text:
SOS Decision – Undersupply in 6 of 10 years not persistent Because of Recession
LAND NORTH OF BATH ROAD, THATCHAM, BERKSHIRE
The Secretary of State has carefully considered the Inspector's analysis of the buffer at
IR163-166 and carefully considered the Inspector's conclusion that there are grounds to consider that there is a record of persistent under delivery and that a buffer of 20% is now justified. However, the Secretary of State disagrees with the Inspector's conclusions. In coming to this conclusion, the Secretary of State has had regard to report into the West Berkshire Housing Site allocations DPD and the DPD Inspector's conclusions (DPD IR 134) that the housing supply situation is satisfactorily monitored with no reasons to conclude that there is any significant threat to the delivery of housing in West Berkshire.
The Secretary of State also concludes that while there has been an undersupply in 6 ofthe past ten years, this has been in part due to the influence of the recession. As such he finds that a 5% buffer is appropriate.
Developers Plan to Ditch Sherford Design Code Stymied
Alas Devon CC still ruins everything by insiting on Asphalt pavements
The Princes Trust tweeted support for the decision.
Sherford developers have been blocked from scrapping a strict set of design rules – as councillors said the move would have created a "zombie town" with "years of planning thrown out of the window".
Housing firms applied to ditch a town code drawn up 13 years ago and replace it with a set of "fundamental principles" allowing greater flexibility over materials and construction methods.
Consortium bosses denied the move would affect the quality of new homes, but members of the planning committee were not convinced.
Cllr Jonny Morris (Lab) said he did not want Sherford to end up like Poundbury in Dorchester, which he described as the sort of place you would see "in the aftermath of a zombie apocalypse".
Cllr Vivien Pengelly (Con): "I am deeply concerned. Instead of having the highest standard of new homes, we will instead have a rather large housing estate that will all be watered down. I'm sorry, I cannot support this application.
"You have to get the residents on board when you're doing something as big as this. It's very sad that it has come to this."
Cllr Nick Kelly (Con) said: "This is simply far too premature to take such a radical act, disregarding all those measures that allowed permission to be granted in the first place.
"We want development, but everybody thinks 'This is what we're going to get', and at the stroke of a pen years of planning and assurances go out of the window."
Cllr Sam Davey (Lab) said: "The residents were sold Sherford with this particular mechanism. They would view this in a particularly negative light, and I don't blame them."
The 59th Best Urban Planning Blog on The Planet
Damning with Faint Praise
Feedpost
Ruth Davidson's Call for More Housebuilding
Planning law privileges those who already have property – disadvantaging the young and poor/.
We will need to be particularly bold when we see restrictive practices. Too much profit comes from tax avoidance, land speculation, financialisation and other unproductive economic activity, rather than through innovation and high performance.
Closing loopholes, increasing enforcement and overhauling regulatory frameworks can go some way to addressing the creeping cronyism that is making free market capitalism an unfree and anti-competitive capitalism, but this stick approach should only be one half of the story. Government also has the ability to set the tone and the direction of travel by using its vast array of levers and resource as a carrot, too. It should do so…
Similarly, policies of 'help to build' rather than 'help to buy' will do more to address the inability of young people to get on the housing ladder. The biggest ally we have in increasing housing supply is beauty – if new houses complement the local environment and avoid the disastrous design choices of the past we can help build sustainable local support for extra construction.
While Thomas Picketty's claims of capital growing without bounds at the expense of workers has been disproved by – among others – the Brookings Institute in Washington DC, its analysis of net capital share shows that housing is the only area where capital income displacement of labour income is apparent….
In short, the multiple instabilities of insecure employment, opaque career progression, wage stagnation, high rental and commuting costs and growing financial barriers to home ownership clearly explain why Britain's young adults don't feel they have a personal stake in a system that doesn't work for them….
It is not enough for government to facilitate a discussion about where next for Britain, it has to actually lead. The short-term, election cycle nimbyism of prohibitive planning laws needs to cease and there is no room for one-of-the-in-crowd Davos sycophancy either. At home and abroad we need to press the case for fairer markets.
Local Plan Policy Number 1 Our Plan is out of Date and Wont be up to Date till 2022
South Staffordshire in putting forward a site allocations document for submission this week with only 5 years supply
Top of the last for worst plan policy (i.e not to plan) ever.
Policy SAD1: Local Plan Review
Evidence exists of unmet housing needs across the Greater Birmingham
Housing Market Area (GBHMA) – that includes the Black Country and 9
other neighbouring authorities (including South Staffordshire).
Under the Duty to Co-operate (DtC) South Staffordshire Council will work
collaboratively with other authorities in the Functional Economic Market
Area (FEMA) and the Housing Market Area (HMA) to establish, how issues
of strategic significance can be addressed.
In response to evidence of unmet housing needs, South Staffordshire
Council shall carry out an early review of the Local Plan., and In
developing this new local plan shall look carefully atthe Council will
examine the role that 'Safeguarded Land' can play in the allocations of
new homes. The reviewed Local Plan will be in place by 2022. and their
delivery by 2031. The Council shall continue to work positively towards a
Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with all local planning authorities
across the GBHMA. Employment needs will also be assessed through the
review of the Local Plan.
The Wokingham Case – Is Applying a Lapse Rate and 20% uplift Double Counting FOAN
Wokingham BC v SoS and Cooper Estates
On behalf of the Council, Ms Sheikh QC contended that the Inspector imposed both a 10% "lapse rate" and a 20% "buffer" unlawfully. Had the "lapse rate" not been applied, the Inspector would have found there to have been a five-year supply of deliverable housing sites.
Ms Sheikh contended that an Inquiry is a formal adversarial process: participants are entitled to know the case they have to meet and to adduce evidence and makes submissions in relation to it. If an Inspector is to take a line not explored at the Inquiry, fairness requires him to give a relevant party an opportunity to deal with it: see Hopkins Developments Ltd v Secretary of State for Communities and Local Government [2014] EWCA Civ 470, [2014] PTSR 1145 ("Hopkins Developments"); Castleford Homes v Secretary of State for the Environment [2001] EWHC Admin 77, [2001] PLCR 29; R (Poole) v Secretary of State for Communities and Local Government [2008] EWHC 676 (Admin), [2008] JPL 1774.
In this case, so she submitted, no party or witness at the Inquiry contended that a lapse rate of any description should be imposed: its imposition was not in issue. The Inspector had given no indication that he was planning to impose a "lapse rate". What the Inspector had done was not even what Mr Gregory Jones QC had ultimately suggested at the Inquiry that he might appropriately do but the crucial feature of Mr Jones's closing submissions was the statement that he Second Defendant was not seeking the imposition of a "lapse rate". Ms Sheikh submitted that the Council were thus denied a reasonable opportunity to adduce evidence and make submissions on whether any lapse rate should be imposed, what any rate might be and to what it might be applied. She denied that there was any agreement that, if a "lapse rate" fell to be applied, it should be at a uniform rate of 10%. Given its significance in this case, the Inspector's failure to inform the Council that he might impose one and give them an opportunity to respond was unfair.
But, in any event, so Ms Sheikh submitted, (i) the "lapse rate" and the "buffer" both serve the same purpose, namely to compensate for the risk of under-delivery evident as a result of previous poor predictions. A "lapse rate" approaches the delivery of sites from the supply perspective; the "buffer" seeks to ensure a realistic prospect of achieving the planned supply by increasing the requirement for supply. The "lapse rate" and the "buffer" deal with the same issue from different perspectives. By applying both the Inspector double-counted that factor. The "buffer" is not imposed as a penalty for past failures. (ii) The Council had explained why they considered any application of both would involve double counting, referring the Inspector inter alia to a decision of the Secretary of State about land in Malpas, Cheshire endorsing that view. Ms Sheikh submitted that, if the Inspector could have imposed a "lapse rate", he had failed to give any reasons for rejecting that case or for not following that decision. (iii) Ms Sheikh further contended that the Inspector's application of the "lapse rate" was unlawful. The only possible distinction between such a rate and a "buffer" would be if the "buffer" is applied in a blanket manner but a "lapse rate" is applied to specified sites. That the Inspector did not do. To apply it to sites whose estimated supply he had specifically concluded was deliverable was unlawful. She further developed this complaint at various points in her submissions, pointing out, for example, that the Inspector had applied the "lapse rate" to sites with planning permission, notwithstanding footnote 11 in the NPPF, and that one of the reasons he gave for its imposition only concerned sites without permission….
If the local planning authority is required to address in evidence and submissions possible changes to its assessments that other parties are not themselves advocating, the additional time and costs involved will not be negligible and it may distract those involved from what is in issue. If an Inspector considers that an adjustment is one that ought to be, or might be, considered by him even if no party is advocating it, it is not unreasonable for the parties to expect him or her to indicate that to them. In the context of a focussed Inquiry fairness requires an Inspector to do so.
Whether the application of a "lapse rate" and the 20% buffer involved "double counting" (as the Council contend) may be thought to depend on what each is designed to achieve and why they are to be applied.
What has to be compared with the housing requirement is the "supply of specific deliverable sites". As footnote 11 in the NPPF states, "to be considered deliverable, sites should be available now, offer a suitable location for development now, and be achievable with a realistic prospect that housing will be delivered on the site within five years and in particular that development of the site is viable." The estimated supply is thus one that should be realistic.
The object that the "buffer" is intended to achieve is stated in paragraph 47 of the NPPF. Paragraph 47 indicates that in all cases the relevant housing requirement should be increased by a "buffer of 5% (moved forward from later in the plan period) to ensure choice and competition in the market for land". It also indicates that the "buffer" should be increased "to 20% (moved forward from later in the plan period) to provide a realistic prospect of achieving the planned supply and to ensure choice and competition in the market for land". In each case the buffer does not add to overall requirement for dwellings in the plan period. The identified additional purpose that a "buffer" of 20% (rather than 5%) serves in the immediate five year period is "to provide a realistic prospect of achieving the planned supply". An increased buffer for that purpose is to be applied "where there has been a record of persistent under delivery of housing".
The Council's explanation of why it had not applied a 10% flexibility allowance as well as a "buffer" of 20% was that to do so would be to increase the housing requirement and to reduce the estimated supply for the same reason, namely to ensure that the estimated supply would in fact be realistic given persistent under-delivery (or consistent over-prediction of delivery). It referred to a decision of the Secretary of State in respect of a proposed development in Malpas, Cheshire in which he agreed with the Inspector's reasoning on certain points including these. The Inspector considered the objective of the 20% "buffer" was to provide a realistic prospect of achieving the planned supply and to ensure choice and competition in the market and that "the buffer figure thereby allows for some uncertainty and slippage in the delivery of some sites". He added:
"there is no evidence to support the arbitrary 6 month or 12 month slippage rate assumed by the Appellant across all developments. To apply such an assumption, or the alternative 10% discount (which is equally arbitrary), would result in double counting in that the 20% buffer would also allow significant slippage or non-implementation."
It is for the decision-maker to determine in the first instance whether or not the application of a "lapse rate" to the estimated five-year supply of deliverable housing to reflect the Council's "record of tending to over-predict delivery"[20] involves an unwarranted adjustment, given an increase in the housing requirement by 20% "where there has been a record of persistent under delivery of housing", in each case in order "to provide a realistic prospect of achieving the planned supply". Assuming that the Inspector thought it did not involve any such "double counting", he has failed to provide any reasons for his rejection of the Council's case on that point. If he thought it would have involved "double counting", he failed to explain why he thought that the Council's "record of tending to over-predict delivery" could still be a reason for applying a "lapse rate" to the whole of estimated supply as well as applying a 20% "buffer". In my judgment, therefore, the Inspector failed to give reasons why the Council's "record of tending to over-predict delivery" was a reason for applying a "lapse rate" to the total estimated five-year supply, given that a 20% "buffer" was also to be applied to the estimated housing need, notwithstanding the Council's case supported by a decision of the Secretary of State that it involved "double counting".
It may be noted that, although the arguments were by no means identical, a similar failure to explain why the combination of a discount of 10% to certain large sites and a 20% buffer did, or did not, involve double counting was one of the bases on which the appeal decision, which was the subject of Lindblom J's judgment in Bloor Homes East Midlands Limited v Secretary of State for Communities and Local Government supra, was quashed: see at [128]-[130].
For these reasons in my judgment the Inspector's use of a 10% "lapse rate" applied to whole of the estimated supply for the reasons he gave was unlawful, even if it would not have been unfair for him to have considered the application of a "lapse rate" (as Mr Jones had suggested was possible) to those sites that Mrs Mulliner had not specifically examined on the ground of persistent under-delivery (or constant over-estimating of delivery) of housing in Wokingham. In my judgment he failed to give reasons explaining why he rejected the Council's case that application of a "lapse rate" to the whole of the supply for that reason was unwarranted given the application of a 20% "buffer" for the same reason. Had the Council been given the opportunity it could also have produced arguments why the other three reasons relied on by the Inspector (not suggested by Mr Jones) did not justify an application of a 10% "lapse rate" across the whole of its estimated supply.
@sajidjavid Inconsistency on Development Limits in Made Neighbourhood Plans
Yesterday we reported
While there is no cap in the BNDP, and no obvious corollary of the site allocation policy HP1 (i.e. that land not allocated is not supported), the larger housing sites, representing both the acceptable location and level of housing, are specifically identified and allocated in the BNDP. Both larger sites and the smaller windfall sites being confined to within the settlement boundary (HP7). The application site, being both unallocated and outside the settlement boundary, falls within neither category above and, as a consequence, the Secretary of State considers the proposals are not policy compliant.
Today a correspondent sent me LAND AT BOREHAM ROAD, WARMINSTER, BA12 9JP APPLICATION REF: 13/06782/OUT
The Secretary of State notes that the Warminster Neighbourhood Plan has now been made, however it makes no change to the existing limits of development for Warminster shown in the WCS and makes no specific reference to the appeal site (IR15).
How do you square that? This is pickles level inconsistency (which is saying something). Opposite conclusions on same issue within 2 days – lawyers will be sharpening their pens. In the Buckingham case the SoS made no conclusion to harm to openness of countryside, at Warminster he said it would cause no harm. So there might have been a basis for a distinction, if the logic of the decision letters hadn't been so appalling.
Two Years Late DCLG Research – Bungs won"t reduce Opposition to Housebuilding
DCLG
The main findings from the evidence review are:
– The review confirmed that there is limited empirical or theoretical evidence that is
directly relevant to financial payments aimed at reducing opposition to new
– Theoretical work that has been undertaken suggests that direct financial payments are unlikely to influence the attitudes or behaviour of those opposed to new housebuilding and may lead to concerns about due process in determining planning applications.
– Some of the concerns about new housing development that lead to opposition are
unlikely to be assuaged by a financial payment.
Javid- A Plan can Say Nothing About Something and Not be Silent
Recovered decision
LAND WEST OF CASTLEMILK, MORETON ROAD, BUCKINGHAM MK18 1YA
APPLICATION REF: 14/02601/AOP
The application site, being outside the settlement boundary, is not allocated for
housing in policy HP1 nor covered by policy HP7 which relates to windfall sites within the settlement boundary. The Secretary of State notes that the Inspector finds no conflict with these policies as he considers that the BNDP does not place a cap on housing numbers norc ontain policies specifically restricting housing development outside the settlement boundary (IR 123). The Inspector, therefore, considers that the BNDP is silent in terms of the proposed development of the application site (IR 189).
Having carefully considered the Inspector's analysis at IR122-125 and IR 189-191, the
Secretary of State does not agree with the Inspector that the BNDP is silent in terms of the proposed development of the application site as he considers there is a relevant body of policy in the BNDP (summarised at paragraph 5.18 of the Statement of Common Ground between the applicants and AVDC (GEN1)) sufficient to enable the development proposals to be considered. The Secretary of State also disagrees with the Inspector's conclusion that there is no conflict with policy HP1. The Secretary of State considers that read as a whole, including with the vision for the BNDP and its Introduction, the proposal, being an unallocated site outside the settlement boundary, conflicts with the purpose and effect of Policy HP1. While there is no cap in the BNDP, and no obvious corollary of the site allocation policy HP1 (i.e. that land not allocated is not supported), the larger housing sites, representing both the acceptable location and level of housing, are specifically identified and allocated in the BNDP. Both larger sites and the smaller windfall sites being confined to within the settlement boundary (HP7). The application site, being both unallocated and outside the settlement boundary, falls within neither category above and, as a consequence, the Secretary of State considers the proposals are not policy compliant.
I would not have out it as the SoS did. There will be inevitably a JR. But Javid should prevail.
The mistake I think is reading the NPin isolation from the rest of the DP and one part of the NPPF on 'silence' in isolation.
Heres how I would have put it.
Para 14 of the NPPF commences with plans meeting objective need
Then considers where plans are silent, absent or out of date
The AVLP is out of date, it allocates some land for development and protects the open countryside.
The NP, using the latest household projections, allocates sufficient land for development to meet a 5 year supply pro-rata.
Therefore, read as a whole, the development plan is not out of date or silent. In allocating land within the NP the implication and intention of the Neighbourhood Planning body was to protect the open countryside outside the development boundary in line with the local plan. It is the act of the NP in allocation which brings the development plan back into date and means the LP policy for protection of the countryside remains current.
Why building homes – but not enough – makes Housing Affordability worse
It was the greatest act of political cowardice in Planning post war.
To what am I referring. John Prescott's response to the Crow/Whittaker report on the South East Plan in 1999.
The background.
SERPLAN had issued a draft South East Strategy to build no more than 660,000 homes to 2016, against household growth of over 900,000. They only proposed one growth area. milton Keynes, and deferred that to further study. Figures were based on aggregated 'capacity' rather than need. A capacity set by highly restrictive policies. The term 'sustainable development' was tortuously redefined to mean a shortage of development.
Naturally The Late Professor Crow and Rosamund Whittaker would have nothing to do with it. They increased the requirement to 1.1 million (household growth plus allowances for non completion etc. all rather standard and required these days), with a realistic target of 50% of this coming from Brownfield sites The response was outrage from the shires.
The Council for the Protection of Rural England called it "a nightmare future of sprawling development, traffic congestion and urban decay"
John Gummer then in opposition concluded
"the truth is that the electoral arithmetic is absolute. The seats in the South East that the Conservatives need to win are seats where people are implacably opposed to development. They are, of course, also the seats that Labour needs to defend. So neither party is going to look with any favour on the idea of more than a million new homes where voters don't want them."
Prescotts 'compromise' response was to build 860,000 homes. Of course we have built half that in the South East outside London.
It simply made matters worse. Unlike the US where there is a strong correlation between improvements to housing affordability and rate of housebuilding in the UK there is a negative correlation.
Those areas like London and Cambridge that have seen the greatest increase in population, and highest levels of housebuilding, have seen the greatest increase in unaffordability.
What is going on? This seems perverse. Think about it. If you are building houses but at less that the rate required by OAN all you are doing is increasing you population baseline for housing need. You are adding over time more people in need of homes as children age and adults divorce and retire. Compromises, very British compromises of the Gummer and Prescott variety simply make matters worse. If you are going to build build to at least need but never less.
I suspect the debate will flare up again with the NICs forthcoming Oxford-MK-Cambridge Arc competition. My estimate of how much housing this area (South midlands + London Stansted corridor) will need over 35 years – just under 1.5 million new homes. I suspect though this time the political arithmetric will be different. In the motorway corridor seats the conservatives lost seats. They plus London now firmly outweigh the reclacetrant shires.


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• Hand wash separately using a gentle detergent or machine wash separately on a gentle short cycle.
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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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NFL player Malik McDowell arrested in South Florida on charges of public exposure and beating a deputy
Miami Heat Blog
ASK IRA: Will NBA's restart grade out as an incomplete?
Q: Ira, it doesn't sound like everyone wants to return. This isn't golf or tennis or racing, it's a team sport. -- Bob.
A: That's a concern. But even more than the choice each player has been given (albeit with some therefore potentially having to sacrifice a degree of pay), is the possibility that illness could reshape the face of teams. For example, no offense to, say, Rajon Rondo, but the Lakers still would be a championship favorite in his absence. Same, say, if the Clippers had to be without JaMychal Green or the Bucks without Robin Lopez. But remove LeBron James, Kawhi Leonard or Giannis Antetokounmpo from those equations and it would be an entirely differently situation, say similar to the Heat having to play without either Derrick Jones Jr. or without Jimmy Butler. And yet, if a team at least knew in advance that a rotation player was electing not to enter the bubble, that team at least would know weeks in advance of the restart. The real impact would be a COVID-19 impact, with a team learning, perhaps with only hours' notice before a game, that a leading man would be out at least the next 10 days. So, shorter answer: There are greater concerns than those who elect to step aside; it is those who are forced to step aside. And, now, we wait.
Submit your "Ask Ira" question here! »
Q: I think the league might be in trouble, if they ever return, to fans that might be tired of seeing their brand of entertainment mixed with politics or a social issues. Sports are supposed to be an escape or "distraction" from the rigors of everyday life. I want NBA players and anyone to passionately advocate for causes that are a concern or interest them. Being professional basketball players does not restrict their right to express their beliefs regarding politics or social matters. However, fans also have the right to withhold their support and interest if they want compartmentalize their entertainment and politics. -- Michael.
A: Yes, fans have exactly that privilege. So if you want to view your sports heroes as just that, fine. And I agree, sometimes we need a break, and sports can be the perfect distraction. But if you want to see them as people, as well, recent events have further opened that window. I choose to appreciate the person as well as the player.
Q: Ira, Is that a poster of Vladimir Stepania behind you? -- David, Fort Lauderdale.
A: Yes, that was my home-office backdrop for the Sunday appearance on NBC6 Sports Final. It is part of the Heat Centers Hall of Fame in my office, one that also includes portraits of Eddy Curry, Dexter Pittman, Joel Anthony and Mickell Gladness. (No, really.) What started with John Shasky should never be overlooked.
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is a private university in Takatsuki, Osaka, Japan. The predecessor of the school was founded in 1904, and it was chartered as a university in 1950.

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CVS exec to serve on FASAC committee.
WOONSOCKET, R.I. -- CVS Corp. has announced that David Rickard, executive vice president, chief financial officer and chief administrative officer, has been appointed to the steering committee of the Financial Accounting Standards Advisory Council (FASAC) for a two-year term.
The mission of the FASAC is to advise the Financial Accounting Standards Board (FASB) on issues related to the FASB's project priorities and other related matters.
The FASB was established in 1973 to establish standards of financial accounting and repotting in the United States--standards that are officially recognized by the Securities and Exchange Commission and the American Institute of Certified Public Accountants.
As a member of the FASAC steering committee, Rickard will participate in the process of advising the FASB, including determinations involving the board's working agenda.
"The selection of David Rickard to serve on the FASAC steering committee is a testament to his years of expertise in overseeing financial matters at the highest level and his well-earned reputation for integrity and attention to detail," says Tom Ryan, CVS' chairman, president and chief executive officer.
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Vitamin B12 is a nutrient that helps keep the body's nerve and blood cells healthy and helps make DNA, the genetic material in all cells. Vitamin B12 also helps prevent a type of anemia called megaloblastic anemia that makes people tired and weak.
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Sainath Jagriti Gramin Vikas Sansthan (SJGVS) is a voluntary organisation with a vision to provide opportunity to everyone to achieve his/her fullest potential for betterment of his/her life.
Founded in 2009, SJGVS is assiduously working for betterment of lives of rural disadvantaged communities in an area which is backward not only in the state, but also in the country. It has several achievements to its credit.
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Reading Dunayevskaya's "Marxism and Freedom" Today
June 12, 2021 by MHI Reviews & Culture
by Aaron Williams
To paraphrase Charles Dickens in A Tale of Two Cities––today is the worst of times and the best of times. In spite of the Covid-19 worldwide pandemic and attendant economic crises, people are in motion everywhere. Whether it is workers fighting their bosses about unsafe working conditions, or Hong Kong residents fighting Chinese authoritarianism, or Black Lives Matter activists fighting racism and police violence, "new forces and new passions"[1] have arisen in the global struggle for freedom from exploitation and all forms of oppression––economic, political, racial, ethnic, gender––and for freedom for self-realization as complete human beings. This is the essence of Marxist-Humanism, a philosophy of human liberation originating in the writings of Karl Marx[2] and further developed by Raya Dunayevskaya, in the books she called a "trilogy of revolution"[3] and in thousands of pages of journal articles, newspaper columns, letters, and talks.[4]
Last year, Marxist-Humanist Initiative (MHI) sponsored a reading group on Marxism and Freedom, from 1776 until today for members, supporters and friends. It is important to note that the reading group was held during the peak of the mass movements (e.g., BLM protests over the police murders of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor and many others in the U.S.) that were emerging at the time of the scheduled classes, as well as during the time of the Covid-19 lockdowns.
Raya Dunayevskaya's Marxism & Freedom
The rationale for the MHI reading group was to introduce the underlying core concepts of Marxism and Freedom that Dunayevskaya developed into a full-blown philosophy (Marxist-Humanism). Her intended audience was the new forces emerging in freedom struggles––blacks, women, youth, rank-and-file workers––whom MHI also wishes to work with. Since MHI classes are not "talking shops," however intellectually interesting they might be, the important aspect is that new struggles open up and expand new ideas of freedom that, in turn, need to be developed with, and projected into, mass struggles. Such a unity of action and ideas can assist in the self-development of the mass movements for freedom.
Dunayevskaya's Early Years
This commentary will not attempt to cover Dunayevskaya's whole life or work, but will concentrate on her first book, Marxism and Freedom, from 1776 until today (1958). Before considering the text, we start with some background on Dunayevskaya, who today is not widely known.[5]
From her early years until her death, Dunayevskaya was a self-educated revolutionary. She was born in Ukraine (then part of Russia) in 1910 and emigrated with her family to the U.S. in 1922. Her political involvement began as a teenager in Chicago, where she was active in the Black movement and the Communist Party youth organization. She was literally thrown out of the latter for asking if they shouldn't wait to see evidence before denouncing Trotsky. Subsequently, she joined the Trotskyists in NYC. In 1937, she went to Mexico, where Trotsky had been given asylum by the government, and she worked as his Russian language secretary for two years.
In 1939, following the Hitler-Stalin pact, Dunayevskaya broke with Trotsky over his analysis of the nature of the Soviet Union. Trotsky characterized it as a "degenerated workers' state," which had to be unconditionally defended despite the fact that it was not then (nor later) a socialist or communist society.
After returning to the U.S., Dunayevskaya joined the Trotskyist Workers' Party (WP-US) in 1940. The Workers' Party rejected Trotsky's and the Trotskyist Socialist Workers Party's (SWP-US) theory that Russia was a "degenerated workers' state" and, instead, characterized it as a new form of class society they called "bureaucratic collectivism." However, in opposition to this Workers' Party majority position, Dunayevskaya, in collaboration with C. L. R. James––a black Marxist intellectual from Trinidad––developed the theory of "state capitalism." Together they formed the Johnson (James)-Forest (Dunayevskaya) Tendency (JFT) within the Workers' Party.
This was a theoretically productive period. The JFT eventually ended up leaving the Workers' Party over differences in theory and practice, and later formed its own organization, Correspondence Committees, in 1951. In 1955, that organization divided into two new organizations; Dunayevskaya formed News and Letters Committees (N&LC) and James formed Facing Reality.[6] The latter eventually dissolved around 1970, while Dunayevskaya led News and Letters Committees until her death in 1987.
After her death, the organization she had worked over 30 years to build appears to have devolved into little more than a journalist publishing house and a museum for Dunayevskaya's writings. In contrast to what is left of N&LC, Marxist-Humanist Initiative (MHI), founded in 2009, is a "…freely associated collective that seeks to rebuild an organization capable of projecting, developing, and concretizing the bodies of ideas of Karl Marx and of Raya Dunayevskaya (1910-1987), who founded Marxist-Humanism in the U.S … [and] aim[s] to renew the legacy of Marxist-Humanism for the new times in which we live."[7]
The Genesis of Marxism and Freedom
Marxism and Freedom (M&F), published in 1958, was written after her final break with Trotskyism (both as a political theory and as an organizational structure), her break with C. L. R. James, and the formation of N&LC.
Hungarian Revolutionaries celebrate the toppling of a statue of Stalin. Credit: The Cold War In Depth
Originally, Dunayevskaya had planned a continuation of her earlier JFT analyses of state-capitalism, to show how the Soviet Union under Stalin had been transformed into state-capitalism and was not a workers' state, let alone socialism or communism. But, in light of the 1953 uprising in East Germany and the emergence of civil rights struggles and workers' struggles against automation in the U.S., she modified her earlier plan. A deeper dive into economic analysis alone seemed inadequate to understanding these emerging struggles for freedom. For Dunayevskaya, "Marxism is a theory of liberation or it is nothing" (Marxism and Freedom, p. 22). And to further develop a philosophy of freedom, she returned to the dialectical, emancipatory philosophy of Marx that is the ground for the book. She wrote (Marxism and Freedom, p. 23-24):
No theoretician, today more than ever, can write out of his own head. Theory requires a constant shaping and reshaping of ideas on the basis of what the workers themselves are doing and thinking. …In its beginning, this work was a Marxian analysis of state capitalism. But it did not take its present form of MARXISM AND FREEDOM until the new stage of production and revolts was reached in 1950-53.
It is also instructive to note that writing the book was assigned to her by N&L at its first convention in 1956, and some of the core ideas and principles of the book were memorialized in the N and L Constitution:
At the founding convention of NEWS & LETTERS COMMITTEES we both established the Paper and set for ourselves the task of putting forth our own interpretation of Marxism in book form. In our Constitution, which we adopted then, on July 8, 1956, we wrote: "We hold that the method of Marxism is the guide for our growth and development. Just as the struggle for the shortening of the Working Day and the Civil War in the United States gave shape to Marx's greatest theoretical work, CAPITAL, so today, Marxism is in the lives end aspirations of the working people. We hold it to be the duty of each generation to interpret Marxism for itself because the problem is not what Marx wrote in I843 or 1883 but what Marxism is today. We reject the attempt of both Communists and the [U.S.] Administration to identify Marxism with Communism. Communism is totalitarianism and the exact opposite of Marxism which is a theory of liberation."[8]
Some Core Principles in Marxism and Freedom
As a brief overview, here are a few of the core ideas and principles presented in Marxism and Freedom. Looking back on the book from the vantage point of 1985, Dunayevskaya lists three main goals of the book:
The three-fold goal of Marxism and Freedom was: 1) To establish the American roots of Marxism, not where the orthodox [Marxists] cite it (if they cite it at all) in the General Congress of Labor at Baltimore (1866 ), but in the Abolitionist Movement and the slave revolts which led to the Civil War; 2) to establish the world Humanist concept which Marx had, in his very first new moment, called "a new Humanism," and which became so alive in our age and led to Marxist-Humanism; and 3) to reestablish the revolutionary nature of the Hegelian dialectic as Marx recreated it and as it became compulsory for Lenin at the outbreak of the First World War, gaining a still newer life in our post-World War II age.[9]
The author stresses the continuity of humanism — as a "red thread" or philosophy of freedom and human emancipation — beginning with Marx's Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts of 1844 and throughout all of his subsequent writings and practice, including Capital. His humanism was further developed and concretized by Dunayevskaya in this book.
Beginning in the 1940s, Dunayevskaya turned to the philosophy of German philosopher G. W. F. Hegel, who greatly influenced Marx. From this theoretical deep dive came Dunayevskaya's "Letters on Hegel's Absolutes, May 12 and 20, 1953,"[10] which she later considered to be the "philosophical moment" from which her philosophy developed. What she saw in Hegel's philosophical concepts of "Absolute Idea" and "Absolute Negativity" was a dual movement from theory to practice and from practice to theory. To her, the unity of the movements is necessary to the achievement of freedom and self-actualization of the masses in struggle. This became the underlying theme of Marxism and Freedom.
Marxism and Freedom shows us that mass struggles are, at root, struggles against exploitation and all forms of oppression (economic, political, racial, ethnic, gender), and struggles for freedom for self-realization as complete human beings in a new society. As she puts it (p. 286):
… a new society is THE human endeavor, or it is nothing. It cannot be brought in behind the backs of the people, neither by the 'vanguard' nor by the 'scientific intellectuals'. The working people will build it, or it will not be built.
In this respect, the spontaneist belief that pure activism is a sufficient condition for a revolution against capitalism, or the belief (of Stalinists, Maoists, Trotskyists) that a "vanguardist" party is necessary to lead the masses to the promised land, are one sided and reverse images of the same coin.[11]
For Dunayevskaya, theory is not a monolithic concept that is fixed in time, but, instead, needs to be continuously developed out of engagement with the new ideas and social movements of the times. Otherwise, one is left with activity that is, at best, little different than reciting the catechism.
Right from the beginning of the book, the focus, front and center, is on the laborer (not labor as a "factor of production," as in classical and neoclassical economic theory) and the nature of labor/work/production––the quintessential human activity––under capitalism. For Marx and Dunayevskaya, the production process is central to the functioning and understanding of capitalism, where the worker is subordinated to the machine, fragmented into hands without a head (the division between mental and physical work) and alienated from the products she produces.
Related to this, Dunayevskaya also focuses on, and identifies with, struggles against the capitalist and state-capitalist systems, e.g., struggles against "forced" labor (be it in Russia or the West), and against the dehumanizing and alienating conditions of work. The struggles began under a nascent capitalist "machinofacture" system (opposed by the Luddites and Silesian weavers), and continued on to automation (in the U.S. and Soviet Union). For Dunayevskaya, the history of struggle is evidence of the inherent conflicts within and generated by capitalism. Out of the these emerged "new passions and new forces" (human agents of change), whose goal was a "new society" beyond capitalism, in which "freely associated labor" has abolished value production and alienated work.
In addition to the mass movements since 1776 that are analyzed in the book (French Revolution 1789, Paris Commune 1871, Russian Revolution 1917, East Germany 1953, and Hungarian 1956), Dunayevskaya examines the concurrent emergence of new ideas and revolutions in theory such as political economy (Adam Smith, David Ricardo, Marx), politics (Lenin, Trotsky and Mao) and philosophy (Hegel, Marx, Lenin's notebooks on Hegel's Logic), and their impacts. Theory, she illustrates, is both a means of analyzing the world and of changing it.
She also introduces what is new: the emergence of new forms of workers' organizations, like workers' councils (Soviets in Russia) and new forms of struggle, like boycotts and sit-down occupations. These arose as natural parts of the struggles themselves, and not as innovations of self-styled leaders of the masses.
Throughout the book, the question of "what comes next after the revolution?" is in the forefront. To answer that involves the imperative for a theory of liberation. Here Marx's Critique of the Gotha Program is indispensable. Also, the issue of "what comes after" is raised by Dunayevskaya, principally against the left (whom she later called "post-Marx Marxists"). In her view, Marxists after Marx failed to develop his theory, leaving a legacy only of spontaneity and vanguardism/substitutionism to this very day.
The Importance of Theory in the Renewal of Marxist-Humanism
To understand the emergence of new struggles which open new ideas of freedom, in Marxism and Freedom Dunayevskaya analyses past movements, ranging from the sans culottes in the French Revolution, the Luddites in England in the early 1800s, the Russian Revolution, and the Hungarian Revolution.[12] These were among what Dunayevskaya characterized as movements from practice––the masses' struggles from below for "universality" (freedom).[13]
However, Marxism and Freedom should not be considered only as an historical review and assessment of revolutionary struggles. For Dunayevskaya, such struggles alone are not sufficient to achieve and/or maintain a new society. On one level, what is missing is a focus on abolishing capitalism (not just getting rid of an authoritarian, racist bosses, corrupt political leaders or public officials, or an authoritarian government) and capitalism's total personal, social, and economic impact on all of us. On another level, the even harder question is "what comes after" the revolution. Using Hegelian terms, while the negation of capitalism may be achieved (e.g. as in the Russian Revolution, at first), "what comes next"?
G. W. F. Hegel
While Dunayevskaya saw the seeds of the second negation — the "negation of the negation" or creation of the new — within the first negation, the self-development of mass movements requires self-development of the mass movements from within themselves. Without an accompanying vision and understanding of what comes after the first negation, the mass movements are likely to regress or be compromised by objective conditions and ideas that seek compromises with, or reforms of, capitalism (or state-capitalism), instead of moving on to a new society. In short, in addition to movements from practice, revolutions also need what Dunayevskaya characterized as movements from theory to practice––a dialectical process whereby the ideas and principles of Marx's humanism are developed in dialogue with the masses (but not in substitution for the masses), and are unified with the masses' self-activity.[14] When there is a dialectical unity of the masses' self-directed activity and a philosophy of liberation, the masses achieve a new stage of cognition (self-development) and push the struggle for freedom forward. Again, from the "News and Letters Committees, Draft Resolution on the Book Marxism and Freedom: Method, Heritage, and Principles" (1956):
As the book [Marxism and Freedom] makes clear, we are only moving toward a new unity of theory and practice, toward which there are strong objective pulls and subjective movements, of which we are only a small part. While we hope to become a polarizing force, we recognize: (l) that there will be those "greater than us" who will come forward in this unification of theory and practice, and (2) that the only ones who can possibly bring it to life are the masses themselves. Only when that is a reality do you have a new society.[15]
Why Read Dunayevskaya Now?
On the surface, Marxism and Freedom is an exposition and analysis of what has gone before: the masses fighting for a new society. But, at a deeper level, Marxism and Freedom is an exposition and application of the core principles of Marxist-Humanism that emerge in, and could guide, the struggles of the day to reach a society of free and complete human beings. This dual movement of masses' self-activity (practice) and the continued development of Marx's philosophy makes Dunayevskaya unique and relevant today. The so-called left ignores or rejects her– her history, writings and concept of organization — out of ignorance, sexism and/or the theoretical hegemony of spontaneism, vanguardism, and social democratic populism. Those are antithetical, both philosophically and practically, to the self-emancipatory vision in Marxism and Freedom.
There is an alternative to capitalism––a new society created by the "negation of the negation" of capitalism. What happens next is yet to be determined, but is currently in the process of unfolding. Marxism and Freedom is a starting point not only for understanding the past but also as a source of ideas for achieving a free future. What is needed now is the renewal of theory, philosophy, and organization to help develop the mass movements to the point where they can overthrow the system that exploits and oppresses us all, and go on to create a society in which humans are free to develop themselves.
More concretely, how Marxism and Freedom "comes to life" now is explained in the following "Statement of Principles of Marxist-Humanist Initiative" at its founding (as amended):
We strive especially to include workers, women, African-Americans, Latinos, other minorities and youth in our project. We base ourselves on the identification of multiple forces of revolution that has been part of Marxist-Humanism's legacy since the 1950s. We note and support the leading role in challenging existing society played by the African-American masses when their mass movements question the basis of this society, as they did in the U.S. Civil Rights Movement. We emphasize not only the power of the working class to bring down capitalism, but its creativity in developing new, human relations of production. We stand with workers against the union bureaucracies, politicians, and others who try to hem in their self-activity and integrate them into the existing order. We look for the return of the movement for women's liberation born in the 1960s and 1970s, which spread around the world and deepened the concept of freedom by challenging sexism in nearly every aspect of every nation and culture. We look to the idealism of youth to help change the world. They have been in the forefront of the last half century's social movements, particularly the movements against racism, nuclear war and imperialist wars, globalized capital, and environmental destruction.
We have come together as an organization because we believe that an organization is needed to fulfill our foremost aim, that of contributing to the transformation of this world by promoting, developing, and concretizing Marx's and Marxist-Humanism's bodies of ideas. This aim cannot be fulfilled by individuals working separately.
The organization created and headed by Dunayevskaya was capable of developing and concretizing Marxist-Humanism during her lifetime, but no organization currently exists that can fulfill these tasks. We seek to renew Marxist-Humanism by rebuilding an organization that can do so. We recognize that our small group is not that organization, but we hope to be a bridge to such an organization. That is why we call ourselves Marxist-Humanist Initiative. We are distinguished from the other organizations calling themselves Marxist-Humanist in this: we have the goal of rebuilding an organization capable of renewing Marxist-Humanism by concretizing and developing it as a collectivity.
A primary task of an organization with this perspective must be to create a collectivity of people capable of meeting this challenge. In contrast to other organizations since Dunayevskaya's time that have called themselves Marxist-Humanist, we make the creation of such a collectivity a top priority. Further, we try to end the division between mental and manual labor in our own organization to the extent possible, and to build a non-hierarchical yet effective and sustainable organization.
We encourage you to contact us if you have questions or you would like to join this effort. There is a lot to do.
[1] Raya Dunayevskaya, Marxism and Freedom: From 1776 Until Today, Fourth Edition, Pluto Press, 1975, p. 125 (quoting Marx, Capital, Vol. 1, Charles H. Kerr & Co., p. 835).
[2] Marx's humanism is evident in his Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts of 1844 and it continues through all of his work. Also cf. the transcript of a talk by Anne Jaclard and Andrew Kliman, "Marx's Humanism," July 31, 2013.
[3] Raya Dunayevskaya's "trilogy of revolution" consists of Marxism and Freedom: From 1776 Until Today, Bookman Associates., 1958; Philosophy and Revolution: From Hegel to Sartre and from Marx to Mao, Dell Publishing Co., 1973; and Rosa Luxemburg, Women's Liberation and Marx's Philosophy of Revolution, Univ. of Illinois Press, 1991. Above are the dates and publishers of the first editions of these works. All are available in later editions.
[4] The full archive of Dunayevskaya's works, The Raya Dunayevskaya Collection––some 17,000 pages in addition to her books, audios and videos––is housed in Wayne State University's Archives of Labor and Urban Affairs, Walter P. Reuther Library in Detroit, MI. A digitized version is available at https://rayadunayevskaya.org/ . Included therein is her correspondence with Herbert Marcuse, Erich Fromm, and Hegelian scholars such as George Armstrong Kelly and Louis Dupre.
[5] For an overview of Dunayevskaya and Marxist-Humanism, see the film available here. To hear Anne Jaclard's personal remembrances of Dunayevskaya, listen to Radio Free Humanity, Episode 16: Dunayevskaya's Life and & Legacy––Interview with Anne Jaclard.
[6] C. L. R. James' followers are sometimes characterized as "spontaneists" because they believed that the spontaneous actions of the masses are sufficient to achieve a new (post-capitalist) society, while Dunayevskaya believed that spontaneous actions from below are necessary but not sufficient in themselves to achieve human freedom. She saw the need for a philosophy of liberation that is developed along with mass movements.
[7] Marxist-Humanist Initiative, "Why a New Organization," April 10, 2009.
[8] "News and Letters Committees, Draft Resolution on the Book Marxism and Freedom: Method, Heritage, and Principles" (1956), p. 1.
[9] Talk by Raya Dunaveyskaya, "Dialectics of Revolution: American Roots and Marx's World Humanist Concepts," 1985, quoted in The Power of Negativity: Selected Writings on the Dialectic in Hegel and Marx, Lexington Books, 2002, p. 302.
[10] Raya Dunayevskaya, "Letters on Hegel's Absolutes, May 12 and 20, 1953." They were first published by Dunayevskaya in 1955, with an introductory note from "W" and a response from "H." (The initials are short for "Weaver" and "Hauser," pseudonyms used by Dunayevskaya and Grace Lee [Boggs], respectively. Lee was a co-leader, along with "Forest" [Dunayevskaya] and "Johnson" [C. L. R. James], of the Committees of Correspondence.)
[11] Cf. Andrew Kliman, "On New Passions and New Forces: Marxist-Humanism's Break From Both Spontaneism and Vanguardism," July 2, 2009.
[12] In the second edition of Marxism and Freedom, Dunayevskaya added two chapters––XXVII and XXVIII––on the thought and practice of Mao Tse-Tung.
[13] In one way, Marxism and Freedom can be viewed as an analysis of movements from practice, while Dunayevskaya's second book, Philosophy and Revolution: From Hegel to Sartre and from Marx to Mao, has been called an analysis of movements from theory. However, that is a one-sided view of both books. Together and separately, they are grounded in Hegel's dialectical philosophy of the process of self-development and realization––a unity of movement from theory and movement from practice.
[14] Dunayevskaya sought to build an organization that would engage in this process. An example of a different sort of organization, but one that also developed and projected theory and analysis in assistance to the workers' movement, was KOR (Workers' Defense Committee). It assisted Solidarnosc in Poland in the 1970s. See Mark Osborn, Solidarnosc: The Workers' Movement and the Rebirth of Poland in the 1980s, Workers' Liberty, 2020. It is also important to note that two intellectuals, Jacek Kuron and Karol Modzelewski, who were lecturers at the University of Warsaw and were involved with KOR, wrote "An Open Letter to the (Communist) Party." It details their critique and analysis of the Polish economy and the "Communist" Party ruling class in the 1960s.
[15] "News and Letters Committees, Draft Resolution on the Book Marxism and Freedom: Method, Heritage, and Principles" (1956), op. cit., p. 4.
Dunayevskaya
Eastern European revolutions
Marxism and Freedom
On Conducting Arguments in an Honest, Revolutionary Manner
Brexit—Four Months In
Video: Radical Youth, MHI Discuss Fight against Trumpism and Left Accommodation
November 26, 2018 by MHI Philosophy/Organization
Video of MHI public meeting–radical youth & MHI members discuss "Marxist-Humanist Principles in the Battle of Ideas Against Trumpism & Left Accommodation." NYC, Nov. 14, 2018. […]
Video: MHI's London Meetings on Humanism, Housing Movement
May 5, 2016 by MHI Philosophy/Organization
Marxist-Humanist Initiative (MHI) launched activities in the UK with two public meetings in London on March 17 and 21. They are described in the fliers which announced them (click here for meeting announcements). Videos of […]
Ceaseless Self-Movement: Dunayevskaya's Interpretation of the Dialectic of the Absolute
April 11, 2020 by MHI Philosophy/Organization
Andrew Kliman brings out the implications, for revolutionary thought, of Raya Dunayevskaya's contention that Hegel's dialectic of the absolute culminates in ceaseless self-movement, not synthesis. […]
Ravi Bali says:
I had not quite so explicitly grasped that the American roots of Marxism was in the abolitionist movement, which Marx of course supported in his writings and organisational work. The contrast of abolitionism with the later formation of a general workers union in Baltimore, is a nice contrast to bring out Marx's concern with much more than just the labour/class dimension in creating a society of free human beings.


Audi doesn't specify exactly when you'll be able to summon this AI:ME self-driving city car to pick you up from the supermarket, probably because our autonomous promised land is constantly slipping further into the future. However, it does paint a very clear picture of what its autonomous version of the Audi A3 will look like, once technology and legislation catches up.
Unlike the 2017 AIcon concept (AI is Audi's autonomous sub-brand), which focused on long-range journeys and ditched the steering wheel altogether for level 5 autonomy, the AI:ME is aimed specifically at urban driving. It's level 4, so equipped to handle hands-off driving in designated parts of cities, but it has a steering wheel and pedals to hand back control elsewhere. It's rear-wheel-drive, all-electric with a 65kWh battery and has 168hp at its disposal. But all this is inconsequential, says Audi, because when a computer is taking care of the driving, it's the interior ambience and functionality that matter.
First of all, it's big. Bigger than an A3 despite the same footprint on the road—you can thank shorter overhangs and a longer wheelbase for that. It has magnetic cupholders and plate holders so you enjoy a meal on the move...using metal crockery stolen from a prison canteen. Feel a food coma coming on? Stretch out using the footrests under the dash, and just stare at the actual plants growing from the "pergola" in the back.
Snoozing shouldn't be a problem, thanks to noise-cancellation tech through the speakers, or if you need entertaining, don a pair of VR goggles to watch a movie, browse the Internet, or transplant the car into an interactive fantasy landscape—such as the slopes of an erupting volcano, or a field of daisies, depending on your danger threshold.
From the outside, 23-inch wheels and rear-hinged doors offset mini-MPV proportions, while LED lights that stretch right over the wheel arches warn pedestrians of your imminent arrival. It can even project images onto the road or surrounding walls, to let an old lady cross the road.
Audi knows that once cars become our self-operating slaves, customers are unlikely to own one outright, relying on ride-share apps instead. The advantage of that is you'll be able to pre-configure your destination, lighting, and entertainment demands before the car rocks up, and best of all, there's no need to find a parking space when you arrive—the car will toddle off back to the depot on its own. Welcome to a world where Audi does Uber...problem is, we haven't the foggiest when it'll happen.


Sometimes matters of the heart call for discussion over matters of the belly.
In the mood for sampling some pintxos, off we went to The Carrington, Surry Hills.
Popping up on various recommended lists and having frequented the place prior, but not reviewed it, thought we would back track to remember what all the fuss was about.
Once upon a time, a dingy old pub, now re-glamped into a cool grungy pub, befitting of its geography (Surry Hills). It's a fascinating place to sit and people watch, and there we were, perched like two turkeys on stools in the front bar, doing exactly that.
The Carrington is a pub nation divided into two states – the front area is a traditional type boozer, where you can slip in for a coldie or stay and natter over nibbles. Out back resides the dining room. Though no matter where you sit, the full menu is available.
Despite the Sydney humidity, we had a case of eyes-are-bigger-than-tummy-itis. And from the start we made some mistakes. There was no convergence in how the menu read (in our mind) and what was delivered. At the end, we pondered whether we had made some real rookie errors and hung our heads a little. Truth be told, we went a little crazy for stodge. However, you will pass judgement on this call when you read at the end that we did indeed order dessert (as we sink our bowed heads a little lower). Sometimes, restaurants get it wrong, but rarely do we. This is one of those #fails in the ordering system.
Once we had fixed on our menu, I manoevered my way to the bar to order. V, very reasonably proposed that perhaps we should order some vegetables. I piped that suggestion down and said I would ask at the bar if we needed a salad. I sold in a convincing argument around the fact that we were actually ordering mushrooms, which were vege enough. I secretly thought that we would probably need more food. Mistake #1.
So there we were, sharing the lowdown of our week and swivelling our heads to observe the new tenants of stools nearby. One by one, as listed on the menu, our food began to arrive.
Paella onigiri w fried calamari. Dense rice wedges created a solid, sticky base for which to be adorned with fried calamari on top like a jester's hat. We really enjoyed it and recommend it as a must order.
Calamari Sliders. Bite sized brioche type burgers. So, ok, maybe a little OTT with the calamari. Though a lovely flavour/texture combo with soft bun, roquette, tangy aoili and the calamari crunch.
Media Noche. A triple pork, double decker toasted cheese sandwich with bravas fries. Since the the bravas fries came with, it saved us ordering these under the Tapas menu. The sandwich was sliced white overload. Three layers of bread, sliced on the longitude. Mistake #3. Triple pork was definitely a stretch. I used to get more ham on a tuckshop sandwich at primary school than what was being given away here. A fine shaving of a roast pork and a strand of jamón . I think the Count from Sesame Street may need to pop in and help the kitchen out here on the concept of the number 3. For a pork lover, the expectations were set high with the thought of a triple dose. We did feel gypped.
Marinated mushrooms and manchego. We were forewarned that the mushroom would be served cold. They kinda lost their appeal.
Salt cod fritters – quite heavy on the potato and skant on the cod. Our serve was a little too crispy, fried a bit too long.
Suffering from a carbohydrate coma, we were liked two well stuffed and breaded turkeys, ready to surrender to the oven at Thanksgiving. Defeated.
As we moved our necks around to continue our people watching, our eyes miraculously found a non-descript specials board.
We eyed each other, shrugged and in a low, gravelly unison sang "yeeeahhhh".
Back to the bar to order. Mistake #4.
I'm certain the bemused barman thought I had worms. Where the hell could I be packing all this food, beside my purse, and still come back, ordering more.
We had well and truly passed the point of no return.
Thankfully, a personal training session was just 12 hours away and so eroded my guilt.
Crisped, light and not at all doughy, the churros, warm and well dusted in cinnamon and sugar were delightful. So much so, the chocolate sauce accompaniment was just not necessary. But, we ate it anyway.
A great place to eat and the fare is consistently good, both in taste and value.
There is actually a difference between Pintxos and Tapas. Pintxos are speared with a toothpick and usually served with a piece of bread.
Manchego is a cheese made from the milk of sheep of the Manchega breed.
Jamón from Spain is usually either Jamón Serrano or Jamón Ibérico. The difference in name and flavour is based on colour of the beast. Serrano is cured from white pigs, whilst Ibérico is from the black Ibérico breed. The latter is considered superior, due to the fattier nature of the beast, resulting in longer curing time and a sweeter flavour. It's also the more expensive of the two types of jamón.


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Home | News
Uyghur Wire-Walker Breaks World Record
Uyghur tightrope walker Abdusattar Ghoja Abdulla. Photo: RFA
HONG KONG—An ethnic Uyghur from northwest China has won an international tightrope competition in South Korea, highlighting the importance of the ancient practice in his homeland.
Abdusattar Hoja Abdulla, 18, took the crown at the First International High Wire Championship after breaking the world record for the one-km (0.6- mile) high-wire walk across the Han River in Seoul, speeding across in 11 minutes 22 seconds.
"I won first place this time. I hope my teacher Adil Hoshur will support me again in the future," Abdusattar—a student of the Uyghur high-wire artist known as the "King of the Sky"—told RFA's Uyghur service in a recent interview.
"During this tournament, I walked the 1,000-meter long and 30-meter high wire in 11 minutes, 22 seconds. I was faster than other competitors," he said.
Video pictures show Abusattar tripping like a dancer across the wire, in an apparently effortless crossing. South Korea has announced it plans to hold the event annually from now on.
Event organized by Seoul
The 18 contestants trod the 30-mm-thick wire across the river in difficult conditions, braving strong winds and low-flying birds, carrying nothing but a seven-meter (21-foot) balancing rod.
I won first place this time. I hope my teacher Adil Hoshur will support me again in the future.
Abdusattar's teacher, Adil Hoshur, who plans to wire-walk across the Messina Strait between Sicily and the Italian mainland in October, said it was the first overseas competition attended by the Uyghurs, who have studied the art of darwaz for hundreds of years.
"The event was organized by the South Korean government, and it was truly ceremonious. However, the event had some shortcomings since it was the first event of its kind," Hoshur said.
"We are happy that we succeeded in this event...There were some problems—wires mingling with balancing poles, some people falling into the water, and things like that. That is because some standard practices were not observed," he said.
The high-wire event was staged by the capital's annual Hi-Seoul festival, in a bid to give a boost to the ancient Korean folk art of tightrope walking, or jultagi , which dates back 13 centuries.
Uyghur tightrope walker Abdusattar Ghoja Abdulla accepts his first place prize. Photo: RFA
Tightrope performing in Korea, which featured in a recent Korean movie, The King and the Clown , is classified by the government as Major Cultural Treasure No. 58.
"Competitors came from nine countries, including four of us from China, one from Russia, and one from Hungary," Hoshur said. "As tightrope walkers, we had a chance to meet each other and to exchange our experiences."
Sagging wire posed a challenge
Hoshur said there were "enough" safety measures, but that the wire wasn't taut and straight. "This year, not all competitors had the same walking conditions. The wire was loose from time to time, and was not in the standard condition all of the time," he said.
Photos of the event show a marked sagging in the wire in the middle of the river, in spite of tension lines aimed at holding it taut.
"I'm glad that I've been able to have my students participate in this international championship. I'm going to bring my other students, as well, for next year's high wire championship. To demonstrate our skills, I have to train my students even harder."
A female Uyghur student of Hoshur's, 23-year-old Ayshamgul Memetamin, also took part in the event.
"This is the first time for us. We have observed the skills of other competitors from other countries," said the wire-walker, who completed the course in a colorful ethnic costume with the balancing pole across her shoulders.
"We have always seen our own skills demonstrated and thought that we had the best skills. After observing other competitors, we have realized that we have to work hard to improve ourselves."
"I thought, if I don't try hard, I might lag behind other skillful sportsmen."
Darwaz , the Uyghur word for tightrope-walking, is a traditional art among the more than 16 million Turkic-speaking Uyghurs, whose homeland is currently ruled by China.
More than just an art form, the activity epitomizes the struggle for Uyghur culture to hold its own, especially under the shadow of China, which gets a large proportion of its national resources from Xinjiang, and whose rule is unpopular in the region.
Hoshur's family has practiced wire-walking for 430 years.
Original reporting by Akide for RFA's Uyghur service. Director: Dolkun Kamberi. Written for the Web in English by Luisetta Mudie and edited by Sarah Jackson-Han.
© 2007 Radio Free Asia
Original reporting in Uyghur
Uyghur service home page
Related RFA news in English
Uyghur 'Skywalker' Plans Two-Mile Sea Crossing
China Detains Uyghurs Over 'Separatist' Poster
Uyghur Activist Executed in China
Xinjiang Hepatitis Students Fight School Ban
Top Uyghur Musician Kurash Kosan Dies at 47
Wikipedia - About the Uyghurs
Blog: RFA Unplugged
RFA Unplugged
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CH. 1: MANDARIN | CANTONESE
CH. 2: VIETNAMESE | BURMESE | KOREAN
CH. 3: KHMER | LAO | UYGHUR
CH. 4: TIBETAN
China Moves Towards Nationalization With Probe Into Alibaba
Renewed Clashes as Karen Chafe at Stepped-Up Myanmar Military Presence in Kayin State
Three Candidates Take the Lead in Voting For Leader of Tibet's Exile Government
Uyghur Iron Traders Are 'Taught' Cooking at Xinjiang Internment Camp
China Threatens US With 'Counterstrike' After Pompeo Removes Taiwan Curbs
Carrie Lam Targets Hong Kong's Youth With Changes to Education, Job Scheme
China's Energy Risk Rises Despite Oil Output Growth
China Punishes Alibaba with Regulatory Crackdown
China's Power Shortages Threaten Recovery Plans


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PIERCE John
John Lambert Pierce was born in Sydney in 1915. John left school at the age of 13 years to take a job as the offsider for the local grocer who was making home deliveries with a horse and cart. This led eventually to truck driving and then to the purchase of his first truck in 1939. John then went on to being employed on civil defence projects during the war.
The post war years saw a building boom which provided the opportunity to grow the business delivering building materials around Sydney's North Shore. John L Pierce Pty Ltd was incorporated in Sydney in 1949 and the continuing growth saw the business incorporate interstate and bulk liquid divisions.
For the 80 years since 1939 the company has progressed from being a fleet of locally operated tippers to an interstate fleet operating through depots in Brisbane, Melbourne, Ravenshoe, Sydney and Toowoomba. The current operation is a tanker fleet with depots in Brisbane, Newcastle and Sydney.
John L was a foundation member of the Long Distance Road Transport Association, an early attempt to bring operators together to improve industry standards. The LDRTA with John's son David Pierce on the committee merged with the NTF to form Natroads, the current industry organisation which John L's grandson John S Pierce has chaired.
John Lambert Pierce died in 2002 but the family owned business is still going strong
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Opposition TV channel's screen goes black over criticism of Turkish foreign policy
Halk TV, one of the few television stations in Turkey that is critical of the government, has been slapped with a five-day broadcasting ban over an anchor's criticism of Turkish foreign policy, local media reported on Monday.
The Supreme Board of Radio and Television (RTUK), which monitors, regulates and sanctions radio and television broadcasts, temporarily halted the channel's broadcasts as of Monday due to criticism voiced by anchorwoman Ayşenur Arslan during the "Medya Mahallesi" program on June 16.
The anchorwoman's criticism of foreign policy pursued by the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) government was interpreted as violating regulations governing the media.
The ban was reportedly based on Article 8 of Law No. 6112 on the Establishment of Radio and Television Enterprises and Their Media Services, which reads: "Media services shall not act contrary to the existence and independence of the State of the Republic of Turkey, the indivisible integrity of the State with its territory and nation, or the principles and reforms of Atatürk."
Halk TV faces the loss of its broadcasting license if it is penalized again under the same provision within a year.
"The censorship imposed on Halk TV is a typical indication of [how bad] the situation is that the country is in. We are at the point where words fail," Suat Toktaş, the channel's chief editor, was quoted by the BirGün daily as saying.
Toktaş said the AKP was dreaming of an atmosphere without any opposing voices and an environment in which dissidents cannot breathe.
"That's why all the democrats [in the country] must increase their solidarity," he added.
Similar bans had been imposed on Halk TV earlier this year.
Turkey's media watchdog is an independent institution according to the law. However, its independence has been questioned by many, including some of its members. Its board is composed of nine members, with five appointed by the AKP and four by opposition parties.
RTUK imposed 1,329 sanctions in the first nine months of 2019, according to its own statistics.
In the aftermath of a coup attempt in Turkey on July 15, 2016, 165 media outlets were shut down in a single day through a decree issued during a subsequent state of emergency. According to the TurkeyPurge website, a total of 189 media outlets have been closed down.
Hundreds of media workers are facing investigation and trial, while at least 93 of them are still behind bars, mostly on terrorism-related charges or convictions, according to a statement by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism that tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU member states and candidate countries.
Since the failed coup, an ever-increasing crackdown on critics of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has mostly targeted pro-Kurdish activists and followers of Fethullah Gülen, a US-based cleric living in exile who is accused by Ankara of masterminding the coup. Gülen denies any involvement in the abortive putsch.
Under Erdoğan's presidential system, the watchdog's power has been expanded to include the monitoring of online content providers, which has led to digital censorship.
Following insults on Twitter targeting his daughter and son-in-law, Erdoğan announced on July 1 that his government was drafting a bill to either control or completely shut down social media in the country.
Ադրբեջանը հրետանային նախապատրաստություն է սկսել. հայկական կողմը խոցել է գրոհող զրահատեխնիկայի խումբ
Syrian rebel fighters prepare to deploy to Azerbaijan in sign of Turkey's ambition


Today, we released a new update to Opera developer 25. This update comes with a few fixes for things like bookmarks, MP3, H.264 and more. A complete list of changes can be found in the changelog.
We decided to change the name of the Opera Developer stream to Opera developer. The change is small, but make more sense together with another change we will make in the near future.


Going through one painful breakup seems like an inevitable experience for the majority of people across the globe, leaving us with a broken heart and unforgettable scars. Many songs and poems are dedicated to describe, express and seek a way out of the feeling of heartbreak, and it is completely normal that we turn to art, especially music, to soothe our pain. Here are 10 best songs that can help you go through that dark and painful breakup much quicker.
"But that was love and it's an ache I still remember", sings Gotye in the first part of his song, indicating that the previous love that was important to him has left nothing but scars on him. After hearing the lyrics, anyone can instantly conclude that this is one of the frankest songs about breakup; it describes the various stages a person undergoes while getting over the love of their life, along with their partner's version.
The song ''Love Hurts" is a genuine rock classic. It has been recorded and performed numerous times by various artists over the decades. Nonetheless, the version performed by Nazareth is among the most popular ones. And this song is one of the most touching songs about heartbreak there are out there. The lyrics are simple, yet even the ones who haven't gone through a painful breakup might start crying while listening to it.
Although the well-known British hitmaker recently released a song "Hello" that is about a woman talking to her ex, most people will know her for "Someone Like You". From the lyrics it is obvious that a woman is trying to calm herself down, accepting the situation and staying optimistic despite having her life shattered. These strong lyrics have beautiful music to accompany them.
This song shows us what it looks like when tough and emotionally untouchable rock stars realize they were left with their hearts broken. The lyrics are concise and simple, mostly focused on only one line that goes "I've been mistreated, since my baby left me, I've been losing my mind". That fact that the song is performed by people who usually sing about themselves breaking girls' hearts, makes "Mistreated" one of the most sincere songs about heartbreak.
People usually tend to start thinking negatively about the person who broke their heart in order to help themselves get over them faster. But, in this song it is obvious that the person going through a hard time after the breakup doesn't blame the girl who left him. On the other hand, the heartbroken character is still concerned about the girl and warns her that there's a wild world out there and she should take care of herself when she faces it. That's why "Baby, It's a Wild World" is one of the songs about heartbreak aimed at those who still care about the person who left them.
"Relationships don't get deep to me", sings Rihanna at the beginning of the song. But just a few lines on, she says, "My mind is gone, I'm spinning around and deep inside my tears I'll drown". Comparing the first line with this one, it's easy to conclude that this is one of those songs that describe the condition of a woman who is experiencing unexpected pain for the first time, as she wasn't used to getting relationships so serious before. So if you're going through your first heartbreak, this is the song you should be listening to on repeat.
"You're the only one I wish I could forget", admits Beyonce frankly in the first part of the song. The female character depicted in the song is going through a painful breakup and is still unwilling to admit that she has to move on. On the other hand, she's aware that a broken heart is not what she wants – "I don't want to be without you babe, I don't want a broken heart". Hence, this song shows us that everyone needs to find the balance between still caring about someone and getting over that special person.
Unlike some songs about heartbreak that are stuffed with tears and sorrow, "Big Girls Don't Cry" is a song that describes a person who is trying to calm herself down after the relationship was torn apart. It focuses on someone who is trying to move on with her life. Fergie sings, "The smell of your skin lingers on me now", and, later on, "I'm gonna miss you like child misses its blanket, but I've got to get a move on with my life". That means that she isn't refusing to admit that she's going through a hard time, yet she is aware that there's more to life and she must keep moving forward. It's a beautiful ballad.
"Let me hold you for the last time, it's the last chance to feel again. But, you broke me, now I can't feel anything." These are the beginning lines of the part sung by James Morrison, and they are also the closing lines of the song, sung by both James and Nelly. The fact that this song is a duet makes a listener get more absorbed in it because it provides them with a more realistic idea of two people breaking up. "You can't play on broken strings", sing James and Nelly in the chorus, indicating that sometimes people need to realize it's finally over, no matter how hard they try to maintain a relationship.
"The Winner Takes It All" were initially considered a song that is about losing a reward, or a person's grip on somebody else's career. Eventually, when the lyrics were read more carefully, people realized this song depicted the relationship between two people who were very close, but are now not even aware of their connection with each other. Such a hidden message about a significant relationship that is over is what makes this song by Abba one of the most popular songs about heartbreak.
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Alan McDonald, Alan MacDonald, Allan McDonald, Allan MacDonald, Allen McDonald or Allen MacDonald may refer to:

Politicians
 Al McDonald, Canadian politician
 Alan Angus McDonald (1927–2007), U.S. federal judge
 Alan McDonald, co-leader of the NZ South Island Party
 Allan McDonald (Australian politician) (1888–1953)
 Allan McDonald (New Zealand politician), New Zealand politician
 Allan MacDonald (Western Australian politician)  (1892–1978), Australian politician and government minister
 Allan MacDonald (Tasmanian politician) (1853–1898), member of the Tasmanian House of Assembly
 Allan Elliott McDonald (1903–1957), Australian politician
 Allan Macdonald (1794–1862), New York politician

Sportspeople
 Alan McDonald (Australian footballer) (1918–1999), football player for Richmond
 Alan McDonald (Northern Ireland footballer) (1963–2012), association footballer from Northern Ireland
 Alan MacDonald (rugby union) (born 1985), Scottish rugby union player
 Allan McDonald (footballer) (born 1946), Australian rules footballer
 Allan McDonald (tennis) (born 1951), Australian tennis player
 Allen MacDonald (1896–?), American football player

Other people
 Alan McDonald (minister), Moderator of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland, 2006
 Alan MacDonald (writer) (born 1958), English children's writer
 Alsy MacDonald (Alan MacDonald, born 1961), Australian rock musician and lawyer
 Alan MacDonald (production designer) (c. 1956–2017), British production designer
 Allan McDonald (cartoonist) (born 1975), Honduran editorial cartoonist
 Allan MacDonald (poet) (1859–1905), Scottish poet and priest
 Allan H. MacDonald (born 1951), American physicist and academic
 Allan J. McDonald (1937–2021), chemical engineer, whistleblower associated with NASA's Space Shuttle Challenger disaster
 Allen MacDonald, screenwriter of American crime drama Dead Doll


An indigenous woman from La Guajira in the north of Colombia has travelled directly from the continuing blockade of a controversial coal mine, directly to London to attend the AGM of BHP Billiton, the company that co-owns the Cerrejón mine.
On October 15, more than 2,000 indigenous people from Colombia blockaded roads leading to the Cerrejón mine site, reportedly shutting down 40% of the mine's operations. Protesters are now blocking the railway which takes coal to the export port.
The mine has been the subject of international criticism over the forcible displacement of communities when mining began, and decades of air and water pollution which have had disastrous impacts on the health and traditional ways of life of neighbouring communities. Recently the company came under fire for a plan, now on hold, to divert the only major river in the semi-desert province.
Yasmin Romero Epiayu, an Indigenous Wayuu woman from the Epiayu clan, has travelled from the blockade in Colombia to London to take part in the BHP Billition AGM on Thursday 24 October, to tell shareholders why the Wayuu people have been driven to take such drastic measures against the Cerrejón mine.
On Thursday Yasmin Romero Epiayu will enter the BHP Billiton AGM to address the board of directors and describing the impact that the coal mine has had on her community.
The AGM will also be attended by a representative of Indonesian communities opposed to BHP Billition's coal mining in ecologically sensitive parts of Borneo.
Yasmin Romero Epiayu is also taking part in the World Development Movement's "Carbon Capital" speaker tour around the UK from the 20 to 31 October, organised in collaboration with London Mining Network, Colombia Solidarity Campaign and Down to Earth.
Cerrejón is a giant open-pit coal mine in La Guajira, northern Colombia. The mine is jointly owned by three of the world's largest mining companies; London-listed Anglo American, BHP Billiton and Xstrata. Tatiana told us about how the Colombian government has presented Cerrejón as an example of responsible mining. However this is far from the truth. The Cerrejón mine is located in Wayúu indigenous territory and when mining began 30 years ago local people were not consulted. Instead their lands were seized and communities were forcibly displaced, violating their constitutional land rights. The Colombian government has failed to adequately compensate any of the affected communities.
Pollution and dust from the coal mine has caused the contamination of water supplies and the air. Indigenous groups report that their traditional lifestyle has been badly affected, soil pollution has caused failed crops, fishing areas have been contaminated and displacement has disturbed inter-community relations. The creation of the mine has failed to significantly boost the local economy – La Guajira is still one of Colombia's poorest regions. Paramilitaries from the mining company continue to threaten and pressurise local communities.


Communications training for supervisors and managers.
One of the top five reasons that managers, supervisors, and foremen fail is their lack of communication. It is not that they won't communicate. It is how they communicate, which determines how effective they are at communicating. Just as important is understanding how their listener communicates, and when the two don't match, the results aren't pretty.
There is a communication style scale, and most people fall somewhere between the ends. One end of the scale is, "Tell me what you want done and leave me the hell alone – I'll get back to you when it's finished." The other is, "Can we talk? This is what I am doing and these are ALL the details about what I did, when I did it, who I did it with, where we did it…[and so on, and son on, and so on…]" Energizing…to some people. Exhausting to others.
Grunting and chin pointing are NOT communicating.
Complete an online questionnaire using the DISC method.
Receive a custom 45+ page report giving them feedback on their communication styles.
Learn what their individual communication style is.
Learn how their behavioral style helps and hinders communications with others.
Learn the great myth about communications, how that myth hurts them, and what to do about it.
Participate in actual communication scenarios to help them understand how they can be more effective.
Understand how to get their message across to different behavior styles, including the boss and co-workers.
To talk to us about whether this workshop is a fit for your organization, call 925.354.0277 or email here.
It won't cost you anything to see whether or not we're a match.