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La Corrupción en Ucrania está muy extendida en la sociedad ucraniana. En 2012, Ernst & Young colocó a Ucrania entre las tres naciones más corruptas de las 43 encuestadas, junto con Colombia y Brasil. En el año 2015, el dirio británico "The Guardian" calificó a Ucrania como "la nación más corrupta de Europa". Según una encuesta realizada por Ernst & Young en 2017, los expertos consideraron que Ucrania es la novena nación más corrupta de las 53 encuestadas. Según el Índice de Percepción de la Corrupción 2021 de Transparencia Internacional, (una escala de las naciones menos corruptas a las más corruptas), Ucrania ocupó el puesto 122 entre 180 países en 2021, el segundo más corrupto de Europa, con Rusia en el puesto 136.

Diplomáticos estadounidenses describieron a Ucrania bajo los presidentes Kuchma (en el cargo de 1994 a 2005) y Yushchenko (en el cargo de 2005 a 2010) como una cleptocracia, según cables de WikiLeaks.

Orígenes
El profesor ucraniano Oleh Bazaluk informa de que las raíces de la corrupción ucraniana provienen de la naturaleza soviética de los líderes políticos ucranianos, que solían estar integrados en la nomenklatura comunista (élite gobernante) antes del colapso de la Unión Soviética . Los políticos crearon un régimen de gobierno autoritario-oligárquico en Ucrania donde la corrupción se hizo omnipresente sin posibilidades de implementar una elección europea del pueblo ucraniano.

El destacado economista ucraniano Oleh Havrylyshyn realizó una comparación de la corrupción ucraniana en un amplio contexto global basado en datos proporcionados por Transparencia Internacional. Esta investigación estimó que el nivel de corrupción en Ucrania es comparable al de los países del África subsahariana con Uganda como la contraparte más cercana.

En una encuesta de agosto de 2020 realizada por la Fundación Ilko Kucheriv para Iniciativas Democráticas, el 41,8 % de los encuestados afirmó que la corrupción "es un fenómeno vergonzoso que no tiene fundamentos objetivos", mientras que el 36 % elige la opción de que la corrupción es "un componente de las tradiciones sociales". Los encuestados del sur y oeste de Ucrania eligieron con mayor frecuencia la opción de que la corrupción sea "un componente de las tradiciones sociales" (42,2 % y 43,4 %). La opción "un fenómeno vergonzoso que no tiene motivos objetivos" fue elegida con mayor frecuencia por los encuestados en el centro de Ucrania (47,5%) y el este de Ucrania (53,45%).

Áreas dominadas por la Corrupción
Los sobornos se dan para garantizar que los servicios públicos se entreguen a tiempo o en absoluto. Los ucranianos declararon que dan sobornos porque creen que es la costumbre y lo esperado. Algunos de los sobornos más grandes involucran más de US$1 millón. Según una encuesta sociológica de Management Systems International (MSI) de 2008, los niveles más altos de corrupción se encontraron en la inspección de vehículos (57,5 %), la policía (54,2 %), la atención médica (54 %), los tribunales (49 %). y educación superior (43,6%). El 8 de junio de 2011, el presidente ucraniano Viktor Yanukovych declaró que la corrupción le cuesta al presupuesto estatal US$2.500 millones en ingresos anuales y que a través de tratos corruptos en la contratación pública del 10% al 15% (US$7.400 millones) del presupuesto del Estado "termina en los bolsillos de los funcionarios".

Según la Agencia de los Estados Unidos para el Desarrollo Internacional (USAID), las principales causas de la corrupción en Ucrania son un sistema de justicia débil y un gobierno poco transparente y controlador en exceso combinado con lazos político-empresariales y una sociedad civil débil. La corrupción se discute regularmente en los medios ucranianos.

En mayo de 2016, el jefe de misión del FMI para Ucrania declaró que la reducción de la corrupción era una prueba clave para el apoyo internacional continuo. Algunos analistas occidentales creen que los grandes préstamos extranjeros no fomentan la reforma, sino que permiten la extracción corrupta de fondos fuera del país. La subsecretaria de Estado de los Estados Unidos, Victoria Nuland, instó a Ucrania a comenzar a procesar a los funcionarios corruptos: "Es hora de comenzar a encerrar a las personas que han estafado a la población ucraniana durante demasiado tiempo y es hora de erradicar el cáncer de la corrupción".

Participación individual en la corrupción
Los mayores receptores de sobornos son la policía, el servicio de salud y el sistema educativo. A fines de la década de 2000 y principios de la de 2010, alrededor del 67% de los ucranianos que habían tratado con el gobierno dijeron que habían estado directamente involucrados en transacciones corruptas. En una encuesta realizada en 2010, entre el 30% y el 49,9% de los encuestados admitieron haber pagado un soborno a un proveedor de servicios durante el último año; en una encuesta similar realizada en 2007, entre el 18% y el 32% de los encuestados admitió haber pagado un soborno. Una cifra comparable para el Reino Unido en 2011 fue del 1,9 %. Sin embargo, en una encuesta diferente realizada a fines de 2008, solo el 21 % respondió que ellos o alguien que vivía en su hogar había pagado algún tipo de soborno en los 12 meses anteriores; las cifras comparables para los EE. UU. y el Reino Unido fueron del 2 % y el 3 %, respectivamente. En una encuesta de GfK realizada en el verano de 2001, el 43% afirmó que personalmente nunca había dado sobornos.

En 2013, el 74% no denunciaría un incidente de corrupción; El 24% tenía miedo de las consecuencias, el 63% creía que no haría ninguna diferencia.

Corrupción en la Política Nacional

En los años posteriores a la Independencia de Ucrania, el fraude electoral fue generalizado, principalmente mediante el uso de "recursos administrativos". Por otro lado, según Taras Kuzio, el fraude electoral en Ucrania solo puede alcanzar el 5 % por ciento del voto total. Tras las rondas iniciales de votación en las elecciones presidenciales de 2004, el Tribunal Supremo de Ucrania dictaminó que, debido a la escala del fraude electoral, era imposible establecer los resultados de las elecciones y ordenó una nueva votación. Posteriormente disminuyó la manipulación de votos, aunque los políticos todavía denuncian fraude electoral, y los trucos administrativos para obtener más votos para un partido político en particular no han desaparecido. El electorado ucraniano sigue siendo muy escéptico sobre la honestidad del proceso electoral. La ley ucraniana señala que cualquier votante que participe en un fraude electoral se enfrenta a una sentencia máxima de 2 años de cárcel, aunque los activistas dicen que nadie ha sido castigado hasta ahora por el delito de fraude electoral desde la independencia de Ucrania.

Diplomáticos estadounidenses han afirmado que la privatización de varias empresas estatales ucranianas fue manipulada a favor de amigos políticos. A nivel regional, se ha descubierto corrupción en relación con la asignación de tierras.

Los políticos ucranianos se han acusado regularmente unos a otros de corrupción mientras afirman combatirla ellos mismos. Después de infiltrarse en la facción parlamentaria Reformas para el Futuro a principios de 2012, Roman Zabzalyuk afirmó que esta facción "compró" a sus miembros por " US$ 500.000 (por una 'deserción' de otros grupos parlamentarios), y luego pagan una salario mensual de $20,000-25,000"; en cambio, según Reformas para el Futuro, Zabzalyuk había fingido que "sufría una enfermedad muy grave" y el grupo había logrado recaudar unos 100.000 dólares para que Zabzalyuk se sometiera a una cirugía en Israel.

Desde el 1 de julio de 2011, el presidente, el presidente de la Verkhovna Rada, el primer ministro, el fiscal general, los ministros y otros altos funcionarios ucranianos han sido procesados por corrupción. Kost Bondarenko (presidente de la junta directiva del Instituto de Política Ucraniana), afirma que antes de 2010 había una regla no escrita en la política ucraniana: "No se presentaron cargos contra los miembros del gobierno saliente, y sus sucesores nunca tuvieron que preocuparse por lo que pueda traer el mañana"; pero en 2010 y 2011, "se presentaron cargos penales contra 78 miembros del gobierno anterior; y se han abierto más de 500 procesos penales contra funcionarios en ejercicio". Sin embargo, desde 2010, la prensa ucraniana sacó a relucir miles de ejemplos de casos penales en los que funcionarios estatales, así como políticos y empresarios vinculados al gobernante Partido de las Regiones, se mostraron indulgentes sin precedentes para la población general de sospechosos.

El ministro del Interior, Vitaliy Zakharchenko, declaró en marzo de 2012 que, desde 2010, unos 400 políticos habían enfrentado cargos penales relacionados con la corrupción; la mayoría de ellos del Partido de las Regiones , seguidos por los miembros del Bloque Yulia Tymoshenko y Nuestra Ucrania-Bloque de Autodefensa del Pueblo. No está claro cuántos de esos cargos han sido probados por los tribunales desde entonces.

Los medios de comunicación ucranianos, en particular el Ukrayinska Pravda, revelan regularmente un estilo de vida millonario de los políticos y servidores públicos ucranianos, totalmente en desacuerdo con sus ingresos oficiales declarados.

Según el historiador Andrew Wilson, a partir de 2016 el progreso en la reducción de la corrupción fue escaso. Una encuesta de 2015 mostró que el 72 % de los adultos culpaba a la "corrupción del poder" por la falta de progreso en la reforma.

Un requisito de octubre de 2016 para que los parlamentarios declararan su riqueza condujo a una riqueza acumulada declarada de alrededor de $460 millones para los 413 parlamentarios. Como reacción a las críticas públicas, los parlamentarios cancelaron un aumento salarial que habría duplicado su salario mensual. Esta medida formaba parte de un paquete anticorrupción aprobado en octubre de 2014, que era un requisito de apoyo financiero internacional para Ucrania y un requisito previo para poder viajar sin visa dentro de la Unión Europea.

Corrupción en la Política local
Se sospecha que varios alcaldes ucranianos utilizan sus cargos para servir a sus propios intereses comerciales. Se sospecha también que Serhiy Odarych, ex alcalde de Cherkasy, causó una pérdida de ₴ 600.000 en el presupuesto de la ciudad.

Corrupción en la Justicia

Los políticos y analistas ucranianos han descrito el sistema de justicia en Ucrania como "podrido hasta la médula" y se han quejado de la presión política ejercida sobre los jueces y la corrupción. Abogados independientes y activistas de derechos humanos se han quejado de que los jueces ucranianos suelen ser presionados para dictar un veredicto determinado. El sistema judicial de Ucrania es ampliamente considerado como corrupto. Una encuesta del Ministerio de Justicia de Ucrania en 2009 reveló que solo el 10% de los encuestados confiaba en el sistema judicial de la nación. Menos del 30% creía que todavía era posible obtener un juicio justo.

Aunque la independencia judicial existe en principio, en la práctica hay poca separación de los poderes jurídico y político. Los jueces están sujetos a la presión de los intereses políticos y comerciales.

Un artículo de Reuters de 2017 cita al entonces primer ministro Volodomyr Groysman, diciendo que "el eslabón más débil en nuestra lucha contra la corrupción es la corte ucraniana"; dando un ejemplo de 30 jueces "con salarios anuales que oscilan entre 10.000 y 13.000 dólares estadounidenses" que poseen Porsches. Como otro ejemplo, el 22 de mayo de 2012, Volodymyr Rokytskyi, Jefe Adjunto del Servicio de Seguridad de Ucrania, fue fotografiado en público usando un reloj de pulsera de lujo de US$ 32.000 —a pesar de que su precio equivale a sus ingresos oficiales anuales— en un evento conjunto ucraniano-estadounidense dedicado a la lucha contra las drogas ilegales. Jueces ucranianos han sido arrestados mientras aceptaban sobornos.

Los críticos también se han quejado de que los funcionarios y sus hijos (a estos últimos se les conoce como "mazhory") reciben sentencias favorables en comparación con los ciudadanos comunes.

Kyiv Post informó en noviembre de 2018 que varios candidatos para un puesto en el nuevo Tribunal Superior Anticorrupción de Ucrania eran sospechosos o estaban asociados con la corrupción. AutoMaidan, Dejure y el Centro de Acción Anticorrupción criticaron las decisiones del Consejo de Ética de junio de 2022 en las nominaciones y exclusiones del Consejo Supremo de Justicia por incluir a jueces viciados en relación con la corrupción y por excluir injustamente al juez denunciante anticorrupción Larysa Golnyk.

Corrupción en el Sector Público

En 2015 se hicieron acusaciones de corrupción contra Energoatom, el operador estatal de energía nuclear de Ucrania. En marzo de 2016, los activos y las cuentas bancarias de Energoatom fueron congelados por los tribunales ucranianos por presuntas deudas impagas, contra las cuales Energoatom está apelando.

A partir de 2016, muchas de las principales carreteras provinciales de Ucrania están en muy malas condiciones, y un funcionario de Ukravtodor afirma que el 97% de las carreteras necesitan reparación. El presupuesto de reparación de carreteras se fijó en alrededor de ₴ 20 mil millones, pero la corrupción hace que el presupuesto se gaste mal.

Corrupción en la Educación Superior
La educación superior en Ucrania está plagada de sobornos. En 2011, el 33% de todos los estudiantes afirmaron haber encontrado corrupción en su escuela, el 29% escuchó sobre casos de corrupción de otros estudiantes, mientras que el 38% no había encontrado corrupción. Según una investigación de Transparency International realizada en 2008, el 47,3% de los estudiantes universitarios afirmaron que les habían exigido un soborno; de ellos, el 29% había pagado este soborno libremente. Los estudiantes pueden "comprar" una entrada a la universidad, resultados de exámenes, calificación de tesis doctorales y/o de maestría.

Los sobornos van desde US$10 a US$50 por aprobar un examen hasta varios miles por ingresar a una universidad. Según fuentes gubernamentales, los sobornos varían entre US$80 y US$21.500. Los salarios de los maestros y profesores son bajos en Ucrania en comparación con otras profesiones; esto puede hacer que se sientan tentados a exigir sobornos. Según Ararat Osipian, se han formado jerarquías enteras de corrupción en los colegios y universidades de Ucrania. Estas jerarquías han evolucionado desde la década de 1990 como resultado de la corrupción desenfrenada y descontrolada. Ararat afirma que los regímenes gobernantes corruptos controlan las universidades corruptas y las obligan a cumplir, incluso durante las elecciones. Esto fue ayudado por las universidades que en gran medida siguen siendo burocracias de tipo estalinista, incapaces de transformarse.

Hasta 2015 la autonomía universitaria era inexistente. En 2015, el parlamento ucraniano aprobó una nueva ley sobre educación superior para dar a las universidades más autonomía, incluido el control sobre sus propias finanzas. El objetivo era fomentar la inversión privada, la recaudación de fondos y la creación de fondos patrimoniales.

Funcionarios del gobierno ucraniano han sido sorprendidos con diplomas universitarios falsos.

Corrupción en los Negocios
En 2011, la Organización para la Cooperación y el Desarrollo Económicos declaró que la corrupción es un "obstáculo importante" para hacer negocios en Ucrania.

La investigación realizada por Ernst & Young en 2011 y 2012 mostró que la práctica de los altos directivos de aceptar sobornos aumentó un 9 % en 2011 y un 15 % en 2012. Otro 4 % estaba dispuesto a pagar sobornos para ocultar los detalles de sus rendimiento financiero.

En 2016, la política Natalia Korolevska estimó que "La corrupción ha obligado a los negocios a pasar a la sombra donde ahora tenemos el 45% de nuestra economía ".

El representante de una empresa con sede en el Reino Unido ha afirmado que las empresas no ucranianas a menudo pierden contratos si no pagan sobornos o no "sobornan" a sus competidores. Los ucranianos y los representantes comerciales han afirmado que "las empresas comerciales por encima de cierto nivel requieren que algún funcionario en algún nivel engrase la palma de la mano".

Corrupción en el sistema de seguridad social
En 2012, el presidente Viktor Yanukovych informó que solo alrededor del 23 por ciento de los fondos de servicios sociales se destinan a quienes realmente los necesitan. Los medios de comunicación ucranianos han presentado muchas historias que revelan que incluso los parlamentarios reciben ilegalmente beneficios sociales, alegando de manera fraudulenta que son veteranos de guerra y de Chernobyl.

Corrupción en el Sistema de Salud
Aunque la atención médica en los hospitales estatales es teóricamente gratuita para los ucranianos, los pacientes pagan dinero allí para asegurarse de que reciben el tratamiento requerido. En junio de 2012, grupos de defensa acusaron a los funcionarios del Ministerio de Salud de malversar dinero que debería usarse para tratar a pacientes con SIDA comprando medicamentos contra el SIDA a precios enormemente inflados y luego recibiendo sobornos.

Costos de la Corrupción
Según Ararat Osipian, debido a la corrupción endémica, Ucrania no logró mantener sus tendencias de crecimiento económico. La corrupción, percibida como imprudente, que marcó el gobierno del presidente Viktor Yanukovich contribuyó a su caída en 2014 y dejó al ejército del país mal equipado para contrarrestar la invasión rusa de Crimea.

En 2008, Transparency International estimó que entre el 30 y el 50 por ciento de todos los ucranianos se habían enfrentado a la corrupción del gobierno. Juhani Grossmann (trabajando para un proyecto de ao Management Systems International) afirmó en 2009 que "los ucranianos pagan aproximadamente 3.500 millones de libras, o más de 400 millones de dólares estadounidenses, en sobornos al año". El año anterior, afirmó que la cifra era de US$700 millones.

Acciones gubernamentales

Después de su elección a fines de 2004, el presidente Viktor Yushchenko prometió una "guerra contra la corrupción". De hecho, varios funcionarios fueron arrestados y/o interrogados a principios de 2005 (entre ellos los ministros posteriores del gobierno de Azarov, Borys Kolesnikov y Yuri Boyko). El expresidente del Servicio de Seguridad de Ucrania , Oleksandr Turchynov , afirmó que en el verano de 2005 Yushchenko impidió una investigación sobre prácticas supuestamente fraudulentas en el transporte de gas natural turkmeno . a Ucrania e impidió el arresto de Boyko por abuso de poder mientras dirigía Naftogaz.

En una entrevista del 20 de septiembre de 2005 con Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, "Turchynov declaró que Yushchenko le dijo a mediados de agosto que dejara de 'perseguir a mis hombres' y que la investigación de RosUkrEnergo estaba "creando un conflicto con el presidente ruso Vladímir Putin". Una encuesta realizada en noviembre de 2008 mostró que el 73% de las personas en Ucrania consideraban ineficaces las acciones contra la corrupción del segundo gobierno de Tymoshenko ; las cifras comparables para EE. UU. y el Reino Unido fueron 73% y 39%. En una encuesta realizada en 2001, cuando Kuchma era presidente, el 80% de los ucranianos "totalmente/bastante de acuerdo" con la declaración: "El gobierno actual no tiene ningún interés real en castigar la corrupción".

Ucrania se unió al Grupo de Estados contra la Corrupción en 2006.

A lo largo de los años, el parlamento ucraniano ha aprobado varias leyes anticorrupción. En septiembre de 2011 se introdujo el Comité Nacional Anticorrupción.

Al igual que su predecesor Yushchenko, el presidente Viktor Yanukovych (y su gobierno Azarov) hizo de la lucha contra la corrupción una punta de lanza en sus políticas internas. Los opositores políticos de Yanukovych lo acusaron de utilizar su campaña anticorrupción para juicios por motivos políticos; el público en general en Ucrania compartió en gran medida esta opinión. El presidente Yanukovych lo negó.

Kost Bondarenko, presidente de la junta directiva del Instituto de Política Ucraniana, afirma que los principales patrocinadores del Partido de las Regiones del presidente Yanukovych no están contentos de que algunos políticos ucranianos hayan sido acusados penalmente "porque ya no se sienten por encima de la ley". La Asociación Internacional de Autoridades Anticorrupción habló en abril de 2011 de "éxitos notables en la lucha contra la corrupción en 2010". El embajador de la Unión Europea en Ucrania, José Manuel Pinto Teixeira, declaró en una conferencia sobre inversiones el 28 de febrero de 2012 que las promesas de reforma de Yanukovych "lamentablemente no han producido tales resultados"."

En mayo de 2014, se estableció una Iniciativa Anticorrupción. En diciembre, nombró al economista lituano y ex comisario europeo de Fiscalidad y Unión Aduanera, Auditoría y Lucha contra el Fraude Algirdas Šemeta como Business Ombudsman.

La Oficina Nacional Anticorrupción de Ucrania (NABU), para llevar a cabo investigaciones de corrupción, se estableció en junio de 2014 después de que su predecesor, el Comité Nacional Anticorrupción, fuera considerado un fracaso. Para diseñar e implementar cambios sistemáticos tendientes a prevenir la corrupción, en 2015 se creó la Agencia Nacional para la Prevención de la Corrupción.

En 2015, el presidente Petro Poroshenko despidió a Ihor Kolomoisky, el gobernador multimillonario de la región industrial clave de Dnipropetrovsk . Se produjo después de que hombres armados sospechosos de tener vínculos con Kolomoisky ocuparon brevemente las oficinas de una empresa petrolera estatal en la capital, Kiev.

El 14 de junio de 2018 entró en vigor una ley que exige que los casos relacionados con la corrupción se presenten directamente ante el Tribunal Superior Anticorrupción de Ucrania. En junio de 2018, el presidente Poroshenko esperaba que el tribunal se estableciera antes de finales de 2018. El 5 de septiembre de 2019, el Tribunal Superior Anticorrupción comenzó a funcionar.

Debido a la preocupación del FMI de que los oligarcas utilizarían los tribunales para apoderarse del dinero del rescate, el parlamento aprobó un proyecto de ley el 13 de mayo de 2020 para evitar que los tribunales revoquen las nacionalizaciones bancarias. El proyecto de ley combatiría una demanda del oligarca Ihor Kolomoisky y otros que buscan recuperar el control de PrivatBank, el destinatario de un rescate de $ 5.5 mil millones en 2016 y una supuesta "máquina de lavado de dinero" bajo Kolomoisky.

El 27 de octubre de 2020, el Tribunal Constitucional de Ucrania dictaminó que la legislación anticorrupción, incluida la declaración electrónica obligatoria de ingresos, era inconstitucional. El presidente Zelensky advirtió que si el parlamento no restablecía estas leyes anticorrupción, la ayuda exterior, los préstamos y un viaje sin visa a la Unión Europea estaban en riesgo. El Gobernador del Banco Nacional de Ucrania informó que Ucrania no recibiría la carga programada del FMI de $ 700 millones antes de fines de 2020 debido al problema. Los equipos de evaluación del FMI no habían visitado Kiev durante ocho meses. Fue necesaria una visita para liberar más tramos de préstamos del FMI.

El 4 de diciembre de 2020, el parlamento ucraniano restableció la legislación anticorrupción cancelada por la decisión judicial, cuando volvió a autorizar las sanciones penales para los funcionarios que proporcionen información falsa sobre sus ingresos. El 29 de diciembre de 2020, el presidente Volodymyr Zelensky suspendió al presidente del Tribunal Constitucional, Oleksandr Tupytskyi, durante dos meses en un esfuerzo por revocar la decisión del tribunal de octubre de 2020.

El 19 de julio de 2022, una comisión creada para seleccionar un nuevo jefe de la Fiscalía Especializada Anticorrupción (SAPO, que supervisa NABU ) mediante un procedimiento de concurso abierto anunció a Oleksandr Klymenko como ganador del concurso, entre 37 candidatos.

Extensión
Según los ucranianos, los más corruptos son el poder judicial, la policía, los servidores públicos, el servicio de salud y el parlamento.

Calificaciones del Índice de Percepción de la Corrupción en Ucrania
Transparency International produce un informe anual que enumera el puntaje del Índice de Percepción de la Corrupción de cada país. Este "puntaje se relaciona con las percepciones del grado de corrupción visto por empresarios y analistas de países y, hasta 2011, osciló entre 10 (altamente limpio) y 0 (altamente corrupto)". En el informe de 2010, el país menos corrupto de la lista fue Dinamarca con una puntuación de 9,3, y el más corrupto de los 178 países enumerados fue Somalia con una puntuación de 1,1. A partir de 2012, los puntajes se presentaron en una escala de 0 a 100. En el informe de 2016, Dinamarca seguía siendo el país menos corrupto de la lista con una puntuación de 90, y Somalia seguía siendo el más corrupto de los 176 países enumerados, con una puntuación de 10. En comparación, Alemania, Luxemburgo y el Reino Unido empataron como 10 países menos corruptos con una puntuación de 81, y Estados Unidos fue 18 menos corrupto con una puntuación de 74.

La siguiente tabla enumera el lugar de Ucrania en la tabla del Índice de Percepción de la Corrupción, según los informes anuales de Transparencia Internacional desde 1999 en adelante. Los métodos utilizados para evaluar el Índice cambian de un año a otro, por lo que las comparaciones entre años son difíciles.

En el Índice de Percepción de la Corrupción de Transparency International de 2014, Ucrania ocupó el puesto 142 entre los 175 países investigados (empatado con Uganda y las Comoras). Nota: Para 1999 y 2000, los datos se enumeraron como 1998 y 1999 respectivamente. A partir de 2001, los datos enumerados corresponden al año del informe anual. Hasta 2005, el informe anual incluía algunas medidas de la incertidumbre de las puntuaciones del índice; estos datos se omitieron de los informes anuales a partir de 2006, pero se incluyeron en el informe del IPC.

Percepción pública de la corrupción en las instituciones de Ucrania

La siguiente tabla muestra los puntajes promedio de una encuesta sobre la percepción pública ucraniana de la corrupción en las instituciones de Ucrania. En la parte inferior de la tabla se muestran cifras comparables para el Reino Unido y los Estados Unidos de las encuestas de 2009 (para la percepción de la corrupción de los británicos y los estadounidenses en sus propios países).

Referencias

Enlaces externos

Política de Ucrania
Economía de Ucrania
Ucrania

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


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text:
A Chiara: 2021 Best Films–Directed by Jonas (A Ciambra) Carpignano
Writer-director Jonas Carpignano has scored at the Cannes Film Fest with A Chiara, winning the Europa Cinemas Cannes Label kudo for Best European film at the Directors' Fortnight, the festival's independent parallel section.
Carpignano took the same prize for his former film, A Ciambra, which was executive-produced by Martin Scorsese, in 2017.
A Chiara focuses on a 16-year-old daughter and her growing realization that her beloved father may be part of the local criminal organization. Set in the "hardscrabble underside" of the Calabrian city of Gioia Tauro, A Chiara delivers a complex and ultimately realistic picture.
Created at the Directors' Fortnight in 2003, the Label's juries are made up of managers of theaters belonging to the Europa Cinemas Network. Label movies receive incentives for their promotion. Europa Cinemas exhibitors are also encouraged to extend Label-winning titles' run at their theaters.
This is a work of fiction but Carpignano clearly knows the location and the situation so well that he creates a very immersive feeling.
The story of the gradual empowerment of the young female character and her relationship with her father and her extended family is brilliantly structured.
The film benefits from its non-professional cast and imaginative sound design.
Part of Trilogy?
A Chiara as the third part of a triptyc that began with Mediterranea (2015), and A Ciambra (2017)?
I arrived in Gioia Tauro, Calabria, in 2010. Two African migrants had just been attacked and beaten and this resulted in a violent riot which was the subject of A Chjàna, the short film I directed before Mediterranea. Soon after I moved there and later became acquainted with Pio and the Roma community which I eventually filmed in my film A Ciambra.
At first, in 2010, I didn't have the idea of a triptych in mind at all, I just wanted to learn more about the riots. But pretty soon, I knew that I wanted to make three films about three facets of this town. The first was the African community, the second was the Roma community, which used to be nomadic but became sedentary and settled in Gioia Tauro.
The "Malavita", the people involved in the underground economy created by the mafia. I knew I was going to make these three films without knowing exactly what form it would take, but I finished the first treatment of A Chiara 3 weeks before I started shooting A Ciambra in 2016.
Gioia Tauro as laboratory of globalization
Without a doubt Gioia Tauro is a microcosm of a larger social and economic trend that in these days is usually called globalization. But I think the only way to achieve the universal is to be precise, intimate, and local. This town has something very particular in the way that these phenomena intersect. There is the underground economy, the great poverty ignored by the state, and to top that, the mass arrival of migrants. Before 2012, almost nobody spoke about it, while I got to know the hard daily life of Koudous Seihon, who had made this trip from Africa. His reality, his experience and that of his friends became the reality of the film. With A Ciambra and A Chiara, the process was similar.
Characters from previous features
I never wanted to make one big film which would combine these three aspects of life in Gioia Tauro: the migrants, the Roma, and the mafia. I wanted to talk about individuals, not generic subjects. And yet I wanted to imply the existence of a larger connection by making some characters reappear, even if briefly, in each film. It was obvious to me that, to make this point, the characters from my first films: Ayiva from Mediterranea, Pio and his cousin Patatina from A Ciambra had to appear in this new film. "Malavita": criminal life, mafia life
Swamy Rotolo, who plays Chiara?
I was extremely lucky. In 2015 I was preparing A Ciambra and we did a small casting because one scene, in the school, required extras. Swamy came along with her aunt. She was 9 or 10 at the
time. I'd just finished the screenplay of A Chiara. The second I saw her, I knew she was Chiara. I happened to know her aunt very well, her cousins, her family. Over the years, I saw her grow up and I never changed my mind. Gioia Tauro is a small town and I often saw her on the promenade, eating ice cream with her friends or pizza with her father. I got to know her better and I rewrote the script with her in mind. In the film, all the characters are her real family.
Writing the script? Shooting?
Everything about the family is real, but I included them in a fictional narrative structure. So, it wasn't hard to get them to act because there are scenes that depict what they'd already experienced. For example, obviously Swamy has never had a confrontation with her father about mafia activities, like in the
film, but she has had face-to-face encounters with her father on other subjects, and it wasn't very difficult for her to draw on that.
Actor and the script?
The actors never read the script. Claudio and Antonio had an idea of the film's structure and subject matter. But nobody knew the story in detail. Each actor at the beginning of filming knew exactly what that character would know. Claudio knew, for example, that there was a bunker under the villa. But we never told Chiara about it. During the shoot, we kept telling her: "Look at this wall, look closely, there's something to be found". She ended up finding the bunker on her own when we shot the scene where she was supposed to find the bunker. My relationship with the actors is always very deep. We never stopped seeing each other outside of the shoot, even when it was interrupted by the pandemic. I talked to her constantly about the film.
Working with same crew?
Most of my crew worked on Mediterranea and A Ciambra. This time, the shoot was particularly intense because of the lockdown. We went from a crew of 30 people to only 9.
Sound and music of the film?
Sometimes the voices fade behind the music, as if to share Chiara's thoughts and emotions. The music in the film is there to align the viewer with Chiara. The pop music places us squarely in the cultural landscape of what girls this age in Gioia Tauro (and elsewhere) listen to.
There is a lot of Italian trap music, and all of these songs corresponds exactly to what Swamy and her friends listen to in real life. With the score we wanted to give the audience access t Chiara's inner-life, what's going in in her head. With Benh Zeitlin and Dan Romer, who composed the soundtrack, we didn't want music which would bring pathos or manipulate the audience, we wanted it to mirror her emotional state.
Realistic and poetic film
For example, the bunker Chiara goes into also echoes the underground lair where her father hides out. Ultimately this is why I don't make documentaries. To me, the documentary-eque realism is a starting point, but the more scripted elements allow the film to, hopefully, operate on a thematic level that deepens the observational side. Examples would be the recurring idea of sleep in the film and the bunker. It could have been anywhere, but the fact that it is underground, and in the heart of the family home, brings an extra dimension. In your film, the mafia's crimes and violence are always offscreen.
I've spent 10 years in Gioia Tauro. Any search engine associates this town with the mafia. As soon as I mention its name, people talk to me about the mafia. As if there were shootings in them street all the time. But none of that ever happens. I never saw the intense violence associated with the idea of mafia in Gioia Tauro. For me, A Chiara is much more a film about family than about the mafia. Of course, the mafia culture permeates many
aspects of everyday life. But it is not dominant min the way that most people think. When I see movies about the mafia with men driving around in sports cars with guns in their back pockets, it
doesn't correspond to what I've seen in my time in Gioia.
law referred to in the film?
I was working on Mediterranea when I first read a long article about this law. The 'Ndrangheta, the mafia in Calabria, is one of the most impermeable because unlike the Sicilian mafia, the Neapolitan Camorra or the American mafias, it is based solely on blood ties and family in the strict sense of the word. It is impossible to join a clan if you do not have blood relationship with its members. Because of this, there are never any turncoats in this mafia, because nobody turns against their own family. To break this circle the state and the social services of Calabria have decided to take children away from their families until they are 18. Ideally, to give them a chance. Now, on one hand, I understand the logic behind the law, and I understand why it can be effective. That said, I have always been very skeptical of this approach from an emotional standpoint. Living in Gioia Tauro, I've seen the profound emotional effect a sudden change in life on a 10-yearold girl whose father had been arrested. I will never forget her face when she realized that she would not see her father for a very long time, and as she started to grapple with what this means for her family. I've come into contact with people who were part of this program, and these two things shaped the point of view of this film.
I knew then that the best way to talk about my doubts and my skepticism was through the eyes of a very young girl. The mafia has a very patriarchal structure, with fathers passing on power to their sons, or nephews, etc. And making the film from the point of view of a girl allowed us to escape the preconceived
notions one has about mafia families and tell the story from the point of view of a family, not a just a mafia family, but a family.
Can we define A Chiara as a film about the courage it takes to face the truth?
It's a film about family, about father-daughter relations. It's a film which talks about how people learn to find their own moral
compass, and how they lean to navigate their surroundings. If I had to find a common thread in my three films, that would be it.
Filed Under: FEATURED REVIEW, REVIEWS

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


Served as vice president under George Washington and one term as US president.
Drafted the Declaration of Independence and served two terms as US president.
West Point graduate and Confederate General who surrendered to Grant at Appomattox Court House, ending the Civil War.
Served two terms as US president during the Civil War. He issued the Emancipation Proclamation and was assassinated five days after the war ended.
The fourth US president, Madison served two terms and helped develop the US Constitution.
The only US president to resign, Nixon served as vice president under Eisenhower and for two terms as president.
Lawyer, orator, statesman, and secretary of state under Millard Fillmore.
World-renowned architect who designed and built 400 buildings over his lifetime. Known for his "prairie style" designs.
Earned his fortune working for the East India Company and shared some of it with Connecticut College, which was renamed Yale University in his honor.


Men of Faith (Shout to the North) – Delirious?
It was a good service, and a nice set list. We've got the Divisional Youth Secretary coming next month, but before that we're adding in a "Youth Style" meeting, that our corps officers will be running, but the youth band providing the music. That will happen on the second Sunday, so I'm looking forward to that.
I went to elementary school with Phil Laeger, great to know that he's being used to impact the Kingdom. I'll need to look up his worship stuff!


Blog talk Radio | F.A.C.E.U.S.
Join us LIVE Wednesday night September 12, 2018 on F.A.C.E.U.S. Radio Hosted by Luanne Fleming with Marci Friedman. Confiscate The Estate. Luanne and her family, Ruth, Margaret and James Price will be joining us live to tell their devastating story that landed them in Probate, 32 court appearances, 7 restraining orders. Was our irrevocable trust revoked? Can this happen to you if you have a disgruntled family member like we did? Welcome to Probate Hell!
Join us LIVE Wednesday night August 15, 2018 on F.A.C.E.U.S. with Luanne Fleming, Kelli Dussault, Hillary Hogue. Our guest is Barbara Latham from Houston Texas. My mother granted me powers of attorney. I experienced terroristic tactics used by the probate attorneys to wear me down so I'd give up. It's the same recipe other victims get used against them. I was reported to adult protective services, subjected to police welfare checks. Listen Here Live 6:00pm PST/ 7:00 pm MST/ 8:00 pm CST/ 9:00 pm EST.
Join us LIVE Wednesday night July 11, 2018 on F.A.C.E.U.S. Radio Channel with Luanne Fleming, Marci Friedman Host Melissa Bennett. My father was put under a temporary Guardianship/Conservatorship the end of 2016 by Family Services of Charleston. Our family went through 52 Lawyers. Now, they are saying all dad has to do is complete estate planning. Pray they free us from this horrific nightmare. This is us The Bennett Family. Listen Here Live 6:00pm PST/ 7:00 pm MST/ 8:00 pm CST/ 9:00 pm EST call our GUEST LINE 845-241-9962. Press 1 to join us live.


How do I restrict users from accessing All Computers in the DSM explorer such that the user cannot deploy software or manage these computers?
Create a new profile under Security->Security Profiles containing all the users/groups which need to be restricted.
Right click All computers and select Permissions in the DSM Explorer.
Select the profile and set the object access to "No Access".
Now this profile cannot access the All Computers group.
Giving the users View or Read permissions will allows them to view and read information from All Computers but does not give them the ability to execute a Software Package on these units.
Note: In the above example the group "Testers" is mapped.


text:
Q: Node.js POST request to Kohana When I'm doing POST query by node.js filled with some data to Kohana, I always obtain in $this->request->post() empty array, but when I'm doing it by browser native JavaScript ajax call - it obtains proper data - which I've sent.
Node.js code (I'm using request library) - not working:
request.post(
    'http://someurl',
    { id : 'ididididid' },
    function (error, response, body) {
        if (!error && response.statusCode == 200) {
            console.log('returned BODY:', body);
        }
    }
);

Node.js is obtaining response (statusCode == 200) but it's empty array
jQuery code - working well:
$.ajax({
    type: 'POST',
    url : 'http://someurl',
    dataType : 'JSON',
    data : {
        id : 'idididid'
    },
    done : function(data) {
        console.log(data.responseText);
    }
});

Kohana code (inside controller):
$data = $this->request->post();
echo json_encode($data);

What am I doing wrong here?

A: In Kohana, you don't use $this->request->post for the global $_POST var, that's intended for internal (sub) requests.
In your case, you'd do simply:
$this->response->body(json_encode($_POST));

Make sure you always assign the response to the body, since that's the correct way of doing it in Kohana
If you would to do:
Request::factory('/someurl')->post(array('id' => 'idididid'))->execute();

Then your $this->request->post would return the data

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


Bikes for rent in Paris.
Just outside Pleslin-Trigavou, bicyclists leave a classic cars auto show. Yes, that last guy is wearing a cape and a skirt.
While on the TGV from Paris to Rennes, I noticed this bike rack on the train. Great idea!
Waiting for passengers outside the Jardin de Tuileries, Paris.
Police patrolling the streets of Rennes.
In Quimperle, this elderly man prefers to bike in comfort with this trike.


text:
Consequently, the amiable Mayo, now 68, was trampled along with a dozen other able Democrats in the Barbour-inspired Republican takeover. Twice elected mayor of Clarksdale in the 1980s, Mayo holds a master's degree in government from Mississippi State University.
To replace Mayo, the Barbour-run GOP machine had recruited Republican Gene Alday, the former mayor of the tiny town of Walls. Two weeks ago Alday became nationally condemned for his remarks viciously demeaning disadvantaged local black citizens. In an interview with reporter Jerry Mitchell of The Clarion-Ledger, Alday had said "I come from a town where all blacks are getting food stamps and what I call 'welfare crazy checks.' They don't work."
Mitchell, in a follow-up story, reported that census figures indicate more white households in his county receive food stamps than those of African-Americans.
Of note, Alday's town is home to Sacred Heart Southern Missions, one of the largest Catholic relief institutions in this part of the country. Soliciting contributions nationwide (I am one contributor), it provides aid to hundreds of low-income families and children, regardless of religious affiliation. Based in Walls for some 50 years, the mission is said to be the tiny town's biggest employer.
There's no chance Mayo will face off again with Alday. Simple reason: House District 25 as constituted in 2011 no longer exists because of redistricting. Besides, Mayo has no desire to again run for office. He's much too happy teaching several subjects at Coahoma Community College and serving as a volunteer sports writer/photographer for the college.
Mayo was certainly no back-bencher when he was in the Legislature. When the state was hit with the national recession in 2004 (in Barbour's reign), Mayo raised a lone voice, bringing up the dreaded "T" word (i.e. taxes). He put together a broad plan to raise some $212 million in new revenue to save education, mental health and human services from drastic cuts. The chief revenue producer in his plan would increase the top bracket of the individual income tax from 5 percent to 6 percent, the same top rate the state had until 1965. That proposal instantly put Mayo's legislative career squarely in the crosshairs of the manufacturer-business lobby to which Barbour was closely allied.
Rather than back some revenue-producing measure to balance the budget, Barbour and his forces reverted to the old no-tax plan to cut spending in already-starved major services. They also dipped heavily into supposedly hands-off special funds, among them the tobacco trust fund, and the longstanding highway reserve fund used to service highway bond issues. All of these robbing Peter-to-pay-Paul sorties by the Barbourites were done with promises to pay them back. That never happened as long as Barbour occupied the governor's office, and there has not been even a whisper of a payback since Republicans took control of the legislative process.
Looking back, those days were the beginning of the plan to take Mayo's name (or any of his allies) off the wall in the House — for merely even mentioning the "T" word, much less introducing a bill to implement a revenue-producing plan to save some of the state's vital programs from a bloodletting.
Bill Minor is a contributing columnist. Contact him at P.O. Box 1243, Jackson MS 39215.


text:
Ancient wine cellar reveals a sophisticated drink
End Times and Current Events > Forum > General Category > Bible Study > Biblical Archaeology > Ancient wine cellar reveals a sophisticated drink
Author Topic: Ancient wine cellar reveals a sophisticated drink (Read 168 times)
Raising Canaan? Wine cellar found in ancient palace hints at a sophisticated rink for banquets
NEW YORK (AP) — Scientists have uncovered a 3,700-year-old wine cellar in the ruins of a Canaanite palace in Israel, and chemical analysis shows this is where they kept the good stuff.
Samples from the ceramic jars suggest they held a luxurious beverage that was evidently reserved for banquets, researchers said.
"It's not wine that somebody is just going to come home from a hard day and kick back and drink," said Andrew Koh of Brandeis University. He found signs of a blend of ingredients that may have included honey, mint, cedar, tree resins and cinnamon bark.
The discovery confirms how sophisticated wines were at that time, something suggested only by ancient texts, said Eric Cline of George Washington University. He, Koh and Assaf Yasur-Landau of the University of Haifa in Israel spoke to reporters Thursday before their work was presented Friday at a meeting of the American Schools of Oriental Research.
The wine cellar was found this summer in palace ruins near the modern town of Nahariya in northern Israel. Researchers found 40 ceramic jars, each big enough to hold about 13 gallons, in a single room. There may be more wine stored elsewhere, but the amount found so far wouldn't be enough to supply the local population, which is why the researchers believe it was reserved for palace use, Cline said.
The unmarked jars are all similar, as if made by the same potter, Yasur-Landau said. Chemical analysis indicates that the jars held red wine and possibly white wine, Koh said. No liquid was left, and he analyzed residues he had removed from the jars.
Patrick McGovern of the University of Pennsylvania, an expert in ancient winemaking, said the discovery "sheds important new light" on the development of winemaking in ancient Canaan, from which it later spread to Egypt and across the Mediterranean. He said the chemical analysis would have to be published before the ingredients of the wine could be assessed.
Curtis Runnels, an archaeologist at Boston University, called the finding significant not only in showing the sophistication of the wine, but also in suggesting that it was meant specifically for palace use. He noted that the chemical analysis showed each jar held wine from the same recipe, showing the "consistency and control you'd expect in a palace."
http://www.newsdaily.com/article/4ee522bae255a9288a0cae8d961df879/ancient-wine-cellar-reveals-a-sophisticated-drink


Pay a 20% deposit of £6.80 Pay a small deposit now and the rest (£27.20) when it's released!
From the anime/manga series "My Hero Academia" comes this officially licensed PVC Statue. It stands approx. 21 cm tall and comes in a printed box.
£39.99 Estimated Release: June 2019.
£31.99 Estimated Release: August 2019.
£158.99 Estimated Release: August 2019.
£38.99 Estimated Release: October 2019.


text:
As Iran Exported Its Shiite Revolution, Sunni Arabs Resisted Iran's Shiites tried to spread their ideology after the 1979 revolution, but have met resistance in Arab states led by Sunnis. This has contributed to conflicts throughout the Middle East.
The Partisans of Ali
A five-part series explores the long history of the divisions between Shia and Sunni Muslims.
As Iran Exported Its Shiite Revolution, Sunni Arabs Resisted
Embed <iframe src="https://www.npr.org/player/embed/7392405/7392503" width="100%" height="290" frameborder="0" scrolling="no" title="NPR embedded audio player">
February 14, 200712:01 AM ET
Mike Shuster
The Iran-Iraq war, which lasted from 1980 to 1988, cost hundreds of thousands of lives on both sides and ended in a stalemate. AP hide caption
The Iran-Iraq war, which lasted from 1980 to 1988, cost hundreds of thousands of lives on both sides and ended in a stalemate.
Editor's Note: Back in 2007, NPR reported on the Shiite-Sunni split that was contributing to conflicts in many parts of the Muslim world. In light of the current fighting in Iraq, which is along sectarian lines, NPR is republishing the series. The text includes some updates, while the audio is from the original broadcasts seven years ago. Here is Part 3, on the conflicts that have erupted as Shiite Iran attempted to export its revolution to Sunni Arab lands.
1979 was a pivotal year in the Muslim world.
The Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan, Sunni Muslim fundamentalists seized the Grand Mosque in Mecca, and the Ayatollah Khomeini led a Shiite revolution that swept the Shah of Iran from power and put in place the modern world's first Islamic republic.
But Khomeini had more grandiose goals.
"Khomeini did not envisage himself as making a revolution in one country," says Juan Cole, professor of Middle East history at the University of Michigan. "His ideology of clerical rule, rejection of the Western colonial heritage, he felt was a universal message."
Khomeini put forward the claim that he was the leader of the entire Muslim world, not simply of Shiite Iran.
That message was not well received among the Sunni Muslim rulers of the Middle East.
Saddam Hussein, seen here in 1980, did not cast the Iran-Iraq war in sectarian terms. He "largely represented himself as the bastion of Arab nationalism resisting Persian hordes," says Ray Takeyh, author of Hidden Iran. Selouk Perin/AFP/Getty Images hide caption
Selouk Perin/AFP/Getty Images
Saddam Hussein, seen here in 1980, did not cast the Iran-Iraq war in sectarian terms. He "largely represented himself as the bastion of Arab nationalism resisting Persian hordes," says Ray Takeyh, author of Hidden Iran.
"Some Sunnis began to resist that notion," says Vali Nasr, author of The Shia Revival, "because regardless of the fact that Khomeini saw himself as an Islamic leader, they saw Khomeini as a Shia leader."
That view was not necessarily shared by the poor and disenfranchised, dazzled by the popular movement that toppled the Iranian monarch.
Emphasizing Sunni-Shiite Differences
So, to win over the wider Arab public, some Sunni leaders, especially in Saudi Arabia, sought to sharpen the differences between Sunnis and Shiites. They emphasized "more hard-line radical Sunni views that tend to be more intolerant of Shias," Nasr says. "A great deal of investment was made."
The result was the emergence of new and far more dangerous Sunni fundamentalist groups.
Sunni fundamentalism in the Middle East had a long history. But these new groups would prove to be far more aggressive and violent than their predecessors.
This was particularly true of the Arab fighters who went to fight the Soviets in Afghanistan, including Osama bin Laden. They received a great deal of support from Saudi Arabia, but after the Soviets left Afghanistan in 1989, they turned on their sponsors in Riyadh. They were also fiercely anti-Shiite.
"Their objective was not just the overthrow of secular governments and the establishment of Islamic states," Nasr says, "but rather, their objective very particularly was anti-Shiism."
Saddam's Violent Reaction
The most violent reaction to Iran's Shiite revolution came from Saddam Hussein in Iraq.
Iraq invaded Iran in 1980 to seize its oil fields and destroy Khomeini's revolution. But Saddam did not cast the conflict in sectarian terms.
"Saddam largely represented himself as the bastion of Arab nationalism resisting Persian hordes," says Ray Takeyh, author of Hidden Iran: Paradox and Power in the Islamic Republic.
Despite Iraq's aggression and Saddam's brutal regime, Iraq had no trouble attracting the support of all of the Sunni Muslim leaders in the region.
More About The Series
Series Overview: The Partisans of Ali Feb. 12, 2007
Profiles: Key Individuals in the Shia-Sunni Divide Feb. 12, 2007
Chronology: A History of the Shia-Sunni Split Feb. 12, 2007
Suggested Reading: The Shia-Sunni Conflict Feb. 12, 2007
The war killed hundreds of thousands of soldiers on both sides. It was fought initially in Iran's oil-rich region, then on the other side of the border in southern Iraq, where Iraq's Shiite population was concentrated.
"Iraqi Shia fought desperately in the trenches, against their co-religionists in Iran," says Wayne White, a former senior intelligence officer in the State Department. "And it wasn't because Saddam Hussein was holding a gun to their head. In many cases it was because they didn't like what they saw across the border."
But the loyalty of the Shiite in Iraq won them scant approval from Saddam.
"Saddam Hussein was very suspicious of the Shiis and their loyalties," says Augustus Norton, professor of Middle East history at Boston University. "Army units were rotated much more frequently than was militarily wise, because he suspected the loyalty of these units that were predominantly Shia Muslim."
Reverberations in Lebanon
Then war broke out in yet another corner of the Middle East.
In 1982, Israel launched an all-out invasion of Lebanon, ostensibly to stop guerrilla attacks from the Palestine Liberation Organization. But the conflict would have unexpected and profound repercussions for the Sunni-Shiite divide and for the security of the United States.
To get to Beirut, Israeli troops had to march through and occupy southern Lebanon, where the population was overwhelmingly Shiite. It was this invasion that soon would expand the reach of Iran.
"The most important reverberation of the Iranian revolution was in Lebanon," says Augustus Norton, author of Hezbollah: A Short History. "This revolution provided a context for another organization to emerge, and this was Hezbollah, 'the party of God.'"
Not only did Hezbollah and other Shiite militias target the Israelis, but after President Ronald Reagan sent U.S. troops to Lebanon as part of a peace-keeping force, Lebanese militias attacked the Americans as well. In 1983, suicide car and truck bombs exploded at the U.S. embassy in Beirut and at the U.S. Marine barracks, with more than 300 dead, all told.
Israel invaded Lebanon in 1982, ostensibly to stop guerrilla attacks from the Palestine Liberation Organization. But the conflict had unexpected and profound repercussions for the Sunni-Shiite divide and for the security of the United States. Ya'akov Sa'ar/GPO via Getty Images hide caption
Ya'akov Sa'ar/GPO via Getty Images
Israel invaded Lebanon in 1982, ostensibly to stop guerrilla attacks from the Palestine Liberation Organization. But the conflict had unexpected and profound repercussions for the Sunni-Shiite divide and for the security of the United States.
After the bombings, President Reagan angrily declared that the United States would not be intimidated: "These deeds make so evident the bestial nature of those who would assume power if they could have their way and drive us out of that area."
But he soon reversed himself and pulled U.S. troops out of Lebanon, leaving the divided nation to an additional six years of war.
The Iran-Iraq war ground on as well and saw Iraq's widespread use of chemical weapons. It finally ended in 1988.
Its aftermath brought no rewards for Iraq's Shiites, further deepening the Sunni-Shiite divide.
"They were still treated as outsiders," says Vali Nasr. "This attitude was the same one that Saddam Hussein had at the moment of his hanging [in December 2006], when he referred to all the Shias as Persians."
Peace in the Persian Gulf lasted for just two years. And then Saddam embarked on another ill-fated military adventure: the seizure of Kuwait.
A 1983 suicide truck bombing, believed to be the work of Hezbollah, devastated the U.S. Marine barracks in Beirut. Jim Bourdier/AP hide caption
Jim Bourdier/AP
A 1983 suicide truck bombing, believed to be the work of Hezbollah, devastated the U.S. Marine barracks in Beirut.
Second-Class Citizens
After a U.S. military force of a half-million troops ousted Iraq's army from Kuwait, the Shiites had had enough of Saddam and rose up against him. Saddam put down the rebellion brutally.
"No one came to their assistance," Norton says. "Not neighboring Saudi Arabia, not the United States, which had called for the rebellion. No one came to their assistance, except the Islamic Republic of Iran."
From that point on, the Shiites of Iraq began to understand that it didn't matter how much blood they shed, how much they defended the country, they still were treated as second-class citizens.
Or worse.
In the 1990s, Saddam systematically set about destroying the senior Shiite clerical hierarchy. At least 10 ayatollahs and their sons and other relatives were murdered by Iraqi agents.
Vehicles of the U.S. Army's 3rd Armored Division move north through Kuwait on March 31, 1991, during the Gulf War, which ousted Saddam Hussein's forces from its neighbor. Peter Dejong/AP hide caption
Peter Dejong/AP
Vehicles of the U.S. Army's 3rd Armored Division move north through Kuwait on March 31, 1991, during the Gulf War, which ousted Saddam Hussein's forces from its neighbor.
Iraqi and Arab nationalism proved less and less attractive to the Shiites of Iraq. They became more religious and more sectarian in their outlook.
Then came the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq in 2003, which unleashed forces of Muslim sectarianism unseen in the Middle East in modern times.


text:
USA vs. Sweden Men's Curling Odds to Win Gold
Sweden was coming in as the 1/3 favorite to win the Men's Curling event at this year's Winter Olympics. Team USA was listed at 9/4 odds.
This is Team USA's first time competing for the Men's Curling gold medal.
John Shuster's side edged past Canada 5-3 in Pyeongchang, South Korea, while Sweden easily beat Switzerland 9-3.
As the top-ranked team in the world, Sweden is the easy favorite here.
- Don Shapiro, Gambling911.com
Olympics News
eSports and the Olympics May Not be Perfect Together
No medals for eSports in next Olympics
USA Stuns Sweden in Olympic Curling as 3-1 Dog
John Shuster's last throw in the eighth end of the Olympic curling final clacked off one Swedish stone and knocked it into another, sending them both skittering out of scoring range.
Women's, Men's Mass Start Betting Odds - Olympic Speed Skating
The Women's and Men's Mass Start betting odds for Olympic Speed Skating appear here
Odds to Win the Men's 50KM Mass Start in Cross Country Skiing
The odds to win the Men's 50KM Mass Start in Cross Country Skiing had Alexey Poltoranin, Dario Cologna and IIvo Niskanen all at 5/2 odds.
Men's Cross Country 50km Mass Start Odds to Win Gold
Alexey Poltoranin was coming in as the 5/2 co-favorite with Dario Cologna and IIvo Niskanen in the Men's Cross Country 50km Mass Start event Saturday.


After staying at the Affinia Shelburne last year (see post) I was dying to experience one of their other NYC hotels. When Alyson, Kimberly, and I were looking for a place to stay I looked up their hotels and found at an amazing price a 1 bedroom (with 2 queen beds and sofa bed) deluxe suite at the Affinia Manhattan. We quickly decided to snag the deal and were beyond excited for our adventures in the city. Little did we know one of the best adventures was going to be the Affinia Manhattan.
After picking Kimberly up at the airport we quickly made our way into the city and arrived at the front of a gorgeous 28 floor hotel. We were quickly checked in as our bags were being unloaded and my car was being parked. As were were checked in the staff said to us that we're in a 2 bedroom deluxe suite on the 28th floor. Not thinking much about what she said as we were given a run down of the hotel and all it's amenities, we were then escorted to our room. What greeted us on the other side of the door was so much more than we expected. Turned out the hotel gave us a free upgrade to one of the largest and most beautiful suites in the hotel, filled with amenities galore and luxurious views.
The decor in the newly remodeled Affinia Manhattan was so chic, subtle, and elegant. The colors didn't over whelm you but the designs on the walls and pillows was so intriguing and fun. When we first walked into the room we came right into our living room with a sleeper sofa, two side chairs, dining room table, and computer desk. The sofa bed was made up for us because at the time we thought we would need it, so in the picture above the coffee table is moved to the side.
The living room was perfect for coming home after the conference and lounging around to discuss the day. It was also the perfect place to eat delicious room service and work on the next days post.
My favorite part of this kitchen was the view from the window. I spent so much time just standing there watching and taking in the views of the city and river. I needed to remind myself how lucky I truly was for having so many amazing opportunities like this come my way. I even made Kimberly stop what she was doing when we got there to come over and look at the city to truly take in the fact that we were in NYC. Sometimes I think we all get so busy that we forgot to stop and appreciate things.
The second bedroom; which Kimberly and I shared; had two queen beds with night stands, closet, chair, and two windows. It was actually down a little hall from the first bedroom, and the hall held another closet and a bathroom.
I loved that our beds each had a throw blanket which were perfect to crawl under if you wanted to take a nap or got a little chill. I spent most of the evenings in the bathrobes that were provided which made me feel a little like "Pretty Woman".
While at the hotel we tried out their restaurant, Niles, and had an amazing meal with delicious food. The staff very helpful and Kimberly and Alyson even had them bring a desert out on a plate that said Happy Birthday. Talk about making a girl feel special.
I honestly only have the best things to say about the Affinia Manhattan. It was in the perfect location with friendly, happy, and helpful staff, the rooms made you feel comfortable and like you were at home, and they even had a little "Comfort Hour" where they gave you brownies! I think I can speak for all three of us when I saw we absolutely loved the hotel and had an amazing stay.Thank you Affinia!
Sorry for the lack of pictures but after we checked in we had about 1 hour to get ready for the first cocktail party.
I was in no way paid for this review from The Affinia Manhattan. I am simply just voicing my opinion and sharing with you, my reader, something I loved and found interesting.
We're so glad to hear that you had a great experience with us, and thank you very much for this lovely, kind write-up! We hope to welcome you back soon.
OMG AMAZING. I can't even believe you girls scored this - so amazing!
Wow! Amazing room and view! Sounds like so much fun!
Yes, it's a beautiful place indee, though a bit pricy.
What a pretty hotel! Sorry we couldn't talk longer. Hope to catch up the next time you're in NY!


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Neukirchen vorm Wald este o comună din landul Bavaria, Germania.

Comune din Bavaria


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Maggie Reimer
The Importance of HBCUs in Your Company's D&I Strategy
The most important part of any company's D&I strategy is that it is genuine, effective and it makes a difference. There's been an influx of company interest in Diversity and Inclusion strategies across the world over the last decade and we're here to talk about how important HBCUs (Historically Black Colleges and Universities) are to your D&I strategy plan.
First of all, let's dig into how important HBCUs are.
In 2018, there were 101 HBCUs; 51 were public institutions and 50 were private nonprofit institutions (source) located in 19 states (the District of Columbia, and the U.S. Virgin Islands, too). The percentage of female enrollment at HBCUs increased from 53 percent in fall 1976 to 62 percent in fall 2018. According to The Advocate, HBCUs are blazing the STEM trail with more than 50% of all Black physicians and engineers graduating from HBCUs. They are adequately staffing the workforce, making college accessible and affordable, and they are reminding us that there are still many battles to fight!
Larger companies have been making this move for a while. In late 2019, Disney launched a series of virtual career sessions exclusively for HBCU students which aimed to educate Black students about the possible career opportunities within the company. The biggest goal for the program? To create a pipeline that helps Black students advance within the Disney company.
McKinsey & Co. is actively recruiting from 30 HBCUs and has pledged to double its Black leadership and hiring over the next few years. Joseph Wells, director of masters programs at the Graves School of Business and Management at Morgan State University says:
"Companies seem to be more interested in developing a relationship with the school long-term, I think some of it is making good on whatever pledges they might have made this summer."
Because pledging to do something doesn't mean anything until there's real action. So, what can your company do to REALLY make a difference for HBCUs:
Volunteer to work with them through different activities
Increase your engagement overall
Look for mentor opportunities to serve HBCUs
So... start a partnership with an HBCU today. Start acting on your D&I strategy. Or, give us a call and we'll work with your HR team to start building those relationships!
PeopleLift.com
The Power of Agility
Why Human Skills Are Essential For The Future of Work
Celebrating the Women of PeopleLift for International Women's Day (And Every Day)
© 2020 by Peoplelift
Website design by IPM Web Design & PeopleLift


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Exactly Four Years Ago, Trump Got His First Top-Secret Intelligence Briefing 7 Days After Election Win—Biden Still Hasn't
By Khaleda Rahman On 11/15/20 at 7:42 AM EST
U.S. Donald Trump Joe Biden 2020 Election
On November 15 in 2016, President Donald Trump got his first top-secret intelligence briefing, a week after his election victory—something President-elect Joe Biden has yet to receive.
Trump received the President's Daily Brief (PDB), the daily summary of high-level information and analysis on national security issues, at Trump Tower in New York City that day, CNN reported at the time.
It came days after President Barack Obama welcomed Trump to the Oval Office, where they met for 90 minutes and later shook hands in front of cameras. That day, Biden, then the vice president, also met with his successor, Mike Pence, and offered his support for a "smooth" and "seamless" transition of power.
Four years on, Trump has refused to allow Biden to receive intelligence briefings following the Democrat's win, even the ones he was getting as a presidential nominee, the Associated Press reported.
Th president has not conceded the race, citing baseless claims of voter fraud, more than a week after the AP and major television networks called the race for Biden on November 7.
Yet several Senate Republicans have said that Biden should receive classified information, including Sen. Lindsay Graham and Sen. Chuck Grassley.
President Donald Trump speaks about Operation Warp Speed in the Rose Garden at the White House on November 13, in Washington, D.C. Tasos Katopodis/Getty Images
Intelligence briefings for presidential nominees were authorized by President Harry Truman, who was dismayed after only learning about the Manhattan Project to develop an atomic bomb 12 days into his presidency in 1945.
Biden was receiving those intelligence briefings during the campaign, but is not anymore, the AP reported.
The General Services Administration (GSA) has not recognized Biden as the winner of the 2020 presidential election, thus denying him access to funding and briefings.
Biden Transition Adviser Concerned About No National Security Briefings
Republicans Break With Trump, Say Biden Should Get Classified Briefings
Joe Biden's Transition Could Be Trickiest since the Civil War
Exactly Four Years Ago, Biden Welcomed Pence To The White House
But Biden is familiar with the PDB, having read the sensitive document prepared for the president and key cabinet members and advisors during his eight years as vice president.
He has said that not having access to it during the transition period is "not critical." "Access to classified information is useful, but I'm not in a position to make any decisions on those issues anyway," Biden said earlier this week. "It would be nice to have it, but it's not critical."
But on Friday, his transition adviser Jen Psaki said that every day that the president-elect doesn't have access to national security intelligence briefings is "more concerning."
"It's been six days, but every day that passes on, it becomes more concerning that our national security team and the president-elect and the vice president-elect don't have access to those threat assessments, intelligence briefings, real-time information about our engagements around the world," Psaki said.
It came after over 100 former military and national security officials sent a letter to the GSA, warning that delaying Biden's access to transition services raises national security risks.
It cited the 9/11 Commission Report, which said the contested 2000 presidential election dramatically shortened the transition from Bill Clinton to George W. Bush's administration and contributed to a lack of preparedness ahead of the September 11, 2001 terror attacks.
Newsweek has contacted the White House and Biden's transition team for comment.


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Q: AVAudioSession bug with play after remove app from task I have some problems I init audio session and set this
[[AVAudioSession sharedInstance] setCategory:AVAudioSessionCategoryAmbient error:nil];
[[AVAudioSession sharedInstance]setActive:YES error:nil];

and
  if ([[UIApplication sharedApplication] respondsToSelector:@selector(beginReceivingRemoteControlEvents)]){
    [[UIApplication sharedApplication] beginReceivingRemoteControlEvents];
    [self becomeFirstResponder];
}

So my problem is when I play music in background then remove app from task (double click on home btn) and then I press play on headphone my app start play audio but I expected play default player (default player was playing before start my app)


CHICAGO (April 18, 2017) - Today Cision announced the launch of its first-ever World Tour, bringing industry leaders and practitioners together to discuss the art and science of data-driven communications. In this new era, earned media is at the forefront of successful communication campaigns - as a matter of fact, 81 percent of senior marketers believe earned media is more effective than paid media1. However, demonstrating impact to key stakeholders has long been a challenge. Join Cision in one of six major cities on its schedule for an afternoon of conversation, connections and cocktails with communications and marketing leaders on how to quantify efforts and adapt to the new consumer and media landscape.
Each World Tour event will begin with opening remarks from Cision CEO Kevin Akeroyd and CMO Chris Lynch on how the art of storytelling combined with the science of data enables brands to uncover the critical influencers they need to get their story shared, craft content that gets read, and link coverage with buyer behavior. An expert panel discussion will follow on establishing a win-win relationship between brands and the media in a new climate where trust in media is faltering2. Each city will also feature an exclusive keynote speaker from among some of the top industry visionaries on the future of the profession and how individuals, agencies and brands can pivot toward a more lucrative and competitive future. All events will conclude with cocktails and hors d'oeuvres.
Industry thought leaders joining the tour include Mark Schaefer, global marketing consultant and author; Brian Solis, Principal Analyst at Altimeter; Gini Dietrich, CEO of Arment Dietrich; Victor Cho, CEO of Evite; Steve Barrett, Editor in Chief at PR Week and many more. Senior-level executives from renowned brands Gogo, Ketchum, Adobe, and Edelman will also be presenting.
The Cision World Tour is hosted in partnership with the Internet Marketing Association (IMA) and CommPro. For more information and to RSVP today visit worldtour.cision.com.


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Superquadra
Erik van der Weijde
Book with photographs by Erik van der Weijde of large residential blocks in Brasilia, named 'Superquadras'. Each block, as a repeating element in Lucio Costa's master plan for Brazil's new capital, was built within a distinct configuration, with an average of eleven residential buildings raised on pilotis, with a height limit of six floors. Besides 30 of these residential blocks in Brasilia, Van der Weijde also visited a residential complex in Rio de Janeiro, designed by Costa in 1948, which is considered to be a forerunner of the Superquadras .
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