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The Same Difference:Los Angeles' Skelly Hearings and NYC 3020-a Arbitration
Lenny Isenberg
An Attorney's Observations of LAUSD's Rubber Rooms by Ron Lapekas, esq. (Observaciones de un abogado de habitaciones de goma LAUSD por Ron Lapekas, esq.)
I am an attorney who was a whistleblower in the 70's. I learned the hard way that it is extremely difficult to find a lawyer who is both competent and willing to represent someone crazy enough to report wrongdoing. So, I filed my first case - my own - while I was in law school. After winning the writ proceeding, I won my first appeal during my first year of practice. All in all, it took me 12 years to clear my name. As a result, a substantial part of my practice for the past several decades has been employment law.
A few weeks ago I came into contact with Lenny Isenberg, a teacher who also was a whistleblower. He had been given a notice of dismissal and was preparing to defend himself because the attorney who originally represented him had demanded more than $25,000 to try the case -- in addition to $15,000 that UTLA also promised him. (I asked UTLA to pay me $15,000 to represent Mr. Isenberg all the way to the Supreme Court of California. As of this writing, I have not even had the courtesy of a reply from UTLA.)
I reviewed the "evidence" and concluded that the charges were insubstantial, at best, and completely fabricated, at worst. I informed the Office of Administrative Hearings (OAH) and opposing counsel that I was coming to Los Angeles to try the case that was supposed to start September 12th. However, because I amended the Notice of Defense to allege the affirmative defenses of whistleblowing and the constitutional right to speak to the press, the hearing has been continued to some unknown date in the future.
With some free time on my hands, I started talking to other teachers who had been given dismissal notices. I noticed that there were common patterns in all their cases. All had taught for many years without any kind of disciplinary action taken against them. All were older. And all had taken a position of some kind that attracted the attention, if not the wrath, of an LAUSD administrator. Another very weird allegation in many of the dismissals was that the teachers were accused of violating Education Code section 44939. Apparently, LAUSD routinely alleges violations of section 44939 because it allows the District to avoid the grievance procedure that is available for all other alleged misconduct. I could understand a single case with these allegations but why were so many people calling with almost identical allegations? Did somebody put something in the water three years ago that turned previously excellent to outstanding teachers into incompetent, insubordinate, misfits?
In case after case, there was an uncomfortable commonality of allegations. Most of the teachers I have talked with had never been accused of any kind of misconduct before. Most had exemplary records. But they also included a number of competent union chapter chairs - you know, the kind who stood up for their members.
More than half of the people I have talked to told me that administrators sought out students and prevailed on them to provide negative comments about their teachers. Allegations of "unprofessional conduct", insubordination, persistent violations of rules and school laws, and "willful refusal" are generously sprinkled throughout the accusations. Many of the allegations regarding classroom management are the kind that most teachers consider to be trivial and easily remedied; now these incidents are deemed "evident unfitness for service." I also noted that the allegations were virtually identical regardless of grade level or school site.
Mr. Isenberg has commented on his website, perdaily.com, about the abuses being heaped on the teachers unfortunate enough to be served with an accusation that includes violation of section 44939. These teachers are removed from their classrooms, often in front of their students in an unceremonious and sadistic manner. Because they are still on salary, LAUSD has established a number of "campuses" where these teachers are required to report. After reporting, the teachers are given no work to do and are forced to bide their time under the watchful eyes of a number of administrators who, apparently, have nothing to do but watch the teachers.
When I read Mr. Isenberg's blog about the rubber rooms, I thought the District's process was, at worst, simply stupid. This morning, I had an opportunity to visit one of these teachers at his temporary assignment.
Teachers call these temporary assignments "rubber rooms", apparently due to the similarity to holding facilities at mental hospitals that have walls made of rubber to prevent patient self-injury. What I observed was appalling - and what I heard was even worse. Teachers are required to sit in separated cubicles that are more reminiscent of jail visiting facilities than of a school site. I also confirmed that the District has given them absolutely nothing to do - not even "busy work". Having been required to work at an empty desk during my own whistleblowing experience, I know that being required to do nothing while being watched constantly is an extremely stressful and totally punitive procedure.
Some teachers have been assigned to a rubber room for more than two years. Ignoring the waste of resources this represents, the punitive nature of the rubber room means that people are being punished before they have been proved guilty. Unlike a criminal, they can't post bond so they can escape the prison-like confines of the rubber room while the District takes its own sweet time to prepare the charges. But wait ... taking time? What is happening to the witnesses and evidence during the months and years that these teachers are waiting for the other shoe to drop? Until LAUSD actually issues formal charges, the teachers (a) have no knowledge of exactly what allegations are being made against them - except for section 44939 - and (b) have no legal way to preserve evidence they may need for their defense. And this does not even begin to address the intentional infliction of severe mental distress that appears to be the true purpose of the rubber rooms. Assignment to a rubber room without being informed of the reason for the punishment is, in my opinion, a totally unconstitutional denial of due process. (I also believe that if a criminal were sentenced to a rubber room as a criminal sentence punishment the rubber room would violate the Eighth Amendment's prohibition on cruel and unusual punishment.)
While there is a very high probability that at least one of the teachers in the rubber rooms should be dismissed, I believe there is an even greater probability that the majority of the rubber room teachers would be vindicated:
IF they survive the rubber room with their sanity
IF witnesses retain their memory
IF evidence does not disappear or become tainted
IF they have the financial resources to prepare a reasonable defense
IF their union gives them the support they have paid for and are entitled to
IF they get a full and fair hearing on the merits.
I thought I was going to come to California, try Mr. Isenberg's case, and return to my retirement in Tennessee. But it appears that Mr. Isenberg's case is just a snowflake on the tip of the iceberg that is LAUSD's abusive treatment of its teachers. Therefore, I am discussing the re-opening of my law practice and returning to LA with my long suffering wife. Until then, I will continue to collect evidence and see what I can do to help the teachers who have been wrongfully accused and punitively abused.
NATIONAL EDUCATION REFORMERS
Dick Price and Sharon Kyle
http://www.laprogressive.com/Dick and Sharon dick_and_sharon@yahoo.com
Dick and Sharon are a pair of citizen journalists and information activists who were fed up with mainstream media. Rather than just kvetch about the media, they decided to try to become the media. So, together they founded the LA Progressive. Dick is the editor and Sharon is the publisher and webmaster, handling all technical aspects of the site.
This site was launched in March 2008, with Dick and Sharon doing most of the writing. Today, a host of gifted writers contribute to the LA Progressive's daily offering which typically amounts to about 45 articles a week. Dick and Sharon continue to write for as well as edit and publish the LA Progressive and distribute its daily e-news each morning.
Jo Scott Coe Riverside, California
Jo.Scott-Coe@rcc.eduwww.joscottcoe.com
Excellent Video Interview about Professor Coehttp://vodpod.com/watch/4959969-jo-scott-coe-teacher-at-point-blank
Assistant Professor of English at Riverside Community College and former high school English teacher. She is the author of Teacher at Point Blank and has been a teacher of English and literature in California since 1991. Her writing on intersections of gender, violence, and education has appeared in the Los Angeles Times as well as literary venues including Hotel Amerika, Fourth Genre, River Teeth, Ninth Letter, Memoir(and), Bitter Oleander, and Green Mountains Review. Her essay, "Recovering Teacher," won the NCTE 2009 Donald Murray Prize, and other selections of her work have received a Pushcart Special Mention as well as Notable listings in Best American Essays 2009 and 2010. As an independent researcher, Jo authored and published the most extensive study to-date of Adams v. LAUSD, a nearly 10-year legal case of student-on-teacher sexual harassment, in (Re)Interpretations: The Shapes of Justice in Women's Experience (Cambridge Scholars Press). Jo values the aesthetic, political, and socially transformative powers of literary narrative--especially to dispel unhealthy silences and witness cultural blindspots. She works currently as an assistant professor of English at Riverside Community College in SoCal, and her book, Teacher at Point Blank (Aunt Lute 2010), has been selected as a Great Read for Fall 2010 by Ms. Magazine. Punk rock? Yes. Hockey games? Yes. Coffee? Always black. Find Jo on the web at joscottcoe.com and on Twitter @joscottcoe.
Betsy Combier New York, New York
Betsy Combier's blog http://www.parentadvocates.org/index.cfm?fuseaction=article&articleID=488is a jewel that chronicles the corruption in NYC's Dept of Educations (DOE) . She has accomplished a wonderful piece of journalism, and created one of the rare places where corrupt educational governance is chronicled and revealed
Professor Samuel Culbert Los Angeles, California
is a professor at the UCLA Andersen School of Business who also teaches in the Education Department's Principals' Leadership Institute. Check out the following 3 minutes on ABC News
http://abcnews.go.com/WNT/video/conversation-performance-review-11126992
Stuart Goldurs Los Angeles, Califonia
StuartComputers@gmail.comDon't send LAUSD Librarians to the Inquisition, send the downtown bureaucrats
Tests, What Are They Good For? Absolutely Nothing!
LAUSD students to attend school on contaminated land, again!Some schools teach only to the tests, so how are the students being prepared for the next grade and for life?
New LAUSD superintendent adds six-figure positions to management team
http://www.examiner.com/public-education-in-los-angeles/lausd-test-scores-up-to-failure-levels-what-are-the-students-learning
Has been a teacher in the Los Angeles Unified School District for 30 years. He is greatly aware of the district waste, large bureaucracy, and other major issues of the time. He started his blog with the sole purpose of informing the world about the truths of education in LAUSD. E-mail him at: StuartComputers@gmail.com.
LAUSD has selected a new Superintendent of Schools
Karen Horwitz Chicago, Illinois
wccbook@gmail.com
Former award winning teacher who co-founded NAPTA, National Association for the Prevention of Teacher Abuse, and wrote the book White Chalk Crime: The REAL Reason Schools Fail to expose how teacher harassment and terrorization maintains a system of deeply hidden corruption. Disposing of dedicated teachers forms the core of the White Chalk Criminal's agenda since dedication and white collar crime do not mix. Given that all agree that good teachers are essential to good teaching, a system that cannot tolerate good teachers is worthless. This is what we have in place. With Bernie Madoff-like leaders - he was as much about investing as our school leaders are about educating - anointed with unlimited power, including the ability to fill the airwaves with propaganda, education is no longer about education. It is about money and power for those who play a very corrupt game and with an agenda of privatizing schools so their power will increase. (Privatization may have merits. NAPTA does not take a position on that. But privatizing a system that is rotten to its core - where quality teaching cannot survive, where a cover up of pretense that they do not know this despite so many of us reporting these truths prevails - documents that those advocating privatization cannot be trusted! It shows they want our schools for their own interests, not the children, nor the community.) NAPTA welcomes parents, teachers, students, citizens or anyone who understands that without a real system of education, we no longer have a democracy. Membership is free. Go to: EndTeacherAbuse.org or WhiteChalkCrime.com. Become educated about what is going on.
Jerry Mintz Director
Alternative Education Resource Organization (AERO)
417 Roslyn Rd., Roslyn Hts., NY 11577
For those of you who cannot wait for corrupt public education to be turned around, AERO offers an excellent source to get connected with viable alternatives right now.
www.EducationRevolution.org
info@EducationRevolution.org
800-769-4171 (domestic)
Susan Ohanian Charlotte, Vermont
susano@gmavt.net
http://www.susanohanian.org
She is a longtime public school teacher who, after 20 years, became staff writer for a teacher magazine and then went freelance. I've maintained a website of activism for nearly 9 years--ever since the passage of NCLB. People can subscribe to the website and then they get updates about new content. I answer all the mail I get through the website and with the answer, people have my e-mail. I also try to stir things up on Twitter, though I find this medium frustrating. I have a Facebook page--just so people can find me. I don't initiate anything on it, The website keeps me busy.
http://susanohanian.org/show_atrocities.php?id=9593
Susan Lee Schwartz Suffern, New York
Susan studied literacy education, English literature, and fine arts and holds a BA ('63) and MS ('65) from Brooklyn College, and has the equivalent of two master's degrees, earned in graduate studies of literacy, arts and education. She taught literacy skills and art, for four decades in NYC in elementary and secondary school. In 1998 she won the New York State English Council (NYSEC) Educator of Excellence Award for her successful teacher practice, studied by Harvard and the LRDC at the University of Pittsburgh for the New Standards research. At the end of her research, her unique curriculum was selected by the LRDC to be used in their national staff development seminars for school superintendents. She was among six teachers -- from among the thousands across the nation-- observed during the research project, and her teaching practice met all the principles of learning. In the nineties, she rose to prominence in national educational circles, while teaching at a new magnet school, East Side Middle School. The reading scores of her seventh grade students were at the top of the city, and on the first ELA, which two thirds of city students failed, her former students (then in the eight grade) were TENTH IN THE STATE.
She writes often about what she learned about the genuine standards for learning, in an attempt to begin a national conversation about the authentic standards, so that there can be genuine reform. Her experience that ended her fine career in the NYC Public Schools has led her to write about the process that removed the top educators, silencing the voices of the classroom practitioners who would not accept anti-learning policies. Her essay here on Perdaily, is one that describes this process. Read more as she talks about education, literacy and learning on her site, from the perspective of the experienced teacher-practitioner of pedagogy. She is the voice of dedicated and talented classroom teachers who know why the schools are failing.
Her website is:
http://www.speakingasateacher.com/Susan_Lee_Schwartz_(Steiner)_/index.html
Joel Shatzky: Brooklyn, New York
Joel.Shatzky@cortland.edu
Professor of English Emeritus--SUNY, College at Cortland (1968-2005)
Adjunct instructor-Kingsborough CC (CUNY) 2006-- )
Regular contributor to the Huffington Post: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/searchS/?q=Joel+Shatzky
Author of "The Thinking Crisis" with Ellen Hill (Authors Choice Press: New York, 2001)
Numerous articles on education in Jewish Currents.
Script-writer for three YouTube satires on educational "reform."
"The Lessons": www.youtube.com/watch?v=D712J1V2Jsg&feature=player_embedded
"Numbers Lie": http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=57BRNLviVTQ
"The Charter Starters": www.youtube.com/watch?v=lnrrw5CV3Gw
Here's Joel's latest post about the low percentage of "college ready" high school graduates. http://www.huffingtonpost.com/joel-shatzky/educating-for-democracy-t_2_b_821410.html
Lorna Stremcha Havre, Montana
http://www.endteacherabuse.org/Stremcha.html
http://twitter.com/lornapstremcha
lornastremcha.com
callmescarlet.blogspot.com
HER STORY:
"I know first hand the financial, personal, emotional and physical damage that can result when school administrators, the Montana Education Association and the National Education Association put their own interests above the students, teachers and the taxpayers of the State of Montana My files contain mountains of paperwork including depositions, declarations of truth, notarized documents and exhibits resulting from an arduous legal process that finally ended when the Havre (Montana) School District settled two lawsuits - a Federal suit and one filed in State District Court. These documents also include a letter from a union representative stating, " This is nothing more than a witch hunt." Yet the union continued to allow the school administration to harass, bully and bring harm to me.
These two lawsuits resulted from a single incident that, had it been handled differently and under the light of public scrutiny, would not have snowballed into awards of more than $200,000 worth of damages. Funds that eventually came from the taxpayers' pockets. Ironically, as a taxpayer in Hill County, my family and I are helping to pay for the damages awarded to me. This covered the attorneys' fees. The settlement did not include my attorney fees, however the district, insurance and taxpayers paid the defendants attorney bills, which exceeded mine. The settlement was made on March 2, 2006."http://www.facebook.com/pages/Dr-Jim-Taylor/125893225652
http://www.facebook.com/pages/Dr-Jim-Taylor/125893225652
http://twitter.com/search?q=DrJimTaylor
Lois Weiner Jersey City, New Jersey
Professor, Elementary and Secondary Education
2039 Kennedy Blvd.
drweinerlo@gmail.com
http://newpolitics.mayfirst.org/blog/5
http://www.democracynow.org/2010/9/3/educators_push_back_against_obamas_business
Impact of urban school characteristics on teachers' classroom practice
How race, class, and gender mediate academic achievement
Teachers' work and the school as a workplace. Effects of changes in global political economy on teaching, teachers, and schools.
FINALLY MAKING A STAND AGAINST LAUSD IN THE OAH LINK
For years the Los Angeles Unified School District (LAUSD) has been running roughshod over teachers, who they have succeeded in removing from their livelihood as professional tenured teachers as if they had no rights under collective bargaining or to due process of law. With the Miramonte Child Abuse Scandal, matter have only gotten worst as the removal of teachers without honest cause has reached a dizzying pace. Today in Courtroom #9 at the Office of Administrative Hearings at 320 W. 6th Street in Downtown Los Angeles just maybe the first step was taken by Attorney Ronald Lapekas to finally hold LAUSD responsible to the rule of law - even for teachers.
Over the last few years as public education budgets have been drastically cut, those in power at LAUSD and their masters have targeted more and more innocent teachers for removal from their jobs based on false charges, which teachers have found difficult, if not impossible to fight once they have been put on unpaid administrative leave with no help forthcoming from their do-nothing union UTLA. What motivates the District are the huge deficits that they are trying to cut by getting rid of teachers at the top of the salary scale, are about to vest in lifetime health benefits, or those who question LAUSD's long-failed education policies that have shown no signs of success or changing.
In order to remove as many costly teachers as possible, LAUSD has developed a streamlined process for removing these teachers that has not followed the well established legal requirements for dismissing a teacher nor has it given them even basic due process of law in the removal process:
1. All tenured teachers that LAUSD seeks to remove are entitled to a Skelly hearing where the teacher had a legal right to know the charges, evidence, and witnesses against them. Although LAUSD has called what they do a Skelly hearing, none of the aforementioned rights have been afforded the teacher in this pro forma proceeding where the conclusion to recommend dismissal was a foregone conclusion before this meeting ever took place.
2. Once the "Skelly" has been given, the Education Code Section 44939 and 44944 require that either the teacher be dismissed on the basis of a "verified complaint" or by allowing the teacher to defend themselves before the LAUSD Board- neither takes place. The head of LAUSD Human Resources Vivian Ekchian signs a letter telling the teacher that they are dismissed, but in no way is this letter "verified," because Ms. Ekchian is not signing this letter under penalty of perjury, which is what a verified complaint is nor does she have any actual information or belief in the validity of the charges against the teacher she is signing the dismissal letter for. Furthermore, the LAUSD Board rubber stamps the dismissal without ever giving the teacher an opportunity to defend themselves. During last month's closed LAUSD Board session, when the Board got rid of 10 teachers in 39 minutes, it is worth noting that they also had a significant amount of other business that they handled in addition to rubber stamping / "robo" signing the 10 teacher dismissals. Is this due process of law?
3. And finally, in the illegally abridged process of removing 853 teachers from their jobs last year, LAUSD administrators had no problem removing any exculpatory evidence from the case they were fabricating against the teachers that would not just resign. One administrator actually made the comment that evidence that either supported the teacher or showed that they had done nothing wrong "was not admissible, since it did not support LAUSD's case for removing the teacher- talk about a kafkaesque reality.
Attorney Lapekas argued that what LAUSD by these egregious and purposeful failures systematically engaged in over time was not only a violation of teacher's right to procedural due process, but that they were also such a serious substantive violation of due process that the OAH should dismiss all charges against the teacher in this case with prejudice to stop LAUSD from merely refiling the charges.
Judge Erlinda Shrenger of the OAH took the case under advisement and stated that she will have a decision by this Friday, May 11th. As to whether the case will be allowed to continue or whether LAUSD will be ordered to drop all charges against the teacher is anyone's guess. Given that such a precedent would have a strong bearing on all similar cases against teachers, one can be sure that however Judge Shrenger decides either Attorney Lapekas or LAUSD's outside counsel Mr. Morris will appeal the decision by writ to a higher court.
Whatever happens, it is important that LAUSD is finally being confronted and not given unbridled discretion over the lives of hundreds of teachers. As teachers and others see that LAUSD can be held accountable, maybe some other munchkins will come out and talk about what they know.
If you or someone you know has been targeted and are in the process of being dismissed and need legal defense, get in touch:
Lenny@perdaily.com
The Same Difference:Los Angeles' Skelly Hearings a...


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techbuzzireland
Ireland's Leading real hands on tech review site and top YouTube tech review channel and the latest tech news
What are the Stages of Delivery for a New Software Product?
ByJim O Brien/CEO
Establishing a new product in today's economic climate is a challenging task, to say the least. Many businesses are on the back foot, as a result of considerable falls in consumer expenditure – itself a result of rising costs across the board.
But even in times of relative strife, economically speaking, there are some industries that remain resilient. Tech is one such industry, as new technological achievements keep even the smallest of start-ups competitive. In order to make the most of this truth, it is crucial to understand the steps inherent to establishing the presence of a software product. If you are intending to invest in new software, what do you need to know about the process?
Products do not emerge from tech companies fully formed. Software development is a long and iterative process, that begins with the concept stage. This is a real bare-bones stage, in which the idea for a software product is teased out through a number of key questions – which can be as simple as "what should our product do?"
The concept for the product may be born of a new technological capability, and a wish to race to market with this capability. Alternatively, it may be an attempt to plug a lucrative gap in the market, or to meet a specific need. Either way, it is vital to understand the scope of the project early, and define clear goals for what success looks like in that regard. Nailing down a central concept keeps the project focused, and gives form to the product early.
In this early stage, it is especially important to keep abreast of legal aspects and concerns. Expert counsel is advised to oversee the various legal requirements a given software product might demand, particularly where user data is collected and recorded as part of the product's function. Licensing is also a key part of this equation, where software products typically involve the usage and incorporation of third-party tools as part of their infrastructure.
Speaking of which, with your concept finalised, the next step in the process is to design and develop the product itself. As indicated earlier, this is an iterative process – one which requires multiple 'passes' and adjustments to both design and expectations in order to effectively reach a finished product.
There are multiple angles to consider here, too. Not only do back-end processes need to be designed and tested, but front-end user experience (UX) needs to be optimised. A key part of this process is user testing, or quality assurance (QA) – a process best known in the videogame industry where new titles are exhaustively tested for bugs and experience feedback.
As the product approaches completion, launch dates beckon. However, the testing process is never truly complete, and even in launch larger pools of testers can be engaged to make final touches to the product. It is not unusual for developers to launch a beta version of their product, either for free or at a reduced price to interested parties, in order to gather valuable user feedback and implement changes ahead of the launch proper.
Fintech Software Development: The Foundation of Financial Services
How to choose a SaaS development company
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Fundraiser for the New Haven Pride Center
Categories: 14th Annual Dorothy Awards, Sponsors
By:Joshua O'Connell
Community Foundation for Greater New Haven marks 9th year of sponsorship
For the ninth time, the Community Foundation for Greater New Haven has signed on as an Emerald Sponsor with a $1,000 commitment to the Pride Center and the Dorothy Awards. The Foundation's support and partnership with the Pride Center now stretches across the last decade, and covers both events like the Dorothy Awards and fundraising initiatives like The Great Give.
The foundation is, like the Pride Center, a 501(c)3 nonprofit organization. Their mission is to create positive and sustainable change in Greater New Haven by increasing the amount of and enhancing the impact of community philanthropy. In 2015 they distributed more than $30 million in funds, and manage more than $600 million in charitable assets. Their focus is a 20-municipality cluster in and surrounding New Haven.
We welcome back the Community Foundation for Greater New Haven and thank them for their continued support!
The Center is still seeking additional sponsors, donors and advertisers for this year's event; for details on ways to participate, visit our How You Can Help page.
No comments so far!
Order Tickets Today!
Get your tickets today, regular $125 or benefactor $250, that include dinner, open bar, and a great evening of celebration.
About The Dorothy Awards
The Dorothy Awards honors LGBTQ+ nutmeggers who are making a difference for Connecticut's LGBTQ+ community. Funds raised at the Dorothy Awards support the programming budget of the New Haven Pride Center.
Recent Event News
Ten Questions with Dorothy Awards Honorees Paul Kuehn and George Appleby
Ten Questions with Rising Star Calliope Wong
Gotham Citi Cafe signs on as a Friend of Dorothy
©2009-2018 New Haven Pride Center. All Rights Reserved.


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La Fédération des étudiants et étudiantes du Centre universitaire de Moncton (FÉÉCUM) est une association étudiante représentant les droits et intérêts de la population étudiante de l'Université de Moncton, campus de Moncton (UMCM), au Nouveau-Brunswick.

Description

Incorporée en 1969 sous le nom de Fédération des étudiants de l'Université de Moncton (FÉUM) et portant ce nom jusqu'en 1987, la FÉÉCUM représente plus de  membres. Entité distincte de l'Association générale des étudiants et étudiantes de l'Université de Moncton, campus d'Edmundston (AGÉÉUMCE), et l'Association des étudiantes et étudiants de l'Université de Moncton, campus de Shippagan (AÉUMCS), .

La FÉÉCUM se consacre depuis ses débuts à l'amélioration de la condition étudiante et de l'accessibilité aux études post-secondaires au Nouveau-Brunswick. .

Historique

Dès la fondation de l'Université de Moncton, qui reçoit sa Charte en 1963, est mise en place l'Association des étudiants de l'Université de Moncton (AÉUM). Mais rapidement l'insatisfaction de la population étudiante envers l'AÉUM pousse à la création d'une nouvelle association, plus militante et engagée. C'est ainsi que la FÉUM voit le jour, en 1969, dans la mouvance d'une période marquée par les revendications étudiantes partout à travers le monde. Depuis ses tout débuts, la FÉUM/FÉÉCUM se dévoue au combat pour une meilleure accessibilité aux études postsecondaires, avec tous les dossiers que cela peut englober.

Les débuts : les années 1960
En 1968, des révoltes estudiantines secouent l'Europe, le Japon et l'Amérique du Nord. Au Nouveau-Brunswick, sous le gouvernement libéral de Louis J. Robichaud et suivant l'impulsion de son programme «Chances égales pour tous», c'est l'époque où les inégalités entre les régions riches (urbaines, industrialisées) et pauvres (rurales, peu développées) de la province  sont mises en lumière, et par ricochet, l'inégalité entre les communautés de langue anglaise et française. Les francophones, en effet, y sont le plus souvent résidents de régions pauvres, et ne bénéficient pas de droits linguistiques uniformes dans les régions plus peuplées de la province, dont à Moncton, où se trouve la seule université de langue française de la province.

C'est dans ce contexte que se crée ce qui deviendra en 1969 la FÉUM. À l'origine la Fédération ne compte qu'un seul poste, celui de secrétaire général, occupé par Paul-Eugène LeBlanc. En 1968 l'Université de Moncton, sous-financée par le gouvernement provincial, annonce une augmentation des droits de scolarité qui pousse les étudiants à voter à 84 % en faveur d'une grève, qui sera déclenchée le 12 février. Suivra une marche sur Fredericton, la capitale provinciale, regroupant  étudiants de l'Université de Moncton, du Collège de Bathurst et de la University of New Brunswick. On y réclame un gel des droits de scolarité, un meilleur système d'aide financière et un financement adéquat pour l'Université de Moncton, qui accuse un important retard comparativement aux universités anglophones du fait de sa fondation récente.

Deux moments en particulier marqueront cette grève, qui a duré neuf jours, à Moncton : d'abord, l'occupation du pavillon des Sciences de l'Université de Moncton par les étudiants (à laquelle l'AÉUM s'est par ailleurs opposée) menés par un comité formé de Michel-Vital Blanchard et de l'équipe du journal étudiant, et ensuite la confrontation entre les étudiants et le maire francophobe de Moncton, Leonard Jones. Le soir du 14 février 1968, 2000 étudiants marchent sur le centre-ville de Moncton pour obtenir la reconnaissance officielle du français dans l'administration de la ville, à 40 % francophone, ce que le maire Jones et ses conseillers refuseront catégoriquement. Plus tard le même soir des étudiants déposent une tête cochon (symbole de son entêtement) sur le perron de son domicile

Ces deux moments sont immortalisés dans le film de Michel Brault et Pierre Perrault, L'Acadie, l'Acadie.

Il faut comprendre que la querelle a rapidement dépassé la question des droits de scolarité pour s'élargir à l'inégalité entre les deux communautés linguistiques et au problème du sous-développement de l'Acadie.

La lutte se poursuit : les années 1970
En mai 1975, le gouvernement conservateur de Richard Hatfield apporte une réforme au programme de prêts et bourses qui oblige les étudiants à emprunter un minimum de  pour être admissible à une bourse de . Une bourse additionnelle de  pouvait être octroyée aux étudiants démontrant un grand besoin financier. Rapidement dénoncée par l'Atlantic Federation of Students (AFS), la réforme s'attire également les foudres de l'AÉUM, qui organise le 17 septembre une journée de sensibilisation étudiante au pavillon des Sciences. L'effort résulte en une série de recommandations qui sont envoyées au ministre de la Jeunesse de l'époque, Jean-Pierre Ouellet.

En l'absence d'une réponse du ministre, la FÉUM tient une deuxième journée d'étude, le 16 octobre, où le ministre est convié à se présenter et à répondre aux questions de la population étudiante. Les réponses du ministre s'avèrent insatisfaisantes, et la FÉUM soumet par la suite un ultimatum au gouvernement Hatfield concernant un remaniement du système de prêts et bourses, que le premier ministre rejette. Le vote de grève proposé en réponse par la FÉUM est battu par une faible majorité et un autre vote décide de tenir une manifestation à l'édifice du Centenaire, à Fredericton, siège du gouvernement provincial.

La manifestation est prévue pour le 22 janvier 1976. Le premier jour, peu d'étudiants se présentent en raison d'une tempête de neige et du faible nombre d'étudiants anglophones qui répondent à l'invitation de la FÉUM, mais le second jour, les étudiants de Moncton reviennent à la charge, cette fois avec plus de 500 membres de la FÉUM déterminés à occuper l'édifice. Deux étudiants sont nommés comme négociateurs auprès du gouvernement provincial, Gilles Beaulieu et Camille McLaughlin. Au cours des onze jours que durera l'occupation, ces deux derniers rencontrent le ministre Ouellet et le premier ministre Hatfield, ainsi que le Conseil du Trésor à plusieurs reprises, qui leur répondent tous que le gouvernement manque de fonds pour améliorer la situation. Les étudiants sont expulsés de l'édifice du Centenaire le 8 février, de façon parfois violente.

Un comité tripartite est ensuite formé, sous les pressions renouvelées des étudiants, qui produit en mars 1976 un rapport suggérant de fixer une limite à l'endettement des étudiants et de mettre en place un plan de réduction de l'endettement étudiant. Insatisfaits des mesures proposées, 300 étudiants manifestent le 22 octobre 1976, jour de l'inauguration officielle du Centre d'éducation physique et sportive (CEPS) de l'Université de Moncton, à laquelle le premier ministre Hatfield est présent. Les étudiants, outre leurs revendications liées au programme de prêts et bourses, revendiquent un traitement plus équitable de la minorité acadienne.

Début 1979, l'annonce de changements à la loi C-14 limitant l'accès des étudiants à l'assurance-emploi, de pair avec une hausse des droits de scolarité et des frais de logement, pousse les étudiants à organiser une marche pour sensibiliser la population à la situation étudiante. Le 30 janvier, 450 d'entre eux descendent dans les rues de Moncton, s'arrêtant dans les bureaux de Radio-Canada, du journal l'Évangéline, de l'Assomption, et des bureaux de l'assurance-emploi  pour rallier la société entière à la cause étudiante. Quelques étudiants tentent de remplacer un drapeau flottant devant l'hôtel de ville par le drapeau acadien.

Lorsque la marche se termine à l'Université de Moncton, le vice-recteur Médard Collette confirme aux étudiants le maintien de l'augmentation : une réunion le soir même voit quelque 500 étudiants demander un vote général pour une occupation de deux jours du CEPS. Les 1563 étudiants qui se prononcent sur la question rejettent la mesure de justesse, à 53,4 % des voix. Malgré tout, le 5 février, un groupe de 350 étudiants décide de tenir des journées d'étude au CEPS, suivies de la formation d'un comité exigeant que l'éducation postsecondaire soit reconnue comme un droit. La masse étudiante, par contre, considère un changement de méthode suivant l'échec de l'Occupation de 1976 et du vote de 1979.

L'adoucissement des mœurs : les années 1980
Au début des années 1980, aux prises avec une condition étudiante (et surtout de l'accessibilité au postsecondaire) qui se détériore en contexte de récession, la FÉUM tâche d'organiser ses dossiers pour dépasser la spontanéité qui a jusqu'alors caractérisé le mouvement étudiant à l'Université de Moncton, et qui en explique, selon les leaders étudiants de l'époque, la faiblesse.

Les frictions entre la FÉUM et le recteur de l'époque, Gilbert Finn, sont fréquentes au cours de son mandat à la tête de l'institution qui s'étend de 1981 à 1985. Quand Finn annonce une hausse de 20 % des droits de scolarité pour 1981-1982, la FÉUM dénonce publiquement la mesure sans précédent, et lance une campagne de sensibilisation. Une marche symbolique a lieu sur le campus tôt en mars 1982 : 400 étudiants y participent et terminent leur périple dans le bureau du recteur Finn, absent.

Le 23 mars 1982, une délégation de Moncton répond à l'invitation des étudiants de l'Université du Nouveau-Brunswick (UNB) et participe à une manifestation à l'ouverture de l'Assemblée législative. Le millier d'étudiants présent essuie la rebuffade du gouvernement Hatfield et réagit en déclarant . Le besoin d'une action concertée des étudiants de la province et du pays dans le but d'améliorer la situation est constaté.

Au campus de Moncton, la FÉUM organise une manifestation à la réunion du Conseil des gouverneurs de l'institution, où elle compte déposer un mémoire sur le gel des droits de scolarité. Cependant, la réunion ayant changé de lieu sans préavis, lorsque le groupe de 60 étudiants parvient enfin à rencontrer le recteur, ce dernier les informe que la hausse prévue dépassera probablement les 15 %.

Furieux, les étudiants votent en faveur de l'occupation du pavillon Léopold-Taillon, siège de l'administration de l'Université de Moncton. Le soir du 4 avril plus d'une centaine d'étudiants s'infiltrent dans le bâtiment par les portes du Kacho, le bar étudiant situé au sous-sol de l'édifice. Des barricades sont érigées sur le campus dès le lendemain matin par les étudiants, qui formulent également leurs demandes : un gel des droits de scolarité et le maintien des services aux étudiants. De 250 à 300 étudiants à la fois occupent le bâtiment, et les réunions générales tenues deux fois par jour attirent près de 1000 manifestants. Le recteur refuse de négocier avec les étudiants.

Le matin du 6 avril la police intervient pour enlever les barricades, et procède à au moins une arrestation. Le recteur accepte de rencontrer une délégation de 4 étudiants, qui exigent une rencontre extraordinaire du Conseil des gouverneurs pour voter le gel des droits de scolarité dans un délai de 24 heures. La réunion exigée n'a pas lieu le lendemain et les étudiants rompent les négociations jusqu'à ce que cette-ci ait lieu. Les étudiants poursuivent l'occupation, malgré une alerte à la bombe.

Le 11 avril, après une semaine d'occupation, les forces antiémeutes expulsent les étudiants de l'édifice. 27 étudiants seront arrêtés au cours de l'expulsion, dont 17 se verront refuser l'admission à l'Université de Moncton l'année suivante; la secrétaire générale de la FÉUM, Brenda Côté, est du nombre. Seize des étudiants expulsés feront appel, et neuf seront réadmis sous condition de ne pas participer aux associations étudiantes. Les expulsions ne seront levées par l'Université que deux ans plus tard.

Entre 1984 et 1987 la FÉUM, sous la présidence de Bernard Lord, traverse une période marquée par un virage diplomatique, un resserrement des liens avec l'administration de l'Université et une préférence pour le lobbying auprès du gouvernement provincial. La stabilité financière des étudiants devient l'enjeu prédominant, et le dossier est conduit de pair avec les autres associations étudiantes de la province au sein de l'Alliance des étudiants du Nouveau-Brunswick (AÉNB) nouvellement formée.

En 1988, la FÉUM devient la FÉÉCUM. En 1989, après cinq ans de silence, les étudiants manifestent pour un gel des droits de scolarité. 800 d'entre eux, en réponse à l'intransigeance du recteur Louis-Philippe Blanchard sur la question des droits de scolarité, se massent devant le pavillon Léopold-Taillon, sans résultat. L'année suivante, 400 étudiants répètent la manœuvre, avec le même résultat.

Du silence à la violence : les années 1990
À l'automne 1990 commence la mandat de Jean-Bernard Robichaud à titre de recteur. La FÉÉCUM donne la chance au coureur, qui a promis de limiter l'augmentation des droits de scolarité au taux d'inflation, et cesse ses activités revendicatrices de 1989-1990. Entre 1992 et 1995 la FÉÉCUM accepte trois hausses des droits de scolarité afin de démontrer sa bonne foi et sa volonté de collaborer avec l'administration.

L'annonce de la Réforme Axworthy, qui réduit drastiquement le financement fédéral aux institutions universitaires, sort la FÉÉCUM de son mutisme. Le 18 janvier 1995, la FÉÉCUM exige un moratoire d'un an sur la réforme pour permettre de tenir des consultations sur son impact. Suit une manifestation tenue dans le cadre d'une journée d'action nationale de la Fédération canadienne des étudiants et étudiantes (FCÉÉ), le 25 janvier. Plus de mille personnes répondent à l'appel de la FÉÉCUM, qui monte un «cortège funèbre» marquant la mort de l'éducation post-secondaire. La marche se termine au bureau du député fédéral George Rideout, où la FÉÉCUM dépose un mémoire détaillant l'impact négatif à long terme de la réforme.

En décembre 1997, une hausse des droits de scolarité de 10 % est mise de l'avant par le Conseil des gouverneurs. Plusieurs étudiants exigent une manifestation, mais la FÉÉCUM opte pour la tenue d'un Forum sur le financement des études post-secondaires. Ouvert le 26 février et regroupant huit organismes acadiens et soixante délégués, mais peu d'étudiants, le Forum ne soulève cependant pas l'enthousiasme de la population étudiante.

Le 25 mars suivant, 700 étudiants manifestent dans les rues de Moncton contre la hausse prévue par le Conseil des gouverneurs. En terminant leur marche au CEPS ils remettent une pétition de  signatures à la haute-administration de l'Université de Moncton. Le recteur rejette la responsabilité de la situation étudiante sur le programme provincial de prêts et bourses et la hausse est inscrite au budget comme prévu.

L'année suivante, un groupe d'activistes étudiants forment le Mouvement étudiant pour la défense de l'éducation (MÉDÉ) qui exige du gouvernement une augmentation des subventions aux universités suivie d'un gel des droits de scolarité. Se distançant du lobbying de la FÉÉCUM, le MÉDÉ adopte des méthodes plus radicales comme les manifestations et les mouvements de masse. Leur premier geste est de réunir des centaines d'étudiants au pavillon Rémi-Rossignol (Sciences) de l'Université de Moncton pour annoncer les objectifs du Mouvement; le jour même l'administration de l'Université annonce son intention de demander une hausse des subventions.

Mars 1998 est marqué par plusieurs alertes à la bombe sur le campus de l'Université de Moncton, toutes adressées au bureau du recteur Jean-Bernard Robichaud. La principale demande des responsables est la révocation de l'augmentation des droits de scolarité. Rien ne lie directement ces alertes au MÉDÉ, mais la FÉÉCUM affirme son opposition à de telles méthodes.

Une AGA extraordinaire est appelée par la FÉÉCUM à la demande du MÉDÉ (appuyé par près de 600 étudiants) à la fin novembre, où se tient une discussion sur le financement des universités et les moyens de contestation à employer. Il est décidé que la FÉÉCUM et le MÉDÉ organiseront une manifestation à Fredericton : il n'y aura cependant qu'une cinquantaine d'étudiants pour répondre à l'appel le 3 décembre 1998 visant à sensibiliser le Cabinet du premier ministre Camille Thériault.

Question de gel : les années 2000
Début février 2000, La FÉÉCUM organise une grève – comme plusieurs associations étudiantes au pays qui rejoignent le mouvement « Accès 2000 » de la FCÉÉ - afin de pousser le gouvernement fédéral à augmenter les subventions aux universités, lourdement réduites par la réforme Axworthy. Quelque 300 étudiants participent à une manifestation dans le cadre de l'événement.

Quelques semaines plus tard, suivant l'annonce d'une hausse des droits de scolarité de 24 % sur trois ans, un vote de grève est tenu. La motion passe avec 77,8 % des voix ; la grève étudiante devant immédiatement précéder celle des professeurs. Ce vote de grève, cependant, est invalidé par l'administration de l'Université qui remet en question sa représentativité. La FÉÉCUM décide néanmoins d'aller de l'avant, constatant l'inefficacité des autres moyens utilisés au cours des années précédentes.

La demande principale des étudiants était une solution au problème de sous-financement (ou de retard économique) de l'Université de Moncton, demande à laquelle l'ABPPUM faisait écho à la veille de déclencher sa propre grève. L'une des demandes précises de la FÉÉCUM était un financement spécifique à l'Université de Moncton, qui ne bénéficiait pas du long héritage ou des legs impartis aux universités anglophones de la province.

Une étude juridique est commandée par la FÉÉCUM au juriste acadien Michel Doucet afin d'examiner la validité d'une poursuite à l'intention du gouvernement provincial en vertu de l'article 16.1 de la Charte canadienne des droits et libertés, dans le but d'exiger un financement spécifique. Deux autres études sont également commandées par al FÉÉCUM, l'une portant sur le financement historique des universités du N-B, et l'autre portant sur l'analyse économique de la formule de financement de la CESPM, l'organisme gestionnaire du financement des universités du Nouveau-Brunswick.

Le 28 février 2000 des barricades sont érigées par les étudiants aux entrées du campus et la grève de 36 heures débute. Le gouvernement conservateur de l'époque, mené par Bernard Lord, fait la sourde oreille aux revendications de la FÉÉCUM, disant qu'il «est plus profitable [qu'on] nous présente des arguments fondés et solides qui réussissent à nous convaincre».

À l'automne 2001, les objectifs ont changé : le gel des droits de scolarité devient le cheval de bataille de la FÉÉCUM. Une étude de faisabilité est commandée à l'AÉNB, et la FÉÉCUM lance sa propre campagne de publicité intitulée «Les droits de scolarité : la seule chose qui ne gèle pas au Nouveau-Brunswick». Lorsque l'AÉNB vote de ne pas appuyer la campagne de la FÉÉCUM, cette dernière décide d'aller de l'avant malgré tout et se distancie graduellement de l'AÉNB, qu'elle juge de moins en moins apte à représenter ses membres francophones.

En février 2002, une campagne de sensibilisation à la condition étudiante est lancée par les étudiants de l'Université de Moncton, prenant pour symbole la boîte de Kraft Dinner. Des boîtes sont envoyées aux politiciens pour les inviter au « banquet de la réalité étudiante », en fait une manifestation prévue pour le 6 février. La procession de 250 étudiants, tenue par une température de -, part du campus pour se rendre au bureau du premier ministre à Moncton, devant lequel a lieu une dégustation du mets symbolique. Bernard Lord, absent, ne participe pas au festin.

Le 26 mars suivant, une centaine d'étudiants de Moncton manifestent devant l'Assemblée législative à Fredericton, revendiquant un gel des droits de scolarité. C'est la dernière des activités prévues par la FÉÉCUM dans sa campagne pour le gel des droits de scolarité.

Les 16 et 17 octobre 2002, la FÉÉCUM tient deux journées de grève, toujours pour revendiquer le gel des droits de scolarité, qui bloquent l'accès au campus pendant 35 heures. Les médias accordent une bonne couverture à l'événement, mais peu d'étudiants montent aux barricades.

Les étudiants vivent une brève victoire en janvier 2003 lorsque le premier ministre Bernard Lord annonce une hausse des subventions aux universités. Cependant., dès le 5 février, le recteur Yvon Fontaine annonce une hausse des droits de scolarité de 8 % pour l'année suivante.

La FÉÉCUM adapte sa stratégie en conséquence, centrant ses campagnes sur l'accessibilité et basant ses efforts sur des rencontres avec les politiciens et le Forum de concertation des organismes acadiens.

Le dépôt du rapport de la Commission L'Écuyer-Miner, en septembre 2007, et son rejet subséquent par le gouvernement libéral de Shawn Graham, minent les espoirs de la FÉÉCUM à l'égard de la Commission, qui avait entre autres recommandé de limiter la dette étudiante à 7000$/an, une subvention d'aide aux étudiants à faible revenu et des mesures d'aide au remboursement de la dette étudiante (toutes trois recommandées par la FÉÉCUM au printemps 2007).

Les Libéraux de Graham gèle toutefois les droits de scolarité au N-B entre 2008 et 2010 ; mais la FÉÉCUM déplore la mise en place d'une nouvelle « mesure universelle », lui préférant le plafond d'endettement recommandé par la Commission en 2007. Ces revendications sont au centre de la manifestation organisée sur le campus de l'Université de Moncton le 13 novembre 2008, qui regroupe plus de 200 personnes, dont des étudiants, des membres de l'ABPPUM et une représentante du recteur Yvon Fontaine. La FÉÉCUM fera circuler une pétition par la suite, chaque signataire recevant un carré rouge à porter en symbole de son endettement.

Un « plafond d'endettement » est annoncé au budget provincial de 2009-2010 : La Prestation du N-B pour l'achèvement des études dans le délai prévu prend la forme d'une . Également, le budget assouplit les modalités de remboursement des prêts étudiants provinciaux en limitant les paiements à 20 % du revenu du diplômé, et en pardonnant toute dette non-remboursée après quinze ans.

Le retour des Conservateurs au pouvoir en 2010 marque un ralentissement du progrès amorcé sous le gouvernement Graham. Ce n'est qu'en 2011 que la FÉÉCUM pose deux gestes symboliques pour souligner l'incohérence des politiques du gouvernement en fait d'aide financière aux études. Le 26 janvier une classe est tenue dans le stationnement de l'aréna J-Louis Lévesque pour protester contre les coupures dans le budget d'infrastructures des universités du N-B; le 30 novembre, pour protester contre le rétablissement du calcul de la contribution parentale dans la formule d'aide financière aux étudiants, deux étudiants du campus de Moncton se marient (mariage non-légal) et l'affaire fait le tour des médias.

Le 4 avril 2012, une manifestation protestant contre l'absence d'enjeux postsecondaires dans le budget présenté quelques jours auparavant par le gouvernement provincial regroupe 250 étudiants, menés par la présidente de la FÉÉCUM, Joëlle Martin. Seul un petit groupe se sépare de la procession, vers la fin, pour prendre d'assaut le  étage de l'Édifice Taillon, sous l'impulsion de Simon Ouellette, pour aller demander des comptes au recteur et vice-recteurs.

Le lobbying auprès du gouvernement demeure l'activité principale de la FÉÉCUM jusqu'à l'arrivée de l'exécutif 2013-2014, dont le premier acte est une manifestation à l'extérieur de la salle ou se tenait la rencontre du Conseil des gouverneurs, ces derniers devant voter l'augmentation de  (11 %) des frais de scolarité pour les étudiants internationaux. Beaucoup de grabuge, et de légers dommages causés par la centaine d'étudiants présents au  étage de l'édifice Taillon n'arrêtent pas les gouverneurs de faire passer la proposition.

Il s'ensuit une campagne médiatique féroce, où la FÉÉCUM entreprend non seulement de dénoncer les politiques financières de l'Université de Moncton, mais également le manque de transparence de l'administration, l'intimidation qui prend place à tous les échelons de la culture universitaire, en plus d'ajouter sa voix à d'autres causes d'importance pour la communauté étudiante et acadienne. Afin d'entamer un rapprochement avec la population de la province, le président Kevin Arseneau et le vice-président exécutif Simon Ouellette partent en tournée provinciale pour sensibiliser les gens du N-B à la condition étudiante et à l'état lamentable de la discussion et de l'engagement envers l'éducation venant du gouvernement provincial.

Dossiers externes

Au fil des années, la FÉÉCUM a également ajouté sa voix aux débats touchant la société acadienne et francophone de la province, en plus de sa population étudiante.

Bilinguisme dans la ville de Moncton
Le bilinguisme dans la ville de Moncton a été l'un des dossiers privilégiés par la FÉÉCUM, l'autre étant la condition ouvrière et l'accès à l'assurance-chômage, tous deux principalement au cours des années 1960 et 1970.

Le 17 février 1972, près de 3000 francophones sont réunis au parc Victoria pour dénoncer les propos du maire Leonard Jones, qui a qualifié le bilinguisme à Moncton de , à la suite d'une demande d'un groupe d'étudiants auprès du conseil municipal dans le but de conduire une étude de faisabilité. Les étudiants de l'Université des écoles secondaires de Moncton sont présents en grands nombres à la manifestation, qui prend la forme d'une procession funèbre où les manifestants transportent un cercueil symbolisant la peur des Acadiens jusqu'à l'hôtel de ville de Moncton, où il est enterré.

Condition des travailleurs du Nouveau-Brunswick
La question du chômage chez les travailleurs du Nord du Nouveau-Brunswick préoccupe la FÉUM au cours des années 1970. En 1976 la Fédération s'allie aux travailleurs pour manifester contre les mesures anti-inflationnistes ; en 1979 la FÉUM ajoute sa voix à celle des travailleurs dénonçant le projet de loi C-14 sur l'assurance-chômage.

La FÉUM/FÉÉCUM a souvent, de plus, appuyé les projets et démarches d'organismes acadiens visant le bien de la communauté, dont les demandes de la Société nationale de l'Acadie (SNA) et de la Société de l'Acadie du Nouveau-Brunswick (SANB) pour la dualité linguistique au sein du ministère de l'Éducation.

Associations provinciales et nationales
Pendant les années 1980 la FÉUM se joint à plusieurs associations étudiantes provinciales et nationales. En 1981 la FÉUM se joint à la Fédération canadienne des étudiants et étudiantes (FCÉÉ), et participe dès 1982 à quelques campagnes nationales lancées par celle-ci; il est à noter que l'occupation de l'édifice Taillon, en 1982, reçoit un large support venant d'autres associations-membres de la FCÉ partout au Canada.

Entre 1984 et 1987, soit au cours des mandats de Bernard Lord à la tête de la FÉUM, la Fédération prend une part active dans la création de l'Alliance étudiante du Nouveau-Brunswick (AÉNB), un organisme regroupant des représentants des quatre associations étudiantes universitaires de la province, à des fins de lobbying auprès du gouvernement. La participation de la FÉUM (devenue FÉÉCUM en 1988) à l'AÉNB est cependant souvent remise en question à la suite du départ de M. Lord à la présidence. En 2002, lorsque l'AÉNB renonce à appuyer la campagne de la FÉÉCUM pour le gel des droits de scolarité, le fossé entre les deux organisations s'accentue.

En 1993, la FÉÉCUM quitte la Fédération canadienne des étudiants et étudiantes (FCÉÉ), en citant «la représentativité inefficace et son manque de services». Le bilinguisme de l'association canadienne laissant notamment à désirer.

En 2006, la FÉÉCUM se joint à une nouvelle association universitaire canadienne, L'Alliance canadienne des associations étudiantes (ACAÉ). La présidente de la FÉÉCUM, Tina Robichaud, agit à titre de présidente de l'association en 2009-2010.

Le bilinguisme et la représentativité de la FCÉÉ et de l'AÉNB laissent cependant souvent à désirer, et c'est pour cette raison que la FÉÉCUM se retire de la FCÉÉ en 1993, puis de l'ACAÉ en 2012.

Dossiers internes

Situation linguistique sur le campus
À la fin des années 1970, certains cours se donnent en anglais, et plusieurs utilisent des manuels de langue anglaise sur le campus de Moncton. En effet, une étude publiée en 1977 par la FÉUM (appuyée de professeurs et membres de la communauté) révèle au public que 58 % des manuels de cours sont en anglais. Constatant une présence marquée de l'anglais dans les conversations, comme dans l'affichage sur le campus, plusieurs étudiants considèrent que la mission de l'Université, soit de , est laissée de côté par l'institution.

Le recteur de l'époque, Jean Cadieux, rejette une partie du blâme sur les étudiants, et ne tient pas compte de l'étude de la FÉUM, du moins dans un premier temps. Mais à la suite des efforts de la FÉUM quant à la promotion de son étude, et de sa vision de l'état du français par le biais d'une campagne de sensibilisation auprès de la communauté acadienne, le recteur reconnaît les problèmes linguistiques de l'Université de Moncton et réaffirme la mission de l'institution, tout en sollicitant l'aide des étudiants dans le redressement de la situation . La FÉUM répond à l'appel en adoptant une politique voulant que toutes les activités se déroulant au Kacho (le bar étudiant) se déroulent en français.

Restructuration et grève des professeurs
En décembre 1999, le recteur Jean-Bernard Robichaud propose une réforme fusionnant certaines facultés, rapport dont les recommandations sont vertement dénoncées par la FÉÉCUM et l'ABPPUM. Lorsqu'appelé à trancher le vote au Sénat académique de l'institution concernant le fusionnement de la faculté des Arts et celle des Sciences sociales, le recteur (et président du Sénat) appuie la proposition.

La réforme est immédiatement contestée par la FÉÉCUM et l'ABPPUM, mais celle-ci sera néanmoins entérinée peu après par le Conseil des gouverneurs de l'Université.

Le 25 janvier 2000, l'ABPPUM et l'administration de l'Université sont devant les tribunaux pour régler deux griefs déposés en lien avec la réforme, qui modifie les conditions de travail des professeurs. La tension monte, et L'ABPPUM déclenche peu après la première grève syndicale de son histoire, qui durera trente-cinq jours. Pendant la grève, la FÉÉCUM intercède auprès des deux parties afin de les ramener à la table des négociations, afin d'éviter l'annulation du semestre.

Un jour avant la date ultime, une entente est conclue; le président de la FÉÉCUM, René Boudreau, a joué un rôle important dans le rapprochement des parties; l'entente signée inclut par ailleurs une indemnité de  aux étudiants pour le mois de scolarité perdu.

Évaluation des professeurs
En 1984, suivant une recommandation de la FÉUM, un comité tripartite est créé pour étudier la mise en place d'un processus régulier d'évaluation formative des professeurs de l'Université de Moncton. Le rapport du comité, remis au CA de la FÉUM le 6 octobre 1987, préconise que les résultats de cette évaluation ne soient pas rendus disponibles aux étudiants. Convoquant une AGA extraordinaire, la FÉUM rejette les conclusions du rapport et entreprend de distribuer et de gérer sa propre évaluation des professeurs, indépendante.

Au printemps 1988, la FÉUM encourage ses membres à boycotter l'évaluation des professeurs distribuée par l'ABPPUM et l'administration universitaire, en plus de soumettre son propre formulaire aux étudiants.

En 1990, une entente entre la FÉUM et l'ABPPUM permet d'intégrer le formulaire de la FÉUM à celui des professeurs, ce qui fait que l'évaluation se compose désormais de deux formulaires remis simultanément. Or, seuls les résultats de l'évaluation de la FÉÉCUM sont dévoilés aux étudiants. Renégociée en 1993, et une nouvelle fois en 2006, l'entente prévoit éventuellement un seul formulaire d'évaluation, géré par l'administration. Cependant, la nouvelle entente collective de l'ABPPUM interdisant la divulgation de toute évaluation administrée par l'Université, les étudiants se voient à nouveau refuser l'accès aux données du formulaire d'évaluation.

La FÉÉCUM encourage un boycott de l'évaluation, puis distribue, le semestre suivant, une feuille identique à celle de l'administration lors de l'évaluation, avec le slogan . Plusieurs professeurs refusent carrément de distribuer cette seconde feuille ; l'année suivante, la FÉÉCUM reprend son ancien système d'évaluation.

Ombudsman
Le projet de doter le campus de Moncton d'un protecteur des droits des étudiants – sous une forme ou une autre, incluant un ombudsman - voit le jour à la FÉUM au début des années 1970. En 1971, la FÉUM propose la formation d'un comité de protection des droits étudiants; elle étudie la question à nouveau en 1977-78, proposant cette fois d'ajouter un comité de sensibilisation aux droits étudiants.

La demande pour un ombudsman à l'Université de Moncton surgit après le dépôt d'un rapport de l'Association canadienne des professeurs d'université sur la liberté d'expression à l'Université de Moncton. C'est sur le rapport de cette enquête que la FÉUM appuie sa première revendication en faveur d'un poste d'ombudsman à l'Université de Moncton, en 1986. L'ABPPUM, de son côté, réagit au rapport en revendiquant un protecteur universitaire.

Un comité tripartite est ensuite formé pour étudier la mise en place un tel poste, sans réaliser de réel progrès.

En 2007, la FÉÉCUM instaure son propre système de gestion des plaintes étudiantes ; l'abondance des plaintes reçues confirme le besoin d'un ombudsman. Des négociations reprennent entre la FÉÉCUM et l'Université, sans aboutir.

À l'été 2013, la FÉÉCUM et l'ABPPUM réclament à nouveau, cette fois d'une même voix, la création d'un poste d'ombudsman, et le recteur nouvellement en poste, Raymond Théberge, semble d'accord pour aller de l'avant avec la création du poste.

Les espaces étudiants
Il a fallu attendre 1993 pour voir l'ouverture d'un espace étudiant sur le campus de l'Université de Moncton. Le Centre étudiant, projeté dès 1966  sous un nom ou une forme quelconque, ne devient réalité que près de trente ans plus tard. L'espace, construit au coût de 3,3 millions de dollars, puis agrandi pour inclure une seconde phase en 2005, abrite les bureaux de la FÉÉCUM, ainsi que ceux des Services aux étudiants, un guichet de services universitaires, le Service des loisirs universitaires et sa billetterie, ainsi que le club/bar étudiant (depuis 2013, les services alimentaires ont remplacé ce dernier).

Il demeure que l'espace étudiant de prédilection sur le campus a toujours été le bar étudiant. Cet espace a occupé divers locaux et changé de nom à plusieurs reprises au fil des années, mais est toujours demeuré un lieu de rencontre, de réunion, et d'ébullition culturelle sur le campus de l'Université de Moncton. Il convient de mentionner que le premier bar étudiant à l'Université de Moncton, le Kacho, bénéficie d'un statut quasi-mythique dans l'univers culturel de la ville.

Le Kacho, situé au sous-sol du pavillon Léopold-Taillon, a été le bar étudiant du campus de Moncton entre 1966 et 1996 ; pendant longtemps le lieu-phare de la culture «underground» acadienne, qui ne pouvait s'exprimer librement nulle part ailleurs dans Moncton, la légende du Kacho a fait en 2002 l'objet d'un documentaire de Paul Bossé, Kacho Komplo.

En 1996, le Kacho ferme ses portes (largement en raison de difficultés financières ) et les étudiants doivent se rabattre sur le Bistro au Frolic, ouvert depuis 1993 dans le nouveau Centre étudiant. Suivre dans les traces du Kacho n'était pas mince affaire, et il existe peu de souvenirs étudiants liés au Frolic. Cependant. L'exploitation de deux bars étudiants sur le même campus ne s'avère pas rentable pour les gestionnaires et dès la rentrée 1997 toutes les soirées étudiantes sont tenues dans un seul et même espace, au Centre étudiant.

L'Osmose – c'est ainsi que l'espace du Frolic est renommé - sera le bar étudiant du campus de Moncton entre 1997 et 2010, année où la section club cessera ses opérations, encore une fois pour des raisons financières, mais également légales en raison de l'accueil de mineurs dans l'établissement. Le manque d'affluence de la population étudiante, attirée par les autres clubs de Moncton, a également son rôle è jouer dans la fermeture. En plus de l'Osmose, deux autres espaces sont successivement aménagés, et opérés conjointement avec le club; le Café l'Osmose et le pub étudiant Le Tonneau (ce dernier réservé un temps aux 19 ans et plus).

L'Osmose ferme définitivement ses portes  en 2012-2013. Des rénovations majeures sont apportées dans l'espace vacant pour y aménager un nouveau resto-lounge, géré en partenariat par la FÉÉCUM et les services alimentaires de l'Université de Moncton (qui assume le risque financier). Pendant les rénovations, un bar étudiant est temporairement aménagé dans un autre espace du Centre étudiant, et porte le nom Le Coude. L'espace demeure entre les mains de la FÉÉCUM, mais cesse toute activité commerciale dès l'ouverture du resto-bar le Soixante-trois, à la rentrée 2013. L'espace rénové comprend toujours un bar et une salle de spectacle, qui sont gérés en soirée par la FÉÉCUM.

Les médias étudiants
En 1970, le secrétaire général de la FÉUM, Gaëtan Ruest, propose la création d'un journal et d'une radio pour reconstruire la solidarité étudiante effritée par deux ans de grèves et de contestations. La gestion des médias étudiants est, à compter de 1976, l'affaire de la compagnie étudiante Média Unimon, qui tente d'en rentabiliser les opérations . En 1981, Média Unimon devient les Médias acadiens universitaires, Inc (MAUI) .

Des journaux étudiants existent sur le campus de l'Université de Moncton dès 1967. Se succédant d'année en année, et se faisant parfois compétition, ces journaux portent des noms aussi créatifs que, parfois, obscurs :

 L'Insecte (1967-1968)
 Le Microbe (1968-1969)
 La Moustache (1969)
 Le Point (1970)
 L'Embryon (1970-1971)
 La Mèche (1972)
 FÉUM Information (1972-1973)
 La Jaunisse (1973-1977)
 Le Front (1977-présent)
 Le Superfront (1979)
 Le Journal Étudiant (1980)

CKUM, la radio étudiante du campus de Moncton, entre en ondes le 2 décembre 1971. Diffusée sur la fréquence AM à l'échelle du campus entre 1971 et 1981, elle passe à la fréquence FM en 1982. La radio étudiante de l'UMCM est rebaptisée CKUM R@dio J en 1999, dans le cadre du Sommet de la Francophonie se tenant à Moncton.

En 2010, la constitution des MAUI est amendée afin d'en faire une entité financièrement indépendante de la FÉÉCUM, et ayant plein contrôle des médias étudiants de l'UMCM.

Notes et références

Association étudiante au Canada

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


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The Real Reason Blacks Won't Abandon President Obama Over Marriage Equality
Article May 17, 2012
Antimarriage Equality Legislation Hurts All Families, Especially Families of Color
The black community's support for President Obama is not only about accepting a broader understanding of family but also social and economic policies that help their communities, write Sophia Kerby and Aisha C. Moodie-Mills.
Sophia Kerby
Aisha C. Moodie-Mills
Advancing Racial Equity and Justice, Family Recognition, LGBTQ Communities of Color, LGBTQ Rights, Racial Equity and Justice+2 More
Nate Fowler
nfowler@americanprogress.org
Marriage equality supporters Teri McClain, left, and Mary Beth Brotski stand with signs supporting President Barack Obama outside a fundraising event for the president in Seattle. (AP/ Elaine Thompson)
The media's knee-jerk reaction to President Barack Obama's stance on marriage equality has been to question whether black voters, of which only 39 percent agree with the president's newly announced position, will abandon him over it. Supporters and critics alike, who cite enthusiasm for the first black president to far outweigh the dissonance they feel about his support of gay rights, have debunked this idea.
But there is also a more practical reason for the black community's overwhelming support of the president. His policies are more responsive to the socioeconomic needs and priorities of black families than the alternative. And his support for marriage equality is no different.
Race-baiting conservatives have tried to push the narrative that gay rights are exclusive privileges sought by white, middle-class, gay and transgender people that pose a threat to communities of color. But this couldn't be farther from the truth. In fact, antigay policies are also a great threat to the black community. They hurt hundreds of thousands of black gay families and their children and other "nontraditional" family structures prevalent among the black community.
Black gay and transgender families are among the most economically vulnerable in our society. Black lesbian couples experience poverty rates of 21.1 percent, compared to 4.3 percent and 14.4 percent of their white lesbian and gay black male counterparts, respectively. And black lesbian couples raising children are twice as likely to be living in poverty.
Antigay family policies directly hurt the black community by denying equal legal protections to thousands of children and families. These laws also tend to generally ignore contemporary family structures, where parents may be biological or nonbiological, married or unmarried, gay or straight. The invalidation of these families simply because they are not made up of a biological mother and father renders them legal strangers and weakens their ability to care for one another and their children.
Black families are incredibly diverse, and as we show below, they fare best when policies and laws are fair and inclusive to all Americans. The gay and transgender population is also diverse. The most recent census data shows that more than one in five same-sex couples are interracial, and 46 percent of same-sex couples with children are people of color.
The dangers of a narrow definition of family
Laws that limit the definition of family ignore other common family structures and deny them basic protections. Narrowing the definition of what a family is discriminates against anyone who does not fit into the "traditional family" framework, which would include single-parent households, unmarried families, and extended families.
Many black families fall outside this definition. According to the Census Bureau, about 36.4 percent of African Americans are single-parent households, with the vast majority being female-headed households. And many black children are raised by extended families, by grandparents, aunts, uncles, and nonbiological caretakers. Extending the category of "family" and "parent" is necessary to ensure that all of these family units have access to safety net programs that help to safeguard them.
The recent North Carolina Amendment 1, which was upheld during the state's May 8 primary, illustrates the dangers of a narrow definition of family. It states that "marriage between one man and one woman is the only domestic legal union that shall be valid or recognized in this state," meaning that any relationship that doesn't fit within that box is excluded—which includes a significant portion of black families.
Among other things, this type of policy can potentially harm unmarried women seeking domestic violence protection, which would disproportionately impact black gay and transgender women who experience domestic violence at alarming rates. Almost half of all black lesbians have experienced some form of domestic violence, compared to 25 percent of heterosexual women.
The impact on children in gay and transgender families
Under this narrow definition of family, it's the children who suffer the most, particularly the estimated 2 million children being raised in gay and transgender families.
Gay and transgender families and ultimately all families of color can be denied access to health care and safety net programs under these laws. According to a CAP report, safety net programs, such as Temporary Assistance for Needy Families and the Children' Health Insurance Program, often use the narrow definition of family, meaning that a child must be raised by legally recognized parents in order to receive assistance, including but not limited to food and nutrition support, child care assistance, cash assistance, health insurance, and educational loans.
This unequal treatment also means that unrecognized families are unable to receive tax credits and deductions intended to lower the cost of raising a family, leaving many nontraditional families with a higher tax burden.
Not only that, the narrow definition of family allows unmarried families of color and gay and transgender families of color to be discriminated against in adoption rights, as only 19 states and the District of Columbia allow same-sex couples to adopt. In the remaining states, children of gay and transgender families lack legal ties to one parent threatening hospital visitation rights, end-of-life decisions, and parental rights.
The North Carolina amendment also illustrates how detrimental antimarriage equality policies can be. Under these policies children of unmarried parents could lose their health care and prescription coverage and have their protection threatened if something were to happen to the other parent. This type of extreme language puts children and families at risk by denying them equal legal protection.
Marriage equality policies are good for families of color
In a recovering economy communities of color need policies and legislation that will support a growing job market and healthy families—not ones that use race-baiting tactics to drive a wedge between communities. The black community's support for President Obama is not only about accepting a broader understanding of family but also social and economic policies at the forefront of protecting African American communities.
Sophia Kerby is the Special Assistant for Progress 2050 and Aisha C. Moodie-Mills is an Advisor on LGBT Policy and Racial Justice at the Center for American Progress.
Senior Fellow and Director, FIRE Initiative
Centering Youth in Community Violence Interventions as Part of a Comprehensive Approach to Countering Gun Violence
Terrell Thomas, Rachael Eisenberg
New Opportunities for the Biden-Harris Administration To Create Good Jobs for LGBTQI+ Workers
Aurelia Glass, Sharita Gruberg, Caroline Medina, 1 More Karla Walter
Black Men and the U.S. Economy: How the Economic Recovery Is Perpetuating Systemic Racism
Lorena Roque, Rose Khattar, Arohi Pathak


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The No Sleep Gamer
CHEAP GAME DEALS
About The No Sleep Gamer, Brendan Griffiths
Features, PC, Platforms, PlayStation 3, PS Vita, PS4, PSN (PlayStation Store), Wii U, XBLA, Xbox 360, Xbox One
Standalone DLC Like Infamous: First Light Must Become The New Norm
June 30, 2014 Brendan Griffiths	4 Comments
Games are expensive. Add in the fact that new-gen games are £10-£20 more expensive than they were on PS3/360 and it's not surprising that many gamers opt to trade in their games as soon as they're done.
With multiplayer orientated titles like Battlefield or Titanfall, they may keep hold of them a little while longer if they're still fun or reliable online. The promise of extra maps to download further down the line make trading them in a risky proposition, after all nobody wants to miss out.
But what about games like Infamous: Second Son? With no multiplayer component and a Platinum Trophy available over two playthroughs through less than 20 hours of play, there isn't much reason to keep the game. It makes much more sense to trade it in or make even more money back by listing it on eBay. Even if you really enjoyed a game, it's worth noting that you could sell for a high price soon after launch and then buy again for a quarter of the price in a few years' time when you fancy reliving the experience.
But that's not exactly music to the ears of game publishers who deem every second-hand copy of their game sold as missed monies. Thankfully, most of the big houses have ditched their online passes to put off preowned sales. For years we've seen expansion DLC for single player games to enhance the experience and ensure we keep the game but decent ones have been quite rare.Fallout 3 had some great (but horrendously buggy) expansions, Burnout Paradise had a great blend of free and paid packages that ensured no racing fan would ever be able to part with their game. The lack of a sequel has also helped there.
But back to the point made earlier – games are expensive. To keep enjoying the newest releases, being able to make money by selling our games when we're done is an essential part of many gamers' budgets. When story-based (single-player content generally) is set to release months after the original title's release or is only announced months later, it can be a cruel blow if you've already sold it.
So when Sony took to the stage at E3 to announce Infamous: First Light, anyone that had already sold the game may have felt a sinking feeling that they were going to miss out. But then Sony told the crowd that they would not need a copy of the original game to play the prequel episode.
This is a win-win situation for everyone. Gamers can sell Second Son and net some extra cash, Sony can make money from people that enjoyed the main game AND maybe people yet to play it. Admittedly, we've seen this type of standalone DLC release before with Far Cry 3: Blood Dragon,Infamous 2: Festival of Blood and more recently Ubisoft altered Assassin's Creed IV's Freedom Cryto work as a standalone item too. So shouldn't standalone DLC be a more regular thing?
But as the Blu-ray and hard-drive space required for games gets larger, this sort of release could become more difficult. First Light seems like it will be set in Curdun Cay rather than Seattle. So that expansive city has presumably been replaced a small grey prison environment. Blood Dragon was a new environment too and considerably smaller than the main game's Rook Islands. Many of these aren't really DLC expansions any more, they're just new games.
With new environments playing a large part of DLC like Bioshock Infinite's Burial at Sea or The Last of Us' Left Behind, having to run them from the disc after the download seems like an odd requirement. Admittedly, the disc is probably being used on some level to run the core game mechanics, but couldn't they be squeezed into the download file too?
If we were to see another DLC expansion for Infamous: Second Son that was set in the original Seattle game world and we didn't have to have the original game, we could expect a very large download file. This wouldn't be ideal for gamers waiting an age for it to download (or with capped GB allowances), but it would perhaps lay the groundwork for a quick paid upgrade to the full original game for anyone entering the experience backwards.
Much has already been said that perhaps Battlefield: Hardline would have been better suited as a DLC release for Battlefield 4 – standalone or linked to the disc. And if the multiplayer part of the game is once again the only part of the game worth bothering about, then we'll be shouting about this again later in the year. Then again, if the single-player campaign is a success (surely they'll get it right again eventually), then the release as a complete full-priced game will be more justified.
If more games can be expanded upon post-release without the requirement of owning the original game, then maybe everyone can come out winning. Publishers earn that extra bit of money from the episode and gamers don't have to keep games that have long since been completed. If an extra episode comes out that isn't directly following events of the main game, then newcomers to the brand may give it a go even if the original didn't review particularly well but they hear that new episode has fixed several issues and plays like a better game. Maybe developers and publishers could think of this extra content more like miniature sequels rather than bolt-on products to an already finished title. There's a lot of ifs and maybes to be sure, but with the right implementation and a bit of bravery from publishers, who have been too reliant on map packs and costume changes for years, we could be about to see a beneficial shift in the stagnating digital market for post-game content.
Brendan GriffithsDealspwn.cominFamousInfamous: Last Light
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4 thoughts on "Standalone DLC Like Infamous: First Light Must Become The New Norm"
viciado a juegos says:
 No estoy en consonancia con nada en absoluto de lo que has
escrito. No hay info ni parece ser que te hayas documentado con anterioridad de escribir.
juegos gratis de dora la exploradora y botas says:
Estoy seguro que este texto haa sido visto por laa casi todos los usuarios del foro, de internet ya que se trata de algo un sugestivo texxto para la elaboracion dde emergentess pavinas de internet.
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Critically Acclaimed Musicians Share Cuban Sounds with Tucson
Buena Vista Social Club founder shows no sign of slowing down after decades of playing Cuban music worldwide by Fernanda Echavarri TWEET SHARE
Decades after it originated in Havana, Cuba, the Buena Vista Social Club will play "a little bit of everything" in Tucson this weekend.
Founding member Eliades Ochoa said "you see the roots of Cuban music," at a Buena Vista Social Club concert.
"This is more than a concert," he said in Spanish. "It's an encounter with the public, with our audience, it's like a meeting with a big family."
Sixteen years after the release of Buena Vista Social Club's first and only studio album, Ochoa, 67, is thankful he is healthy enough and strong enough to take his music around the world.
Ochoa is a self-taught guitar player and singer with roots in rural Santiago de Cuba. He is famous for wearing a cowboy hat and all black clothing and has often been called the "Cuban Johnny Cash."
The Buena Vista Social Club was a club that held dances and concerts with music from Cuban music's "golden age" in the 1940's and 1950's. Its music gained popularity internationally in late 1990's after a documentary was released.
The Orquesta Buena Vista Social Club, featuring Eliades Ochoa on guitar and vocals
The Buena Vista Social Club will play at the University of Arizona Centennial Hall Sept. 14, at 8 p.m.
UAPresents is an underwriter of Arizona Public Media.
MORE: Arizona Spotlight, Arts and Life, Culture, Music, Tucson, Higher Education
Cuban Cinema Gains Audiences in Arizona and Elsewhere Acclaimed Fusion Percussion Band Red Baraat Coming to Tucson Flamenco Culture Takes Center Stage in Tucson Fest


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Gender and Sexuality Studies: Article Search
Getting the Articles
Why Articles?
Articles appear in magazines, journals, periodicals, and newspapers. Use articles for:
most recent research on a topic
coverage of very narrow topics
coverage of current events
contemporary accounts of past events and research
Write down research questions for your topic and underline key concepts and keywords. Think of broader or narrower terms depending on what search results you retrieve from those concepts and keywords.
Think of synonyms and alternative terms to search and refer to a Thesaurus for more ideas.
Remember most databases will have a list of suggested subject terms. By choosing these you can narrow your search to those articles relate to what you are searching for.
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text:
Safety Duke Williams concerned about the Wolf Pack's defense
RGJ
Story written by the RGJ's Scott Oxarart
Safety Duke Williams has played in 41 games as a member of the Nevada football team.
After the Wolf Pack's 45-34 win over Northwestern State of the FCS, it was a shock for him to watch his team's defensive performance, especially in coverage.
"What we displayed out there, our secondary was nothing like I've seen before," he said. "We need to just step it up in the secondary. We have a lot of issues that need to get fixed."
The Wolf Pack allowed 585 yards of offense to an FCS team that averaged 170 per game in its first two contests against Texas Tech and Arkansas Monticello. The Demons (1-2) had seven plays of more than 20 yards including a 68-yard touchdown pass and a 40-yard touchdown run.
On Saturday, Northwestern State had 31 first downs (it had 20 in its first two games combined), 12 third-down conversions (seven in first two games) and scored 34 points (three more points than it scored against Arkansas-Monticello).
"Defensively, there is just no excuse for what we did out there," Nevada coach Chris Ault said. "To come out play like that, on your heels, playing not to lose. You can't play football like that. And that's the way our defense played today. You have to play to win.
"Give (Northwestern State) credit, don't put it all on the defense."
The 34 points allowed by Nevada was the most by an FCS team since Boise State dropped 37 in 1994. Nevada allowed the Demons to score two touchdowns in the fourth quarter to make the game interesting.
With 6 minutes left and Nevada up 18, Demons quarterback Brad Henderson hit Phillip Harvey for a 68-yard touchdown. Harvey was double covered, but jumped toward the ball to split the Nevada defenders and went untouched to the end zone.
Nevada did force two fumbles, one of which was caused by Williams inside the Wolf Pack 3-yard line that he returned to the Demons' 48-yard line.
But overall, Nevada allowed 117 yards and six points more than their season average, which consisted of two games against BCS foes Cal of the Pac-12 and South Florida of the Big East.
With Nevada's conference opener coming up against Hawaii on Saturday in Honolulu, Williams said the team has a lot to improve on.
"Right now, if Hawaii were to put on the tape, they'd be licking their chops," he said. "We have three days of practice. We're leaving on Thursday for the island. We really have some work to do and we need to work fast. Whatever problem we have on our defense, we need to fix it.
"Come Monday, it will be fixed," he added. "I'm going to make sure of that."


text:
Judicial Watch Issues Warning to Iowa, Colorado, and DC: Clean Up Your Voting Lists! -- Judicial Watch
In fact, on Monday of this week, JW held a press conference to announce a whole new group of states under our election integrity microscope. JW sent notice letters to top election officials in Iowa, Colorado, and the District of Columbia calling on them to follow Ohio's lead and comply with the National Voter Registration Act (NVRA) or face a Judicial Watch lawsuit within 90 days. (Judicial Watch attorneys Chris Fedeli and Robert Popper joined me at the press conference, which you can watch here.)
JW also sent inquiries on March 6, 2014, to officials in California, New Mexico, Kentucky, West Virginia, North Carolina, Alabama, Mississippi, Missouri, and Illinois notifying them of potential "apparent problems" and asking these states to provide records of steps taken to assure the accuracy of voter lists. (If you live in any of these states, you should know that your home state also has voter list issues.)
Here's a brief excerpt from my statement announcing this new initiative, which received widespread news coverage (click here to read The Washington Times piece):
Dirty voter rolls can mean dirty elections. Many states are shirking their legal responsibilities to maintain clean voter rolls. This undermines confidence in our election system. Outrageously, the Obama Justice Department simply refuses to enforce the federal law that requires states to take reasonable steps to clean voter rolls. Judicial Watch is now doing the job of the U.S. Justice Department.
Judicial Watch's notifications to Secretaries of State in Iowa and Colorado and the Board of Elections Supervisors in the District of Columbia specifically warn:
We write to bring your attention to violations of Section 8 of the National Voter Registration Act ("NVRA") … This letter serves as statutory notice that Judicial Watch will bring a lawsuit against your office if you do not take specific actions to correct these violations of Section 8 within 90 days. In addition, by this letter we are asking you to produce certain records to us which you are required to make available under Section 8(i) of the NVRA. We hope that litigation will not be necessary to enforce either of these claims.
In each state (and DC) we supported our accusations with specific evidence gathered by JW investigators indicating that each jurisdiction is "failing to comply with the voter registration list requirements of Section 8 of the NVRA." Judicial Watch examined United States Census data and compared it with voter registration data sent by states to the Election Assistance Commission, a federal government entity:
In Iowa: A comparison of 2012 Census data and 2012 Election Assistance Commission (EAC) data shows there were more people registered to vote than there were adults over the age of 18 living in each of the following 24 counties: Fremont, Johnson, Madison, Adams, Scott, Pocahontas, Kossuth, Poweshiek, Lyon, Cass, Dickinson, Clay, Chickasaw, Shelby, Boone, Worth, Hancock, Ida, Dallas, Audubon, Sac and Greene. A comparison with 2010 Census population estimates and 2010 EAC data shows that this trend has only worsened.
In Colorado: A comparison of 2012 Census data and 2012 EAC data shows there were more people registered to vote than there were adults over the age of 18 living in each of the following 22 counties: Mineral, Ouray, Hinsdale, San Juan, Jackson, Gilpin, Summit, San Miguel, Gunnison, Dolores, Teller, Grand, Clear Creek, Elbert, Cheyenne, Archuleta, Pitkin, Boulder, Douglas, Routt, and Baca. A comparison with 2010 Census population estimates and 2010 EAC data shows that this trend has only worsened.
In the District of Columbia: A review of Census data and EAC data shows there were more people registered to vote in DC than there were adults over the age of 18 living there as of 2010, and as of 2012, which is the most recent data available.
Meanwhile, the Judicial Watch notifications to election officials in Iowa, Colorado, California, New Mexico, Kentucky, West Virginia, North Carolina, Alabama, Mississippi, Missouri, Illinois and DC demand a response within 45 days, including the specific steps taken to comply with the law.


By a 4–3 vote, the court revived a lawsuit by the families of Sandy Hook victims alleging that Remington recklessly marketed its Bushmaster AR-15–style weapon for "illegal, offensive purposes," contributing to Adam Lanza's murder of 26 people at their elementary school. Should Remington be held responsible? Lars speaks with Stephen Halbrook who is a Senior Fellow with the Independent Institute and Second Amendment expert, to speak more on this topic. Listen below.