Chair of C4DI David Keel reveals why the tech from our past should not be sniffed at.
It all started when 15-year-old Javid Mann - Hull's Junior Digital Champion in 2018 - visited the C4DI building and got chatting with David.
Javid Mann, Hull's Junior Digital Champion 2018. Image Credit : Ron Dearing UTC.
The teenager's passion for old computers and old versions of software became evident as he explained how he had become interested in his dad's old computer, which had Windows 98, from a young age.
"At first, we didn't understand why people of Javid's age would be playing on these "vintage" machines. But, it makes absolute sense when you think about it," David tells us.
"With modern technology (iPhones, PlayStations etc.), you can't play around and tinker. You can write a game on an old computer - it's accessible and allows you to be very creative in a short space of time."
David explains how a lot of learning opportunities have been lost as technology has developed.
By messing around with old software, Javid has become a whizz with some of the latest emerging technologies. He now attends Ron Dearing UTC, which focuses on specialisms of Digital Technology and Mechatronics.
"Funnily enough, one piece of software that caught Javid's I was something I worked on back in 1985," David enthuses.
AMX Paintpot, a BBC Micro program, was the first commercial computer program that David worked on. It allowed users to mix the 16 colours that - at the time - were the only shades available on a computer.
"The painting programme enabled me to purchase a Golf GTI Convertible - a very expensive and desirable car at the time," he chuckles.
After creating this program, he went on to build Sonoco Trident, who is now a global supplier of graphics and pre-made services for packaging and brand assets.
"This is why it's crucial that we inspire kids like Javid to follow their passions. We want young people to realise there's another option out there for them - to be your own boss and even be an employer," David adds.
"Hull needs to encourage young talent to stay in the area and work and create work for others - it's important for the whole economy."
For more information about opportunities at C4DI, please contact our Community Manager Louise Cooke on lc@c4di.net.


Arthur Wellesley, 8th Duke of Wellington, died on January 1st at the age of 99 at his Hampshire home, Stratfield Saye. The much-respected peer's passing comes just six months before the 200th anniversary of the Battle of Waterloo, won by his illustrious ancestor, the first Duke. His 69-year-old son Charles inherits the title as the 9th Duke.
More than 100 bishops were present for Rev. Lane's installation as Bishop of Stockport.
JUST A MONTH AFTER the Church of England voted to allow female bishops, ending years of contention on the subject, the Rev. Libby Lane received the nod and the mitre. Mrs. Lane was installed as the 8th Bishop of Stockport in a ceremony at York Minster in January. The historic service was held at York minster, presided over by archbishop of York, John Sentamu.
During the prayer of ordination, Dr. Sentamu and 100 bishops present laid hands on the kneeling Rev. Lane's head.
Since 2007, Rev. Lane had been vicar of St. Peter's, hale in the diocese of Chester. Rev. Lane and her husband, George, also a vicar, were ordained together in 1994, among the frst couples to do so after the Church allowed women into the priesthood that year.
The BBC's new historical drama Wolf Hall, based on Hilary Mantel's popular retelling of Thomas Cromwell's rise to power under King Henry VIII, has proven the most successful miniseries in 10 years. Critics and viewers alike have praised the production that stars Mark Rylance as Cromwell and Damien Lewis as Henry III. "A masterpiece," "an all-time classic," and "close to perfect television" are among the terms bandied about the six-part Tudor tale.
INVASIONS, BATTLES AND THE BIRTH OF PARLIAMENT are among the 10 major historical events being commemorated this year by English Heritage. Throughout the country, English Heritage sites are celebrating key anniversaries with events and exhibitions. In addition to the 800th anniversary of Magna Carta and 200th anniversary of Waterloo, 2015 brings the 600th anniversary of the Battle of Agincourt, the 750th of Simon de Montfort's summoning the first English parliament and the 50th anniversary of Winston Churchill's death.
Currency rates can be extremely volatile, of course, but as of this writing the U.S. dollar stands stronger against the British pound and continental Euro than it has in a decade. With the GBP dancing around $1.50 (and the Euro at $1.20), that makes travel and purchases for American visitors to our sceptered isle the best bargain for some years. If you have been waiting to go, this might be the year to make plans!
CELEBRITIES AND AMERICAN POLITICAL ROYALTY ALIKE enthusiastically hob-nobbed with William and kate during the Duke and Duchess of Cambridge's December visit to new York City. Beyonce, Hillary Clinton and Lebron James were among the stars who hung out with the Royal couple, while they attended a Brooklyn nets game and visited the September 11 Memorial Museum. William even took a commercial fight down to Washington to visit with President obama.
William and Kate don't appear to be watching the game.
Campaign to Save Downton Abbey "Hospital"
Visitors have flocked to the village of Bampton, Oxfordshire, since it became a principal shooting location for Downton Abbey. The old Grammar School, now the village library, was the Downtown hospital. Desperately in need of repairs and a new roof, a fundraising effort for the 400-year-old building has found a champion in actor Hugh Bonneville (Lord Grantham), who has starred in a video supporting the campaign.
ST. GEORGE'S CHAPEL of Remembrance at Biggen Hill is scheduled to close after this year. On the site of one of the most active RAF airfields in the Battle of Britain, inside the chapel memorializes 554 airmen killed flying from Biggen Hill during the crucial battle. Built by private subscription, the chapel was hailed by Churchill as "a permanent shrine of remembrance." Now, the Ministry of Defense has decided that the GBP 50,000 a year it costs to maintain is an inappropriate use of its resources. Not surprisingly, there has been a patriotic outcry of opposition.
For the first time, British Heritage has its own dedicated website at www.BritishHeritage.com. While websites are always a work in progress, we have archived and indexed all the features and many departments published in the magazine over the last 10 years. It virtually puts all the back issues of the magazine at your fingertips, from the recipes of our popular recent Great British Comestibles series to the travel itineraries of on the Road. Do come to visit the site, return often and pass the link along to your Anglophile friends and family!
THE MET OFFICE has termed 2014 "The Year of Weird Weather." The year has officially topped the table as the warmest year on record — since records began in 1772. Just as unseasonable daffodils were coming out, in mid-December, Britain got blasted with what meteorologists called a "Weather Bomb" that brought frozen gales, huge tidal swells and mammoth destruction and disruption to the island right in the runup to Christmas.
A WARM WELCOME WITH FRESHLY-BAKED SCONES, flowers in the room, chocolates on the pillow and "outstanding" breakfasts: What's not to like? Millgate Bed & Breakfast in the center of this Yorkshire market town has been named the world's top B&B in TripAdvisor's 2015 Travelers' Choice Awards. Millgate received more than 350 "excellent" reviews on TripAdvisor, with its lowest rating a single vote of "average." rooms at the idyllic, Grade-II listed Millgate begin at just GBP 38 per night.
An active arctic jet stream in January not only brought frigid temperatures across the Atlantic, it pushed a British Airways 777 to a record crossing. A BA flight from JFK to Heathrow reached ground speed of 745mph, riding tail winds in excess of 200mph during the 5 hour, 16 minute flight to London.
Yes indeed. With our next issue, British Heritage will feature a new look, and more — more pages and more pictures, with new paper and binding. This is a bold move forward for the magazine, but don't worry. British Heritage will not lose its distinctive style, still bringing you the features, departments and favorite writers we know and love.


Applying for one of the current mesothelioma payment schemes can often be confusing for victims or their dependants. It is even advised by the DMPS (Diffuse Mesothelioma Scheme 2014) that you may "want to ask your solicitor to help you progress your application." However, each of the schemes is intended for a specific type of victim who has been confirmed with mesothelioma but does not receive compensation from elsewhere.
A government payment scheme can often be the first port of call for victims before deciding to pursue a mesothelioma claim and seek answers through the courts. The amount of mesothelioma compensation awarded through a civil action can be significantly larger – often in six figures compared to five figure sums paid by the government schemes.
There are two types of payment schemes, for which, a victim or dependent may be eligible to apply – 'Diffuse Mesothelioma Payments 2008' and the 'Diffuse Mesothelioma Payment Scheme 2014 (DMPS)'. Eligibility is different for each scheme and the one-off payment amounts also vary between the two. Both schemes have a payment tariff based on the age of the victim when confirmation of their diagnosis was received.
Is NOT entitled to a payment under the 1979 Pneumoconiosis Act.
Is NOT entitled to compensation from a Ministry of Defence scheme.
Exposure to asbestos must have occurred in the UK and a claim must be made within 12 months of diagnosis.
Mesothelioma must have been caused by exposure to asbestos in the UK and the time limit for making a claim is within 3 years of diagnosis.
In both schemes, payments are made according to a tariff based upon the age of the claimant when they were diagnosed with mesothelioma. However, it's important to be aware of the difference in the payment amounts between the two schemes. In addition, the DMPS 2014 scheme operates two tariffs – one for a claimant diagnosed from 25 July 2012 to 9 February 2015 and the second for a claimant diagnosed from 10 February 2015 onwards.
Under the 2008 scheme, a mesothelioma victim aged 67 and over would currently receive £19,245 compared to the DMPS 2014 scheme, where they would receive £137,383 (if diagnosed between 25 July 2012 to 9 February 2015) or £171,729 (if diagnosed from 10 February 2015 onwards).
A payment may also be subject to deductions against any benefits received for having diffuse mesothelioma, such as DWP lump sum payments or social security benefits. A claim may also be made to the 2008 scheme even if a claim for DMPS 2014 was unsuccesful. But this also means that the amount received will be deducted from the amount received from DMPS 2014. Likewise, for any money received from the 1979 Pneumoconiosis Act.
There are further less-well known differences between the two schemes. The 2008 scheme allows for payments to be made to dependants of victims of mesothelioma who have passed away. As before, a dependent must claim within 12 months of the victim's death and if accepted, the one-off payment amount will depend on the age of the victim when they died. It should be noted that payment amounts to dependents are significantly smaller than for victims. Where a victim aged 67 would receive £19,245, a dependent would receive only £7,763 for a victim who died aged 67 or over.
Application for the DMPS 2014 scheme require detailed evidence, including witness statements, date of diagnosis, medical records, full employment history and proof of the unsuccessful attempts to trace former employer or insurers. If any evidence is missing, the application will be put on hold until it is received. If the requested further information cannot be sent a decision on eligibility will be made solely on the evidence already received. It is likely that the missing evidence could significantly affect the application. DMPS 2014 advise that a claimant may wish to seek the advice of a solicitor to help "progress the application".
As with a civil claim, where there is a difficulty in collecting evidence, the experience of a specialist asbestosis lawyer can provide the crucial support needed. In a number of cases, a victim or their dependent will decide to pursue their claim in a civil action against former employers.


text:
Arkham Horror: The Card Game is a cooperative living card game produced by Fantasy Flight Games. It is set in the universe of Chaosium's Call of Cthulhu roleplaying game which is itself based on the Cthulhu Mythos of H.P. Lovecraft and other cosmic horror writers. The title refers to Lovecraft's fictional town of Arkham, Massachusetts which is mentioned in many Mythos stories.

Release
News of the game was originally leaked in May 2016, before being officially announced in August of that same year. It made its first limited public release at Arkham Nights 2016 to a sold-out crowd.

As a game in Fantasy Flight Games Living Card Game line, there is a regular release of non-random Deluxe expansions that start a story or campaign, followed by multiple smaller expansions (known as Mythos packs) that continue and conclude it.

With the announcement of the Edge of the Earth campaign in 2021, Fantasy Flight stated future expansions would simply be released in two larger boxes, each containing either all of the campaign's story or player cards. During a Gen Con livestream in September 2021, Fantasy Flight Head of Studio Chris Gerber announced all previous expansions would be re-released in the new format, too.

As of the release of the "Scarlet Keys" expansion in 2022, the lead designer MJ Newman has stepped back from her role as the lead developer of the game to become a senior designer at FFG.  Designer Josiah "Duke" Harrist was announced as lead designer with Nick Kory, previously of the MythosBusters Podcast, also joining the design team.

Mechanics
Campaign play is the default mode of the game, allowing a player to progress through a series of scenarios. In campaign play, choices made in scenarios have lasting effects, altering the story and how later scenarios play out. Each scenario has multiple paths of divergence offering multiple playthroughs with differing experiences each time.

When players prepare to play, they first choose an investigator, most of them having a primary class of Guardian, Survivor, Rogue, Seeker or Mystic. Each investigator deck receives cards that represent weaknesses of their investigator, one specific to each investigator, and one "basic" - drawn at random from a general pool. Investigators will also possess one or more unique cards that represent that individual's specific advantages or abilities, often complimenting the backstory of that investigator. Each investigator also has different starting statistics (Willpower, Intellect, Combat and Agility) which will be tested throughout the game. Players then build their decks from cards in their collection, conforming to the deckbuilding limits outlined by their investigator.

During the game, the investigators work together to progress their investigation towards a positive outcome by fulfilling the requirements set out by the Act deck. However, there are forces working against the investigators, represented by the Agenda deck and encounter deck. Each turn, a doom counter is added to the Agenda deck, acting as a timer for the investigators to complete their objectives. When the total number of doom in play reaches the doom threshold of the agenda card, the agenda will advance, often to negative consequences.

During the Investigation phase, the investigators each take up to three actions. Among other options, actions include playing cards from hand or activating those already in play, moving to or investigating locations and fighting or evading enemies. Depending on the card, cards played from hand during the investigation phase may enter an investigator's play area as an ongoing bonus (an "asset") or simply provide a powerful one-time effect and be discarded upon use (an "event"). Many cards have a resource cost which must be paid to play the card. While cards generally require an action to play, some are "fast" and do not require an action to be played.

The Investigation phase is followed by the Enemy, Upkeep and the Mythos Phase, representing the forces working against the investigators each round. Investigators may have to deal with effects or enemies that attack their sanity, health or simply their progression towards their main goal (the Act deck).

Investigators will be eliminated from a scenario if they receive horror or damage equal to their sanity or health respectively. Investigators eliminated in this way will receive permanent mental or physical trauma. This means investigators repeatedly defeated in scenarios can become progressively weaker as the campaign progresses. Investigators will, however, receive experience from scenarios (even after defeat), which can be spent to improve each investigator's deck. At certain points in a campaign, failure may lead to investigators being killed or driven insane.

Expansions
The main story expansions are grouped into "cycles" that each constitute a complete player campaign. The first six cycles (Dunwich through Innsmouth) consist of one deluxe expansion followed by six mythos packs. Deluxe expansions contain new investigators, about 60 new player cards and the first two scenarios of a campaign, while mythos packs contain about 24 new player cards and a single scenario of a campaign. These are listed below in order of release date, which is also the order in which they are meant to be played. Later cycles, starting with Edge of the Earth, have abandoned the deluxe/mythos format and are instead split into two releases, a "campaign expansion" (featuring all scenarios of the campaign) and an "investigator expansion" (featuring all of the new player cards). This new format release has since been retroactively adopted for the previous cycles.

Standalone scenarios are scenarios that exist outside of a campaign/cycle and are self-contained. As such, a player doesn't need any other expansions to play them or encounter cards from the core box—only the player cards. Stand-alone scenarios are at times printed in house at Fantasy Flight Games and are referred to as Print on Demand (POD). This means the card quality in that case is lower than the packs shipped from overseas but Fantasy Flight Games can push these packs faster out to players at conventions or (in the case of Curse of the Rougarou and Carnevale of Horrors) for general release.

Upgrade expansions (the "Return to" boxes) are akin to the "Nightmare Packs" from the Lord of the Rings LCG. However, instead of just increasing the difficulty, these expansions provide an alternate way to play through the campaign with alternate story effects. They also include a small selection of new player cards (e.g., the first box includes 20 player cards).

The Dunwich Legacy cycle

The Path to Carcosa cycle

The Forgotten Age cycle

The Circle Undone cycle

The Dream-Eaters cycle

The Innsmouth Conspiracy cycle

Edge of the Earth cycle

The Scarlet Keys cycle

Standalone scenarios

Upgrade Expansions

Investigator Starter Decks

Novellas
Arkham Horror: The Card Game also has novellas where each novella is focused around a specific investigator. Each novella comes with 5 promo cards: 1 alternate art investigator card, 1 alternate art mini investigator card, 1 replacement signature card, 1 replacement signature weakness, and 1 card with instructions for using the replacement cards in the game.

References

External links

Fantasy Flight Games games
Dedicated deck card games
Cooperative board games
Cthulhu Mythos card games
Horror board games
Board games introduced in 2016

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


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Google VR VP Clay Bavor presents Daydream headset reference design and controller (inset) at Google I/O 2016.
With this week's Daydream announcement, Google is cementing its strong early lead in the virtual reality platform race.
Although some virtual reality proponents don't consider mobile-based headsets to be "real" virtual reality, this platform is adequate for watching traditional movies on virtual screens, and for experiencing virtual videos. This is currently the largest use case for virtual reality, and today's smartphones are very good at videos.
The major alternatives to the Google ecosystem are Facebook, Oculus and Samsung on one hand and Sony's PlayStation VR on the other. Steam partner HTC Vive, though an excellent set with great reviews, also has an extremely high price tag and is not compatible with any of the other platforms, meaning that it isn't likely to be a top choice for either content creators or consumers.
One big advantage of Google's approach is that it is an open platform. Any company can make headsets and apps without having to get any approval or permission from anyone.
As a result, there are more than 100 manufacturers making compatible headsets, headsets that work with both Androids and iPhones. And there are already more than 1,000 virtual reality apps in the Google Play store.
Just a few of the Cardboard-compatible virtual reality headsets .
There are also a bunch of makers of apps in other countries, typically distributed through local app stores. China is in the lead here, with several platforms competing to be the go-to destination for virtual reality reality. These don't typically show up in the stats we get over here, but the overall numbers coming out of China are just jaw-dropping.
In addition, three of the largest Chinese phone manufacturers, Huawei, Xiaomi and ZTE, have signed up to be official Daydream partners.
The open platform also creates significant investment opportunities, since it offers many opportunities for both hardware and software startups.
Oculus, which is a proprietary platform with a tightly curated selection of applications, was originally expected to be at least somewhat compatible with other devices. However, on Friday Oculus released an update of its software that included "updates to platform integrity checks." In other words, no more playing Oculus games on the Vive.
According to numbers released by SuperData late last month, 7.2 million non-Cardboard devices sales are expected to ship this year.
In the Facebook-Oculus-Samsung corner, Oculus is expected to ship 1.1 million devices and Samsung is expected to ship 3.5 million. Samsung is well on its way to meeting this target, having announced that they have sold 1 million headsets since last fall's launch.
SuperData also predicts that Sony will ship 2.6 million PlayStation VRs, and HTC Vive is predicted to ship 1.1 million headsets — on a par with Oculus Rift shipments.
SuperData actually dropped its estimates recently because of production challenges, part shortages, and unexpected demand.
Meanwhile, let's take a look at Google.
Hard numbers are hard to come by, but some estimates put the current total number of Cardboard-compatible headsets in the market at 30 million.
Well, to start with, Google itself has announced this week that it used by a million students. Seeding technology into schools is a favorite approach for technology platforms, since they hope to get in early in creating dedicated users.
And in January, Google announced that five million Google Cardboard headsets had shipped, but it seemed not to be counting Chinese shipments.
That could be because the Chinese manufacturers typically don't comply with Google's "Works with Cardboard" guidelines. In particular, Chinese headsets rarely if ever come with official QR Codes. They also typically have headstraps and adjustable lenses, both of which Google frowns on.
Plus, given that the primary market for Chinese manufacturers is Chinese users, getting the official Google stamp of approval could be seen a waste of time and effort.
How many headsets are being sold in China? One manufacturer, Baofeng Mojing, recently released some numbers a couple of months ago — in the first three months of this year, they sold one million headsets, and plan to sell 10 million by the end of 2016.
That's one manufacturer out of over 100.
Baofeng Mojing also has an app store for virtual reality applications which, according to a report by YaoJieVR, has over 30 million users, including owners of devices made by other companies.
For another data point, last September, Chinese media reported that the two big ecommerce sites were selling 300,000 virtual reality headsets a month. With that as a base number, and adding in bricks-and-mortar distribution, it's easy to see the numbers for China sales adding up rapidly.
And speaking of bricks-and-mortar distribution, Baofeng Mojing alone has 20,000 retail outlets selling its virtual reality headsets.
Yes, Cardboard-compatible headsets don't compare to the Vive. I've tried the Vive. Cardboard is no Vive.
Comparing a game for the Vive or the Oculus to a game for Cardboard is like comparing Call of Duty to Clash of Clans.
Is Call of Duty a better game? Obviously, by most measures, Call of Duty is better. But, sometimes, Clash of Clans is what you want — if you're waiting in line at the store, for example, or on a train. Or if you don't want to spend $40 on a game. Or only have a few minutes to play.
Would anyone argue that Clash of Clans or Angry Birds is not a "real" game? Maybe when smartphones first came out, and all the major video game studios ignored it because the user base was so small, and the games so low-quality, and the amount people were willing to pay for games was miniscule.
The same goes for virtual reality apps. If you compare Cardboard apps with Oculus or Vive apps head-to-head, you'll be disappointed. But if you just enjoy the games for what they are — fun, casual, quick, low-cost experiences you can play anywhere — then mobile VR is not so bad.
Plus, as I mentioned above, the big killer app for virtual reality right now is media consumption, and mobile VR is just fine for that.
But wait. All of the above only applies to Cardboard devices. What about Daydream?
This platform, with the first devices and apps due out by the end of this year, promises significant technical advancements over Cardboard.
The official specs aren't released yet, but Google promises that Daydream headsets will have low persistence displays, no ghosting, low latency, high quality processors for high frame rates and high quality sensors.
Google's Daydream home screen and app switcher.
Plus, the hardware is paired with a new virtual environment similar to Gear VR's, where users can choose virtual reality applications, a new VR-only app store, and new specifications for the applications themselves so they can take advantage of the new hardware.
That puts Daydream on a competitive basis with Gear VR.
Combine that with the fact that people replace their smartphones every one or two years — while they replace their desktops or consoles every five years — you can see that the performance on the mobile side will increase rapidly due to the upgrade cycle alone.
Then you've got to add in the competitive environment. Baofeng Mojing, for example, has already released five versions of its virtual reality headset. They started with a simple cardboard box, and their latest release approaches the Gear VR in looks and usability, or, at least, as far as they can currently get with the current smartphone hardware.
Their competitors are already pushing the boundaries even further. The BoboVR Z4, for example, promises a 120 degree field of view, compared to the Gear VR's 96 degrees. And the Pico1 headset has an integrated touchpad, similar to that of the Gear VR.
With three Chinese smartphone manufacturers already on board for the Daydream platform, and others expected to follow quickly, the headset and application manufacturers are also likely to embrace the new technology as soon as they can.
For us, the consumers, it means even lower prices, better quality, and more choices.


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ePub file 3.2 MB Best for mobile devices.
Whether U.S. terrorism-prevention efforts match the threat continues to be central in policy debate. Part of this debate is whether the United States needs a dedicated domestic counterterrorism intelligence agency. To inform future policy decisionmaking, this book examines, from a variety of perspectives, the policy proposal that such an agency be created. These include its possible capabilities, comparing its potential effectiveness with that of current efforts, and its acceptability to the public, as well as various balances and trade-offs involved in creating such an agency. Reflecting the limits in the data available and the significant uncertainty associated with this policy area, if there is a unifying message from the study, it is one of caution and deliberation. In an area in which direct assessment and analysis are limited, there is a need to carefully consider the implications and potential outcomes of such significant policy changes. In doing so, examination from different perspectives and through different approaches — to ideally capture a sufficient picture of the complexity to see not just the benefits we hope to gain from policy change but the layers of effects and interactions that could either help or hurt the chances of those benefits appearing — is a critical ingredient of policy deliberation and design.
This research was sponsored by the United States Department of Homeland Security and was conducted jointly under the auspices of the Homeland Security Program within RAND Infrastructure, Safety, and Environment and the Intelligence Policy Center of the National Security Research Division.
Jackson, Brian A., Agnes Gereben Schaefer, Darcy Noricks, Benjamin W. Goldsmith, Genevieve Lester, Jeremiah Goulka, Michael A. Wermuth, Martin C. Libicki, and David R. Howell, The Challenge of Domestic Intelligence in a Free Society: A Multidisciplinary Look at the Creation of a U.S. Domestic Counterterrorism Intelligence Agency. Santa Monica, CA: RAND Corporation, 2009. https://www.rand.org/pubs/monographs/MG804.html. Also available in print form.


text:
Apache Cassandra doesn't use GitHub pull requests as part of the development process.
In fact, this repository is a GitHub mirror of [the official repo](https://git-wip-us.apache.org/repos/asf/cassandra.git). The development team has no control over it. We cannot merge or close any pull requests opened for the apache/cassandra repository, so please don't open them.

# How to Contribute

Use [Cassandra JIRA](https://issues.apache.org/jira/browse/CASSANDRA/) to create an issue, then either attach a patch or post a link to a GitHub branch with your changes.

# Useful Links

- How you can contribute to Apache Cassandra [presentation](http://www.slideshare.net/yukim/cassandrasummit2013) by Yuki Morishita
- Code style [wiki page](https://wiki.apache.org/cassandra/CodeStyle)
- Running Cassandra in IDEA [guide](https://wiki.apache.org/cassandra/RunningCassandraInIDEA)
- Running Cassandra in Eclipse [guide](https://wiki.apache.org/cassandra/RunningCassandraInEclipse)
- Cassandra Cluster Manager - [CCM](https://github.com/pcmanus/ccm) and a guide [blog post](http://www.datastax.com/dev/blog/ccm-a-development-tool-for-creating-local-cassandra-clusters)
- Cassandra Distributed Tests aka [dtests](https://github.com/riptano/cassandra-dtest)

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


President Barack Obama's annual Christmas vacation to Hawaii with his family in 2015 cost taxpayers nearly $5 million.
The government watchdog group Judicial Watch obtained records from the U.S. Secret Service that show the agency spent $1.2 million on the trip. Combined with previously obtained expense records, the group found that brings the total cost of Obama's 2015 Christmas vacation to at least $4,823,206.88. The combined total for all of the Obama family vacations to date is now over $85 million, according to the group.
A detailed breakdown of the expenses shows a majority of the money spent by the Secret Service went to hotels and lodging at a total cost over just over $1 million.
The Secret Service paid hotel and lodging expenses at two separate resorts over the course of 19 nights on the island of Oahu.
Judicial Watch says it obtained the records through a Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) lawsuit that was filed the Secret Service allegedly denied an initial FOIA request for records of costs associated with presidential travel.
Obama's travel while in office has received a great deal of attention in some circles. It is difficult to find accurate figures to compare the costs of Obama's travels as compared to past presidents like George W. Bush. However, in terms of total "vacation days" during his time in office, most reports indicate Obama has taken less time off than Bush did during his tenure in the White House. President Bush spent took over 400 "vacation days" while in office, compared to Obama's roughly 200 "vacation days" to date.


Purpose: Retina regeneration through reprogramming process is an interesting topic for the retinal disorders and regeneration study. This phenomenon naturally happens in a few of amphibians even if the neural retina is completely removed by surgery. Studies show the critical role of FGF2 factor and RVM microenvironment in retinal regeneration. Thus, this study pays particular attention to regeneration potential of human RPE cell under the influence of the fibrin glue 3D structure as FGF2 reservoir and RVM like space.
Methods: hRPE cells were isolated from donor eyes of two adult humans. The cells were encapsulated with three concentrations of fibrin glue (FG1:42mg/dl, FG2:84mg/dl, FG3:126mg/dl) and FBS treated with 20% concentration was considered as control. Gene expressions of PAX6, MMP2, RPE65, ACTA2, CRX, Thy-1, NogoA, and Integrin-B1 were analyzed, using real-time PCR.
Results: Gene expression of Integrin B1 and Thy-1 were significantly higher in FG1-treated cells compared to controls. Also, PAX6 gene expression in FG1 concentration compared to control and FG3 showed a significant increase, while expression of MMP2 gene expression at FG1 concentration showed a higher expression level than other concentrations, but only significant compared to FG3. RPE65 expression in FG1, FG2 concentrations shows a significant increase compared to control; ACTA2 gene expression was lower than 3 concentrations compared to control, but it was not significant. Also, expression of NogoA gene showed a significant decrease in FG1 concentration compared to control and FG3. In addition, the expression of the CRX gene was negative in all treatments and control. The immunocytochemistry results indicate that PAX6 protein is not expressed in incubated specimens and controls in adult RPE cells, but these cells express specific proteins such as RPE65, cytokeratin8.18 in both control and incubated specimens are positive.
Conclusion: Adult RPE cells at the concentration of FG1 (42 mg/dl) maintain certain adult characteristics, but exhibited signs of multipotency, which could indicate the potential of these cells for retinal tissue regeneration. This effect appears to be due to the presence of adhesion molecules such as Fibronectin and Laminin in fibrin glue that simulates the RVM like space, as well as the creation of an FGF2 reservoir and its localization, which leads to an increase of the PAX6 gene expression.


text:
Money and its Origins
By Shahzavar Karimzadi
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The concept of the origin of money has been a topic of interest and discussion to almost all schools of economic thought. However, in spite of minor differences of interpretation, most views share an underlying core principal about the rise and origin of money, implicit in which is the central belief that barter exchange preceded the money economy.
This new book offers a challenge to this belief, and argues that it is only by making this challenge that we will be in the position to accurately trace the roots of money. In an ambitious undertaking, the book has gathered and classified the major theories of the origin of money and assessed each at length, before presenting an innovative, alternative theoretical framework for the formation and the rise of money. It blends the objections made against the principal explanations of the origins of money and presents a terminological clarification between what can or cannot be classified as money.
This study has wide-ranging implications, in terms of both the operation of the economy and the implementation of monetary policy, and will be of interest to all those working in the areas of finance, monetary economics, economic theory and the history of economic thought.
Chapter I: Introduction Chapter II: Money as a Discovery or an Invention Chapter III: Division of Labour and Production of Surplus Products Chapter IV: Initiation of Money from the Act of Exchange Chapter V: The Exchange in Kind versus the Exchange against a Medium Chapter VI: The Origin of Money and the Most Marketable Good Chapter VII: Money is Originated from its Functions Chapter VIII: Money as a Creation of Debt Payment or a Creature of the State Chapter IX: Inherent Difficulties of the Barter System and the Origin of Money Chapter X: The Nature and the True Origin of Money Conclusion Chapter XI: Conclusion
Shahzavar Karimzadi is Senior Lecturer in Economics at London Metropolitan University, UK
Routledge International Studies in Money and Banking
This series explores the roles of money and banking in the modern world. Banking is an increasingly important and international industry, and its interaction with money is a major concern for the world's economic policy-makers.
Economics, Finance, Business & Industry
Economic Theory & Philosophy
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BUSINESS & ECONOMICS / General
BUSINESS & ECONOMICS / Banks & Banking
BUSINESS & ECONOMICS / Economic History
BUSINESS & ECONOMICS / Economics / Macroeconomics
BUSINESS & ECONOMICS / Money & Monetary Policy
BUSINESS & ECONOMICS / Economics / General
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text:
namespace Google.Cloud.AIPlatform.V1.Snippets
{
    // [START aiplatform_v1_generated_MigrationService_BatchMigrateResources_sync]
    using Google.Api.Gax.ResourceNames;
    using Google.Cloud.AIPlatform.V1;
    using Google.LongRunning;

    public sealed partial class GeneratedMigrationServiceClientSnippets
    {
        /// <summary>Snippet for BatchMigrateResources</summary>
        /// <remarks>
        /// This snippet has been automatically generated for illustrative purposes only.
        /// It may require modifications to work in your environment.
        /// </remarks>
        public void BatchMigrateResourcesRequestObject()
        {
            // Create client
            MigrationServiceClient migrationServiceClient = MigrationServiceClient.Create();
            // Initialize request argument(s)
            BatchMigrateResourcesRequest request = new BatchMigrateResourcesRequest
            {
                ParentAsLocationName = LocationName.FromProjectLocation("[PROJECT]", "[LOCATION]"),
                MigrateResourceRequests =
                {
                    new MigrateResourceRequest(),
                },
            };
            // Make the request
            Operation<BatchMigrateResourcesResponse, BatchMigrateResourcesOperationMetadata> response = migrationServiceClient.BatchMigrateResources(request);

            // Poll until the returned long-running operation is complete
            Operation<BatchMigrateResourcesResponse, BatchMigrateResourcesOperationMetadata> completedResponse = response.PollUntilCompleted();
            // Retrieve the operation result
            BatchMigrateResourcesResponse result = completedResponse.Result;

            // Or get the name of the operation
            string operationName = response.Name;
            // This name can be stored, then the long-running operation retrieved later by name
            Operation<BatchMigrateResourcesResponse, BatchMigrateResourcesOperationMetadata> retrievedResponse = migrationServiceClient.PollOnceBatchMigrateResources(operationName);
            // Check if the retrieved long-running operation has completed
            if (retrievedResponse.IsCompleted)
            {
                // If it has completed, then access the result
                BatchMigrateResourcesResponse retrievedResult = retrievedResponse.Result;
            }
        }
    }
    // [END aiplatform_v1_generated_MigrationService_BatchMigrateResources_sync]
}


From field to feast—the Pheasant, Quail, Cottontail cookbook details bird and small game prep.
This beautifully illustrated Pheasant, Quail, Cottontail book by the award-winning food writer, hunter, and cook, Hank Shaw, contains a bounty of information on game cooking. You'll find tips on obtaining, cleaning, and cooking to perfection birds and a range of small game animals. Learn to prepare an array of small game charcuterie, from fresh sausages to confit and terrines. Hunters as well as home cooks will also discover new ways to cook store-bought turkey, rabbit, or quail. 336 pages. Hardcover. Made in USA.


text:
Corbin Lewars
Inside "A Week Old to Ten"
At the age of ten, Corbin wrote her memoir, A Week Old to Ten and has been in love with personal narrative ever since. She continued on to author four other titles, eventually replacing her typewriter and Elmer's glue with a laptop and publishers.
In between living abroad and in every region of the United States, she earned a BA in multicultural literature and her Master's thesis focused on the power of narrative. She eventually settled in the Pacific Northwest where she worked as the junior editor at a diversity consulting firm and publishing house. From there she became the editor of Verve magazine, which highlighted entrepreneurial women. Rather than a red pen editor, she realized she was a midwife of stories and began freelancing with individuals and organizations helping them craft and share their stories with the world.
She has worked with organizations such as UW School of Law as a writer/editor and was an editor at Lesson Ladder, a publishing house of parenting books. She has created websites and "who are we" materials for a female owned lending institution, numerous schools and learning institutions, a lingerie company for women with breast cancer, venture capitalists, health organizations, political campaigns, and more.
Her primary focus is partnering with emerging and established writers. As a writing consultant and editor she has helped hundreds of writers achieve their publishing goals and is unique in working with them every step of the way of the process. She has taught writing for over twenty years at colleges, writing conferences, after school programs, homeless shelters, the Richard Hugo House in Seattle and has been a frequent key note speaker at writing venues such as Write on the Sound, Whidbey Writers Conference, Write in the Harbor Conference, and Field's End.
She is the author of PNBA and WA state Book Award nominee Creating a Life (Catalyst Book Press) as well as three other titles. Her essays have been published in over twenty five publications including Hip Mama, Seattle PI, Stories with Grace, Mothering, Midwifery Today, Parent Map, and several anthologies about the writing process.
She splits her time editing, writing and parenting in Seattle and hiking, reading and relaxing at her cabin by a river in the foothills of the Cascades.


text:
Johann Christian Ludwig Algenstaedt-? "Portrait of Count Nikolai Alexandrovich Tolstoi", 1791
According to the authentic old legend on verso of this work (and the comparison with other early portraits of this man - see our images nr.8-10), we are dealing here with (possibly the earliest) portrait of young (here, aged 26) Russian aristocrat and courtier, Graf (Count) Nikolai Alexandrovich Tolstoi.
He was born on February 9, 1765, into a highly aristocratic Russian family: his great-grandfather was an associate of Peter I.
Upon his birth, Graf Tolstoi was ascribed into the Life Guards Semenovski Regiment (by the age of 20, he was already in rank of a captain). He was appointed into the retinue of Grand Duke Alexander Pavlovich and - over time - proved himself worthy of the fondness and trust of not only Alexander, but also of Empress Catherine II and Duke father's - Crown Prince Pavel Petrovich.
On May 10, 1793 (sic! i.e. two years after this portrait was executed), he was raised in rank into a "Kammerherr" (chamberlain) and - soon thereafter - appointed "hofmarshal" of Alexander Pavlovich's Court. On the day of his accession to the throne (April 5, 1797), Paul I bestowed Count Tolstoi with 600 serfs. Additionally, in 1799, he presented him with orders of St. Anna of the 1st class (March 11) and St. Alexander Nevski (May 29).
At the onset of the reign of Alexander I, Count Tolstoi's status became further solidified. He enjoyed the (unprecedented) 13 years of privilege of unrestricted entrance into the Emperor's quarters and was the latter's all-time companion.
In 1787, Count Tolstoi got married to Anna Ivanovna Bariatinskaya (1772-1825), with whom he had two sons and a daughter.
After he passed away on December 9, 1816, in Dresden, his body was brought back to Russia and buried at the Alexander Nevsky Lavra in St. Petersburg (see our image nr.12).
Our miniature is signed (see our image nr.5) with illegibly written Latin monogram and the date of 1791. The monogram could be interpreted as "...(?).A".. After performing a thorough research of (all available) Russian reference sources pertaining to miniature painters, whose name began with the letter "A", and who were working in St. Petersburg in that period, we were able to locate only one candidate - German miniaturist Johann Christian Algenstaedt (Algenstädt). Also, the octagonal shape of this artist's other miniatures (see our images nr.13-14) is another supporting factor to our assumption of his authorship.
Johann Christian Ludwig Algenstaedt was born in 1752 in Prussian town Landsberg and der Warthe (now - Gorzów Wielkopolski, Poland); the artist is known to have been still alive in 1819. He clearly spent some time in Russia, and his miniature portrait of Princess Varvare Ivanonva Golitsyna is the evidence of it (see our image nr.13); it is housed in the collection of Moscow State Historical Museum (one learns from the museum's catalogue that portrait of Golitsyna was produced by Algenstaedt at least twice). The chances of the both replicas' execution during Princess Golitsyna's visit to Germany are virtually nonexistent: it is rather unlikely that a Russian aristocratic lady would order her portrait from a lesser known, small-town artist from Prussia. On the contrary, it was much more likely that an artist of Algenstaedt's caliber would move to Russia in search wealthy clientele.
We would like to add that Algenstaedt had a younger brother, who was also a miniaturist - Carl Friedrich Algenstaedt, who was, however only three years old at the time of this miniature's execution (he was born in 1788).
Provenance: private collection, Sweden
Technique: watercolor on ivory (octagonal), laid on mount
Inscription:illegibly monogrammed and dated 1791 (see image nr.5)
Creator: Johann Christian Ludwig Algenstaedt
Creator Dates: 1752 Landsberg-after 1819
Nationality:German


Hulu has announced that Jessica Williams (2 Dope Queens), Nikesh Patel (Indian Summers), Rebecca Rittenhouse (Into the Dark: The Body) and John Reynolds (Search Party) have been cast in Mindy Kaling's upcoming original limited romantic comedy series Four Weddings and a Funeral.
Jessica Williams will play Jess, Nikesh Patel is Kash, Rebecca Rittenhouse will portray Ainsley, and John Reynolds has been cast as Duffy in the new series.
In Four Weddings and a Funeral, Jess (Williams), the young communications director for a New York senatorial campaign, receives a wedding invitation from her college schoolmate now living in London. She leaves her professional and personal life behind, in favor of traveling to England and reconnecting with old friends and ends up in the midst of their personal crises. Relationships are forged and broken, political scandals exposed, London social life lampooned, love affairs ignited and doused, and of course, there are four weddings… and a funeral.
The Four Weddings and a Funeral pilot script is written by Mindy Kaling and Matt Warburton. The series is executive produced by Mindy Kaling, Tracey Wigfield, Jonathan Prince, Matt Warburton, Howard Klein of 3Arts Entertainment, Charlie Grandy, Tristram Shapeero and Charles McDougall (Ep. 1 & 2).
Four Weddings and a Funeral is expected to debut in 2019 on Hulu. The series is inspired by the 1994 film Four Weddings and a Funeral, starring Hugh Grant and Andie MacDowell.
The post Hulu's Four Weddings and a Funeral Adds Jessica Williams, Nikesh Patel & More appeared first on ComingSoon.net.


text:
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Design Essays Schools
Civic School
Neil Michels
Romanova: A Roma Citadel
New Liberty Township
Jongwon Na
The Architectural Association
Nuntius de Navibus
Amelia Hunter
The Royal College of Art
Jan Zachmann
Exabyte, Zettabyte, Tottabyte
Jennifer Ly
Harvard Graduate School of Design
Alcoves: London Housing
Antonis Papamichael
Rethinking the Lincoln Centre
Laura Buck, Sean Kim,
Alejandro Stein, Ray Wang
Theatre of Progress
Edward Crooks
dOCUMENTA Archive
Johannes Busch, Patrick Schürmann
A Shadow in Fez
Bartolomé Gómez Cordero
ETSAM
Hellinikon Metropolitan Park
Bryan Maddock
Yale School of Architecture
Progressive Learning: Changes in Architectural Education
Joan Ockman
Street Values:
Reading Johannesburg
Mpho Matsipa
Revealing Secrets: The New Mapping of Architecture
Kester Rattenbury
Realistic Ambitions
The ⅞ Scale
Amy Kulper
Architectural Research Quarterly
From Practice to theory: Landscape Urbanism
Francesco Repishti
The Architecture School and the Concentration Camp
Ana María León
Sounds Different:
Listening to the City
Sarah Barns
Space and Culture
Miastroprojekt Goes Abroad
Łukasz Stanek
Journal of Architecture
Constructing Culture:
Hans Teerds
Learning from CGIs
Gillian Rose, Monica Degen, Clare Melhuish
Society and Space
University of East London
IE School
Sounds Different: Listening to the city
Different auditory spaces of the modern city, such as those produced by smart phones, offer insights into the experience of urbanisation and technological modernisation
Sarah Barns,
Sarah Barns is a Research Fellow at the Institute of Culture & Society, University of Western Sydney, a practising sound artist, historian and digital producer. more
First published in
Space and Culture cite
Why listen?
o often the city is apprehended as a visual spectacle, its marvels of architectural and technological mediation understood through the prism of the visual.1 This reliance on seeing as a mode of understanding is not peculiar to urbanism or architecture, but is in keeping with the wider experience of historical modernisation itself, tending as it has to privilege visual over other modes of experience. Haussmann's rebuilding of Paris, for example, is widely recognised as refashioning the city as a space of scenic composition; the introduction of networked transit has likewise been associated with an increased emphasis on the 'travelling eye' in shaping experiential responses to the changing cityscape.2 Reflecting on the impact of public conveyances in the city of Berlin during the first years of the 20th century, Georg Simmel wrote:
The interpersonal relationships of people in big cities are characterised by markedly greater emphasis on the use of the eyes than that of the ears. This can be attributed to the institution of public conveyances. […] Before buses, railroads and trains became fully established during the 19th century, people were never in a position to have to stare at one another for minutes or even hours on end without ever exchanging a word.3
Indeed, innovations in technologies of seeing have been fundamental to the modern project of city building. The establishment of aerial perspective is credited with unleashing a wave of rethinking about urbanism, enabling the city to be revealed in minute detail. To Le Corbusier, it ratified a conviction about the bankruptcy of the urban architectural past and the need to generate new spatial forms. The panoramic control that Le Corbusier so required for his architectural accomplishments depended on his capacity to set himself apart, to view from above the disorderly spaces of the old city, a viewpoint instructive of the need for a new urban consciousness.4
Though fundamental to the production of urban form, technologies of vision are also, increasingly, subject to critique, prompting an ever-expanding search for alternative methodologies through which to encounter the urban terrain. While 'sensory urbanism'5 may be a relatively new framework of orientation to the city, the politicisation of vision that lies at its heart reaches beyond urbanism and can be aligned to a more fundamental critique of modernity as established by Heidegger.
The instrumentalisation of reason by technology, traced by Heidegger to an increasingly dominant way of thinking that gained ground during the Renaissance, has necessarily transformed the way we know and think about the world, reducing it to an object made for and by sight. He thus described the 'conquest of the world as picture' as 'the fundamental event of the modern age'. Such a conquest has, he argued, necessitated a separation or withdrawal of the active, transforming self from a nature progressively conceived as passive, constraining and unconscious. With this separation has come what Heidegger called the Gestell, a systematic visual enframing of the world as a separated object of knowledge. Through the Gestell, implicit throughout Western language and forms of discourse, '"knowledge" has become the state of having seen'.6
In such accounts the powers of vision have been linked to the rise of an instrumental rationality peculiar to modernity, which differentiates and dominates at the expense of other ways of knowing the world. Critiques of 'visualism' have subsequently become commonplace, matched by an enlivened interest in recovering non-visual histories of the modern self, allowing for a closer appreciation of auditory and other sensory phenomena within broader accounts of modern subjectivity. This 'turn' toward alternative sensory modes of socio-cultural and architectural enquiry has generated notable interest in the particular qualities of sound, premised on recognition that, as Smith has put it, 'Knowing the world through sound is fundamentally different from knowing the world through vision.'7
This paper examines how tuning the ear towards modern auditory experience has opened up innovative and nuanced ways of understanding the experience of technological modernity in the city. Divided into two sections, the paper first considers a range of historical and cultural studies of sound and listening in the city, addressing the way sound has been used to undo the 'spell of objectification' and distanciation associated with a visual enframing of the world. The rise of an auditory sensibility has helped to underline the co-constitutive nature of urban forms, spatial practices and media technologies as being central to the historical experience of urban modernisation. The second section moves on to consider contemporary mediated listening practices which are treated in relation to public urban spaces, with a particular focus on the use of smartphones. Situating mobile listening practices within histories of sound technology in the city, the paper considers the curated listening spaces created by contemporary sound artists and practitioners as new pathways for sense-making within the city-screens of today's digitally mediated cities.
Shifting spaces I: amplifying modernity
In the turn towards sound, particularly within historical accounts of modern subjectivity, auditory experience is often positioned as something of a redemptive space, where metaphors of sound and listening are used to elevate non-instrumentalist modes of reason. Here the experiential quality of sound is presented somewhat heuristically, as a means by which to promote the qualities of affective, phenomenological experience against the instrumental rationality associated with visual, representational forms. Heidegger, for example, drew on aural metaphors to express the belonging of Dasein (being-in-the-world) to Being.8 Hanns Eisler and Theodor Adorno also consider sound as establishing a direct relation to collective experience, suggesting that 'acoustical perception preserves comparably more traits of long, by-gone pre-individualistic collectivities than optical perception'.9 Recognising the qualities of the auditory in his quest for a new field of knowledge, Marxist urban sociologist Lefebvre turned to the concept of rhythm, influenced here by Bachelard, who approached the experience of an image not purely according to its visual impact but by its 'reverberations'.10 Addressing what he called the 'division of labour between the senses', Simmel too was attracted to the relational spatiality of the auditory, arguing: 'The ear transmits a wealth of divergent moods of individuals, the flow and the momentary external expression of thoughts and impulses, the entire polarity of subjective as well as objective life'. To Simmel, the ear is an 'egoistic organ pure and simple, which only takes, but does not give'.11 Thrift has also turned to sound to notate a more protean, heterogeneous field of performative action. Moving from the visual toward the aural metaphor, Thrift argues that we must think of concepts as 'indefinite – that is, they are open and fluid, their main purpose is not to "represent" but to "resonate"'.12 For Ong, sound reveals interior events, as opposed to visual appearance, which only reveals the surface of objects.13
The resurgent interest in sounding spatiality has helped to advance this revisionist reading of human subjectivity through a number of recent histories and ethnographies of the senses. In The Third Ear, Berendt suggests that the dominance of the eye has 'limited our imagination' and argues that human experience must now be accounted for through a 'democracy of the senses'.14 The documentation of 'hearing cultures' – what Clifford Geertz called the 'ethnographic ear' – provides different ways of conceptualising culture. To Erlmann it offers 'important insights into a wide range of issues confronting societies around the world, as they grapple with the massive changes wrought by modernisation, technologisation, and globalisation'.15 Within the field of urban and architectural history, the auditory turn has worked to correct the neglected place of sound in accounts of modernity and industrialisation. Sound historian Stephen Connor has suggested that embracing sound culture can allow for a subjectivity more closely attuned to dispersal and displacement. Rodaway, too, argues that auditory geography is 'time-space geography, a dynamic geography of events rather than images, or activity rather than scene'.16 For scholars critically engaged with sensory urbanism, the study of sound has helped amplify more sensory, and situated, accounts of cities. To Zardini, this has not simply been a matter of neglect; the techniques of architecture and urban planning have deliberately privileged those qualities of urban space captured by visual perception, treating sounds and odours as highly disturbing elements, and are 'exclusively ... concerned with marginalising them, covering them up, or eliminating them altogether'.17 For architect Pallasmaa, the mutability of sound presents itself as a constructive resource; just as the qualities of concrete and steel might be manipulated by designers to promote a satisfactory architectural composition in space, Pallasmaa argues that sound too might be deliberately manipulated to promote an intimate, multi-sensory experience of place. Through a tuning of the ear, Pallasmaa seeks to establish an architectural sensibility that recognises the interrelatedness of all the senses, promoting the potential for architectural design to nourish and support not only visual but auditory and haptic forms of experience as well.18
A diagram illustrating sources of sound in the city drawn up by New York City's Department of Health Sound Abatement Comission
It is in the context of this revisionist work on sound and the senses that urban sound historians, including Thompson, Connor, Bijsterveld and Sterne, have turned their attention to the emergent noise-scapes of the modern city. Their work reminds us that the way we hear is culturally and historically contingent, such that practices of listening need to be explored not simply as a kind of pure interiority, but as particular cultural formations. Indeed, through closer readings of auditory experiences in time, we come to understand that the human sensorium has always been mediated. As put by John Cage: 'Try as we might to make a silence, we cannot.'19 Sound histories of urban experience emphasise the extent to which listening practices have been profoundly modulated by technologies of amplification, as they establish parameters of socio-spatial sensibility and reception. The practice of listening is thus situated as a historically mediated experience of technology.
To Sterne, 'Listening is a directed, learned activity: it is a definite cultural practice.'20 Sterne's history of the cultural origins of sound reproduction deliberately steps away from the habitual tendency to position the technological device and its forms of innovation as agents of change, and instead connects innovations in sound technology with the shifting listening practices that they precipitate. The role of sound practices in shaping socio-spatial sensibilities and configurations has not, of course, been unique to the modern city but has a longer history. Disclosing the associations of technologies of noise or loudness with power, Alain Corbin's study of 19th-century countryside France carefully documents the correlations between loudness of bells and the relative significance of various parishes and municipalities. Traux also discussed the importance of sonic events – 'sound marks' – as the auditory components of landmarks, sounds that were of high symbolic, historical and practical value. He notes that in many towns, only those who lived within the acoustic arena of the most important sound marks (church bells, chiming clocks) were considered citizens of the town, such that the size of a township was effectively determined by the acoustic geography of its sound marks.21
Such auditory practices were profoundly dislocated in the dawning of the mechanical age. In her study of noise abatement campaigns between 1900 and 1940, Bijsterveld has traced the extent to which manifestations of technology during this time drastically changed the sonic environment of Western societies. The ferocity of these campaigns helps underscore how profoundly disturbing industrial-era noise was, treated as a costly threat to the health and efficiency of urban citizens, which would surely 'shorten the life of countless sufferers'.22 The diabolical symphony of the mechanical age, experienced as what Thompson suggests was a peacetime version of shell shock, was initially received as symptomatic of the chaos and disorder of industrial cities in the modern era. Every new invention created new sounds, which again and again became the topic of heated controversy. Thompson's study of noise abatement in New York demonstrates how little the sound world circa 1930 had in common with that of 1900; how people responded to this dramatic auditory transformation also evidences the way American culture was successfully able to recast its relationship to the city in the early 20th century.23
The extent to which each innovation caused auditory disruption and, literally, headaches for those living in industrialising cities in the early years of the 20th century presents a very different 'picture' of the urban experience to that of the modern phantasmagoria of a world of illumination and spectacle. The effort to amplify the historical experience of modernisation as made by those such as Bijsterveld Thompson, and Sterne has in this respect established new accounts of the interrelationship between acoustic technologies and the experience of urbanisation. Sounding the auditory effects of historical urban transformations underscores these as a dislocation of the senses, such that previous habitual modes of dwelling – for example, the expectation of quietude – confront the crushing reality of everyday life, the reality of a relentlessly noisy, mediated soundscape. As The Times reported, in 1926: 'The machine age has brought so many new noises into existence, the ear has not learned how to handle them. It is still bewildered by them.'24 But, as evidenced by the eventual passing of the era of noise abatement campaigns, what was once received as unacceptable during the early years of mass automobile use eventually became increasingly normalised, a 'natural' and highly regulated part of urban life.
Listening to the modern auditory
Listening to the modern soundscape, we negotiate spaces shaped by the acoustic footprints of modern auditory technologies – whether of church bells, automobiles, or electro-acoustics – as well as by changing cultural forms and practices of listening.25 Along such lines, the concept of the 'soundscape' as established by aural ecologist R Murray Schafer presented the world as a 'macro-cosmical musical composition' in order to promote a greater attentiveness to the qualities of environmental sound. This process of 'ear-cleaning', as Schafer called it, was an important part of a new receptiveness to the sounds of the city.26 For Thompson, drawing on the work of Schafer and others such as Corbin, 'The physical aspects of a soundscape consist not only of the sounds themselves, the waves of acoustical energy permeating the atmosphere in which people live, but also the material objects that create, and sometimes destroy, those sounds.'27 This notion of the soundscape is thus implicitly concerned with the very shaping of spatiality not as a container for action but as enacted as an everyday, embodied and highly mediated experience. Therefore, to those such as Schafer, if we listen more closely to the ambient architecture of the streetscape we become sensitised to sounds that affect how we live and, indeed, are a product of how we live.
The concept of the 'modern auditory', as advanced by Connor, also suggests that the peculiar relationship we have to sound within contemporary city spaces is one of refraction and disintegration. In The Soundscape of Modernity, Thompson traces the production of this modern auditory, and shows how technological manipulations such as sound-absorbing materials, as well as innovations in architectural acoustics and, importantly, the rise of electro-acoustics, enabled sound to be divorced from its source in a physical environment and instead received through technical forms of modulation. Thompson notes the way architects of the 1930s were able to introduce new limitations to the reverberatory impacts of noise using new building materials, thus creating new auditory experiences of modern interior spaces. Reverberation was reconceived as 'noise', such that, according to Thompson, it 'lost its traditional meaning as the acoustic signature of a space, and the age old connection between sound and space ... was severed'.28
In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the rise of electro-acoustic technologies such as loudspeakers, headsets, headphones, telephones and phonographs all entrenched electronically mediated sounds within everyday life. In fundamental ways, the relationships between sounds and spatiality were, during this time, dramatically reconfigured. Early innovators in the field of musical reproductions such as the Edison Company liked to compare the sounds of its phonographs to live music, encouraging 'critical listening sessions' in which the public were invited to compare the quality of the original with its reproduction. In this way, the act of listening to 'reproduced sound' came to be implicitly accepted as the cultural equivalent of the act of listening to live performances. Telephones, too, were initially popularised as a means to listen to the opera through what were then known as 'telephone occasions'.29 The uncanny natures of these early electro-acoustic modes of communication were ultimately normalised – to become a soundscape in which, as Adorno has described it, 'everything is to sound like the radio'.30
By virtue of its mutability, and expressly advanced through an allegiance to high fidelity, the rise of the modern auditory promotes the substitution of direct experience by technological forms of mediated experience. For Adorno, here the social is transformed to become an intimate, subjective inwardness, most clearly expressed through music. To Kracauer, writing in the early 20th century, radio leaves people in a state of 'permanent receptivity': '[s]ilent and lifeless, people sit side by side as if their souls were wandering far away', attuned to the playground of 'worldwide (broadcast) noises'.31 But although those within the Frankfurt School held deep ambivalences towards the modern auditory condition, avant-garde artists and practitioners were attracted to the synaesthetic nature of modern electro-acoustics. Sound became a privileged figure for synaesthesia, or the correspondence of the different senses, promoting fascination with the interconvertibility of sound and matter, or even sound as the enacted form of electromagnetic fluctuation itself.32 In 1933 Marinetti championed the new artistic form of the 'wireless imagination' based on the conditions of radio, which enabled 'the immensification of space: no longer visible and frameable the stage becomes universal and cosmic'.33
More recent interest in auditory experience has recognised the shifting spatialities of the modern auditory through concepts such as synaesthesia, schizophonia and acousmatics. To Connor, modern auditory technologies of the early 20th century helped reconfigure the rationalised 'Cartesian space' of the visualist imagination, what he calls a more 'singular space' into a more plural one. The spatial experience of the perceiving self, enacted from 'a single point of view from which the exterior self radiated in regular lines', gave way, he suggests, to a 'more fluid, mobile and voluminous conception of space, in which the observer-observed duality and distinctions between separated points and planes dissolve'. Connor suggests that the dependence of sound on the principles of resonance, transcription and induction implies the mutability of objects and bodies in space. He notes, as McLuhan did, that one can hear many sounds simultaneously, whereas it is impossible to see different visual objects at the same time without disposing them in a unified field of vision. Therefore, where auditory experience is dominant, 'single, perspectival space gives way to plural, permeated space'.34 Schafer has characterised this modern auditory condition as being 'schizophonic', resulting from sounds being 'torn from their natural sockets and given an amplified and independent existence'. He notes that vocal sound, for instance, 'is no longer tied to a hole in the head but is free to issue from anywhere in the landscape'. As a consequence, 'any sonic environment can now become any other sonic environment'. Sounds can be dislocated not only in space but in time: 'A record collection that contains items from widely diverse cultures and historical periods would seem, to a person from any century but our own, an unreal and surrealistic juxtaposition.'35 Electro-acoustics are in this sense also understood as promoting an acousmatic experience of sound: an experience of listening in which the source of sound is without visual anchor, 'hidden' from the listener, whether in time or space.
In these different ways, the fields of sensory urbanism and sound history have helped redress the often-neglected role of sound in the constitution of modern urban experience. This work has amplified the shifting auditory spaces of the modern city, and underscored the importance of modern electro-acoustics in allowing for new spatial configurations and experiences, recombining the audio-visual relationship as one inherently open rather than 'fixed' as object-subjects. Tuning in to these shifting auditory spatialities has in turn enlivened an appreciation of architectural and spatial experience as not only inherently mediated but also, in its fluidity, deeply imbricated by shifting technological innovations and their cultures of practice.
Shifting spaces II: amplifying contemporary mobility
In light of the previous discussion, how then might we situate today's cultures of urban listening, particularly in the mediated contexts of proliferating smartphone use? Urban sociologists have raised concerns about the impact of the smartphone, or indeed devices like the Sony Walkman of the 1980s, in creating spaces of separation between the listener and their urban surrounds. Michael Bull's ethnographic work on contemporary iPod use is of particular note here, describing the urban environment of an iPod listener as one that is 're-appropriated and experienced as part of the user's desire. Through her privatized auditory experience the listener gets "more" out of the environment, not by interacting with it but precisely by not interacting'. Bull suggests that within a culture of iPod or iPhone use, there are overpowering resources to 'construct urban spaces to our liking as we move through them, enclosed in our pleasurable and privatized sound bubbles'.36 In this way personalised listening devices introduce a dialectic within the city space: as they promote an idealised or aestheticised experience of public spaces, in ways that conform or mimic the listener's desires, they in turn further the absence of meaning attributed to those spaces. To Bull, iPod culture therefore 'represents an expression of personal creativity coupled with a denial of the physicality of the city'. For the auditory space of the personal stereo listener, 'switching off becomes tantamount to killing off their private world and returning them to the diminished space and duration of the disenchanted and mundane outside world'. Bull quotes Augé to conclude here that consequently 'all spaces are potentially non-spaces'.37 Sociologist Tonkiss has reiterated this view by describing iPod use as 'social deafness' which offers 'one kind of urban freedom – the lonely liberty of knowing no one is listening, no one likely to speak'. Tonkiss also suggests that for iPod users 'immersed in a private soundscape, engaged in another interactive scene, you do not have to be in the city as a shared perceptual or social space'.38
Experts from the Noise Abatement Commission measure the sounds of Times Square in December 1929 Copyright NYT
These analyses engage with the spatial recombinations made possible through use of portable listening devices, by recognising the importance of sound in shaping a listener's intimate experience of a location or spatial trajectory, one in which the auditory dimension – specifically a user's private musical playlist – 'frames' the visual urban experience. Here the auditory is recognised not simply as a separate sensory experience, but always produces recombinatory effects on other senses. But the analysis prioritises the personal listening device as a technology of urban separation over other urban technologies. Surely, in reality, the listener will always negotiate her personal stereo use within the pervasive, technologically mediated, noisy terrain of the city itself. While music listening may be privileged in such accounts as a site of interiority, even of 'social deafness', the exterior soundscape of the city remains, surprisingly, rather silent. Of course, it is not; the city is always noisy, and it is noisy with the sounds of technology. Indeed, as Thompson has observed, 'as consumers in search of a quality soundscape, we are left to take matters into our own hands, and in those hands one finds a gleaming iPod'.39
While use of smartphones, iPods and the like may evidence a tuning of the world to that of more private musical listening experience, we need to remember this act of listening takes place within a sensory context in which noise is always a constant, and in this sense reflects listeners' acts of negotiation between different types of technologically constituted soundscapes. It is not simply a 'withdrawal' into a technologically mediated space. Indeed, Beer has argued that instead of thinking of the auditory spaces of smartphones as audio enclaves outside the soundscapes of the city, rather,
We can think instead of people attempting to tune out the complexities of the city ... by overlaying sounds that they wish to hear on top of the existing soundscapes of the territories through which they move. In other words, rather than being lifted out of aural ecologies, mobile listeners are constantly and inescapably integrated or networked in these territories.40
In this way we might progress an alternative reading of the contemporary mobile listener, who remains what Beer calls an 'integrated yet distracted part of the aural ecology and informational structures of the city'. This reading integrates the perspective of aural ecologists who hear the urban soundscape as resonant of how we live, and who in turn promote the need for a greater analytical reconnection with the auditory compositions of our surroundings in order to better understand the workings of the city. Thus to Beer, the mobile device is an integral part of the contemporary aural ecology of the city, and might in fact allow for a more active orientation toward the 'urban information overlay' of the urban soundscape, by enabling individuals to rework their own aural ecologies of the city – a kind of 'cutting and pasting' of musical performances into our soundscapes.
We see this approach in the work of sound practitioners whose work is focused on the newfound visual/spatial experiential terrain established by portable listening devices. The ability of these devices to create synaesthetic relationships between what a listener sees and the sounds heard has elsewhere been described as a form of 'physical cinema', where the material world becomes a quasi-cinematic 'image' to the mobile soundtrack. For sound researcher and artist Betsy Biggs, the mobile audio device acts as 'a sort of emotional and aesthetic prosthetic' which is capable of extending and transforming the listener's surroundings into what Thibaud has called the 'city screen'.41 Within such arenas of practice, the capacity to generate cinema-like experiences of a spatial environment has attracted sound practitioners interested in using the mobile listening platform tactically as a means to generate alternate narratives of place.
The narrative composition of the soundwalk remains one of the central ways sound artists have engaged with this terrain. In 1974, Hildegard Westerkamp defined the soundwalk as 'an excursion whose main purpose is listening to the environment ... exposing our ears to every sound around us no matter where we are'.42 But the proliferation of mobile listening devices has encouraged a shift away from the soundwalk as an exercise in actively listening to an existing environment, often without speaking, to one involving the construction of a mediated, augmented listening experience that layers recorded sound with the contemporary aural environment. Sounds used in a soundwalk are often combinations of voice, music, and/or ambient recordings, which are designed to guide the listener's experience of that environment.43
Most prominent in this field is the work of Canadian artist Janet Cardiff, whose soundwalk The Missing Voice (Case Study B), set in east London in the late 1990s, dealt with connections between the self and the city. The walk is driven by Cardiff's own narration as well as ambient recordings of the route made using binaural recording equipment: fragments of conversations, the noises of vehicles, shopkeepers, and so on. Pinder reflects on the experience of Cardiff's walk as one that 'emphasises the sensuousness of walking as a mode of apprehending the city that is tactile, aural and olfactory as well as visual'. Though it sharpens attention toward the walker's environment, it does so in a way that encourages an inward awareness, what Pinder considers an almost 'detached sense of the urban scene'.44
More recently, smartphones have broadened the way sound practitioners engage the potentials of sound and place in their work. Sound mapping projects such as Sonic Geographies, developed by the London group Proboscis in 2005, took sound as the entry point for excavating and mapping urban experience and invisible infrastructures of the city. A series of experiments and scenarios were developed to operate as maps and journeys but also as highly personal renderings of sonic experience – sounds of the personal world in conversation with sounds of the city.45 The popularity of smartphones makes them an important platform for a range of curated auditory experiences, such that podcasts, museum tours and soundwalks, each engaging listeners in aspects of their immediate location, are now widespread.
Toby Butler's work has combined elements of museum interpretation, soundwalks, and aural ecology to develop a series called Memoryscapes through London's Docklands, which offer a personalised experience of the urban landscape, interpreted and imagined using oral history sources. Butler has approached the idea of the audio or soundwalk conceptually, as an active and immersive way to both practise cultural geography and to present oral history. His own research is focused on using oral history to gather experiences and memories of people at riverside locations along the River Thames. These recordings are used in the composition of 'memoryscapes', landscapes interpreted and imagined using the memories of others, which might encourage people to encounter parts of the Thames they might not have considered exploring before. Butler's memoryscapes also deliberately extend the space of the oral history recording from outside the museum context into a coherent spatial context, using techniques borrowed from sound art practice and from critical spatial practices established by the situationist dérive and the alternative pedestrianism of de Certeau.46
In this way sound practice can use the portable device to engage listeners in a dialogue about the qualities of space and place. Indeed, many practitioners use the seemingly privatised nature of this experience as a way of disrupting the more 'regulated' movements of urban space. Where Sennett and others have argued that urban space pacifies the body, in which movement is typified by rapid (often car) transit without arousal, these sound practitioners intend to introduce a more enlivened sensory experience, not simply through the 'pleasurable sound bubbles' of music, but by actively overcoding hidden elements of place within the auditory terrain. By layering elements of past and present, mediated and real, internal and external, the sound practitioner seeks to offer listeners a greater awareness of their sensory environment, using techniques such as using binaural recordings to provide a 'surround sound' experience of the mediated soundscape. Thus Janet Cardiff's artistic collaborator, George Bures Miller, once described her soundwalks as 'MSG for the senses'.47
The practice of calling upon memory in site-specific soundworks provides a basis for practitioner Betsey Biggs to consider how the privatised listening experience of the audio device can create a sense of shared experience among listeners. Biggs composes memory-catalysed narratives which, while themselves unique, are intended to provoke reflections among listeners of the commonalities that exist across different lived experiences – cultural, national or even archetypal commonalities. Biggs is interested here in how artists can creatively manipulate the 'push-pull' between the dreaming and waking states, between the 'cinematic lull' enabled by the privatised sound bubble of mobile listening and the hyper-sensory awareness enabled by the layered, site-specific, surround sound narrative. Butler, too, considers this question in relation to the work of public historians and memory. As they draw from spoken memory or oral history, Butler's Memoryscape walks seek to make connections with other times, symbols and places, thus making the act of memory a nomadic, mobile process, sometimes affirming dominant collective memory but often opposing it. In this way Butler uses the audio spaces of the mobile device to resituate oral history in the landscape, making it reverberate publicly, and by doing so, elaborating a more nuanced, complex and open sense of place.48
The work of sound theorists, historians and practitioners awakens us to the often neglected role of sound in the constitution of urban experience. By foregrounding the mutability and relationality of sound, we perceive new spatial configurations and histories that allow an appreciation of contemporary spatial experience as not just inherently mediated, but always-already co-constituted by the shifting technological innovations of modernity and their cultures of listening practice. Today, cultural practices of smartphone use continue to reformulate, in subtle ways, the interactions between listeners in the public spaces of the city. Site-specific sound practice exploits this experience to offer alternative, micro-narratives of place which at once recognise the synaesthetic qualities of sound in reframing the visual, tactile world around us while also opening up the potential for a heightened awareness of the listener's own point of reference: their own pathways of sense-making across the contemporary city-screens of the urban world. Such practice points to the continued, productive interplay between sound, place and space, and memory, and helps to further consolidate the importance of sensory urbanism within architectural and urban studies. Through these sound practices, the permeability of space as what Massey has called the 'simultaneity of stories so far' continues to be made audible.49
More essays and projects
Romanova: A Roma Citadel in Trieste
New Liberty Township:
A Paradise Nonetheless
Revealing Secrets: The new architectural mapping
Ben Chernett
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Food for Fines: Help Stock "The Shop"
Publication date November 27, 2018
In the spirit of holiday sharing, SMU Libraries is collecting food donations for The Shop in return for waiving library fines. The Shop, located in Fondren Library, is an initiative for SMU students who are food insecure coordinated by Student Success in the Office of Student Affairs.
For every donation of a can or package of non-perishable food, SMU students, faculty, and staff will receive a $2.00 credit off their library fines. This applies to materials from all SMU libraries. Bring your food donations to the Main Desk of any SMU library beginning Monday, November 26 through Wednesday, December 12.
Join library staff in celebrating the season and have your fines reduced by exchanging food for fines.
Happy Holidays from the SMU Libraries!
*This waiver does not apply to lost book charges fees.
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Hospitality Management In Healthcare Sector
Food and Beverage Management
Accommodation Operations
Housekeeping Operations
Small Business & Entrepreneurship Development
For a Free Consultation on SMART Certificate Online Courses, Call Now: 866 618 1180
World's oldest hotel?
Nisiyama Onsen Keiunkan.
According to the Guinness Book of World Records, the oldest hotel in operation is the Nisiyama Onsen Keiunkan in Yamanashi, Japan. The hotel, first opened in AD 707, has been operated by the same family for forty-six generations.
World's largest hotel pool?
Holding 66 million gallons of water, the pool at San Alfonso del Mar Resort in Chile is easily the largest pool in the world (not just at hotels). It is 20 times the size of an Olympic swimming pool.
Most expensive hotel room in the world?
The Royal Penthouse Suite at the Hotel President Wilson, Switzerland, costs on average between $61,000 to $84,000 per night.
World's tallest hotel?
The JW Marriott Marquis Dubai holds the title of "the tallest hotel in the world" with 72 storeys and a height of 355 meters.
Canada's 1st McDonald's?
The first McDonald's restaurant outside the United States opens in Richmond, British Columbia.
Hospitality & Tourism Industry in Canada
Projections say that 72 million jobs will be added to the tourism and hospitality sector over the next 10 years, and the industry itself will grow 10% Source:https://www.kendall.edu/blog/why-is-the-hospitality-industry-important/
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Details about the STANDARD 100 by OEKO-TEX® label
The STANDARD 100 by OEKO-TEX® label can be issued for textile products from all stages of production (yarns, fabrics, dyed or finished materials, accessories) as well as for all kinds of sales articles such as baby textiles, garments, home textiles or furnishings for decorative purposes.
Pre-requisites for awarding the label
Product certification according to STANDARD 100 by OEKO-TEX® is only possible if all components of an end product comply with the required criteria – that means accessory parts such as buttons, zips, interlinings, hook-and-loop fasteners etc. in addition to the outer material and the sewing threads, or prints and coatings.
STANDARD 100 test criteria
Since its introduction in 1992, the central focus of the STANDARD 100 by OEKO-TEX® has been the development of test criteria, limit values and test methods on a scientific basis. On the basis of its comprehensive and strict catalogue of measures, with several hundred regulated individual substances, the STANDARD 100 by OEKO-TEX® takes account of:
Important legal regulations, such as banned Azo colourants, formaldehyde, pentachlorophenol, cadmium, nickel, etc.
Numerous harmful chemicals, even if they are not yet legally regulated.
Requirements of Annexes XVII and XIV of the European Chemicals Regulation REACh as well as of the ECHA SVHC Candidate List insofar as they are assessed by expert groups of the OEKO-TEX® Association to be relevant for fabrics, textiles, garments or accessories. Discussions and developments that are considered to be relevant are taken into account as quickly and effectively as possible through updates to the STANDARD 100 by OEKO-TEX® requirements.
Requirements from the US Consumer Product Safety Improvement Act (CPSIA) regarding lead.
Numerous also environmentally relevant substance classes
With its decades of experience, the STANDARD 100 by OEKO-TEX® therefore contributes to high and effective product safety from a consumer's point of view. Test criteria and limit values in many cases go far beyond applicable national and international standards. Extensive product checks and regular company audits also ensure that the industry has a globally sustainable awareness of the responsible use of chemicals. With this concept, the STANDARD 100 by OEKO-TEX® has taken on a pioneering role for many years.
Please click here to view the current STANDARD 100 test criteria and limit values.