremism. It feeds its supporters on empty rhetoric, lofty slogans and conspiracy theories. It can't put up with dissent of any kind.
Shamefully, it was not just the deputy speaker that was being kicked, slapped and maltreated, but the democracy was at the receiving end of the PTI's and PML-Q's righteous indignation.
For the first time in the Punjab Assembly's history, police in plain clothes, as well as the anti-riot police, were called in to prevent the troublemakers from causing further trouble. It was a sorry state of affairs. The police were not putting up resistance as female assembly members were thrashing them.
Musharraf's strongman, Pervaiz Elahi's image stood shattered. He exposed himself to the core.
The PML-N resorted to violence to settle scores. In the brawl that broke out between the PTI and PML-N assembly members, Pervaiz Elahi fractured his arm.
To his credit, Dost Muhammad Mazari stood his ground, and lived up to his role as the acting speaker. He was acting on the court's order, in pursuance of Articles 53(3) and 130 of the constitution. Pervaiz Elahi had only curses to resort to when his prospects to become the CM were ruined by Hamza Shahbaz.
The PTI is turning into a far-right party emblematic of fascism, parochialism, and extremism. It feeds its supporters on empty rhetoric, lofty slogans and conspiracy theories. It can't put up with dissent of any kind. The PTI supporters are eagerly buying into the conspiracy theory flaunted as the core reason for Khan's fall from power. They are quick to label others as patwaris or traitors.
If Hamza is interested in delivering, he needs to get out of his office and visit underdeveloped areas of Punjab. Relying on bureaucracy will not yield results. He must try to decentralize powers, and revive the local government system.
The PTI's hatred towards its rival political parties is sowing seeds of further polarisation of the society. The anti-army and the anti-judiciary rhetoric ramped up by the PTI is pushing the country into a swamp of civil unrest and has the potential to rip apart the whole societal fabric. Surprisingly, Khan criticizes the judiciary for opening its gates at night, in the same breath he maintains that he is the only politician to have been declared as Sadiq and Ameen by the judiciary. What Imran Khan seeks to establish in Pakistan is a tyrannical and fascist order, the idea of which strikes at the root of democracy, and falls foul of article 2-A of the constitution, which states: "We… the people of Pakistan… dedicated to the preservation of democracy achieved by the unremitting struggle of the people against oppression and tyranny… Do hereby, through our representatives… give ourselves this constitution".
With Hamza Shehbaz as CM Punjab and Shehbaz Sharif as PM, the father-son duo will draw considerable flak if they don't deliver on their promises soon. It will not be smooth sailing with the PTI as their opponents.
Hamza Shehbaz will do well not to take a page out of his father's playbook. As CM Punjab, Shehbaz Sharif focused on the development of Lahore, ignoring the rest of the province. The credit for Metro Bus, Metro Train, underpasses and overhead bridges goes to Shehbaz. Hamza must reach out to rest of Punjab, South Punjab in particular.
Away from Lahore, roads are not travel-worthy; public health facilities are inadequate and education system is in doldrums. If Hamza is interested in delivering, he needs to get out of his office and visit underdeveloped areas of Punjab. Relying on bureaucracy will not yield results. He must try to decentralize powers, and revive the local government system.
The big question is, will he act?
The writer is a lawyer based in Lahore. He tweets @zaeem8825. He can be contacted at zaeem.bhatti89@gmail.com
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Where is Hamza Shehbaz?
Tags: Pervaiz ElahiPoliticsdissentPTIparochialismpunjabtheoriesImran Khanviral videosdemocracycm punjabextremismhamza shahbaz sharifpmlnFascismpunjab assemblyconspiracy
Former PM Imran Receives Flak For Seeking Donations While Travelling In Chartered Plane
Imran Khan's Ouster Does Not Mean Establishment Is Out Of The Game
Zaeem Mumtaz Bhatti
The writer is a lawyer based in Lahore. He tweets @zaeem8825. He can be contacted at zaeem.bhatti89@gmail.com.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


You can create your own keyboard shortcuts in Office for Mac using the steps in this article.
You can create custom keyboard shortcuts in Excel or Word for Mac within the application itself. To create custom keyboard shortcuts in PowerPoint, Outlook, or OneNote for Mac, you can use the built-in capability in Mac OS X.
On the Tools menu, click Customize Keyboard.
In the Categories list, click a tab name.
In the Commands list, click the command that you want to assign a keyboard shortcut to.
Any keyboard shortcuts that are currently assigned to the selected command will appear in the Current keys box.
Tip: If you prefer to use a different keyboard shortcut, add another shortcut to the list, and then use it instead.
In the Press new keyboard shortcut box, type a key combination that includes at least one modifier key ( , CONTROL , OPTION , SHIFT ) and an additional key, such as + F11 .
If you type a keyboard shortcut that is already assigned, the action assigned to that key combination appears next to Currently assigned to.
Note: Keyboard shortcut descriptions refer to the U.S. keyboard layout. Keys on other keyboard layouts might not correspond to the keys on a U.S. keyboard. Keyboard shortcuts for laptop computers might also differ.
You can delete keyboard shortcuts that you created, but you cannot delete the default keyboard shortcuts for Excel.
In the Commands list, click the command that you want to delete a keyboard shortcut from.
In the Current keys box, click the keyboard shortcut that you want to delete, and then click Remove.
Note: If the Remove button appears grayed out, then the selected keyboard shortcut is a default keyboard shortcut, and therefore it cannot be deleted.
To restore keyboard shortcuts to their original state, click Reset All.
From the Apple menu, click System Preferences > Keyboard > Shortcuts > App Shortcuts.
Click the + sign to add a keyboard shortcut.
In the Application menu, click the Office for Mac app (Microsoft Word, Microsoft PowerPoint, Microsoft OneNote, Microsoft Outlook) you want to create keyboard a shortcut for.
Enter a Menu Title and the Keyboard Shortcut and click Add.
Tip: If you aren't sure what the menu name is for a command, click Help in that app and search for what you want, which will then show you the exact menu name.
Important: You can create a keyboard shortcut to help you quickly do a task. However, if the keyboard shortcut conflicts with a default Mac OS X keyboard shortcut, it will not work unless you turn off the Mac OS X keyboard shortcut.
In the Categories list, click a menu name.
In the Commands list, click the task that you want to assign a keyboard shortcut to.
Any keyboard shortcuts that are currently assigned to the selected task appear in the Current keys box.
In the Press new keyboard shortcut box, type a key combination that includes at least one modifier key ( , CONTROL , OPTION , SHIFT ) and an additional key, such as + OPTION + F11 .
You can delete keyboard shortcuts that you added, but you cannot delete the default keyboard shortcuts for Excel.
In the Commands list, click the task that you want to delete a keyboard shortcut from.
You can create a keyboard shortcut for a symbol, such as the telephone symbol from the Zapf Dingbats font ( ). For example, to create a keyboard shortcut to insert the telephone symbol, you could assign COMMAND + OPTION + SHIFT + T .
On the Insert menu, click Symbol.
Click the tab with the symbol or special character that you want.
If it is necessary, select a font on the Font pop-up menu.
Click the symbol or character that you want.
Click the symbol or character that you want to delete a keyboard shortcut from.
To restore keyboard shortcuts to their original state, click Reset All, and then in the confirmation message, click Yes.
Keyboard shortcuts for tasks are reset.
To use a keyboard shortcut that is the same as a default Mac OS X keyboard shortcut, you must first turn off that Mac OS X keyboard shortcut.
On the Apple menu, click System Preferences.
Under Hardware, click Keyboard, and then click the Keyboard Shortcuts tab.
For the keyboard shortcut that you want to turn off, clear the check box.
In the list next to Categories, click the task that you want to assign a keyboard shortcut to.
In the Press new shortcut key box, type a key combination that includes at least one modifier key ( , CONTROL , OPTION , SHIFT ) and an additional key, such as + F11 .
In the list next to Categories, click the task that you want to delete a keyboard shortcut from.
Under Hardware, click Keyboard .
On the Keyboard Shortcuts tab, click Application Shortcuts, and then click Add .
On the Application pop-up menu, click Other, click Microsoft Office 2011, and then click Microsoft PowerPoint.
In the Menu Title box, type the name of the command that you want to add.
For example, to create a keyboard shortcut for the Paragraph command on the Format menu, type Paragraph... into the box.
In the Keyboard Shortcut box, type a key combination that includes at least one modifier key ( , CONTROL , OPTION , SHIFT ) and an additional key, such as + OPTION + F11 , and then click Add.
On the Keyboard Shortcuts tab, click Application Shortcuts.
Click the keyboard shortcut that you want to remove, and then click Delete .


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Proudly celebrating diversity in motorsport
A crisis on the scale of the coronavirus pandemic has the power to reorder society in dramatic ways, causing us to re-evaluate what is important, and acting as a catalyst for positive change. A year ago this week, that process was already underway when Black Lives Matter protests gave the world pause on another global issue – that of racial injustice. That moment evolved into a movement – Equality, Diversity and Inclusion – that encapsulated all aspects of prejudice and discrimination.
Motorsport UK, aligned with the wider world of sport, responded with determination and commitment, eager to ensure this opportunity to use its reach and influence to celebrate and enable participation in motorsport did not go to waste. Its aim was to not only engage in the conversation around 'EDI' but to make a difference through meaningful action. Positive steps have already been taken in recent years with our programmes supporting women in motorsport, disability and accessibility, and in addressing the affordability of participation, particularly at the entry level. However, there is much more work to be done to change the culture to one that values and celebrates diversity, and enables the full involvement of disadvantaged groups.
That realisation was at the heart of Motorsport UK's decision to form its new EDI Committee: "We all need to recognise that new regulations or policy statements alone will not achieve what is required," commented David Richards, Chairman of Motorsport UK. "It is a far deeper issue that goes right to the culture of our sport and requires each and every one of us to examine the way we behave and the values we want to uphold."
Motorsport UK invited Catherine Bond Muir, founder and CEO of W Series to chair its newest committee, which was ratified by the Board at the end of 2020. Such is the necessity and importance of gaining a deep understanding of the various issues around EDI, the decision was taken to form four sub-committees, so that resulting actions are relevant.
The Women in Motorsport Sub-Committee will be chaired by Motorsport UK Board Member Helen Bashford-Malkie, who has been involved in motorsport since the age of 18, having competed in various categories including Formula Ford and in the Thoroughbred Grand Prix Championship. She has been a team principal, race car manufacturer as the owner of the Chevron marque, and a committee member of the MIA (Motorsport Industry Association). As the long-term chair of the BWDRC (British Women Racing Drivers' Club) she has remained steadfastly committed to the interests of women in motorsport for many years.
Mike Bugembe will chair the Racial Diversity Sub-Committee. Born in Uganda, his family has competed in Safari Rallies and his 10-year-old son in karting. Bugembe is passionate about racing and helping young people of diverse ethnicity to get into motorsport, which prompted him to establish the BAME Motorsports Foundation. From his work in analytics and Artificial Intelligence he has been able to demonstrate through research that even AI has been shown to have an inherent bias against women or people of colour.
The Disability and Accessibility Sub-Committee will be chaired by Nathalie McGloin, the inaugural President of the FIA Disability and Accessibility Commission and the only female tetraplegic racing driver in the world. In 2015 she became the first female with a spinal injury to be granted a racing licence in the UK, and in 2019, the first ever female disabled rally driver.
As Motorsport UK joins the rest of the world in celebrating PRIDE MONTH, it is pleased to announce that Richard Morris, founder of RACING PRIDE, will chair the governing body's LGBTQ+ Sub-Committee. Racing Pride launched in collaboration with Stonewall in 2019 to positively promote LGBTQ+ inclusivity in the motorsport industry and has since begun to initiate significant and lasting change. Morris started karting at 12 years of age before moving into car racing, competing in Formula Ford and as a works driver for sports prototypes. Previously an international level fencer before moving into motorsport, he brings a great deal of experience of how other sports address welfare and inclusion, allied to issues he has encountered in a racing environment.
Over the coming months Motorsport UK will outline the objectives and vision for its EDI Committee and its four sub-committees and invite the community to support its work in ensuring that motorsport is safe, fair, and fun for all, and an environment in which competitors and participants can feel comfortable and welcome.
Proud to support Racing Pride in Pride Month


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Q: C# Send key inputs to Minecraft to move the player I am trying to send keyboard inputs to Minecraft to move the player, however when I try using SendKeys.SendWait("W"); nothing happens. If I open the chat in Minecraft it types "W" in chat, however outside of chat my inputs seem to be ignored. Thanks.
Edit: I have tried using SendInput as well as InputSimulator both having the same effect.

A: Basically Windows has three protection ring. By doing SendKeys you are sending a ring 3 command to the application. However DirectX only listens to ring 0 and ring 1 (possibly ring 2) commands to reduce the fraction delay caused by command passing through a driver to application.
So in order to make DirectX games react to the event you sent you must send it at driver level. You can simulate a ring 2 driver input by pinvoke WINDOWS api SendInput with scan code (don't use virtual code).
If scan code doesn't work then the game might be blocking ring 2 commands for anti-hacking purpose. In that case you would need to write a driver + a virtual hardware to send ring 1 commands directly. (do not try this if you are not experienced. a Blue screen of death or even corrupted system may result if a mistake is made)

A: I solved it by using InputSimulatorPlus
https://github.com/TChatzigiannakis/InputSimulatorPlus
InputSimulator s = new InputSimulator();
s.Keyboard.KeyDown(VirtualKeyCode.VK_W);
this just runs forward, to stop use s.Keyboard.KeyUp(VirtualKeyCode.VK_W);
you can also use s.Keyboard.KeyPress(VirtualKeyCode.VK_W); and this will just click  the "W" key.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


The ASG Group's Ray Collis has been retained to deliver the sales module of a NUI Diploma In Sales & Marketing For Medical Technologies starting in Sept. 2013.
The Diploma has been developed by the IMDA and Life Sciences Skillnet in conjunction with National University of Ireland Galway.
The new Diploma covers topics including; the medtec innovation process, regulatory affairs, consumer and buyer behavior in addition to sales and marketing.
If you or your company are interested in the programme you can download the brochure here.
We wanted a better understanding the Buyer's process from a business unit perspective (ie not just Procurement). We used them at a Conference for 1200 Sellers and the reaction has been very positive from our teams.
"The Buying Revolution tools have helped us develop our thinking around how our customers are now buying. The framework provided us with has helped us advance two million sterling deals in 2011."
"The B2B Sales Revolution book is one of those few books that are of use after you've read them – it gives real world templates and tools for the Sales process."
"A smashing and enjoyable sales process improvement workshop that allowed us find measurable improvements quickly, we walked out of the workshop with three clear sales priorities..."


text:
Matthew Nicholls may refer to:

 Mathew Nicholls, Australian rules football field umpire
 Matthew Nicholls (classicist) (born 1978), professor of classics

See also
 Matt Nichols (born 1987), American player of Canadian football

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


Whether you re learning alone or attending classes, you ll find this complete Russian language cours….
This entry was posted in Computer Books and tagged Beginners, COMPLETE, Course, Handbooks, Penguin, Russian by Computer Education World. Bookmark the permalink.


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Arts + Culture Movies Lulu Wang on good lies and immigrant family ties...
Arts + CultureMovies
Lulu Wang on good lies and immigrant family ties in 'The Farewell'
'Guilt only exists through storytelling,' says the director, whose new film investigates cultural differences and tender bonds.
By Joshua Rotter
Lulu Wang's 'The Farewell.' Photo by Nick West/Courtesy of A24
Director Lulu Wang's films are built on secrets and lies.
Her 2014 directorial debut, Posthumous, explores what happens when a struggling artist (Jack Huston), who learns that his work is more valuable after his "death," concocts a shady scheme to reap the rewards of his "posthumous" success.
Her second and most recent movie, The Farewell (opening Friday), follows a young Chinese-American woman named Billi (Awkwafina), who returns with her family to China for what on the surface appears to be a big red envelope wedding.
But, in actuality, the wedding is just a ruse so the family can gather around its head matriarch, Billi's beloved and terminally ill grandmother (Zhao Shuzhen), one last time. Complicating matters further, the family has decided not to tell Nai-Nai (grandmother in Chinese) about her impending fate.
The lying by omission to maintain Nai-Nai's joyful spirit in her final weeks in this semi-autobiographical film hits close to home for Wang, whose own family has kept the director's now 86-year-old grandmother from discovering her own dire health prognosis.
I spoke to Wang about her grandmother, her decision to keep her new film judgment-free, and how, looked at differently, lies can be another way of getting at the truth.
48 HILLS I have to start by asking, how is your grandmother doing now?
LULU WANG She does have cancer, but she's still alive. She's 86 and has outlived the doctor's prognosis of three months to live. But she's not doing great. It's not a very positive story. She's been around much longer and got to see me direct the movie but still doesn't know.
48 HILLS When Billi says, in the film, that she thinks it's wrong that her family keep this secret from her grandmother, her uncle tells her that while she's been out West and has been influenced to think more independently, in China it's all about putting the family's happiness first. In other words, not telling Nai-Nai and watching her become dispirited is the best way to ensure everyone's happiness.
As someone who's lived in the East and the West, how have these opposing ways of thinking impacted your life?
LULU WANG I think it's very complicated because, in many ways, yes, the Eastern philosophy is that the collective as a unit is more important than the individual, and it's the way society functions, for the greater good.
But, at the same time, my parents left China to come to America to live the American dream and pull themselves up by their bootstraps to give me a better life. So, in many ways, they must also believe in the Western values of individualism and independence.
So yeah, I think it's difficult, because I still struggle with it, like how much will I do for myself? How much do I do for my family and where do those two things intercept?
Director Lulu Wang on set. Photo by Casi Moss /Courtesy of A24
48 HILLS You don't seem to judge those who choose to keep the secret from Nai-Nai as harshly as others might. Because the secret is never uncovered, no one gets into trouble and there's no cathartic moment like there is at the end of films like "Tootsie," "Secrets and Lies," or "Can You Ever Forgive Me?"
LULU WANG Yeah, that's where something is so fundamentally Western. Even this idea of "We're writing a screenplay and a screenplay has to have a climax and it's gotta have catharsis." Says who? Life doesn't work that way. We don't oftentimes get catharsis, denouement, and resolution. I also think part of the drama and part of the climax is this desire for catharsis, and the more you want it, what does that do to a person?
So instead of having a real catharsis, I looked more for the moment the characters, who are performing joy, are performing a wedding for the sake of the grandmother, broke down and showed their humanity. When you are inauthentic, there comes a time when you just lose it and that's a very human thing regardless of what culture you're from and what you believe your behavior should be.
48 HILLS One of the interesting things that happens in the film is that a family with such different points of view can still come together. With politics tearing many families apart in 2019, this couldn't be more timely.
LULU WANG I think, as an immigrant, I've always had to negotiate between two different cultures and different worlds, not just China and America, but also my family versus my friends, my school, and my own independence.
When I was younger, it used to be this push and pull, where it felt like a war between these two different sides. But as I get older, it's about how to bring all of these things together. So this movie is very much that same kind of melding, of saying we don't have to pick a side.
What most people say is that one thing has to be wrong so they can be right. I don't want to contribute to that kind of divide, so I don't want to make a film that's ultimately about judgment. Instead, the film is an exploration of differences and not even about agreeing to these differences. It's about how do you disagree in a respectful way. Maybe something is not right for you, but that doesn't mean that it's also wrong for them.
Zhao Shuzhen and Awkwafina in 'The Farewell.' Photo by Casi Moss/Courtesy of A24
48 HILLS With both Posthumous and The Farewell, you've certainly demonstrated an interest in stories built around lies. What's the appeal?
LULU WANG As a storyteller, I'm very interested in the stories that we tell each other and the stories that we tell ourselves to get through life. It's the way that we are able to own our own narrative and justify decisions that we make. Guilt only exists through storytelling. If you tell yourself you don't feel bad about that, then there's no guilt, right? I believe that we all do it all the time and there's nothing necessarily wrong with that. It's just a survival mechanism.
I think in both stories, what I found is that even though people are lying, they're getting at a greater truth. And the lie doesn't take up all the importance. That in many ways, the lie is the surface and there are deeper truths to excavate that we can get to even though we may be telling a fiction.
And that's what I do, too, right? I've made a fictionalized film. It's autobiographical in some ways, but it's a fictionalized version. But it was actually only through fictionalizing that I was able to get to some of the deeper truths.
Opens Fri/19
Various Bay Area theaters
Tickets and more info here.
Previous articleScreen Grabs: A Japanese master of 'The Human Condition' gets his due
Next articleDan Hoyle's border-crossing art of empathy
Joshua Rotter
Joshua Rotter is a contributing writer for 48 Hills. He's also written for the San Francisco Bay Guardian, SF Weekly, SF Examiner, SF Chronicle, and CNET.
Ho ho ho, don't miss these fabulous holiday shows
Golden Girls, Nutcrackers, an anti-inequity 'Red Carol,' Peaches Christ, and Kung Pao galore for your seasonal delectation.
Joshua Rotter - December 8, 2020
From 'Family Secrets' to 'Half Brothers,' star Juan Pablo Espinosa blazes a gay trail
With big new movie hitting screens, out Colombian actor aims to keep expanding Latinx stories and empowering others.
Remembering Bambi Lake, a San Francisco underground icon
The transgender singer and trailblazer, who died last week, definitely lived a life out loud.
Joshua Rotter - November 9, 2020
With glamour and grit, Red Vic aims for permanent queer housing transformation
How much is that drag queen in the window? Chip in to support QT BIPOC housing and you'll help stabilize a community.
Joshua Rotter - September 9, 2020
Oakland's Jun Yu represents in 'Mulan'
The young actor, playing Cricket in the live-action version of the beloved film, breaks out on the big (and small) screen.
[UPDATED] 'Sacred' LGBTQ memorial space in Castro threatened by Bank of America
New signs at 'Hibernia Beach' area, traditionally used to mourn community members, warn against shrines
Marke B. and Tim Redmond - January 16, 2021
Growth machine wins big in Berkeley
Mayor who ran as a progressive sides with developer-friendly plan for Adeline Corridor.
Zelda Bronstein - January 14, 2021
Make this: La Palma snack wrap
A TikTok-inspired video recipe honoring the 68-year-old Mexicatessen.
Tamara Palmer - January 14, 2021
Chron rejects comments critical of Boudin editorial
Comments supporting the DA don't seem to violate the paper's standards; why were they blocked?
Tim Redmond - January 13, 2021
Screen Grabs
Screen Grabs: Two looks at Black legends in 'MLK/FBI' and 'One Night in Miami…"
As we prepare for Black History Month, new releases look back at the complex heroes who powered the civil rights movement.
Dennis Harvey - January 14, 2021


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Leon Trotsky's Legacy and the Present
We publish here the introduction to Marxism and Our Epoch, a collection of Leon Trotsky's texts that are most relevant for understanding our current moment.
Christian Castillo
Section of the mural outside the Trotsky house museum in Coyoacan, Mexico.
This year marks the 80th anniversary of the assassination of Leon Trotsky. At home in Mexico, where he was exiled, a hit man sent by Stalin struck the blow that ended his life. It was not an irrational act but a cold-blooded political calculation by the Soviet Union's ruling bureaucracy, which believed that Trotsky was a tremendous danger given the discontent that a world war could generate within the working class and among communists internationally.
Just as Stalin embodied the counterrevolutionary bureaucracy that seized power through blood and fire in history's first workers' state, Trotsky embodied the Marxist alternative to Stalinism.
At the beginning of the struggle against Stalin, Trotsky already had an extensive revolutionary résumé. His biographer Isaac Deutscher wrote, "So copious and splendid was Trotsky's career that any part or fraction of it might have sufficed to fill the life of an outstanding historic personality."1Isaac Deutscher, The Prophet Outcast — Trotsky: 1929 1940 (London: Oxford University Press, 1963), 512. And Deutscher was right: by 1917, he had already gone through two exiles, after escaping from the prisons and deportation camps of czarism. He had been president of the Petrograd Soviet in the 1905 Revolution, an agitator against the imperialist war, and one of the most brilliant Marxist theorists of his time. Twelve years before the October Revolution, he foresaw with great precision the revolution's dynamic, proclaiming the "heresy" that the working class, not the bourgeoisie, would lead the peasantry and defeat czarism. He also anticipated that the working class would not stop at the boundary of private property but would begin taking measures aimed at building socialism. Trotsky's first formulation of his theory of "permanent revolution," a concept with a long revolutionary tradition that was part of the debates of Marxists of the time, had a clearly distinctive meaning.
If Lev Davidovich Bronstein (his real name) had died in the early 1920s, around the time of Lenin's death, he would have been remembered as one of the two great leaders of the October Revolution, as the founder of the Red Army, as its leader in the Civil War, and as the mentor of the Third International, which, before its bureaucratization, in its first four congresses, constituted the top rung achieved in constructing a general staff of the international working class.
As Deutscher also pointed out, the ideas Trotsky put forward and the work he did as head of the Left Opposition in Russia from 1923 to 1929 comprise the sum and substance of the most significant and dramatic chapter in the annals of Bolshevism and Communism. He was the protagonist of the greatest controversy to take place within the 20th-century communist movement, as a proponent of industrialization and of the planned economy and, finally, as the spokesman of all those within the Bolshevik Party who resisted the rise of Stalinism. "Even if he had not survived beyond the year 1927," his biographer wrote, "he would have left behind a legacy of ideas which could not be destroyed or condemned to lasting oblivion, the legacy for the sake of which many of his followers faced the firing squad with his name on their lips."2Deutscher, The Prophet Outcast, 513.
In that dispute, from 1924 onward, the bureaucracy held the reactionary conception that it was possible to build "socialism in one country," which was the basis for abandoning a consistently internationalist policy. Against the Stalinists who argued that in colonial and semicolonial countries the working class had to trail behind some sector of the bourgeoisie, Trotsky argued that under certain circumstances the working class in these states could come to power even earlier than in an advanced capitalist country. But at the same time, he argued, the full construction of a socialist society requires the triumph of the revolution in the main capitalist countries, since capitalism is a world system and triumphing over it requires the conquest by the working class of its most developed productive forces. This is nothing more and nothing less than the basis of proletarian internationalism, which had already put forward by Marx and Engels in The Communist Manifesto.
In the course of the struggle against Stalinism, after the defeat of the Left Opposition, some Trotsky's comrades repudiated their ideas and capitulated, which did not save them from being killed by Stalin during the great purges years later. But there were many others who bravely resisted all sorts of pressure, to the end. Stalin's prisons were transformed into the school of a new revolutionary generation that could be reduced only by applying the "final solution" — a widespread massacre of oppositionists, carried out in the same years as the infamous Moscow Trials, during which the State Political Directorate (GPU), Stalin's political police, wrested false confessions out of those accused.
Already in exile, first in Turkey and then persecuted on what he called in his autobiography "the planet without a visa,"3Leon Trotsky, My Life, chap. 45, "The Planet without a Visa" (1930). Trotsky devoted himself to organizing the Left Opposition on an international scale. After Stalinism refused to organize the workers' united front to confront Nazism, and after Hitler's rise to power provoked no reaction in the ranks of the Communist International, he considered the phase of fighting for a reform of the Soviet Communist Party and the Communist International exhausted, and raised the need to build new revolutionary parties and a new Fourth International. He also argued that a political revolution was needed in the USSR to sweep the bureaucracy from power and restore the rule of workers' councils and Soviet democracy — a revolution that would at the same time both bring an end to the despotic regime and maintain the property relations that had emerged from the October Revolution, on which the bureaucracy had to rely while gradually undermining its foundations.
Five years later, in 1938, with Trotsky already in his Mexican exile, the Fourth International was founded at a clandestine meeting on the outskirts of Paris, on the basis of a document we know as "The Transitional Program." It encapsulated the programmatic and strategic lessons of the previous Internationals and the struggle against Stalinism in the quest to prepare the revolutionary vanguard to face the advent of World War II and the counterrevolutionary and revolutionary circumstances that would result from its outbreak. With the old guard of the October Revolution having been eliminated, Trotsky considered his role in maintaining the continuity of revolutionary Marxism to be far more important than the role he had played at the helm of the Red Army or in the seizure of power. His very existence was a nuisance that Stalin could not tolerate, and that was why he was assassinated.
Trotsky's death meant the disappearance from the scene of a huge revolutionary personality, perhaps the most prolific Marxist theorist and strategist of the 20th century. He was the one who knew how to stand firm when others faltered, the one who even in the most adverse situation was convinced that a communist future was the only progressive destiny to which humanity could aspire. As he stated in his "Testament":
For forty-three years of my conscious life I have remained a revolutionist; for forty-two of them I have fought under the banner of Marxism. If I had to begin all over again I would of course try to avoid this or that mistake, but the main course of my life would remain unchanged. I shall die a proletarian revolutionist, a Marxist, a dialectical materialist, and consequently, an irreconcilable atheist. My faith in the communist future of mankind is no less ardent, indeed it is firmer today, than it was in the days of my youth.
Natasha has just come up to the window from the courtyard and opened it wider so that the air may enter more freely into my room. I can see the bright green strip of grass beneath the wall, the clear blue sky above the wall, sunlight everywhere. Life is beautiful. Let the future generations cleanse it of all evil, oppression, and violence, and enjoy it to the full.
Despite all the time that has passed since his death, Trotsky's name still evokes the perspective of social revolution.
On the occasion of the 100th anniversary of the Russian Revolution of October 1917, Russian President Vladimir Putin's government sponsored a miniseries plagued by historical distortions and slander about Trotsky's life. When in 2019 Netflix made it available internationally, it generated immediate and widespread repudiation, as expressed in the number of signatories to the a declaration entitled "Netflix and the Russian Government Join Forces to Spread Lies about Trotsky." Estebán Volkov, Trotsky's grandson, and the Center for Study, Research, and Publication of Leon Trotsky first promoted the declaration. Many internationally renowned intellectuals joined this initiative, including Fredric Jameson, Nancy Fraser, Slavoj Žižek, Robert Brenner, Mike Davis, Michael Löwy, Michel Husson, Stathis Kouvelakis, Franck Gaudichaud, Eric Toussaint, Suzi Weissman, Kevin B. Anderson, Alexander V. Reznik, Paul Le Blanc, and others, along with a multitude of leaders and members of the anti-Stalinist Left in different countries.
Trotsky's unrelenting struggle against the Stalinist bureaucracy also makes him a nuisance to liberals, who work overtime to identify communism with bureaucratic totalitarianism. To the contrary, though, the perspective for which the founder of the Fourth International was assassinated is that of a democracy a thousand times superior to the most extensive of bourgeois democracies. We saw its antecedents in the Paris Commune and the Russian soviets, in which working people could deliberate each day and decide on the economic and political destiny of their society, planning production democratically. Without this, it is impossible to overcome the structural contradictions and irrationalities of the capitalist system. This workers' democracy is an inevitable step in moving from what Marx called the "realm of necessity" to the "realm of freedom" — that is, to a fully communist society.4Translator's note: Karl Marx, Capital, vol. 3, chap. 48, "The Trinity Formula" (1883).
Trotsky and the Current Crisis
The 80th anniversary of Trotsky's death comes in a world shocked by the consequences of the coronavirus pandemic. To a certain extent, this event was foreseeable — after all, depending on the criteria we use, this is the third or fourth episode of unusual virus transmission from animals to humans so far in the 21st century, the result of a combination of factors such as deforestation, intensive animal husbandry in food production, new consumption habits, and means of potentially rapid propagation. The World Health Organization itself had warned of the possibility of such a pandemic. But no steps were taken to prepare health systems.
At the same time, what has become evident are the dire consequences of the policies internationally by which health budgets have been slashed and the health sector has been privatized and turned into an oligopoly. Adjustments in the health sector intensified in particular after the 2008 economic crisis, as many countries shifted their spending to debt payments to save the banks.
Meanwhile, the pharmaceutical industry that manages the world's most extensive laboratories have directed production toward areas more profitable than infectious diseases, at the same time that state-sponsored research in that field remains grossly underfunded. The corporations that make up "Big Pharma" in the United States, for example, have abandoned research and development of new antibiotics and antivirals to focus on more profitable drugs, such as addictive painkillers. Now, with the pandemic underway, there is brutal competition among nations and laboratories to determine who gets the business of a Covid-19 vaccine.
The pandemic triggered not only a health crisis but also an economic and social crisis — one that will have lasting consequences. Uncertainty and the lack of health resources has led various governments to implement, to varying degrees, social isolation measures that have put a brake on a global economy that was already stagnant and facing predictions of a forthcoming crisis. The result has been millions of newly unemployed and newly impoverished people. Over a three-month period, the U.S. economy fell by the equivalent of what happened between 1929 and 1932, during the Great Depression. Although many countries have allocated billions of dollars to rescuing capitalists (for the most part) and some direct resources to aid in the subsistence of the general population, lifting the quarantines will not just return everything to the way they were before. No one knows for sure how long some sectors of the economy will continue to be affected. A joint study by two United Nations organizations, the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) and the International Labour Organization (ILO), predicts that, as a result of the pandemic, GDP in Latin America and the Caribbean will contract by at least 5.3 percent by the end of 2020, the equivalent of losing 31 million full-time jobs in the second quarter. This will entail an increase in poverty, bringing the proportion of the region's population living in poverty to 34.7 percent, or 214.7 million people — with extreme poverty affecting 13 percent, or 83.4 million people.5ECLAC/ILO, "Work in Times of Pandemic: The Challenges of the Coronavirus Disease (COVID-19)," in Employment Situation in Latin America and the Caribbean no. 22, May 2020. The specter of default is also spreading internationally both to nations and companies. Total public and private debt worldwide has reached $253 billion, three times the size of global GDP. A study by investment bank J.P. Morgan predicts that in the near future one in five countries will not pay their debts.
Meanwhile, as all this unfolds, some of the world's richest people have increased their fortunes. Among them are Amazon boss Jeff Bezos, billionaire Elon Musk, Microsoft's Steven Ballmer, real estate mogul John Albert Sobrato, Zoom founder Eric Yuan, Joshua Harris of Apollo Global Management, and Mediacom's Rocco Commisso.
This situation allows us to predict that there lies ahead an increase in tensions between nations and between classes. The United States and China continue their escalation of a new type of "cold war" — a peculiar one that in the previous "cold war" the United States had practically zero economic exchange with the Soviet Union, but many U.S. corporations are in China or have direct interests in China. It is not so bold to predict that the rising trend of popular rebellions before the pandemic in so many countries will pick up again, as is already being illustrated with the mobilizations in the United States after the murder of George Floyd by Minneapolis police.
Before the pandemic, the wave of rebellion had touched many different regions of the planet. There were uprisings in North Africa, both in Algeria and Sudan. There were uprisings in the Middle East and the Persian Gulf region, including in Lebanon, Iraq, and Iran. In Asia, there was Hong Kong. In Latin America, we saw uprisings in Ecuador, Chile, Colombia, and the resistance to the coup in Bolivia. And before that, there were Puerto Rico, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica. In Europe, people rose up in Catalonia and France more than once, first with the "Yellow Vests" and then with the strike against French president Emmanuel Macron's pension reform. Together, these actions expressed the growing discontent of millions of people with an increasingly unequal world.
The entire neoliberal cycle has involved a huge transfer of resources from the world of labor to capital. The Lehman Brothers crisis in 20086Translator's note: Lehman Brothers, then the fourth-largest U.S. bank investment bank and heavily involved in subprime mortgages, filed for bankruptcy in September 2008 — which is considered to have been one of the major precipitants of the global crisis that then erupted. shattered the neoliberal capitalist equilibrium; since then a new period of international economic growth has been unachievable — even though the crisis was prevented from reaching the levels of the 1930s by countries' taking on monumental amounts of debt. International economic stagnation has been at the root of the escalating "wars" and trade disputes between the United States, China, and the European Union, of which Brexit is also part. The parties of what Tariq Ali called "the extreme center"7A term Ali coined to define the transformation of parties such as conservative and social-democratic or labor parties in two-party regimes into two sides of the same neoliberal political bloc. Translator's note: Tariq Ali is a British-Pakistani writer and political activist (formerly a Trotskyist) who is a member of the editorial committee of New Left Review. See The Extreme Centre: A Warning (London: Verso, 2015). tended to enter into crises, become marginalized, or find themselves with politically polarizing leaderships, as has happened with Trump in the Republican Party or with the movement in 2016 and 2020 around the Bernie Sanders presidential candidacy, thwarted in both cases within the Democratic Party. With the magnitude of the current crisis, the tendency can only be for greater social and political polarization. Even the potential relocation of some areas of production within the imperialist countries themselves will involve attacks on wages and working conditions in those countries, with the bosses wanting to impose "Chinese" standards. There will be resistance.
At the same time, we have been witnessing a new and massive eruption of the women's movement in various countries. This cannot be separated from the growing female character of the workforce and the greater suffering capitalism imposes on working women. Unpaid domestic work, which falls mainly on women, is a permanent feature of capitalism. The full emancipation of women can take place only with the elimination of the capitalist system.
The present also shines a brighter light than ever before on the seriousness of the damage caused by the irrational use of nature's resources. Even with a slight pause in carbon dioxide emissions because of the pandemic, we are experiencing a genuine ecological crisis from which there is no way out within the framework of the capitalist system. In the next historical period, if we fail to succeed in ending capitalism, capitalism could end all of us.
The political phenomena that had been brewing before the pandemic will take on a new meaning. Obviously, the postpandemic world will not be the same as it was before. What it will become cannot be predetermined; it will be decided in the arena of class struggle. If we are to influence the course of this crisis, the lessons and method expressed by Trotsky in "The Transitional Program" are indispensable. As he wrote,
It is necessary to help the masses in the process of the daily struggle to find the bridge between present demand and the socialist program of the revolution. This bridge should include a system of transitional demands, stemming from today's conditions and from today's consciousness of wide layers of the working class and unalterably leading to one final conclusion: the conquest of power by the proletariat.
Demands such as the nationalization under workers' control of factories that shut down or initiate layoffs, the nationalization of banking and foreign trade, the reduction of work hours without cuts in wages so work hours can be distributed among the employed and unemployed, the sliding scale of wages (with automatic increases for inflation) are on today's agenda in many countries. Of course, the capitalists and their spokespersons will always say that meeting such demands is impossible. It is worth remembering what Trotsky wrote in "The Transitional Program" in the face of the same kinds of argument during another crisis of historical magnitude such as the one we face today:
The question is one of guarding the proletariat from decay, demoralization and ruin. The question is one of life or death of the only creative and progressive class, and by that token of the future of mankind. If capitalism is incapable of satisfying the demands inevitably arising from the calamities generated by itself, then let it perish. "Realizability" or "unrealizability" is in the given instance a question of the relationship of forces, which can be decided only by the struggle. By means of this struggle, no matter what immediate practical successes may be, the workers will best come to understand the necessity of liquidating capitalist slavery.
Will the current crisis spark a process that goes beyond rebellion to open revolution? Although any historical prognosis is always conditional, the magnitude of the current crisis suggests that we will likely see new revolutionary situations that jeopardize governments and regimes. Will some of them lead to revolutionary victories of the working class? It is impossible to say, because the development of revolutionary situations depends on a particular combination of objective and subjective elements. But we are convinced that if this does not happen, the future for the working class will be bleak.
That said, we have no reason for historical pessimism. There is no god who has decreed that the exploited will not again challenge the power of capital in this 21st century. We cannot allow the years we have spent without revolutionary processes led by the working class make us lose historical perspective. We must never forget that, in the 20th century, workers and peasants managed to break the power of the bourgeois state in several countries. But those revolutions either became bureaucratized, as in the Soviet Union, or were implanted, almost from the very beginning, with single-party regimes and ruling bureaucracies that prevented the masses from exercising real power. By not bringing the revolution to the centers of the imperialist system, they allowed capitalism's counterattack, including capitalist restoration in the former Soviet Union, China, and other countries. This history, coupled with more recent events, make it essential that we update the strategic debates over the theory of "permanent revolution."
First, there is the stumbling role of the national bourgeoisies in the oppressed countries, which have been unable to put an end to dependency and backwardness. This is clear in Latin America, where the same bourgeois nationalist movements that emerged with anti-imperialist rhetoric took direct responsibility for applying the neoliberal policies of the 1990s — Peronism in Argentina with Menem;8Translator's note: Carlos Menem was president of Argentina from 1989 to 1999. He identified ideologically with Peronism, the enduring Argentine political movement based on Juan Perón, who served as Argentina's president from 1946 to 1955, was then overthrown in a military coup, and was again elected president in 1973 when open elections were again held. He died the next year, his widow Isabel took his place, and the military overthrew her government in 1976. Peronism is a corporatist-populist ideology aimed at enlisting the working class as part of a tripartite "coalition," along with the state and the capitalists, to mediate tensions and ultimately ensure the continuation of the capitalist system. the PRI in Mexico with Salinas de Gortari and Zedillo;9Translator's note: The Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI, Institutional Revolutionary Party) was founded in Mexico in 1929, and it held absolute power until 2000 under various names. Its primary ideology of corporatism was buttressed by alternating co-optation and violent repression of the working class, and it engaged in widespread electoral fraud over decades to maintain itself in office. Carlos Salinas de Gortari was the PRI president of Mexico from 1988 to 1994 and was involved in creating the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). Ernesto Zedillo was the PRI's last president during the uninterrupted 71-year period, serving from 1994 to 2000. the Revolutionary Nationalist Movement in Bolivia;10Translator's note: Founded in 1941, the Movimiento Nacionalista Revolucionario (MNR, Revolutionary Nationalist Movement) is a right-wing party in Bolivia. Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada, the MNR candidate, was elected president of Bolivia in 1993 and served until 1997, a period during which he expanded the neoliberal economic policies that came to be known as the New Economic Policy, repressed trade unions, and fired 30,000 miners from the state-owned tin mines. and the APRA in Peru.11Translator's note: The Alianza Popular Revolucionaria Americana — Partido Aprista Peruano (APRA, American Popular Revolutionary Alliance) is the Peruvian section of the social-democratic Socialist International. Its successful presidential candidate in 1985, Alan García, served until 1990, and during his term presided over a Peruvian economy wracked by world-record hyperinflation, widespread corruption, and massive increases in hunger and social unrest. It participated in Congress throughout the 1990s as a partner in imposing neoliberal policies. Then, in the early years of the new century, the so-called progressive governments began to make adjustments as soon as the international crisis hit and the prices of raw materials exported from Latin American fell. Despite all the rhetoric about the "Great Homeland" and "Latin American unity," they were unable to confront as a common bloc the scourge of foreign debt. What could the "vulture funds" and international organizations have done if Argentina, Brazil, Ecuador, Venezuela, Nicaragua, Bolivia, and Uruguay all failed to pay their fraudulent and usurious debts? There is no independent stage during which national independence can be conquered together with the local bourgeoisie and then a later stage during which to raise the struggle for socialism. Either the working class, leading all the exploited, takes the lead in the anti-imperialist struggle and seizes power, or our countries will continue with their descent and backwardness. Hence the importance of maintaining full political independence from these movements while confronting any attacks from right-wing forces.
Second, history has proved Trotsky right about Stalin: socialism cannot be built within the confines of a single country. We must end this system across the globe — as is evident from the international character of the productive forces that capitalism generates. Internationalism, which logically includes anti-imperialism, is today more necessary than ever.
Finally, the October Revolution pioneered the achievement of great conquests in broad areas of social life. Abortion was legalized in the USSR in 1920, while in the United States it only became legal in 1973 and in most Latin American countries the right to an abortion still does not exist. Measures were taken in the USSR to socialize domestic work and challenge the patriarchal structure of the bourgeois family. In the young Soviet Union, homosexuality was decriminalized; by contrast, the World Health Organization considered it a mental disorder until 1990, and in the United States, consensual sexual activity between people of the same sex was legalized nationally only on June 26, 2003 (previously it had depended on each state, Illinois being the first to repeat its laws persecuting homosexuality in 1962). Science and art gave rise to advancements that still influence different areas of culture. It is true that the Stalinist bureaucratic counterrevolution was accompanied by the elimination of many of these rights. Stalinism and all the Left that orbited it cultivated homophobia and took the patriarchal family as a model. All dissent in the artistic and scientific fields was crushed. Today, to think about revolution is — as it was for the Bolsheviks at the beginning of the October Revolution — to think about it in every area of life, and the struggle against the various oppressions imposed by the capitalist system is an integral part of the fight to revolutionize society as a whole.
But hasn't it been said that the working class has lost its social power — some even say it is disappearing — and can no longer carry out a revolution? These statements are actually part of the ideological battle waged by capital, with the aim of undermining the morale of the workers — something to which the various trade union bureaucracies have adapted. If the current crisis has shown anything, it is that without workers the economy does not move. The working class has not disappeared but has been reconfigured, as has happened so many times in the history of capitalism and is happening again today as the crisis unfolds. The working class has enormous potential social power to smash capitalism, its governments, and its states. It is more numerous than ever before in its history. It is more geographically expansive, more feminine, more urban, on average poorer, and more multiethnic than 40 years ago, although more precarious. In the United States and in the principal countries of the European Union, what we can consider their "strategic positions" — that is, those sectors with a greater capacity to affect the production and circulation of capital — have changed, with transport and logistics gaining importance. In recent decades, a large part of industrial production has moved to China, Southeast Asia, and, more recently, to Africa, where there is a new proletariat in full swing. In many countries, low-wage and precarious sectors that have been considered "essential" during the pandemic are likely to gain in their organizational and fighting capacity, especially among the youth. At the same time, hundreds of millions of people constitute a kind of subproletariat, living miserably on the outskirts of the big cities or in the city slums, often depending for survival on state aid — where such a thing exists. This precariousness does not mean these sectors cannot organize themselves. In fact, they do so in different countries, whether in movements "for a roof over our heads," of the unemployed, or of precarious workers. In our opinion, the lack of independent intervention and working-class leadership has not been a sociological problem but rather a political-moral one.
The neoliberal offensive, a real class war of capital against labor, not only succeeded in lowering the cost of labor globally but also produced significant levels of backward movement in class-consciousness and organization. The trade union bureaucracies and the Communist and Socialist parties practically surrendered without a peep and applied neoliberal policies themselves. The ruling bureaucracies in the Soviet Union and the countries of eastern Europe went over to the side of capitalist restoration, hook, line, and sinker — thus verifying Trotsky's hypothesis regarding their social character. In China the capitalist opening promoted from above by the Communist Party itself was central to neoliberal expansion. This promoted the idea of an unbeatable and dominant capitalism and has imposed resignation to "common sense" about what is "possible." But since the 2008 crisis, which showed the limits of neoliberal hegemony and of the capitalist expansion achieved with capitalist restoration in the bureaucratized workers states, something has begun to change even there. In the United States, Donald Trump has conjured up "socialism" as one of the evils in two of his State of the Union speeches. Various surveys reveal that the preference for "socialism" over "capitalism" is growing among American youth, even if their idea of socialism is rather vague. Many of these youth are now on the front lines of protests in the United States, where Black people and white youth have joined together to renounce the police and institutional racism. In Chile, as we pointed out, one of the models of world capitalism was challenged by mass action. It is true that along with all this we have seen a flourishing of all kinds of reactionary ideologies and leaderships that express fascist phenomena, such as that of Bolsonaro in Brazil. The reactionary anti-immigrant nationalism in the imperialist countries (and also in other countries that are not, such as Hungary and Poland, as well as the "anti-Indian" line of the Bolivian coup leaders, or all of Bolsonaro's anti-communist rhetoric) are a right-wing expression of the crisis of neoliberal hegemony that we have seen since 2008, one of the trends toward political and social polarization that characterize our times and that, as we have pointed out, is likely to increase in the midst of an economic and social crisis with few historical parallels.
We know it is only in the heat of struggle that class consciousness can be revived and grow, not only for daily clashes at the level of the trade unions but especially for the political struggle, what Marx called the "real class struggle" — which is the fight for state power. At the same time, we know that the struggle alone is not enough; it needs to be preceded by clear revolutionary theory to be victorious. Revolutionary movements and revolutionary theory feed off each other. They need each other. Revolutionary theory will never be the work of an isolated individual; rather it will be the product of collective deliberation among those of us who want to end the capitalist system. Hence, we must build national revolutionary parties and a revolutionary international. These can be forged only if we actively in the daily struggle of the masses while continually developing revolutionary theory and strategy.
This is the framework in which we hope these writings of Leon Trotsky will not only introduce his work to new readers but also provide an essential input for intervening in the emancipatory struggles of the present.
Buenos Aires, June 3, 2020
First published in Spanish on July 5 in Ideas de Izquierda.
Translated by Scott Cooper
Isaac Deutscher, The Prophet Outcast — Trotsky: 1929 1940 (London: Oxford University Press, 1963), 512.
Deutscher, The Prophet Outcast, 513.
Leon Trotsky, My Life, chap. 45, "The Planet without a Visa" (1930).
Translator's note: Karl Marx, Capital, vol. 3, chap. 48, "The Trinity Formula" (1883).
ECLAC/ILO, "Work in Times of Pandemic: The Challenges of the Coronavirus Disease (COVID-19)," in Employment Situation in Latin America and the Caribbean no. 22, May 2020.
Translator's note: Lehman Brothers, then the fourth-largest U.S. bank investment bank and heavily involved in subprime mortgages, filed for bankruptcy in September 2008 — which is considered to have been one of the major precipitants of the global crisis that then erupted.
A term Ali coined to define the transformation of parties such as conservative and social-democratic or labor parties in two-party regimes into two sides of the same neoliberal political bloc. Translator's note: Tariq Ali is a British-Pakistani writer and political activist (formerly a Trotskyist) who is a member of the editorial committee of New Left Review. See The Extreme Centre: A Warning (London: Verso, 2015).
Translator's note: Carlos Menem was president of Argentina from 1989 to 1999. He identified ideologically with Peronism, the enduring Argentine political movement based on Juan Perón, who served as Argentina's president from 1946 to 1955, was then overthrown in a military coup, and was again elected president in 1973 when open elections were again held. He died the next year, his widow Isabel took his place, and the military overthrew her government in 1976. Peronism is a corporatist-populist ideology aimed at enlisting the working class as part of a tripartite "coalition," along with the state and the capitalists, to mediate tensions and ultimately ensure the continuation of the capitalist system.
Translator's note: The Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI, Institutional Revolutionary Party) was founded in Mexico in 1929, and it held absolute power until 2000 under various names. Its primary ideology of corporatism was buttressed by alternating co-optation and violent repression of the working class, and it engaged in widespread electoral fraud over decades to maintain itself in office. Carlos Salinas de Gortari was the PRI president of Mexico from 1988 to 1994 and was involved in creating the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). Ernesto Zedillo was the PRI's last president during the uninterrupted 71-year period, serving from 1994 to 2000.
Translator's note: Founded in 1941, the Movimiento Nacionalista Revolucionario (MNR, Revolutionary Nationalist Movement) is a right-wing party in Bolivia. Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada, the MNR candidate, was elected president of Bolivia in 1993 and served until 1997, a period during which he expanded the neoliberal economic policies that came to be known as the New Economic Policy, repressed trade unions, and fired 30,000 miners from the state-owned tin mines.
Translator's note: The Alianza Popular Revolucionaria Americana — Partido Aprista Peruano (APRA, American Popular Revolutionary Alliance) is the Peruvian section of the social-democratic Socialist International. Its successful presidential candidate in 1985, Alan García, served until 1990, and during his term presided over a Peruvian economy wracked by world-record hyperinflation, widespread corruption, and massive increases in hunger and social unrest. It participated in Congress throughout the 1990s as a partner in imposing neoliberal policies.
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Ezra Brain


text:
Q: specify a character vector for row.names in write.table () r Given the write.table line below:
write.table(results,file = "mydata.csv",row.names = TRUE,col.names = TRUE,sep = ",", append = TRUE)

I have the below result:
enter image description here
However I would like to have row.names set up for a specific character vector (called "text" in my algorithm) to have the below result for a 400 rows (Note: Again, every row is already known. My concern is how to specify it so that my output file (mydata.csv) capture it. Please see below for desired outcome:
enter image description here
Please let me know if I have not been clear , and I will provide more details. Thanks a lot for your help

A: From the row.names argument of help(write.table):

either a logical value indicating whether the row names of x are to be written along with x, or a character vector of row names to be written.

So you could add your row names vector text in the row.names argument.
write.table(results, row.names = text, ...)

Also note that row.names = TRUE and col.names = TRUE are the default values in write.table(), so you do not need to include them. I'm also not sure why you're using append = TRUE. Taking those out, your call would then be
write.table(results, row.names = text, file = "mydata.csv", sep = ",")


text:
Louis Dejean (June 9, 1872 in Paris – January 6, 1953 in Paris), was a French sculptor and engraver. He worked in the workshop of Gaston Schnegg, along with Antoine Bourdelle, Charles Despiau, Robert Wlérick, Léon-Ernest Drivier, François Pompon, Alfred Jean Halou, Charles Malfray, Auguste de Niederhausern, Henry Arnold, Jane Poupelet and Yvonne Serruys.

Works
 La Parisienne, Dame au grand manteau. Sculpture (Statuette), dimensions: 27 cm x 45 cm x 34 cm. Date: 1904. Musée d'Orsay, first floor - Section 57. Acquisition: Procurement service to living artists (1904)
 Bronze medal from the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1909. Dimensions 80 x 52 mm, weight 195 grams.
 Muse elongated, outer stone sculpture (1937 order). Exposition Internationale des Arts et Techniques dans la Vie Moderne : 1937. Musée d'Art Moderne de la Ville de Paris, avenue de New York, Paris XVI (France)

References

External links

1872 births
1953 deaths
Artists from Paris
20th-century French sculptors
20th-century French male artists
French male sculptors