Puigdemont defends the "validity" of the DUI and sees in Catalonia a "de facto political subject"
The former president of the Generalitat de Catalunya Carles Puigdemont has affirmed in an interview with the Argentine newspaper Clarion that the declaration of independence of October 27, 2017 was "valid", made by a "legitimate" parliament and that it has not been "rectified" by another subsequent parliament. "There is a milestone and it is done", he added.
In this interview granted in Belgium, where he resides since leaving Spain, Puigdemont contradicts the line of defense maintained by the majority of defendants in the trial of the you procés both in instruction and in the oral hearing now held, those who have assured that this statement was merely symbolic and without legal transcendence.
However, asked about this position of the defendants, Puigdemont assures that it is a defense strategy and that in a trial "without guarantees", as in his opinion is the one that is followed in the Supreme Court, "everything is allowed". "My colleagues and friends must do everything in their power to get out of this farce," he adds.
Point out the unilateral way as the "last option", but remember that "it is always there"
The expresident adds that the independentist parties do not regret the unilateralism with which they acted and that this "is always valid", although it is not the first option. "It was the last option," he says, "but it's always there," he warns. And he also says that declaring independence may be "illegal", but "it is not a crime" in the Spanish legal system, nor is it, according to Puigdemont, to call a referendum on independence.
In another moment of the interview, Carles Puigdemont says he finds three weaknesses in the independence movement. First, the "division among political actors", which "costs a lot" to find unity; second, that they must assume that they have climbed "a few steps in the conflict, which is already a clearly European conflict". As a third problem, Puigdemont sees a difficulty in the size of Catalonia, which constitutes "a political and social minority" in Spain. "We are only 16% of the population," he says.
In return, the candidate of JxCat assures that Catalonia has managed to be "a de facto political subject" and that this is the result of the strategy of dissemination of the independence movement. "Before getting to the recognition you have to get the knowledge. That's also because in modern times conflicts are also narrative, wars are also narratives, "he says.
On this, and with a view to the European elections of May 26, Puigdemont defends that he can acquire the status of MEP - and his immunity - if the citizens give him confidence: "Unlike the electoral processes organized in Spain, this It is an electoral process organized by the European Parliament. The states will communicate the results of the elections to the EU Parliament and will publish them, where the status of MEP will be acquired. " "We must discuss whether it is mandatory or not to act as a European deputy to take the oath of the Constitution - in Spain - but in that period of immunity I can circulate, which is what interests me," he adds.
Carles Puigdemont assures in the interview to questions from the Argentine newspaper that within a year -3 February 2020- his National Identity Document (DNI) expires and that one year or a year and a half later, he adds, his passport will also do so. He admits that this will create problems for him, but he lowers them to the "practical administrative" level.
In spite of that expiration, the former Catalan president affirms that "never" will stop being "in a situation of regularity", although he does not explain how. "I will manage the circumstance in which I find myself at that moment," he simply adds.
Puigdemont also rejects his judicial situation in Spain - a national order of search and capture against him for rebellion and embezzlement of public funds - because he claims that he is "a free citizen in Europe" and that "there is a cause" against him but that he is " provisionally filed. "
Next Manuel Valls defends that there is no democracy "without elites"


The Team Report is only available on our Business Plan. More information on our plans can be found here.
Report exports What should I do with this data?
The Team Report is where you'll find insights on team member activity. This report helps to answer questions like who sent the most replies last week, how many internal notes are being added, and how many conversations a team lead assigned. It's also a great tool to see, week over week, if your team is sending more or less replies, and which types of replies are sent most.
In the chart below, you'll see volume by team member. Hovering over a team member will display their individual numbers of replies sent, broken down by conversation type, along with the number of notes they've added, assignments they've made, and number of times they've closed conversations.
Please note, the Closed number indicates the number of times a team member has closed conversations during that date range, as opposed to the number of conversations they've closed.
Various CSV exports can be downloaded from this report, by clicking the download icon at the top right of the page (next to the date picker).
All: This report includes the total number of replies sent each day, by each team member, broken down by message type, along with the number of notes they've added, assignments they've made, and total the number of times they've closed conversations.
Notes: This report includes the number of internal notes added each day, by each team member.
Assignments: This report includes the number of conversations that have been assigned each day, by each team member.
Closed: This report includes the number of times conversations have been closed each day, by each team member.
Tweets: This report includes the total number of Tweet replies that have been sent each day, by each team member.
Direct Messages: This report includes the total number of Direct Message replies that have been sent each day, by each team member.
Facebook Messages: This report includes the total number of Facebook message replies that have been sent each day, by each team member.
Facebook Comments: This report includes the total number of Facebook comment replies that have been sent each day, by each team member.
Instagram: This report includes the total number of Instagram comment replies that have been sent each day, by each team member.
The data in this report can be used to track team member productivity. It can also be a great indicator of whether you have the correct number of resources assigned to managing your support and engagement on social media, and also potential gaps in knowledge. For example, if a particular team member is sending fewer replies than usual, or assigning a larger number of conversations to other team members, this could indicate that they need some extra help.
In the All CSV, you'll see a row per team member, with the number of replies they've sent per message type, along with the number of notes they've added, assignments they've made, and total the number of times they've closed conversations.
At Buffer, we use this report to find the total number of replies sent by each team member.
We also use it to find the total number of replies sent per team.


It was absolutely sublime performence by Arsenal as they came from 2 goals down to win it 5-2 at Emirates and showed the loophoeles in Spurs team. Saha and Adebayor gave Spurs a good healthy lead but Arsenal hit back just before halftime as goals from Sagna and Vanperise made it 2-2 at the Break, after the haftime it was all Arsenal as they went on to score 3 more in just over 10 minutes time to make it 5-2 on the day.
HEre are the match results and GOals video, while full match highights will be available shortly after the match is over.


Part of my brain research and machine learning endeavors is to use SVM for the purpose of training and/or testing in real time. given the huge amount of temporal brain data that we acquire in real-time, there is a need for a large scale SVM algorithm. usually SVM can handle thousands of samples with thousands of features, and with a cutting edge PC you may be able to scale it up to ~10 times as much. but using shogun you can process more data, the shogun team reports up to 10 millions training samples and up to 7 billion test samples.
A few months back shogun did not support C# . Daniel Korn and I made some advances to create something called an interface file for shogun, that will make it work with C#. half way through the process one of the shogun participants in google summer of code took control of the interface programming and finished it. with this new release there is a C# dll that everyone can use, and in it there is support for many data types. i still need to figure out if it will support sparse lists/dictionaries so that the memory footprint will be small enough for any algorithm. with the new dll there are many C# examples files that we have created to test out the new interface/dll.
shogun 1.1.0 can be downloaded here.
our credits appear in the NEWS section of the release and on the front page.
New dimensionality reduction algorithms: Diffusion Maps, Kernel Locally Linear Embedding, Kernel Local Tangent Space Alignment, Linear Local Tangent Space Alignment, Neighborhood Preserving embedding, Locality Preserving Projections.
Automatical k determination mode for Locally Linear Embedding dimension reduction method based on reconstruction error.
Introduce the concept of Converters that can embed (arbitrary) feature types into different feature types.
Various new c# examples (thanks Daniel Korn and Ori Cohen).


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Boost your casual attire with the versatile Joules Laundered tee.
Made from a cotton slub jersey which has that lovely washed worn and relaxed feel to it. Effortlessly styled with a crew neck regular fit and contrast embroidery detail to the left chest.
For an off-duty look team with an un-done check shirt and denims.


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Home 9 General 9 Pro Overwatch team NYXL featured in documentary
General, Overwatch
Pro Overwatch team NYXL featured in documentary
by Olivia Richman | Jan 31, 2019
The New York Excelsior invited fans to watch the live premier of their full-length documentary "We Are NYXL," a behind-the-scenes look at the team's first season in the Overwatch League.
The NYXL's success in earlier stages of OWL Season 1 took a backseat to the team's disappointment at their Stage 4 performance, which became the focal point for "We Are NYXL" in the latter half of the documentary.
The reactions caught on camera after the team's loss to Philadelphia Fusion in the semifinals was real and raw. Watching Yeon-joon "ArK" Hong and Tae-hong "MekO" Kim embrace each other with tears streaming down their faces was taut with emotion, as was coach Hyeon-sang "Pavane" Yu's apology to his crying team.
The team kept reliving their mistakes, beating themselves up for feeling as though they hadn't played their best.
"This memory is painful to the bone for me," said Do-hyeon "Pine" Kim. "At the same time, the pain made us realize that we need to try harder."
Despite a Stage 4 record that reflected the team's late season struggles, the New York Excelsior dominated Stages 1, 2, and 3. The team had one of the most loyal and passionate fan bases in the league, with fans snaking around multiple city blocks just to get their favorite players' signatures.
They had the talent and the support to win. But they still had come up short.
The NYXL's story wasn't just about defeat, however. It was also about redemption.
"NYXL has spent the offseason in reflection," the narrator stated above fervent shotcalling from the team practicing in the background. "Motivated by that bitter taste of defeat, they are determined to use their shortcomings as fuel to propel them forward in the 2019 season."
Instead of giving up when things didn't go there way, the determined team has been doing whatever they can to overcome these obstacles. Adding Yeon-oh "Fl0w3R" Hwang and Yeon-kwan "Nenne" Jeong to the roster, the New York Excelsior feel retooled and energized going into Season 2.
"We're the best," MeKO said, "because we have the best coaches, best players, and the best fans."

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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Mueller: We didn't say whether Trump committed a crime. Trump: "Case is closed."
The president reacts to special counsel Robert Mueller's public statement.
By Jen Kirby May 29, 2019, 12:40pm EDT
Share All sharing options for: Mueller: We didn't say whether Trump committed a crime. Trump: "Case is closed."
President Donald Trump on May 28, 2019.
Athit Perawongmetha-Pool/Getty Images
Special counsel Robert Mueller, in his first public statement on the conclusions of his two-year investigation into Russian election interference, said that when it came to the question of whether President Donald Trump committed of obstruction of justice, "If we had confidence that the president clearly did not commit a crime, we would have said that."
But Trump had a bit of a different take.
"Nothing changes from the Mueller Report," he wrote on Twitter shortly after Mueller concluded his remarks Wednesday. "There was insufficient evidence and therefore, in our Country, a person is innocent. The case is closed. Thank you!"
The president's reaction is a bit more muted than his usual "No Collusion, No Obstruction, Complete and Total EXONERATION."
That might be because Mueller reiterated that the decision not to come to a prosecutorial judgment on the president's conduct didn't clear the president of wrongdoing. Rather, Mueller explained that "longstanding" department policy says a president can't be charged with a federal crime while in office — and that Mueller, as a Justice Department employee, was bound by that policy.
Nothing changes from the Mueller Report. There was insufficient evidence and therefore, in our Country, a person is innocent. The case is closed! Thank you.
— Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) May 29, 2019
"Charging the president with a crime was, therefore, not an option we could consider," Mueller said. The special counsel continued:
The department's written opinion explaining the policy makes several important points that further informed our handling of the obstruction investigation.
Those points are summarized in our report and I will describe two of them for you.
First, the opinion explicitly permits the investigation of a sitting president, because it is important to preserve evidence while memories are fresh and documents available. Among other things, that evidence could be used if there were co-conspirators who could be charged now.
And second, the opinion says that the constitution requires a process other than the criminal justice system to formally accuse a sitting president of wrongdoing.
In other words, Mueller is suggesting that a political process — not the criminal justice system — is the venue to ultimately decide the president's conduct.
Mueller examined 11 instances of possible obstruction of justice in his final report, including Trump's efforts to remove the special counsel and efforts to pressure then-Attorney General Jeff Sessions to "unrecuse" himself from the investigation so he could win back control.
As for the "collusion" part of the investigation, Mueller said Wednesday (as he does in his report) that it was his team's "conclusion that there was insufficient evidence to charge a broader conspiracy." But the special counsel also emphasized that Russia interfered in the American political system. "That allegation deserves the attention of every American," Mueller said Wednesday.
Trump and his allies have gone on the offensive since the release of the report in April, downplaying the conclusions and scuttling Congress's attempts to conduct hearings on the findings by calling key witnesses, such as former White House counsel Don McGahn.
Attorney General William Barr — who's given fuel to allegations that the Trump campaign was illegally spied on by the FBI — is also conducting a review of the origins of the Russia investigation, with broad powers to declassify information related to the opening of the probe in 2016.
Mueller's statement Wednesday marked the official end of his tenure and the closure of the special counsel's office. But, with his final remarks, he reminded the public that the case is far from closed.
Special counsel Robert Mueller's Trump-Russia investigation: How we got here
The Justice Department has dropped Michael Flynn's case
Robert Mueller should testify before Congress
Is confidence a cult? These sociologists think so. A new book aims to show why directives to "just be more confident!" are so harmful.


Papaya (Carica papaya L.) is a kind of fruit which has a high nutritional value, especially its antioxidant content. However, papaya is a perishable fruit which is easily spoiled after harvesting. Drying is a processing technology which is used to prolong shelf life of papaya by removing water content from the fruit material. To overcome disadvantages of drying process, blanching and osmotic dehydration are considered as suitable pre-drying treatments. The aims of this research are to find out the effect of osmotic dehydration using sucrose solution on the drying time of papaya, and also to analyze the chemical characteristics (vitamin C, anti oxidant, and moisture content), physical characteristics (density and size reduction) and sensory characteristics of dried papaya. This research are using three concentrations of sucrose solution (150Brix, 300Brix, and 450Brix), four drying temperatures (500C, 600C, 700C, and 800C), two kind of papaya (unripe and medium-ripe) and the use of citric acid soaking as another pre-treatment. The result showed that osmotic dehydration has capability to shorten drying time. The most effective treatment to shorten drying time was osmotic dehydration in 450Brix sucrose solution. However, osmotic dehydration was also decreased vitamin C content and antioxidant activity along with the increase of sucrose concentration and drying temperature. Based on Arrhenius equation, from four drying temperature, papaya soaked in 45oBrix sucrose solution concentration has the lowest Ea value which means its vitamin C and antioxidant activity is easily damaged. While based on Page's model, from four drying temperatures, the 45oBrix sucrose solution concentration pre-treated papaya has the lowest k value (degradation weight of water) compared to the others. Size reduction of dried papaya is not affected by the differences of four drying temperatures but it is affected by the differences of sucrose solution concentrations which the higher sucrose solution concentration the lower size reduction of dried papaya. There is no significant difference bulk density among the pre-treated papayas but there is significant difference bulk density between the pre-treated papaya and the untreated one. The result of sensory analysis showed that papaya soaked in 450Brix sucrose solution and dried in 60oC drying temperature solution were most liked by panelist.


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McKay's Liberal Order Framework: Promise and Pitfalls
My review of Liberalism and Hegemony : Debating the Canadian Liberal Revolution. Edited by Jean-François Constant and Michel Ducharme. Toronto : University of Toronto Press, 2009 has appeared in the Canadian Historical Review. see here.
I was asked to write a short review by the CHR and the CHR's quite legitimate space constraints prevented me from developing all of my ideas about this book and about McKay's Liberal Order Framework, which is the intellectual paradigm that underpins both the essays in the book and a vast body of literature. This is why I am posting this short essay here.
The book I have reviewed in a collection of papers that were presented at a 2006 workshop at McGill University. The workshop was inspired by an article by Ian McKay that appeared in the Canadian Historical Review in 2000. In that article, McKay argued that Canadian history in the period from c. 1840 to c. 1940 must be understood with reference to the rise and hegemony of liberalism. Although McKay did not define liberalism precisely, it is clear that he was denoting a pro-capitalism ideology similar to what C.B. Macpherson called "possessive individualism" or what others might call classica liberalism. McKay argued that the Canadian state should be understood as a project of liberal rule in North America. Canada was a more of a "liberal Empire" and the expression of a particular ideology than a traditional ethnic nation. McKay's basic argument was that liberalism drove the creation of Canada as a nation state. He says that Macdonald and his National Policy embodied economic liberalism. McKay alludes to the Soviet Union several times in his works on the Liberal Order Framework. One can see why, for the Soviet Union was an ideological project of rule, a Marxist empire, not a traditional nation state: some people in Russia applied the ideas of German and other thinkers and the created a vast Empire devoted to putting these ideas into practice. In McKay's telling of Canadian history, the Dominion of Canada created in 1867 served a similar purpose– it was an empire allowed a clique of liberal-minded to implement the ideas of John Locke, Adam Smith, John Stuart Mill, and other liberal thinkers on the peoples of a vast territory. McKay, how is a former Marxist and is old enough to have known the Soviet Union, is making a very interesting comparison here. It's interesting, but I don't actually buy it.
It is hard to understate the importance of the article by McKay. Today, many young Canadian historians situate their work within the Liberal Order Framework. Whereas in the past, a scholar might declare that they were going to provide, say, a Marxist or a feminist interpretation of X, Y, or Z, many emerging historians of Canada say that their research was informed by McKay's Liberal Order Framework. If you pick a half dozen current Canadian history PhD theses at random, I bet you will find the McKay's Liberal Order Framework has influenced at least three of them.In some cases, PhD students pay intellectual tribute to McKay's 2000 article in the title of their thesis– e.g., "Mohawk Land Practices and the Liberal Order: An environmental history of Kahnawake".
Ian McKay is an important and prolific scholar who has said many interesting things in the past. His ideas deserve to be taken seriously. That being said, I am unconvinced by his Liberal Order Framework. In fact, I am uncomfortable with the fact that the "thesis" or "theory" that McKay advanced in 2000 is already being described as a "framework", which suggests that the accuracy/explanatory power of the thesis has already been established through rigorous empirical testing. 150 years after Darwin published his theory of evolution, we still refer to it as a "theory". It is a good theory that has held up well in the face of masses of research done by scientists on different continents. Why then have Canadian historians been so quick to elevate this theory into a framework before it has been tried with the acid test of empirical investigation by historians working in different sub-disciplines of history. Few of the adherents of the Liberal Order Framework appear to have given much thought to falsifiability. Falsifiability means that a theory could possibly be refuted by through new empirical research. That something is "falsifiable" does not mean it is false; rather, that if it is false, then this can be shown by observation. In the physical sciences, theories are tested in the lab. In history, theories are tested through the process of primary source research. I would ask those who support the Liberal Order Framework to imagine what sort of evidence could potentially undermine or disprove their thesis.
In the review, I say that the papers in this book exemplify both what is good and what is deeply frustrating about McKay's Liberal Order Framework. I argue that McKay and his followers are dealing with some really important issues– liberty, property, individualism, collectivism. Their historical research deserves to be communicated to a broader audience– to undergraduates and to history buffs who peruse the shelves of the big box bookstores such as Chapters. McKay's research also ought to be considered by scholars working in the United States, Britain, and other countries. I think that the debate currently raging in the American historical profession about the weak American state could be informed by looking at events north of the border. Canada was an important part of the British Empire and it would be a good thing if historians of the Empire-Commonwealth based outside of Canada paid at least some attention the Liberal Order Framework Thesis debate in Canada.
Unfortunately, this book's readership is likely to remain confined to professional historians of Canada based in Canada. This is true of much of the secondary literature that has emerged in response to McKay's Liberal Order Framework. Specialized jargon and unexplained references to Habermas and Foucault make the book inappropriate for both undergraduates and members of the public interested in history. Moreover, some of the essays are highly introspective–one finds very junior historians talking about their personal reactions to McKay, their first encounters with McKay, the process of being hired by Canadian university history departments. This might be interesting to a handful of academic historians, but it is likely to be boring, indeed, repellant to most other readers. Don't get me wrong. There are some historians who have led very interesting lives and whose autobiographies would be worth reading. Consider Basil Davidson (1914-2010), the historian of Africa who was also involved in the effort to overthrow white minority rule in Angola and South Africa. Alas, few historians working in Canada today are terribly interesting. We are essentially civil servants who have grown up in boringly normal suburban families, have suburban families of their own, and who now write books with three readers. Lengthy autobiographical/introspective digressions by such folk are ridiculous. Students are very interested in what we have to say about the past, but they aren't that interested in us as people. I would be much more interested in reading the about the thoughts and lives of, say, an immigrant entrepreneur who runs a restaurant than about another history professor.
This book is also unlikely to be read by historians outside of Canada, which is a big shame because the historians of the United States and of the British Empire/Commonwealth need to pay more attention to Canada and its place in the North Atlantic Triangle and the relations between Europe and North America. Canadian issues were of tremendous diplomatic importance in the 19th century and it seems to me that if McKay's Liberal Order Thesis is truly a suitable metanarrative/paradigm for understanding Canadian history in this period, it should have something to say about the diplomatic history of the period.
Fort Henry, Kingston, Ontario
Another major problem with this volume is that there is basically nothing about military and naval history in it. This is a shocking omission for several reasons. First, the military, specifically the British military, played a crucial role in the development of Canada in the 19th century. Consider, the city of Kingston, where Professor McKay teaches, a British garrison town that is today physically dominated by the looming hulk of Fort Henry, which was built to protect the settlement from the United States. Kingston is connected by the Rideau Canal to Ottawa, which was planned by the Duke of Wellington. It is not for nothing that the main street of Ottawa is named for the Iron Duke. Second, the military, a branch of the state fully funded by taxpayers and based on a hierarchical chain of command system, is a deeply illiberal institution, which is why 19th century classical liberals were so keen on cutting army budgets. Third, there is a large community of military historians in Canada. Any paradigm that seeks to explain 19th century Canadian history needs to be able to integrate military and naval history if it is going to be taken seriously.
The other problem with this book is the lack of a serious comparative element. In fact, this is a problem that bedevils the entire Liberal Order Framework literature in Canada. First of all, the Liberal Order Framework authors do very little in the way of Canadian-American comparisons. I suspect that if they did more research along these lines, they would find out that the United States was more liberal than Canada in many ways in this period. Government played a somewhat less important role in the American economy, American judges took the idea of freedom of contract much more seriously than Canadian judges, it was much easier to incorporate a business in the United States than in Canada, it was easier to get a divorce. Just as importantly, neither McKay nor his followers engaged in other hemispheric comparisons. Canadian historians of the 19th century should be looking to both the United States and Latin America to make comparisons. McKay and his followers fail to engage in either sort of comparative analysis or indeed any type of comparative analysis at all.
Perhaps the greatest single problem with this collection of essays and most of the scholars who work within the Liberal Order Framework is that is that none of these scholars really grapple with the fundamental weakness of McKay's framework, namely, that the hegemony of liberalism in Canada does not really explain why Canada developed as a separate state rather than being absorbed by its superpower neighbour. The United States embodied liberal individualism as least as much as the Dominion of Canada, if not more so. Indeed, there is a vast literature on the ways in which American life has been informed by Lockean and other liberal ideas from the eighteenth century onwards.
That's why I liked Jerry Bannister's paper on the "loyalist order framework", which is part of this collection. Bannister's Loyalist Order Framework provides a far better explanation for why most of northern North America did not become part of the Republic and instead coalesced into a separate country. He reminds us that the leaders of the scattered British colonies were united by a desire to remain British subjects and that Britishness was central to the Canadian identity until the mid-twentieth century. Bannister is correct to suggest that it is the loyalist order and its legacies, not liberalism, that make Canada distinctive from the United States.
I like Bannister's paper because I believe that 19th century Canada was the scene of a counter-revolutionary project. The British had lost most of their North American colonies in 1783 and they were determined to hold on to the rest. For their part, the United Empire Loyalists, the conservative clergy of Lower Canada, and other pro-British people in British North America were equally determined to remain British subjects and to escape absorption into the great republic. It is impossible to understand such pivotal events as the War of 1812, Confederation, or even the 1911 election without recognizing that the Canadian nation-state was the product of a big counter-revolutionary project that was, in terms of scale, almost as dramatic as the Counter-Reformation or the Holy Alliance, the league of reactionary European monarchs formed in the 19th century to suppress liberal and nationalist movements.
There were, of course, classical liberal movements in British North America/Canada in the 1783-1914 period. There were some republicans, some people who wanted to join the United States, and some ardent Free Traders who loved the ideas of Adam Smith. Some of these liberals wanted Canada to join the United States. Goldwin Smith is one such example. Others wanted to implement the liberal agenda within the context of the inherited political framework, that is, a semi-autonomous colony within the British Empire. But these people were sailing against the current. For the dominant ideology, the hegemonic political project, was the counter-revolutionary loyalist one, which wanted to create a rival federation that would keep in the United States in check. The strength of this ideology helps to explain why creole nationalism (i.e., the desire to distance Canada from the Old World) was so weak in Canada when it was fairly strong in the rest of the hemsiphere– by the mid-1820s, most American countries had achieved independence from their respective European mother countries. Canada was the anomaly in the 19th century and leaders such as John A. Macdonald were acutely aware of this.
I would argue that the situation in 19th century Canada, where the contest between loyalist sentiment and the nationalist desire for independence from Europe became wrapped up the struggles between economic liberalism and conservativism, was fundamentally the same as the conflicts then raging in other American societies. If McKay and the brigade of scholars he leads would engage in some comparative analysis, they would begin to realize the problems with the view that John A. Macdonald, who was an ardent anglophile, was also the champion of classical liberalism.
Consider this comparison. Most Latin American republics in the nineteenth century were divided between the liberals, who typically admired the United States, and conservatives, who pined for the old days when viceroys had ruled in the name of distant monarchs and the Church had enforced doctrinal orthodoxy and censorship. The liberals saw themselves as the heirs of the revolutionaries who had overthrown Spanish rule and then established republics modelled on the United States. Their hero was Simon Bolivar, the brilliant commander who had led the rebellion against Spain and who had carried a copy of the Wealth of Nations while on campaign At the other end of the spectrum were the conservatives, who had opposed independence and now accepted it grudgingly. Although the specific issues fought over and party labels differed in each Latin American republic, the conservatives were generally Catholics landlords who wanted to preserve as much as possible of the monarchical ancien regime, whereas the liberals were usually anticlerical city dwellers who were inspired by the American and French Revolutions. One historian has summarized the agenda of the Latin American liberals thus: "constitutional government, the basic human freedoms, economic laissez-faire, opposition to military and ecclesiastical privilege." Throughout the Catholic New World, political and economic liberalism and creole nationalism were linked, although not all Latin American liberals were creole nationalists and not all creole nationalists were liberals. The situation was thus similar to Canada, where French Canadian bishops, the Family Compact, and arch-Tory Church of England ministers worked to strengthen the country's ties to the Old World, with the classical liberals were more receptive to the idea of colonial independence and/or joining the United States, an entity they associated with free thought, science, technology, emancipation from religious doctrine, and individual liberty..
I have based by statements on Latin American political history on John Lynch, Simon Bolivar: A Life (Yale University Press, 2007); Hubert Herring, History of Latin America (Random House Inc (T), 1968), 585-7, 595, 306-10; John Chasteen, Americanos: Latin America's Struggle for Independence, First Edition. (Oxford University Press, USA, 2008), 172-3; Frank Safford, "Politics, Ideology and Society in post-Independence Spanish America" in The Cambridge History of Latin America. Vol. 3, From Independence to c. 1870, edited by Leslie Bethell (Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 2008, vol. 3.
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Tags: Canadian Historical Review, Canadian History, Duke of Wellington, Fort Henry, Ian McKay, liberal order framework, Liberalism and Hegemony
Jerry Bannister (13:07:02) :
Thanks for the positive feedback on my own essay, but I think there is much more diversity and originality in the collection than your review indicates. My favourite chapters in the collection, by Jeff McNairn and Elsbeth Heaman, for example, offer creative and penetrating critiques of the liberal order framework.
My own fear is that the debate, such as it is, will remain boxed into Ian McKay's article published in 2000. I had hoped the the collection would move us beyond McKay's original CHR article and spur a fresh dialogue about the meanings of Canadian history. But my sense is that we're in danger of become trapped, Groundhog Day-style, in an endless referendum on an article published the same year that gave us Bush v. Gore. If nothing else, surely we need to consider how the momentous events of the early 21st century have altered our understanding of the history of Canada and its place in the world.
The value of the liberal order framework lies in its questions, not its answers. It should have prompted historians to develop fresh perspective on Canadian history and to spark new debates about our past and our future. I think that Jean-Francois and Michel did a fine job in putting together an innovative collection that engages critically and creatively with Ian's ideas. But my fear is readers are viewing the collection as a part of Ian's intellectual framework rather than as a challenge to it.
jerry.bannister@dal.ca
P.S. As a footnote, I note that while internationally respected historians such as Eliga Gould and Alan Taylor have recently used the term "counterrevolution" to describe the context in which British North America was born, it remains an alien concept in English-Canadian historiography. My use of the term to describe aspects of Canadian history was neither radical nor original.
Claire (06:21:12) :
While I admire a meta-narrative, for scale and coherence (go big or go home!), I agree the lemmingesque tendency to adopt the latest (or to borrow in big names/thinkers), even for credibility, is unhelpful. I prefer to think of what we do as acts of informed but creative thought, rather than of scholarly "brigades"!
I know this was tangential to your thoughts on the book, but …
is it wrong that I'm rather pleased to be considered a civil servant? Apart from the voyageur, is there any more Canadian (not-precisely-liberal) career choice?
I'd be interested to learn if the majority of Canadians would be interested in knowing more about what we do. I agree the academy tends to nurture a certain – well, narcissism might be too strong, but certainly introversion. [To wit: this comment]. Revealing the woman behind the curtain – ie. how we do what we do [see: long form census]; how we stumble onto our topics [visible in the world around us, and other Canadians]; and what good they serve [your tax dollars & tuition at work] – would not only humanize the profession & clear up some unfortunate misconceptions about historians, but suggest the "service" potential of our work and ideally strengthen the connections with our students (many of whom would like to work in the field in some way) or readers.
andrewdsmith (14:18:24) :
Claire, I wasn't using civil servant in a pejorative sense, just a neutral one.
Civil servants perform important functions in society, as do chartered accountants and historians. Their lives rarely make for good reading. Historians ought think deeply about all of the questions you've mentioned, but to talk about oneself in print seems a bit narcissistic unless one has had a terribly interesting life or very long and distinguished career as a historian. If a historian has published 50 books or helped to govern India in the 19th century or was a secret agent in occupied France during the war, then I might be inclined to read their biography.
I never talk about my own life on this blog because my life in pretty banal. The same applies 100x for something in print, let alone a scholarly publication.
Jeremy (10:53:17) :
A fine review. I've been working my way through the collection, and I hope it will stimulate the type of wide-ranging debates Jerry Bannister describes above.
I'm curious about your characterization of McKay as a former Marxist. I'm wondering if I've missed something in my reading of his work, or if I'm just not sufficiently attuned to the nuances of leftist categories. McKay himself calls his liberal order framework "neo-Marxist" in his original CHR article (p. 629). Is this the distinction you're making — classical versus neo-Marxist (or Gramscian)? Would McKay reject the label "Marxist"?
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Grow coffee plants in your own home. Growing your coffee plants is simple - everything you need is inside this gift box including starter growing pots, compost discs, seeds and a booklet containing growing tips.
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This pack contains real plant seeds, origin UK. The plant seeds can die before or after germination. Please plant your seeds as soon as possible. Due to the varying nature of the conditions that the plant seeds are stored and grown in neither Gift Republic Ltd nor any other company supplying this gift pack can accept any liability in relation to the non performance of the seeds or coir disks and pots. This is a novelty gift and must be regarded as such.


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text:
President Obama's Europe problem
John C. Hulsman
Le président américain ne peut ignorer que son grand allié européen, qui reste indispensable aux Etats-Unis, se trouve en mauvais état, explique John C. Hulsman, dans un commentaire pour Aspenia, le site de l'Institut Aspen Italie.
Rightly preoccupied with America's own perilous economic woes, the Obama administration can no longer ignore the stark reality that all is fundamentally not well with their greatest allies, nor is this state of affairs likely to change. The administration has come to the conclusion that a Europe mired in endemic crisis is simply not going to go away. The structural future for Europe, as seen from Washington, is bleak. European decline will either be absolute or - with a good deal of policymaking skill that has so far not been displayed and more than a little luck - relative. In either case, a Europe in decline has become a danger in a way the administration would not have found credible a short five years ago.
At the beginning of Obama's first term, the consensus off-the-record view of the new team was that Europe was not an area they needed to give much attention to : It was neither a region of great peril as it had been during the Cold War, nor was it likely to be much help militarily (with the conspicuous exceptions of the British and the French) if called upon to do so. Yes, American foreign direct investment remains focused on the continent, but that could be easily managed.
Best to get some trusted old Europe hands to manage the relationship, all the while focusing on the Pivot to Asia, winding down the wars in the Middle East, and beginning the process of what President Obama has rightly called, "nation building at home."
But as John Lennon sagely pointed out, "Life is what happens while you are busy making other plans." After a score of European crisis summit meetings, endless whispering past the graveyard that the worst of the euro crisis was over, only to be proven constantly wrong, the Obama team's attitude to Europe has evolved.
The consensus view is that Europeans have certainly failed to grasp the structural nettle of an inherent competitiveness misalignment built into the very structure of the euro. As many of us warned (and were airily dismissed at the time) a one-size-fits-all currency would produce a shambles, given a very economically heterogeneous Europe. It has not helped the credibility of today's euro apologists that in many cases they are the exact same people who were so analytically wrong so recently about what a grand step forward currency union would be. It is almost impossible to overestimate how badly the never-ending euro crisis has affected the continent's standing in the world, as after 500 years of global success Europe is now seen by many in the US and the emerging world as a place that simply cannot solve its problems.
The White House sees three medium-term political dangers to Europe even limping along as it has over the past several years. First, while there is undoubted borrower fatigue (most recently in Italy) there is also lender fatigue setting in. The basic European policy under Mrs. Merkel is to put off any further tough decisions until she gets through the fall parliamentary elections.
Mrs. Merkel has run the crisis as a sort of anti-Franklin Delano Roosevelt : No fireside chats for her, calmly explaining the gravity of the problem, thereby building up credibility through absolute candor. Rather, she has been typically Delphic, increasingly speaking in Orwellian generalities, trying to lull the complacent German people to sleep about the fire next door. It has worked up to now ; but there could well be a reckoning, one that would shake the very foundations of Europe.
For what may seem cleverly Machiavellian is in essence naïve. Once the German people finally wake up to the fact that taxpayers are now almost entirely on the hook for continued euro loans (either through the ECB or various EU institutions) to countries that do not seem - given non-existent growth rates and soaring unemployment - to be making demonstrable economic progress, a moment of political crisis in the euro core will be at hand.
Second, the shock Italian election results (I'd be very surprised if before the elections one-quarter of the Washington foreign policy community knew who Beppe Grillo was) have exposed for all to see not only austerity fatigue, but also the gaping democratic deficit that is preventing a mastering of the euro crisis. In a democratic country in crisis, it seems no one wants to support an unelected viceroy, no matter how well intentioned.
Mario Monti surely saved Italy from the ravages of the bond markets. But the simple fact remains that his very poor showing in the elections is largely down to the fact that he was both democratically unelected while being tasked with implementing stringent and wrenching (if necessary) economic changes. Worse, he was seen as the creature of the Brussels and Berlin creditors, sent back home to his restive European province to restore fiscal order.
To put it mildly, there is just enough truth in this to make such a narrative a godsend to populists of all stripes. The problem in Europe is that those with the economic and political power (unless you are a German) are not democratically legitimate, and those with the legitimacy (national governments) no longer seem to possess real power. This disenfranchisement is making a solution to the crisis almost impossible. To continue with an austerity program without democratic legitimacy is to fail, as only with that legitimacy comes the staying power to enact tough measures and stick to them.
Thirdly, as recent comments have made clear, it has finally become apparent to the Obama team that the long-simmering crisis of Britain's place in Europe is at last coming to a boil, and that a train wreck is on the cards. Pushed into a corner by both the majority of his euroskeptic conservative MPS as well as the populist rise of the UK Independence Party (UKIP), Prime Minister David Cameron has pledged to try to renegotiate the very terms of Britain's EU membership while at the same time promising the British people a long-desired In/Out referendum on Britain's status in Europe, based upon the results.
But there is little-to-no appetite among the European elite to make any meaningful compromises, as European Council President Herman van Rompuy made dryly clear. Euro-elites are against this process because it runs counter to their very modus operandi : If Britain is allowed to unpick it relations with the EU, what is to stop every other country from doing so ? The resulting chaos would be the end of the euro-project. Moreover, many of the Brussels elite are convinced federalists (as British euroskeptics have rightly charged), and hate the very idea of power devolving away from the EU. Finally, there is a lot of bad feeling about the move, as Britain is seen as using this moment of maximum euro-peril to selfishly push for its own interests at the expense of the common good.
Given all this, it is unlikely that (should Cameron win an absolute majority in 2015, which at present looks problematic) a re-elected Prime Minister will receive much in the manner of concessions from the rest of the continent. If this proves to be the case, returning empty-handed to the UK will surely end the UK's involvement in the European project, as an increasingly skeptical public will finally have the chance - and the proof - that membership simply isn't worth it.
This all has just dawned on the overly complacent Obama administration, which somehow lazily assumed that all the talk of Britain leaving Europe was just some fringe preoccupation of right-wingers in both the UK and the US ; hence the recent panicky declarations that it was in the American interest that Britain stay in Europe, as though that would move anyone in either Brussels of London. But a Europe without a UK would be of little use to America as an ally : Economically embattled, militarily (without London) wholly dependent for military credibility on limited (if quite good) French arms, politically weak. The Obama administration's sudden fear is that they will find themselves truly alone in the world.
For their last, horrible, realization is this : For all its obvious inadequacies, Europe remains the place where the vast majority of America's true allies are located. The dramatic weakness of Europe is not a cause for scorn or neglect, but rather illustrated that the administration's initial disregard for Europe was entirely misplaced. The Obama administration may well have to make an intellectual pivot back to a far-too-easily disregarded Europe, merely to try to salvage what is left of the American alliance system.
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Jack in the Valley proposal was co-authored by Léa Gejer, Taícia Marques and Antonio Fabiano Jr. and submitted to the international competition Transiting Cities, sponsored by RMIT Universty in partnership with state government agencies in Victoria and Latrobe City in Australia. The goal was to create sustainable alternatives in the short, medium and long terms for Latrobe Valley's transition to become CO2 neutral. The valley is the largest coal producer in Australia and responsible for supplying 85% of the energy in the state of Victoria. A transition does not impact only on energy issues, but also on the economy, politics and society.
Therefore, tools are proposed for a successful development of this process. The transition would be developed through the application of 07 strategies: energy, water, transportation, community, innovation, nature and food.
The strategy of transition would generate the promotion of stronger communities, the increase of knowledge and the development of new technologies, research centers and universities. The idea is that the new design should come up through a multi-stakeholders process based on the idea that cities and landscapes are self-organizing systems that changes upon time.


text:
Carrots. Asteroids. Humanity.
It begins with a question or an idea that grips your imagination.
How will we reach that asteroid?
How will we feed the hungry in Kentucky while reducing food waste?
How will we address inequities through public health initiatives in Chicago?
More Transy Success Stories
The challenge might seem insurmountable in scope—an entrenched social injustice, a shortage of global resources, a citizenry hungry for food. Sometimes the question is posed by someone else, and you know in your heart the solution will lay dormant without you.
So the question provokes, nags, inspires, becomes an ineluctable presence in your life. It fixes a vision in your mind of "What if?" and won't let go until it becomes "How?" and "That's how."
Pioneers ask big, purposeful questions. But, more to the point, they're not afraid of jumping in to answer them. They're able and willing to take risks and give the marrow of themselves as they serve as the catalyst.
Where does this come from: this intertwining of deft ability to think strategically, creatively and connectedly; the confidence to take action; a willingness to change with a changing world; and the empathy that compels Pioneers to think beyond themselves?
Professor Tim Soulis points to the "ability to think metaphorically," to see new associations, "to link together ideas that were formerly disconnected and unrelated." How else can new solutions be found?
Part of the DNA of our liberal arts tradition at Transy is a curriculum that, as Soulis describes, "requires holistic thinking." It frees Pioneers from old patterns of thought by exploring other disciplines and perspectives and developing an understanding and empathy for others. "Getting outside our bailiwicks," he explains, "really encourages people to see beyond preconceived notions."
Meeting the enormous challenges before us demands a mutability, a devotion and an often brutal work ethic. No one said it would be easy. This is no movie-of-the-week scenario that arrives at redemption after a two-hour struggle. This is slog. This is fantasy. This is relentless purpose. This is Pioneering to the core.
How we transmute the insurmountable
"Are people hungry in Lexington?" someone once asked Lexington native Erica Horn '83.
The question must have seemed rhetorical to the co-founder and past president of GleanKY, a nonprofit organization that harvests excess fresh produce to feed the hungry—over one million pounds since its founding in 2010. (That's over one million pounds that did not end up in a landfill.)
In fact, people are hungry throughout the Commonwealth: One in six of all Kentuckians and one in five of children are "food insecure." According to Feeding America, that adds up to 699,590 people, of which 202,050 are children.
How is such a problem resolved? How can hundreds of thousands of mouths be fed with anything less than a miracle involving fishes and loaves? How can the 40 percent of food that is wasted in America be redeemed?
Or, in Pioneer speak, "What are you going to do about it?"
There's a big difference between recognizing two monstrous problems— hunger and food waste—and helping to resolve them on a grand scale in your own community.
Throughout Horn's career and decades of intense community service, she has learned to respond to giant questions much as David felled Goliath—with faith and the right tool. She breaks the challenge down into components, researches elements that worked in other communities, identifies the basic processes and unites the partners needed to arrive at what, in hindsight, appears to be forehead-smackingly doable. The efficiency and purity of the construction begs the question: How is it that we, as a civilization, didn't do this sooner?
"I knew nothing about vegetables. I knew nothing about growing anything, but I knew that I could put a group of people together, divide a piece of property into squares and sign people up."—Erica Horn '83As a lawyer and CPA, Horn says, "It's natural for me to create structure. No one would like that more than me." But finding solutions demands more than structure. Horn brings devotion, creativity and generosity, and puts the ego aside.
On top of a demanding job, currently as associate director of tax services at Dean Dorton, Horn has led statewide boards and started a learning center and a community garden at her church, Beaumont Presbyterian. The garden became the starting point for Faith Feeds, the origin of GleanKY.
"I knew nothing about vegetables," she remembers. "I knew nothing about growing anything, but I knew that I could put a group of people together, divide a piece of property into squares and sign people up. It's really a matter then of deploying your people, your assets," she says of the flourishing community garden that first drew the attention of a local gardener and gleaner, John Walker.
Inspired by the bounty of his own garden, which could feed his family, friends and co-workers and still have plenty for others, Walker was also living out the Old Testament tradition that calls on farmers to leave the edges and viable remnants of their harvest for the good of the poor, strangers and widows. John Walker approached Erica Horn with the idea of engaging the church and other community gardeners to become active gleaners and to provide excess produce to people in need.
They began by approaching a farmers market and organizing volunteers to deliver unsold food to shelters and emergency food services in Lexington. By the end of their first year, as their annual report details, 40 volunteers delivered 37,561 pounds to 14 agencies and ministries.
Just as GleanKY became the link between those producing the food and those preparing food for the hungry, Horn served as the linchpin for John Walker's idea and bringing that idea to fruition.
"One of the gifts that God has given me," she acknowledges, "is I can take a really good idea like John's and, with help, make it happen." She recognized its value and the consequences of not getting involved. "I knew if someone didn't take the lead, it wouldn't happen."
From the very start, GleanKY was structured to tap into people's strengths and to be a collaboration of multiple faith groups. And, as the organization has grown to reach beyond Lexington, its model consciously adapts to accommodate the varying environments of Kentucky counties; not every county has a farmers market or a Costco.
Horn is determined to make GleanKY a sustainable enterprise. Her tenacity, work ethic and talent for strategy, action and long-range thinking have been acknowledged in an award from the Kentucky Nonprofit Network. And although the seeds of her motivation to serve may have been planted in her childhood during Sunday school, she notes that "Transy was the place to help grow my abilities to execute, lead and learn the importance of knowing other people."
As she assesses the state of the world, she concludes, "We're in short supply of leadership, but at Transy you see a lot of movers and shakers. These students care and want to make a difference." She adds, "Transy gives you a place to start and the confidence that you can."
Why we ask "What if?"
As a student at Transy, Lydia Lissanu '15 was deeply engaged in issues of identity, race and equity. She dreamed of solutions to the intractable "what ifs" on campus and in the immediate neighborhood. Unresolved questions of big-picture possibilities motivated her work as a student researcher in Kenya and in community service in Lexington, where she worked on civil rights issues—hate crimes, mental health advocacy and the restoration of felon voting rights.
A scholar at Yale's Summer Institute in Bioethics, she was invited back to be a program assistant the summer after graduation, where she gave a lecture that raised questions about the women we don't see in social justice movements and the transgender women "erased from public discourse." She has an ability to see what's missing.
All of this, and her love of sociology, biology and political science, drew her to a career in public health. She's devoted to the profession that, she says, "looks for novel ways to treat illness from a biological and sociological framework" and "puts science behind our ideas."
Lissanu works as a health educator with people at both ends of the age spectrum: K-12 students at a public charter school and senior citizens at the University of Chicago Medical Center. She sees her job not simply as a means of conveying healthy practices, but of listening, connecting, creating and broadening understanding. She uses her interdisciplinary liberal arts training on a daily basis.
Working in the hospital nephrology ward on research funded by the National Institute of Health, her goal is to help doctors better understand and treat patients from the South Side who are African American. Increasingly, patients in their 30s and 40s have been joining the ranks of elderly as sufferers of kidney disease.
"The reasons aren't a secret," she notes, "but we're trying to prove why those reasons exist." Exploring the patients' paths to the ward, Lissanu finds a lifetime of inequity, racism and poverty, and diets derived from food deserts that lack fresh produce, offering only fast foods laden with salt and sugar.
"I try to see where there are similarities in our experience, and I also try to respect the differences between us as well"—Lydia Lissanu '15She sees associations and opportunities where others might not. She asks patients with kidney disease, who are often at the end of their lives, "What would you want to tell your younger self before you got diagnosed with kidney disease?" She then shares their messages with her students to help them make the connection between diet and long-term health. In doing so, she acknowledges that learning and motivation don't magically provide access to healthy food. Her students still live in the same food desert.
Perhaps even more important than teaching health, Lissanu shares fundamentals from her own education at Transy. "I try to teach them to think structurally," she says. She encourages her students—"whose lives are harder through no fault of their own"—to ask questions, to identify the challenges they face, to link them back to the source of the problem and to understand the kinds of actions they can take to make their voices heard.
At a summit on violence, Lissanu watched the hands of her students repeatedly extend upward in response to a series of questions: "Have you been jumped by three or more people? Do you know someone who has been shot at your age? Do you know someone who has died from being shot?"
As students of a public charter school that is just a few blocks from a private charter school, Lissanu and her students can readily contrast, point by point, resource by missing resource, the day-to-day experience of those who have financial health and those who do not. But Lissanu isn't cowed by these monumental challenges or from asking how public policy can help dismantle systems of inequality.
What if racism and systems of inequity didn't hold our young people back? What if public health policy could be that change?
Her thoughts and questions emerge large and beyond herself, yet are rooted in her experience as the daughter of parents who emigrated from Ethiopia and made a home and productive life in Somerset, Ky. "Financially, my parents were able to climb," she explains. "They came here. They got an education." She adds, "I want to make sure I give that to my kids that I'm working with."
Many of the words, ideas and theories that she uses were developed at Transy, she explains, from an awareness of LGBT issues to examples of what economic justice looks like. "For me, a really important part of going to Transy was understanding the diversity of experience in being black."
Not taking anyone's experience for granted is vital to her ability to interrelate.
"I didn't grow up in Chicago; I grew up in rural Kentucky. My parents aren't the descendants of slaves. I try to see where there are similarities in our experience, and I also try to respect the differences between us as well." She thinks a lot about empathy and how to build it.
Listening has become as important as asking the questions, not only because she wants to give voice to people who are on the margins of society, but also to learn. Clinicians, she notes, don't have all the answers. "We know the disparities exist, but we don't all agree on how to make it better. If we knew it all, then we would have already fixed the situation," she laughs, undaunted.
Questions now come at Lissanu from every angle: patients, doctors, students, parents, administrators, the public and herself. "There are times," she realizes, "that I feel I don't know enough and I still can't give back enough. I want to do more." So her next steps are to earn an M.D. and then a master's degree in public health in order to effectively treat patients and change public policy. She's committed to a life in public health. "I really love this profession," she adds.
Lissanu may worry about her students, but she's also excited for them. She knows their potential and that their ability to impact the future is within their reach, whether it's on the school level or by voting in the next election cycle. "I have a lot of hope for this generation," she says. "They're way smarter than I could ever be. They just need a proper education to gain the tools that will take them further and amplify their voice."
How we integrate the parts
Asteroids and Eastern Kentucky. Hard science and science fiction. Outer space and Earth's resources. These dimensions—seemingly incongruent on the surface—are integrated in the working imagination of Les Johnson '84. His liberal arts way of thinking is the bridge. His intellect, wide-eyed wonder and evangelical enthusiasm for deep space are the clinchers.
From the time he was a boy in Ashland, Ky., watching Neil Armstrong walk on the moon, he has been in thrall to outer space. Today, Johnson is a technology manager for NASA's Marshall Space Flight Center and the Solar Sail Principal Investigator for the Near-Earth Asteroid Scout Mission. After hours, he's a writer and frequent collaborator on popular-science and science-fiction books. Fascinatingly, the worlds are totally intertwined in Johnson, each feeding the other.
Looking into the night sky, he says, beckons big questions about our place and meaning. "To people who have not experienced the epiphany of a cloudless, no moon, starry night sky," he muses, "I don't know how to describe it. It's a spiritual, emotional experience for me."
For him, there is something similar to be found in well-written science fiction that draws the reader into wondering: "Are we alone in the universe?
What would it be like to visit these other places?" He says he gets the same "sense of awe and wonder of nature and the universe" from science fiction and physics. "And now, I get it in my day job. I'm very lucky."
At NASA, Johnson is considered by some to be "on the edge" in terms of technologies because of his imagination and enthusiastic propensity to convince. "I want to push the envelope," he says. And at sci-fi conventions—where he was welcomed as a teen fan and, later, as a post-Transy critical thinker with a keen ability to explain physics—he's thought to be a tad corporate; he represents NASA's scientific protocol of peer-reviewed science, rigor and due diligence. But he is highly successful and respected by both camps, with three prestigious Exceptional Achievement Medals from NASA, four space technology patents and multiple books of popular science and science fiction in publication.
Imagine gently propelling a craft through outer space using no rocket thrust, just a solar sail consisting of a large, thin sheet of film that reflects sunlight. After rocketing through the earth's atmosphere, the mission relies on reflecting photons—light particles—to reach an asteroid and collect data.
Now picture convincing your superiors at NASA that this is a viable idea. Professionally, Johnson has been focused on solar sails for NASA since 1999. "But in my imagination," he says, "it's much earlier than that." It's the idea he convinced NASA to use, so the responsibility is his to make it work.
The solar sail that he first read about in 1970s science fiction is now the propulsion system for the Near-Earth Asteroid Scout mission that will be launched next year. Yes, it's rocket science, but for Johnson, it's also the interplay between hard science and the imagination that fuels his love of science fiction.
"This is the first flight of a solar sail that I have led and the first one that NASA or anyone in the United States has flown beyond Earth and into deep space," he explains with equal measures of glee and sober realism.
"Nature is trying to stop you at every turn. So, when you propose to do something new, it's very difficult to get that through the system because of the inherent risks—and expense—of doing something no one's done before." But he harped on the benefits of the new capability and successfully made his case.
According to the NASA website, 1,409 near-Earth asteroids (having orbits that pass nearby the Earth) pose a potential hazard to our world. We need to know more about them. But for Johnson, asteroids also present an opportunity.
As a native of Eastern Kentucky, he advocates the idea of mining asteroids to protect our planet. It's why he co-wrote "Harvesting Space for a Greener Earth" and, more recently, a sci-fi novel. "Mission to Methone," set in 2068, begins with an asteroid mining company looking at asteroids to mine; their survey vehicles are small aircraft propelled by solar sails. He thinks it will be common practice in 100 years.
"I see some real problems facing us as a world, with energy and the environment. I think things we're doing in space can help solve some of those problems."—Les Johnson '84Johnson writes "hard science" science fiction, meaning that the physics in his futuristic setting is physically possible. "My day job and education influence my writing in that I try to make the settings believable in science fiction. It's hard to say where the distinction is because in my day job I get to dream up some pretty cool stuff. If it's too cool for work, I take it to fiction," he laughs.
The inspiration for "Mission to Methone" came during a series of weekly "risk management" meetings for the Near-Earth Asteroid Scout Mission. All of the experts gathered to brainstorm everything that could conceivably go wrong: "The rocket can fail. The communications antenna can fail. The power supply goes out. You get a cosmic ray that causes your computer to malfunction. There are a gazillion things that can go wrong," he explains.
One day, several weeks into the relentless meetings, the person responsible for creating the flight plan from Earth to the asteroid introduced a less-than-one-percent chance that the asteroid could, in fact, be an old Saturn 5 rocket that had been captured in orbit around the sun.
"We all turned around and looked at him and chuckled," Johnson recalls. But the idea, however fleeting, was enough to grab Johnson's imagination. For a moment he zoned out and thought, "Wow, what if it is an old space ship and it's not from Earth? What if it's been there for 50,000 years?" He plotted the novel that night. "Mission to Methone" was published last February.
"So that's how they interact," he says. "People have their hobbies. I'm in my technical world at work. Literature and fiction are in a different part of the brain. For me, it's cathartic. It's recreational to write." In the same month as "Mission to Methone," he also published a nonfiction book, "Graphene: The Superstrong, Superthin, and Superversatile Material that Will Revolutionize the World."
The many challenging dimensions of Johnson's productivity relate directly to his liberal arts grounding: the unleashed imagination, the ability to integrate the many parts, the skill set and experiences that prepared him to communicate with a wide range of people and to convincingly make the case that is requisite to moving a project forward. He trumpets these connections, along with the ability to organize and manage projects of enormous scale.
In fact, he attributes so much to his Transy experience that he insists to every intern he works with at NASA who has chosen a strictly engineering education, that they spend summers taking humanities courses, creative writing and public speaking. "I guarantee you it will help you be better in your field," he tells them. (His daughter recently graduated from Transy.)
Ultimately, he describes what he does as a moral obligation. "I see some real problems facing us as a world, with energy and the environment. I think things we're doing in space can help solve some of those problems. And if we don't start working on them now, then the solution gets postponed. We'd better start now."
We think, therefore we can
Whether through produce, policy or spacecraft propulsion, Pioneers use their liberal arts way of thinking to move beyond the status quo, the head-scratching and inertia that come of not knowing how or where to begin. How else can the world's exceptional challenges be met?
Solutions require an ability to look beyond oneself to see the vast scope of a problem: the creativity to see unexpected connections; the intellect to structure the action; an empathy that drives motivation; a freedom that comes from being open; a collaborative spirit that inspires solidarity of pursuit among a broad network of participants; and that grip, that Pioneer tenaciousness—even righteousness at times—to keep at it, relentlessly and unfailingly, knowing that the struggle, like the challenge before us, is an opportunity. Pioneers understand that the value of our existence extends beyond our personal goals to something much larger than ourselves.
If solutions were easy, we wouldn't need Pioneers.
From the hard court to hardware
Tari Young '03
Janelle Johnson Roberts '10
Building a perfect major for a perfect career


This is a factory located in the suburb of Pescodside. Owned by AE ADAM, the factory produced a wide range of Adam-brand balances and scales for the laboratory, education, industrial, retail, and medical markets around Malton. Whether biochemists in pharmaceutical labs, geologists in the field, teachers in the classroom, or industrial workers on the assembly line the factory prided itself on always having a series of balance or scale to suit their specific needs. In addition to sales, the factory also dealt in all aspects of service, repair, maintenance and calibration for its products. Not a small company, AE Adam also has factories located in South Africa, Australia, and China. This was fortunate for them since they certainly no longer had access to their factory in Malton.
In the months following the "Malton Incident" survivors made due with sheltering the large building's many rooms and offices, but found little use for the balances or scales produced there. As such, it is no surprise that the factories large machinery has remained silent long after the epidemic had spread through Pescodside.
September 20th, 2008 - Strange... 3 years worth of news that all took place in September. FOXHOUND recon reported that the factory was barricaded and in survivor hands, for the time being. The fact that there were 17 zombies next door at the Inman Building though was cause for some concern.
September 13th, 2006 - Fisty Jones and several more zombies from the Minions of the Apocalypse struggled with a frantic barricader inside the factory, before finally gaining entrance and proving that hardhats were no great protection against zombies, despite what the safety regulations may say. Finishing here, the zombies moved north to Croom Towers.


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Ideas carry more weight in corporate boardrooms once they show up in the Harvard Business Review, the journal of that august CEO factory, the Harvard Business School. So it's noteworthy that the HBR blog recently gave some space to an editorial by David Bloom and David Canning, economics professors at the Harvard School of Public Health, called "How Companies Must Adapt for an Aging Workforce." (Hat tip to the Wall Street Journal's At Work blog, which recently referenced the article, as well.) Their message: Businesses that don't move fast to accommodate their most mature and seasoned workers in the talent pool will be at a huge competitive disadvantage.
They're not vacationing; they're car-pooling.
And folks who stay in the workforce can't expect their pay to automatically keep climbing all the way to the end of their careers. "Seniority-based pay sometimes exceeds performance at the latter stages of the life cycle," Bloom and Canning write, unsentimentally. "Bringing pay and performance (properly assessed) into closer conformity would likely ease corporate norms surrounding age at retirement." In other words, the young guy down the hall might not take your job; but if you aren't measurably better than he is, he'll get paid more than you.


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Either because of weather or because some trouble before the match, a match can easily be cancelled or postponed. What happens to a Bet that has a cancelled or postponed match?
In Football when a match is cancelled or postponed the specific bet will be void. If a single bet is played, then the whole bet is voided and money will be returned back. When played in a multi bet (accumulator bet) the scenario is different since there are more matches in one bet. The specific match that has been postponed or cancelled it will still be void but the other matches in bet will apply and you can still win the money. To summarize you can still win the bet with all others apart from that bet that is voided.
The rules for postponed events can vary for other sports, so check the Rules for the sport in question.
Football Odds Calculator and how to use it?


text:
Angela Merkel, "… Islam is not the cause of Terrorism"
By HEFFX on February 18, 2017
Angela Merkel, "Europe must take in more Muslim migrants, Islam is not the cause of Terrorism"
Everyone is so confident that that is the case, except the terrorists themselves, who are just as confident that their inspiration and impetus comes entirely from Islam. Few people in the West seems particularly troubled by this cognitive dissonance.
German Chancellor Angela Merkel has launched a staunch defense of her refugee policy. The embattled leader says Europe has an obligation to take displaced people from Syria and Iraq.
She also said Islam "is not the cause of terrorism" and that combating extremism needs the cooperation of Muslim countries.
In a wide-ranging speech at a Munich security conference, the German chief also vowed to work closely with Vladimir Putin's Russia in the fight with ISIS in the Middle East.
Mrs Merkel has come under fire for taking in up to 1-M refugees amid security concerns and a string of migrant sex attacks across Germany.
After the Berlin lorry attack at a Christmas market in December, ex-UKIP leader Nigel Farage said events such as that will be "Merkel's legacy".
Mrs Merkel had been a strong critic of Brexit, saying she had "deep regrets" about it….
BY ROBERT SPENCER
Paul Ebeling, Editor
#Germany, #Islam, #merkel, #terrorism
Angela Merkel, "… Islam is not the cause of Terrorism" added by HEFFX on February 18, 2017
Hillary Clinton, Unfit for Public Office
Angela Merkel's Policies Exposed Germany to ISIS Terrorism