text:
1.1Background (1999–2005)
1.2Early development (2005–2015)
1.3MPCC, EDF and PESCO (2016–2020)
1.4Strategic Compass and the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine (2020–present)
2Tasks
3Structure
4Battlegroups
5Contributions
5.1Standby roster
5.2Recurring formations
5.3Niche capabilities
5.4Further details on specific contributions
5.5Western Balkans Battlegroup proposal
6Exercises
9.1Bibliography
10Further reading
EU Battlegroup
(Redirected from European Union Battlegroups)
For other uses, see battle group (disambiguation).
Framework for creating deployable forces
An EU Battlegroup (EU BG)[1] is a military unit adhering to the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) of the European Union (EU). Often based on contributions from a coalition of member states, each of the eighteen Battlegroups consists of a battalion-sized force reinforced with combat support elements (1,500 troops).[2][3] Two of the battlegroups were declared to be capable of being assembled for operational deployment at any one time.
EUBG 2014 II training in Germany.
The Battlegroup initiative reached full operational capacity on 1 January 2007, but, as of October 2022[update], they had yet to see operational service.[4][5] They were developed from existing ad hoc missions that the European Union (EU) had undertaken.[3] The troops and equipment are drawn from the Member States of the European Union under the direction of a "lead nation". In 2004, United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan welcomed the plans and emphasised the value and importance of the Battlegroups in helping the UN deal with troublespots.[6]
Further information: History of the Common Security and Defence Policy
Background (1999–2005)[edit]
The initial idea to create EU multinational roughly battalion-sized combined arms units was first publicly raised at the European Council summit on 10–11 December 1999 in Helsinki. The Council produced the Headline Goal 2003 and specified the need for a rapid response capability that members should provide in small forces at high readiness. The idea was reiterated at a Franco-British summit on 4 February 2003 in Le Touquet which highlighted as a priority the need to improve rapid response capabilities, "including initial deployment of land, sea and air forces within 5–10 days."[7] This was again described as essential in the "Headline Goal 2010".
Operation Artemis in 2003 showed an EU rapid reaction and deployment of forces in a short time scale – with the EU going from Crisis Management Concept to operation launch in just three weeks, then taking a further 20 days for substantial deployment. Its success provided a template for the future rapid response deployments allowing the idea to be considered more practically. The following Franco-British summit in November of that year stated that, building on the experience of the operation, the EU should be able and willing to deploy forces within 15 days in response to a UN request. It called specifically for "Battlegroup sized forces of around 1500 land forces, personnel, offered by a single nation or through a multinational or framework nation force package".
On 10 February 2004, France, Germany and the United Kingdom released a paper outlining the "Battlegroup concept". The document proposed a number of groups based on Artemis that would be autonomous, consisting of about 1500 personnel and deployable within 15 days. These would be principally in response to UN requests at short notice and can be rapidly tailored to specific missions. They would concentrate on bridging operations, preparing the group before a larger force relieved them, for example UN or regional peacekeepers under UN mandate. The plan was approved by all groups in 2004 and in November that year the first thirteen Battlegroups were pledged with associated niche capabilities.[8]
Early development (2005–2015)[edit]
Irish Mowag Piranha during an exercise in 2010.
From 1 January 2005 the Battlegroups reached initial operational capacity; full operational capacity was reached on 1 January 2007. Although EU member states were initially highly motivated to volunteer to fill up the roster, the fact that participating member states have to cover their own costs, which especially burdened the smaller states, has made them more reluctant. Besides, many EU member states had simultaneous obligations to fulfill for ISAF and the NATO Response Force, amongst others. This combined with the fact that EU Battlegroups have never been deployed (due to slow political decision-making), despite several occasions in which they according to various experts could or should have been (most notably DR Congo in 2006 and 2008 and Libya in 2011), has led to increasing gaps in the standby roster. Joint funding and actual usage may resolve these issues.[9][10]
MPCC, EDF and PESCO (2016–2020)[edit]
On 23 June 2016, the Brexit Referendum resulted in a vote in favour of the United Kingdom leaving the European Union. Since the UK and France were the largest military powers within the EU, this would mean a serious reduction in forces available for common European defence. On 28 June, High Representative Federica Mogherini presented a new plan, the Global EU Strategy on Security and Foreign Policy, for rigorous further European military integration between the EU member states. These included more cooperation when planning missions, training and exercising soldiers, and the development of a European defence industry. For the EU Battlegroups specifically, the plan aims to remove the obstacles preventing their rapid deployment, such as the lack of a European military headquarters. Although stressing that NATO will remain the most important defence organisation for many EU countries, Mogherini stated that the Union should be able to operate 'autonomously if necessary' on security matters. Referring to the EU's diplomacy and development record, she said that 'Soft power is not enough', and that in a less secure world, especially after Brexit, common action was needed more than ever.[11]
On 14 November 2016, the 56 European Ministers of Foreign Affairs and Defence agreed to the Global EU Strategy on Security and Foreign Policy. This included new possibilities for the rapid deployment of EU Battlegroups with aerial support for civil and military operations in conflict zones outside Europe, for example, before a UN peacekeeping force can arrive. Although Mogherini said the Strategy was 'not a European army' or a 'NATO duplicate', the recent U.S. presidential election of Donald Trump, who had previously implicitly threatened to abandon NATO if its European member states continued to fail in meeting their funding obligations,[12] influenced the European Ministers' decision as well.[13] Besides Brexit and the election of Trump, Russia's military expansionism and the European migrant crisis motivated them as well, making them agree relatively easily, which analysts regarded as a breakthrough.[14]
On 6 March 2017, the foreign and defence ministers agreed to establish a small European command centre in Brussels for military training missions abroad, which could grow out to become a European military 'headquarters' in the future.[15] This Military Planning and Conduct Capability (MPCC) was confirmed and established by the Council of the European Union on 8 June 2017.[16] This came one day after the European Commission launched the European Defence Fund (EDF), comprising €5.5 billion per year, to 'coordinate, supplement and amplify national investments in defence research, in the development of prototypes and in the acquisition of defence equipment and technology'.[17] Until then, the lack of a common military fund had been the main obstacle to the effective operational deployment of the EU Battlegroups.[18][19] An agreement on Permanent Structured Cooperation in Defence (PESCO) was reached at 22–23 June EU summit in Brussels.[18][19] A June 2017 Eurobarometer opinion poll showed that 75% of Europeans supported a common European security and defence policy, and 55% even favoured a European army.[18] Political leaders such as Dutch PM Mark Rutte commented that a 'European army' was not in the making, however.[19]
Strategic Compass and the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine (2020–present)[edit]
During the German EU presidency in the second half of 2020, the EU Common Security and Defence Policy began development of the Strategic Compass for Security and Defence,[20] as of November 2021 envisioning 'substantially modified EU battlegroups' of 5,000 soldiers by 2025.[21] While EU foreign chief Josep Borrell emphasised the EU intervention force should not be in competition with NATO, it was important to reduce operational dependency on the United States to allow EU military formations to function more autonomously, as had become more apparent during the August 2021 Kabul airlift.[21][22] There continued to be problems in gathering enough troops together, and at the time only one EU Battlegroup of the standard two was available on stand-by.[21]
The Strategic Compass was eventually adopted in March 2022.[23][24] Although it had already been in development since late 2020, 24 February 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine accelerated the development and adoption of the Strategic Compass on 21 March 2022 in Brussels at the meeting of EU foreign and defence ministers, who jointly strongly condemned Russia's actions, made a strong commitment to the complementary cooperation between the EU and NATO, and discussed plans to increase the EU's defensive capabilities.[5][22] As part of the Strategic Compass, it was decided to create the EU Rapid Deployment Capacity (EU RDC) by further developing the EU Battlegroups (EUBG) 'to be able to act quickly and appropriately, in both civilian and military missions, in the event of a crisis.'[23][5] As leader of the EU Battlegroup 2025 (to be operational in 2025), Germany would provide a core of the new EU RDC, supported by contributions of other EU member states.[23] At the late May 2022 planning conference for the EU Battlegroup 2025 in Vienna involving 10 EU states, it was decided that the RDC concept was to be finalised by the end of 2022, the advanced battlegroup would include up to 5,000 soldiers from Germany and the Netherlands (lead), Austria (logistics), Hungary, Croatia, and other member states, joint exercises and training would commence in 2023, the force was to be fully operational by 2025, and would be deployed for 12 months in areas up to 6,000 kilometres measured from Brussels.[24][5] Aside from ground troops, the new force was to include space and cyber capabilities, special forces and strategic airlift capacities, and, depending on requirements, air and naval forces.[5] Another EUBG 2025 planning conference was held in September 2022 at the Multinational Joint Headquarters Ulm, which would likely also serve as the future headquarters at the military-strategic level.[5][25]
Tasks[edit]
A Belgian soldier on exercise with the EU Battlegroup in Germany, 2014
The groups are intended to be deployed on the ground within 5–10 days of approval from the council. It must be sustainable for at least 30 days, which could be extended to 120 days, if resupplied.[26]
The Battlegroups are designed to deal with those tasks faced by the Common Security and Defence Policy, namely the Petersberg tasks (military tasks of a humanitarian, peacekeeping and peacemaking nature).[27]
Planners claim the Battlegroups have enough range to deal with all those tasks, although such tasks ought to be limited in "size and intensity" due to the small nature of the groups. Such missions may include conflict prevention, evacuation, aid deliverance or initial stabilisation. In general these would fall into three categories; brief support of existing troops, rapid deployment preparing the ground for larger forces or small-scale rapid response missions.[28]
Structure[edit]
A Battlegroup is considered to be the smallest self-sufficient military unit that can be deployed and sustained in a theatre of operation. EU Battlegroups are composed of approximately 1,500 troops; plus command and support services.[5] Since March 2022, the EU has been planning to increase their size to up to 5,000 troops per battlegroup by 2025.[5]
There is no fixed structure, a 'standard' group would include a headquarters company, three infantry companies and corresponding support personnel. Specific units might include mechanised infantry, support groups (e.g. fire or medical support), the combination of which allows independent action by the group on a variety of tasks. The main forces, extra support and "force headquarters" (front line command) are contained within the Battlegroup "package", in addition there is the operation headquarters, located in Europe.[29]
Battlegroups[edit]
The initial thirteen Battlegroups[26] were proposed on 22 November 2004. Further battlegroups have joined them since then.
Contributions[edit]
Larger member states will generally contribute their own Battlegroups, while smaller members are expected to create common groups. Each group will have a 'lead nation' or 'framework nation' which will take operational command, based on the model set up during the EU's peacekeeping mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (Operation Artemis). Each group will also be associated with a headquarters. Three non-EU NATO countries, Norway, Turkey, and North Macedonia,[30] participate in a group each, as well as one non-EU non-NATO country, Ukraine.[31][32] From 1992 to 2022, Denmark had an opt-out clause in the Treaty of Maastricht and was not obliged to participate in the Common Security and Defence Policy, but following a 1 June 2022 referendum in favour of abolishing the opt-out, Denmark joined the CSDP a month later on 1 July 2022.[33] Malta currently does not participate in any Battlegroup.
Participating EU NATO member states
Participating EU non-NATO member states
Participating non-EU NATO member states
Participating non-EU non-NATO member states
Non-participating EU member states
Standby roster[edit]
From 1 January 2005 the Battlegroups reached initial operational capacity: at least one Battlegroup was on standby every 6 months. The United Kingdom[34] and France each had an operational Battlegroup for the first half of 2005, and Italy for the second half. In the first half of 2006, a Franco-German Battlegroup operated, and the Spanish–Italian Amphibious Battlegroup. In the second half of that year just one Battlegroup operated composed of France, Germany and Belgium.[citation needed]
Full operational capacity was reached on 1 January 2007, meaning the Union could undertake two Battlegroup sized operations concurrently, or deploy them simultaneously into the same field. The Battlegroups rotate every 6 months, the roster from 2007 onwards is as follows;[35][36][37][38][39][40][41][42]
Standby roster, in which biannual periods I and II are January to June and June to December, respectively
Battlegroup
Framework nation
Other participants*
Force HQ (FHQ)
French Battlegroup France – Paris
British Battlegroup[34] United Kingdom – London
Italian Battlegroup Italy – Rome
vacant[39] – – –
French–German Battlegroup France Germany Paris
Spanish–Italian Amphibious Battlegroup Italy Spain, Greece and Portugal Rome 1500
French–German–Belgian Battlegroup France Germany and Belgium Paris
French–Belgian Battlegroup France Belgium Paris
Battlegroup 107[37] Germany The Netherlands and Finland Potsdam 1720[43]
Multinational Land Force[44] Italy Hungary and Slovenia Udine 1500
Balkan Battlegroup[45] Greece Bulgaria, Romania and Cyprus Larissa 1500
Nordic Battlegroup (NBG08) Sweden Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Finland, Ireland and Norway[46][47] Enköping 1500
Spanish-led Battlegroup Spain Germany, France and Portugal Unknown Unknown
French–German Battlegroup France Germany Paris Unknown
British Battlegroup United Kingdom – London
Balkan Battlegroup Greece Bulgaria, Romania and Cyprus Unknown 1500
Czech–Slovak Battlegroup Czech Republic Slovakia[48] 2500
Belgian-led Battlegroup Belgium Luxembourg and France[37] Unknown ???
Battlegroup I-2010[49] Poland Germany, Slovakia, Latvia and Lithuania Międzyrzecz
UK–Dutch Battlegroup United Kingdom The Netherlands London 1500
Italian-Romanian-Turkish Battlegroup Italy Romania and Turkey Rome
Spain, France, Portugal Unknown Unknown
Battlegroup 107 (EUBG 2011/1) Netherlands Germany, Finland, Austria and Lithuania Unknown c. 2350[50]
Nordic Battlegroup (NBG11) Sweden Estonia, Finland, Ireland, Norway[51] and Croatia[52] Enköping 1500
Eurofor (Eurofor EUBG 2011–2)[53] Portugal Spain, Italy, France Florence
Balkan Battlegroup[53] Greece Bulgaria, Romania, Cyprus and Ukraine[54] Larissa 1500
French–Belgian–Luxembourgish Battlegroup France Belgium and Luxembourg Mont-Valérien
Multinational Land Force Italy Hungary and Slovenia. Udine
German–Czech–Austrian Battlegroup Germany Austria, Czech Republic, Croatia, North Macedonia, Ireland[37] Ulm
Weimar Battlegroup (EU BG I/2013) Poland Germany and France Międzyrzecz
Belgium, Luxembourg, France (unconfirmed)[55] Unknown Unknown Unknown Unknown
Battlegroup 42[38][56] United Kingdom Lithuania, Latvia, Sweden and the Netherlands London
Belgium (unconfirmed)[37] Belgium
Balkan Battlegroup Greece Bulgaria, Romania, Cyprus and Ukraine[57]
Sweden, Finland (unconfirmed)[39] Sweden
EUBG 2014 II[30] Belgium Germany, Luxembourg, Spain, the Netherlands and North Macedonia 2500–3700
Spanish–Italian Amphibious Battlegroup[39] Spain[39] Italy[39]
Nordic Battlegroup (NBG15) Sweden Norway, Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Ireland[58] France[59]
French–Belgian Battlegroup France[39] Belgium
Visegrád Battlegroup[60] Poland Hungary, the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Ukraine[31][32] Kraków 3700
Balkan Battlegroup Greece Bulgaria, Romania, Cyprus and Ukraine
German–Czech–Austrian Battlegroup[61][62] Germany Austria, the Czech Republic, Croatia, Ireland, Luxembourg and the Netherlands 1500–2500
British-led Battlegroup United Kingdom Finland, Ireland, Latvia, Lithuania, Sweden and Ukraine
Multinational Land Force Italy Austria, Croatia, Hungary and Slovenia
French–Belgian Battlegroup France Belgium
Spanish-led Battlegroup[63] Spain Italy, Portugal Bétera 2500
Benelux Battlegroup Netherlands Austria, Belgium, and Luxembourg
Benelux Battlegroup Netherlands Austria, Belgium, Germany and Luxembourg 2500–3700
vacant – – – –
Spanish-led Battlegroup Spain Italy, Portugal
French–Belgian Battlegroup[64] France Belgium Mont Valérien
Visegrád Battlegroup[31][65] Poland Hungary, Czechia, Slovakia and Croatia Kraków 2250
French-led Battlegroup[64] France Mont Valérien
Balkan Battlegroup Greece Bulgaria, Romania, Cyprus, Ukraine and Serbia
German-Czech-Austrian Battlegroup (EU Battlegroup 2020–2)[5] Germany Austria, Czechia, Croatia, Finland, Ireland, Latvia, Netherlands and Sweden Ulm[5] 4100
Italian-led Battlegroup Italy Greece, Spain
Battlegroup Name Framework nation Other participants HQ Size
vacant[21] – – – –
Visegrád Battlegroup[66] ? Czechia, Slovakia, Hungary and Poland[66] ? ?
12 months[24]
EU Battlegroup 2025[24] (EU RDC[24]) Germany, Netherlands[24] Austria, Hungary, Croatia, others[24] Ulm[5] 5,000[24]
There are plans to extend the concept to air and naval forces, although not to the extent of having a single standing force on standby, but scattered forces which could be rapidly assembled.[67][citation needed]
Recurring formations[edit]
Nordic Battlegroup
Balkan Battlegroup
Visegrád Battlegroup
Multinational Land Force
Spanish–Italian Amphibious Battlegroup
Niche capabilities[edit]
The following Member States have also offered niche capabilities in support of the EU Battlegroups:[68]
Cyprus (medical group)
Lithuania (a water purification unit)
Greece (the Athens Sealift Co-ordination Centre)
France (structure of a multinational and deployable Force Headquarters)
Further details on specific contributions[edit]
Nordic Battlegroup sniper training at Kilworth, Ireland
Sweden and Finland announced the creation of a joint Nordic Battlegroup. To make up the required 1500 number, they also urged Norway to contribute to the Battlegroup despite that country not being part of the EU. Recently, the number has been raised to 2400 troops with Sweden providing 2000 of these. According to Swedish newspapers the price for the 6 months in 2008 was 1.2 billion Swedish kronor (app. 150,000,000 euros) and the Battlegroup was not used.[69]
Finland is expected to commit troops trained to combat chemical and biological weapons, among other units such as a mortar company.
Lithuania is expected to offer experts in water purification.
Greece is pledging troops with maritime transport skills.
Ireland has offered bomb disposal experts among its contribution.
The Battlegroups project is not to be confused[citation needed] with the projected Helsinki Headline Goal force, which concerns up to 60,000 soldiers, deployable for at least a year, and take one to two months to deploy. The Battlegroups are instead meant for more rapid and shorter deployment in international crises, probably preparing the ground for a larger and more traditional force to replace them in due time.
Western Balkans Battlegroup proposal[edit]
In 2010, a group of experts from the Belgrade Centre for Security Policy proposed the establishment of a Western Balkans Battlegroup by 2020. In a policy vision titled "Towards a Western Balkans Battlegroup: A vision of Serbia's Defence Integration into the EU 2010-2020",[70] they argued that the creation of such a Battlegroup would not only be an accelerating factor in the accession of the former Yugoslav republics into the EU, but also a strong symbolic message of reconciliation and security community reconstruction after the devastating wars of the 1990s. Furthermore, the authors of the study argued that such a Western Balkan Battlegroup, notwithstanding all the political challenges, would have a very high linguistic, cultural and military interoperability. Although decision makers initially showed a weak interest in the Western Balkans Battlegroup, the idea has recently reappeared in the parliamentary discussions in Serbia.[71]
Exercises[edit]
Dutch artillery exercise in Grafenwoehr, Germany, 2014
In 2008, the EU Battlegroup conducted wargames to protect the first-ever free elections in the imaginary country of Vontinalys.[72] In June 2014, EUBG 2014 II with 3,000 troops from Belgium, Germany, Luxembourg, North Macedonia, the Netherlands and Spain conducted a training exercise in the Ardennes, codenamed 'Quick Lion', to prevent ethnic violence between the "Greys" and the "Whites" in the imaginary country of "Blueland".[73][74]
Combined Joint Expeditionary Force (CJEF)
EUFOR
European Union Military Staff
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Landstrom, Gustav (February 2007). "Enter the EU Battlegroups". Chaillot Paper. European Union Institute for Security Studies (97). Retrieved 7 July 2015.
Balossi-Restelli, L.M., 2011. Fit for what? Explaining Battlegroup inaction. European security, 20 (2), 155–184. doi: 10.1080/09662839.2011.564767
Gowan, R., 2009. The case of the missing Battlegroups: Is EU-UN military cooperation in decline? Studia diplomatica, LXII (3), 53–61.
Yf Reykers, "No supply without demand: explaining the absence of the EU Battlegroups in Libya, Mali and the Central African Republic," European Security Volume 25, 2016 – Issue 3.
Reykers, Y., 2016. Hurry up and wait: EU Battlegroups and a UN rapid reaction force [online]. Global Peace Operations Review. (http://peaceoperationsreview.org/thematic-essays/hurry-up-and-wait-eu-battlegroups-and-a-un-rapid-reaction-force/)
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Battlegroups of the European Union.
Factsheet (2017), European External Action Service
Factsheet (2013), Council of the European Union
Factsheet (2006), European Parliament
"Has the EU army's time come?". europarltv.eu. European Parliament. 24 June 2015. Retrieved 8 July 2015.
A proposed evolution in the Eurocorps and ESDI in NATO
Defence forces of the European Union
See also: Movement Coordination Centre · Air Group · Finabel · Organisation of Military Associations and Trade Unions · Organisation for Joint Armament Cooperation · Personnel Recovery Centre
Union level
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See also: Operations of the European Border and Coast Guard · Exercises of the Western Union · Operations of the European Maritime Force · Operations of the European Rapid Operational Force · Missions of the European Gendarmerie Force · Exercises of the European Maritime Force · Operations of the European Corps
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European Union Mission in Armenia (2023–present)
1: Conducted by the Western European Union prior to 2003. These missions were not named using conventional prefixes such as EUFOR, EUNAVFOR etc.
History of the Common Security and Defence Policy
Western Union (1948–1951/1954)
Treaty of Dunkirk (precursor, 1947)
Treaty of Brussels (1948)
Exercise Verity (1949)
European Defence Community (plan that failed in 1954)
Treaty establishing the European Defence Community (signed 1952, unratified)
Western European Union (1954–2011)
London and Paris Conferences (1954)
Modified Brussels Treaty (1954)
Saar Statute referendum (1955)
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Period before the union had defence structures (1993–1999)
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Saint-Malo declaration (1998)
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European Union portal · War portal
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=EU_Battlegroup&oldid=1124023173"
Battlegroups of the European Union
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Articles with dead external links from August 2021
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text:
Home » 2019 Nuffield Scholarship Investors
2019 Nuffield Scholarship Investors
Click on a logo to visit their web sites.
AACo
AACo is a world-leading provider of beef and agricultural products. It owns and operates a balance of properties, feedlots and farms comprising around seven million hectares of land, equating to roughly 1% of Australia's land mass. AACo was established in 1824, the oldest continuously operating company in Australia.
The Australia and New Zealand Banking Group Limited, commonly called ANZ, is the fourth largest bank by market capitalisation in Australia and offers a range of personal accounts and services including credit cards, personal loans, insurance, home loans and foreign exchange.
Australian Wool Innovation
Australian Wool Innovation Limited (AWI), the owner of The Woolmark Company, is a not-for-profit company that invests in research, development and marketing for the Australian wool industry.
CBH Group – Western Australia Investor
The CBH Group is one of Australia's leading grain organisations, a co-operative with operations extending along the value chain from grain storage, handling and transport to marketing, shipping and processing.
Consolidated Pastoral Company
Consolidated Pastoral Company is an Australian managed, majority foreign owned Agrifood business with an enterprise value in excess of $850 million. It owns and operates 16 cattle stations with a carrying capacity of 400,000 head of cattle across 5.5m hectares of land.
Cotton Research and Development Corporation
CRDC invests in and manages research, development and extension projects for the Australian cotton industry.
Cotton Australia
Cotton Australia is the peak body for Australia's cotton growing industry, supporting over 1500 cotton farming families in NSW and Queensland.
Elders has been a leading agribusiness in rural Australia since 1839 with a focus on helping people find success with their agricultural business.
Grains Research and Development Corporation
The Grains Research & Development Corporation is one of the world's leading grains research organisations, responsible for planning, investing and overseeing research and development, delivering improvements in production, sustainability and profitability across the Australian grains industry.
Hort Innovation
Hort Innovation is a not-for-profit, grower-owned Research and Development Corporation (RDC) for Australia's $9.5 billion horticulture industry.
Meat & Livestock Australia
Meat & Livestock Australia Limited (MLA) delivers marketing and research and development services for Australia's cattle, sheep and goat producers.
NAPCO
The North Australian Pastoral Company is one of Australia's largest and privately owned cattle companies, commencing operations in 1877. NAPCO currently manages over 6.1 million hectares, in both Queensland and the Northern Territory.
The Northern Territory Parliament is one of the three unicameral parliaments in the country. Based on the Westminster System, it consists of the Northern Territory Legislative Assembly which was created in 1974, replacing the Northern Territory Legislative Council.
As one of the world's most recognised financial institutions, Rabobank has more than 1,600 branches and offices in 48 countries employing more than 59,000 people and servicing 9.5 million clients worldwide.
Royal Agricultural Society of NSW Foundation (RASF)
The RASF was created in 2007 with a mission to support the development of sustainable and resilient regional and rural communities across NSW. Together with generous donations from supporters, the RASF provides community grants and educational scholarships to promote individual and community growth.
S. Kidman & Co
Founded in 1899 by Sir Sidney Kidman and continuing as a family owned company, the Kidman beef interests span 15 pastoral leases of approximately 80,000 square kilometres in three states and the Northern Territory. Kidman cattle stations produce grass-fed beef for export to Japan, the USA and South East Asia.
The William Buckland Foundation
The William Buckland Foundation provides funding to support activities, organisations and project which focus on the health and wellbeing, particularly children and young people, scientific and educational activities, particularly agriculture to create lasting benefit for the Victorian community.
The Sylvia & Charles Viertel Charitable Foundation
The Sylvia and Charles Viertel Charitable Foundation was established to benefit organisations or institutions involved in the medical research into diseases, and the alleviation of hardship of the aged and the sick. It also provides scholarship funding in areas such as agriculture.
Westpac Agribusiness
For nearly 200 years, Westpac Agribusiness has shared a long and rich history and association with rural, remote and regional communities of Australia. It is committed to sharing the journey with the industry and ensuring they are strongly supported and positioned for growth now and into the future.
Wine Australia
The Australian Grape and Wine Authority, which trades as Wine Australia, supports a competitive wine sector by investing in research, development and extension (RD&E), protecting the reputation of Australian wine and growing domestic and international markets through marketing and promotional activities.
Woolworths is committed to supporting the community, and supports a range of causes through fundraising and charitable partnerships. In 2009 the value of community contributions was more than $27 million.
The Yulgilbar Foundation
The Yulgilbar Foundation is a family run Private Ancillary Fund and their area of focus is rural, regional and remote Australia and more specifically, on education, environment, capacity building and Alzheimer's research.
Other Investors:
AgriFutures Australia
AgriFutures Australia is the new trading name for Rural Industries Research & Development Corporation (RIRDC). It invests in research, leadership, innovation and learning to support industries that do not have their own research and development function and new and emerging industries.
Australian Processing Tomato Growers
The Australian Processing Tomato Research Council Inc. is primarily involved with facilitating and providing research funds for research projects that meet the industry's Research and Development priorities.
Australian Dairy Conference
The Australian Dairy Conference was initiated by a group of leading dairy farmers, scientists and industry representatives from around Australia. The aim is to be the premier dairy event that inspires the industry, giving it pride in its achievements and generating optimism in its future.
Blundstone is a 100 per cent Tasmanian private company founded in 1870. Despite growing to become one of the world's most recognisable boot brands, the company retains its family values and has the capacity to manufacture 400,000 pairs of gumboots a year.
CSBP
CSBP has been supplying fertiliser and nutritional services to Western Australia's agricultural industry for over 100 years. CSBP has a proud history of supporting a range of groups as part of its ongoing commitment to the sustainability of WA agriculture and the vitality of local communities.
Dairy Australia
Dairy Australia is the national services body for dairy farmers and the industry. They help farmers adapt to a changing operating environment, and achieve a profitable, sustainable dairy industry.
Fisheries Research and Development Corporation
The Fisheries Research and Development Corporation (FRDC) is a co-funded partnership between its two stakeholders, the Australian Government and the fishing industry. It was formed as a statutory corporation on 2nd July 1991 and is responsible to the Minister for Agriculture.
Gardiner Dairy Foundation
The Gardiner Dairy Foundation is a proactive investor in projects that have significant impact for the Victorian dairy industry and the wider community.
Integro Private Wealth
Integro is a locally owned business in Western Australia and consultants focus on understanding clients total professional and lifestyle goals before demonstrating how to reach them.
The Family of the late Lorna and Bert Kelly
(no website available for this sponsor)
NSW Department of Primary Industries
The New South Wales Department of Primary Industries, a division of the New South Wales Government, is responsible for the administration and development for agriculture, fisheries, aquaculture, state forests, biosecurity, and crown lands in NSW.
Nufarm has been based in Australia for more than 60 years and has worked alongside Australians to provide a wide range of top quality crop protection products.
PPSA
Primary Producers SA (PPSA) is a coalition of peak bodies representing primary producers in South Australia. It has a vision for a strong, viable primary production sector in South Australia, which is valued by government and the community.
Robert Gatenby Memorial Trust
Robert Gatenby was an innovative Tasmanian farmer and horticulturalist before his early death in 1992. Robert Gatenby's estate, along with friends and associates, determined that a trust should be established to fund the development of talent in the Tasmanian agricultural sector.
Rural Bank
Rural Bank assists anyone who wants good value banking that's simple to use. Their sole focus is to provide products and expertise to help clients take control of their money, stay on top of challenges and grab opportunities.
Tasmanian Alkaloids
Tasmanian Alkaloids is a fully-integrated manufacturer of controlled substances providing medicinal opiates from patented poppy varieties grown on Tasmanian farms. The business is committed to the highest quality standards, good manufacturing practice and reliable supply of products.
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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


Outstanding service! From a young child attending my grandfathers funeral, to now, almost 20 years later, Coots Funeral home in Jeff, I never forgot it....and I reached out to them by email as I'm looking for my ancestors names, they were the only place I could think of to get me started with maybe knowing my grandparents parents names. They responded very quickly and sent their record for my grandparents and also one for my great grandfather. Simply priceless for me, I'm seeing EM coots in more obits as I learn my family names, this isn't a small area but I can stand by saying they have my families business for years to come. E.M Coots Funeral Home and Staff, a huge thank you from the bottom of my heart on behalf of my family for your continued services!


text:
Hospital Throws Out Breastfeeding Mother, Because That Seems Appropriate
By Emma Cueto
Christopher Furlong/Getty Images News/Getty Images
We've all become (unfortunately) familiar with the idea that some places get upset when women breastfeed in public — you just wouldn't think a hospital would have that same, narrow-minded mentality. But now it seems a woman in Lubbock, Texas was thrown out of a hospital after breastfeeding her baby in a waiting room. And the details only get more bizarre from there.
In fact, it seems that Erin Peña was not only escorted out of the University Medical Center in Lubbock by the hospital's security after breastfeeding her four-month-old, but the whole reason she was there was for an appointment for the baby's vaccinations. That's right, she was in a pediatrician's waiting room.
Peña told news channel KCBD that after waiting for an hour for her appointment, she began breastfeeding her baby, but was asked by the receptionist to move to the restroom. Peña refused, on the grounds that Texas law gives women the right to breastfeed anywhere. Unsatisfied with this answer, the receptionist apparently threatened to cancel Peña's appointment if she did not at least cover up (also not required under Texas law) — and then the receptionist actually did cancel when Peña still refused. Because apparently making sure a baby gets the proper vaccinations is less important than making sure that no one ever dare to nourish their child in public.
Peña says that the situation got even worse when her doctor took the receptionist's side in the argument, and security was called to escort her and her child from the building.
The whole thing feels wrong to me. For one thing, the fact that people get super upset and uncomfortable about breastfeeding makes no sense. But even more than the baseline principle of the thing, if there's anyplace where it should be absolutely OK to breastfeed your child, it really ought to be the lobby of your pediatrician. I mean, they do want you to feed your baby, right?
Plus, the whole thing is a huge violation of trust. As Peña said, "I was confused, shocked, humiliated. This is really heartbreaking for me because this is the woman who delivered my baby. I had a lot of respect for her."
The University Medical Center has not commented on all aspects of Peña's account, but they have taken responsibility for asking Peña to cover up, KCBD reports. Spokesperson Eric Finley said in a statement, "Our staff asked that woman to leave unless she covered herself up, which is absolutely wrong. We apologize to that mother and to all breast-feeding mothers."
However, he also claimed that Peña was not escorted out because of the breastfeeding, but because she had gone into a restricted area in order to speak with the doctor about the incident. "She was then in a place where she was not allowed to be, so she wasn't asked to leave because she was breastfeeding," Finley said. "But still, had we acted more appropriately this never would have happened."
From now on let's all just agree that women breastfeeding in doctors' offices is nothing to get upset about. Cool? Cool.
Image: Giphy


I carefully marked up the dome with the appropriate lines that will be a locator for the ridges.
I then hot glued hook up wire over the lines. Carefully adding newspaper and glue in between the lines I built up a layer of paper mache over the dome. This is my first layer I will probably do 1-2 more layers.


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Headway House
Staff Resource Bank
About Headway North Staffordshire
Headway is the leading UK charity dedicated to the care and support of people who have sustained a brain injury. It aims to promote a wider understanding of all aspects of brain injury and to provide information, support and services to people with a brain injury and their relatives and carers.
How Headway North Staffordshire Started
In 1985, three Occupational Therapists from North Staffs Hospital were drawn together by the lack of services for survivors of brain injury. They arranged meetings for survivors and their families on a monthly basis and this was the start of Headway North Staffs. As the need for more support became apparent, the monthly meetings became weekly day sessions. The demand for this service was such that the following years brought about several rented venue changes, and a gradual increase to five full days per week. In 1999, lottery funding enabled us to purchase premises of our own in Cobridge, Stoke-on-Trent. This provided a considerable increase in space and facilities, and has broadened the scope of opportunity available to all our attending members.
Headway North Staffordshire (Head Injuries Association) Ltd is a Registered Charity No. 1077770 and a Company Limited by Guarantee Registered in England No. 3758806. Affiliated to Headway, The Brain Injury Association.
Copyright © 2017 Headway North Staffordshire


In the Washington Post on January 3, 2005, there was an article on the research done by the University of Wisconsin to study the effects of meditation on the brain. The study was done on a group of Tibetan monks who had been meditating for years, and also on a group of students who were new to meditation but had been taught how to meditate.
They found that the awareness was more and the brain activity was faster and much better organized and coordinated in the meditating monks than in the students who were new to meditation. Not only that, the brain region associated with happiness, positive thoughts and emotions, was also much more active in the monks than in the students.
One more important thing, the researchers found that the brain activity of the meditator monks was more intense and organized that that of the students, even before the monks started meditating. So the benefits of meditation are actually permanent. Meditation can simply change the very circuitry and the inner workings of the brain.
Many top universities in the USA like Yale, Harvard and MIT (Massachusetts Institute of Technology), have also studied the effects of meditation.
Studies using MRI (Magnetic Resonance Imaging) showed that meditation actually increased the very thickness of the brain in areas related to awareness and attention, as well as cognitive processing and emotional wellbeing.
The researchers found that the blood vessels become wider, the support structures also increase in number and they have more branches and connections.