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Peasants' War
For other conflicts referred to as peasant wars or revolts, see List of peasant revolts.
Waldensians (I 12th century)
Avignon Papacy (1309 to 1377)
John Wycliffe (E, 1320–1384)
Western Schism (1378–1417)
Jan Hus (B, ~1369–1415)
Hussite Wars (1420 to ~1434)
German mysticism
The Start of the Reformation
The Ninety-Five Theses
English Reformation
German Peasants' War
Schmalkaldic League
Magisterial– Radical– Counter
Protestant Reformers
Thomas Mntzer
Menno Simons
Martin Bucer
Olaus & Laurentius Petri
Reformation by location
Denmark-Norway and Holstein– England
Germany– Italy– Netherlands– Scotland
Sweden– France– Switzerland
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The Peasants' War (Deutscher Bauernkrieg in German, literally the German Peasants' War) was a popular revolt that took place in Europe during 1524–1525. It consisted, like the preceding Bundschuh movement and the Hussite Wars, of a series of both economic and religious revolts in which peasants, townsfolk and nobles all participated.
At its height in the spring and summer of 1525, the conflict, which occurred mostly in the southern, western and central areas of what is now modern Germany plus areas in neighbouring Alsace and modern Switzerland and Austria, involved an estimated 300,000 peasant rebels: contemporary estimates put the dead at 100,000. It was Europe's largest and most widespread popular uprising prior to the French Revolution of 1789.
1 Cause of the War
2 Social classes in the 16th-century Holy Roman Empire
2.1 Princes
2.2 Lesser Nobility
2.3 Clergy
2.4 Patricians
2.5 Brghers
2.6 Plebeians
2.7 Peasants
3 Rise of social conflict
4 Course of the war
5 Ultimate failure of the rebellion
6 Anabaptists
7 Legacy of the Peasant War of 1524–1525
10.1 Primary sources
10.2 Secondary sources
[edit] Cause of the War
The Peasant War of 1524–1525 began as a petition made to the Holy Roman Emperor on behalf of some German peasants in 1524.[1] The petition was called Twelve Articles which sought relief from some of the particular oppressions that the German peasants were facing.[2] The petition began as a religious sounding document. Indeed, the first "article" called for church congregations to have the right to appoint and/or remove their own ministers.[3] The main articles of the petition dealt with the economic hardships faced by the peasants. The remaining articles of the Twelve Articles petitioned the Holy Roman Emperor to abolish the "cattle tithes," and the death tax; and to preserve of all "common fields, forests and waters" for use by the peasants, rather than allowing these lands to fall into private hands. The petition also requested that the peasantry be allowed to hunt on the common lands and fish in the common waters.[4] One article called for the abolition of serfdom and establishment of a system of leasing of the land under stipulated conditions.[5]
Despite the fact that the petition made no attack on the government, the Emperor ignored the Twelve Articles. Revolt broke out in Swabia in late 1524 and soon spread throughout southern and central Germany.[6]
Historians disagree on the nature of the revolt and its causes, whether it grew out of the emerging religious controversy centered on Martin Luther; whether a wealthy tier of peasants saw their own wealth and rights slipping away, and sought to re-inscribe them in the legal, social and religious fabric of society; whether it was peasant resistance to the emergence of a modernizing, centralizing political state. Perhaps the best way to view the Great Peasant War of 1524–1525 is to regard the revolt as a struggle that began as an upheaval immersed in the rhetoric of Luther's Protestant Reformation against the Catholic Church but which really was impelled far beyond the narrow religious confines by the underlying economic tensions of the time.[7][8] Peasant Uprisings had been occurring all over Europe and especially in southern Germany for many years before the Reformation.[9] The Swabian League had been formed by a number of cities, principalities and noble estates in southeastern Germany in 1331 then disbanded, formed again in 1376, disbanded and formed again in 1488, specifically for the reason of defeating peasant revolts.
A prime example of this underlying economic tension driving the Great Peasant War is Thomas Mntzer. Although Mntzer was a religious leader from Luther's own home the Kingdom of Wrrtemberg, Mntzer was less worried about religious questions than he was in social position of the people.[10]
Furthermore, Mntzer's concentration on the secular rather than the religious led him to become the main leader of the peasantry of Saxony in the Great Peasant War.[11] Mntzer's rhetoric became more secular as the Peasant War intensified.[12] Indeed as just as the Thirty Years War which occurred nearly a century later (1618–1648) also began as a supposed religious war and soon degenerated into a secular feud between contending secular groups in Europe, so too did the Great Peasant War of 1525 lose all pretext of a religious struggle as the War progressed.
Depending on the historians' own perspective, the war could be interpreted, as Friedrich Engels does, as a case in which an emerging bourgeoisie (the urban class) failed to assert a sense of its own autonomy in the face of princely power, and left the rural classes to their fate.[13][14]
[edit] Social classes in the 16th-century Holy Roman Empire
[edit] Princes
Sixteenth-century parts of Germany were associated with the Holy Roman Empire. The Holy Roman Empire was a decentralized entity in which the Holy Roman Emperor himself had little authority outside of his own dynastic lands, which covered only a small fraction of the whole. At the time of the Great Peasant War of 1525, Charles V, King of Spain and father of the future King of Spain, Phillip II, was the Holy Roman Emperor, having been elected emperor just six years previously in 1519.[15] Major events of the Reformation including the Great Peasant War are portrayed in the 2003 movie, Luther starring Joseph Fiennes. Also pictured in the movie is a young Charles V.
There were hundreds of largely independent secular and ecclesiastical territories in the empire, most of which were ruled by a noble dynasty (though several dozen were city states). One of these secular states was the province of Saxony.[16] During the period of time of the Great Peasant War, Saxony itself was divided into a portion called Electoral Saxony and a portion called Ducal Saxony.[17] Since 1486, the Elector of Saxony was Frederick III or Frederick the Wise. Frederick III was one of the "most Catholic" of the German princes.[18] Frederick was devoted to his collection of religious relics, which he had spent a lifetime collecting.[19] By the time of Luther's Ninety-five theses, Frederick's collection of relics had reached a total of 5,005 individual relics.[20] Frederick hoped that his home town of Wittenberg would become the "Rome" of Germany.[21] Indeed, Frederick had built the famous university at Wittenberg where Luther taught his new view of religion.[22] He authorized the selling of indulgences to raise money for the university.[23] Accordingly, Frederick was not the first person anyone would expect to become the "protector" of Martin Luther, (in light of Luther's sermons and writings against both the collecting of relics and against indugences). Nonetheless, Frederick III did become the protector of Martin Luther by insisting that any "trial" of Luther for "heresy" be held in Saxony rather than in Rome before the Inquisition.
Many rulers of the various states of Germany were autocratic rulers. However, these rulers often were barely recognized any other authority within their territories. Princes had the right to levy taxes and borrow money as they saw fit. The growing costs of administration and military upkeep impelled the princes to keep raising their subjects' cost of living. Indeed, this was the economic position of Frederick III of Saxony. As noted above, Frederick III sold indugences to support the administration of Saxony.[24]
In this role, Frederick III of Saxony was representative of other princes in Germany. Just as Frederick III supported the break with Rome, the class of princes, as a whole, tended to support the patriotic/national issue of a break with the Church in Rome with the patriotic/national slogan of "German money for a German church." Any German church that might be established would be under the control of the princes within their own realm. Under their control the German church would not be able to tax the princes the way the Roman church did. The princes could only gain, economically, by breaking away from Rome.
The princes were also centralizers in the towns and the estates.[25] Accordingly, the princes tended to gain economically from the ruination of the lesser nobility by acquiring their estates. This is what happened in the Knights' Revolt which occurred from 1522 through 1523 in the Rhineland.[26] The Knights' Revolt, which is mentioned in more depth below, was "suppressed by both Catholic and Lutheran princes who were satisfied to cooperate against a common danger."[27]
To the degree that other classes, like the burghers, might gain from the centralization of the economy and the elimination of local territorial controls on manufacture and trade imposed by the lesser nobles, one could expect that the princes, as a class, might unite with the burghers on the issue of centralization of the economy.
The lesser nobility and the clergy paid no taxes and often supported their local prince. Many towns had privileges that exempted them from paying taxes, so that the bulk of the burden of taxation fell on the peasants. Princes often attempted to force their freer peasants into serfdom through increasing taxes and the introduction of Roman Civil law. Roman civil law was advantageous to those princes who sought to consolidate their power, because it brought all land into their personal ownership and eliminated the feudal concept of the land as a trust between lord and peasant that conferred rights as well as obligations on the latter. By maintaining the remnants of the ancient law which legitimized their own rule, they not only elevated their wealth and position in the empire through the confiscation of all property and revenues, but increased their dominion over their peasant subjects. Under this ancient law, the peasants had little recourse beyond passive resistance. Even so, the prince now had absolute control over all his serfs and their possessions. Uprisings generally remained isolated, unsupported and easily put down until Thomas Mntzer and similar radicals began to reject the legitimizing factors of ancient law and invoked the concept of "Godly Law" as a vehicle for rousing the people.
[edit] Lesser Nobility
Related article: Knights' Revolt
The evolving military technology of the late medieval period began to render the lesser nobility of knights obsolete. The introduction of military science and the growing importance of gunpowder and infantry lessened the importance of their role as heavy cavalry, as well as reducing the strategic importance of their castles. Their luxurious lifestyle drained what little income they had as prices kept rising. They exercised their ancient rights in order to wring what income they could from their territories. In the north of Germany many of the lesser nobbles had already been subordinated to powerful secular and ecclesiastical lords.[28] Thus, the lesser nobility's latitude to exercise absolute power over their serfs was more restricted in northern Germany. However, in the south of Germany the powers of the lesser nobility was more completely preserved.[29] Accordingly, the harshness of the oppression of the peasantry by the lesser nobles was the immediate case of the Peasant Uprising and the fact that this oppression by the lesser nobles was worse in the south than in the north was the reason that the Peasant War of 1524–1525 broke out in the south-Swabia.[30] The knights became embittered as they grew progressively impoverished and fell increasingly under the jurisdiction of the princes. Thus these two classes were in constant conflict. The knights also considered the clergy to be an arrogant and superfluous estate, while envying the privileges and wealth that the church statutes secured. In addition, the knights, who were often in debt to the towns, were constantly in conflict with the town patricians.[31] Consequently, at odds with all other social classes in Germany, the lesser nobility was the most reactionary class in Germany at this time and, thus, would tend to be implacably opposed to any social change at all.
During the Knight's Revolt. The "knights," the lesser land holders of Rhineland in western Germany rose up in rebellion in 1522 through 1523.[32] The rhetoric of the Knight's War was religious in nature and several leaders expressed Luther's ideas on the split with Rome and the new German Church. However, the Knight's Revolt was not a religious rebellion.[33] The revolt was reactionary in nature and sought to preserve the old feudal order. The knights rose up as an expression of medieval feudalism, their source of income, against the new money order, which was squeezing them out of existence.[34]
During the Knight's Revolt, the lesser nobility stood by themselves. As the religious rhetoric of the revolt indicates, even the lesser nobility was willing to join in with the support of the patriotic/national issue of the break with Catholic Church in Rome. A German church would be supported by the lesser nobility because any German church, might tax the lesser nobles less the Roman Church was currently doing. Accordingly, the lesser nobility might, as a class, gain economically by lower taxes on them and, thus, the lesser nobility might stand with other classes on the single issue of the break with the Catholic Church in Rome.
[edit] Clergy
The clergy in 1525 were the intellectuals of their time. They not only read and wrote, but in the Middle Ages any books that were produced were transcribed or copied by the clergy. Like the intellectuals of later times some of the intellectuals were supported by the rich and could be expected to support the causes of the rich. Other intellectuals were not supported by the rich, yet could support themselves by appealing to the masses. These intellectuals could support progressive forces of the society.
In 1525, the clergy as a whole, was feeing the influence of historic change acutely. The clergy or prelate class, was losing its place as the intellectual authority over all matters within the state. The progress of printing (especially of the Bible) and the expansion of commerce, as well as the spread of renaissance humanism raised literacy rates throughout the Empire. The Catholic monopoly on higher education was accordingly also reduced. Over time, Catholic institutions had slipped into corruption. Clerical ignorance and the abuses of simony and pluralism (holding several offices at once) were rampant. Some bishops, archbishops, abbots and priors were as ruthless in exploiting their subjects as the regional princes. In addition to the sale of indulgences, they set up prayer houses and directly taxed the people. Increased indignation over Church corruption had led the monk Martin Luther to post his 95 Theses on the doors of the Castle Church in Wittenberg, Germany in 1517, as well as impelling other reformers to radically rethink Church doctrine and organization. Some clergy followed Luther in his break with the Roman Church and others did not. Those that did not tended to be the clergy that were well positioned in the Roman Church. This was the aristocratic clergy.[35] The aristocratic clergy would only lose by a break with the Roman Church. Thus the aristocratic Church could be expected to oppose all change including any break with the Roman Church. This placed the aristocratic clergy in an extremely isolated position in regard to the rest of the social classes on this significant patriotic/national issue.
The part of the clergy that followed Luther was the poorer clergy-rural and urban itinerant preachers.[36] This part of the clergy was not so well positioned in the Church. Thus, they might gain, economically, by a break with Rome. Therefore, the poorer clergy could be expected to support the great patriotic/national issue of the break with Rome. Luther's ideas on the new German church had some "populizing" ideas about the practice of religion. The Bible would be written in the language of the people and would be available for the people-the literate ones-to read the Bible for themselves and gain inspiration directly. Indugences, forgiveness of sins based on payments made to the church, were no longer to be sold to the people. Owning, collecting or praying to holy relics were no longer a road to salvation. Salvation and the forgiveness of sins came about only through a direct communion with God and God's own grace.
Some of the poorer clergy, sought to extend these popularizing and equalizing ideas of Lutheranism to the society at large. Ideally equality would be extended to all people in society. Some members of the poorer clergy supported the demands of the peasntry and the "Twelve Articles" as a start towards this goal of equality for all. Thomas Muntzer was the most famous proponent of this ideal. During the Peasant War of 1524–1525, Muntzer traveled from province to province offering leadership and encouragement to the peasants in revolt. Indeed, some historians have held that the may not have been a revolt in Saxony without the preaching of Thomas Muntzer.[37]
Luther took a middle course in the Peasant's War. He, of course supported the break with Rome. By doing so he alienated only the aristocratic clergy, all other classes tended to support him. He also tended to support the centralization of the economy. This position alienated only the lesser nobles, but shored up his position with the burghers. Luther, however, did not support any further extension of the popularizing and equalizing facets of his religious ideas to the society at large. He took every opportunity to attack the ideas of Thomas Muntzer. Luther was afraid that the princes, burghers, and the class of town patricians would all fall away from support of the new German church if he, Luther, attempted to follow Muntzer and support the peasantry. Luther was very afraid of alienating this classes of German society. Accordingly, Luther even declared against the moderate demands of the peasantry embodied in the 12 Articles of the Black Forest. Luther's article entitled Against the Murderous, Thieving Hordes of Peasants which appeared in May of 1525. of alienating these other classes.
[edit] Patricians
As the guilds grew and urban populations rose, the town patricians faced increasing opposition. The patricians consisted of wealthy families that sat alone in the town councils and held all the administrative offices. Like the princes, they could seek to secure revenues from their peasants by any possible means. Arbitrary road, bridge and gate tolls could be instituted at will. They gradually revoked the common lands and made it illegal for a farmer to fish or log wood in what was once land held in common. Guild taxes were exacted. All revenues collected were not subject to formal administration, and civic accounts were neglected. Thus embezzlement and fraud were commonly practiced and the patrician class, bound by family ties, became ever richer and more exploitative.
[edit] Brghers
The town patricians were increasingly criticized by the growing brgher class, which consisted of well-to-do middle-class citizens who often held administrative guild positions or worked as merchants. To the brghers, their own growing wealth was reason enough to claim the right to control civic administration. They openly demanded a town assembly made up of both patricians and burghers, or at least a restriction of simony and the allocation of several seats to brghers. The brghers also opposed the clergy, who they felt had overstepped their bounds and failed to uphold their religious duties. They demanded an end to the clergy–s special privileges, such as their exemption from taxation, as well as a reduction in their number. The brgher-master (guild master, or artisan) now owned both the workshop and its tools, which he allowed his apprentices to use, and provided the materials that his workers needed to make their products. In exchange, they received payments whose size the brgher determined after taking into account how long their labour had taken, as well as the quality of their workmanship and the quantity of products produced. Journeymen lost the opportunity to rise in the ranks of the guild and were thereby deprived of their civic rights. Frederick Engels wrote a long two-part article on the Peasant war of 1524–1525 entitled The Peasant War in Germany As noted below, writing this article in 1850, Engels intended the article as a direct analogy on the revolution of 1848. In this regard, Engels stated in the article that the burghers in Germany during the Peasant War were, as a class, "the forerunners of our present day liberals."[38]
[edit] Plebeians
The plebeians comprised the new class of urban workers, journeymen and vagabonds. Ruined petty burghers also joined their ranks. Although technically potential burghers, the journeymen were barred from higher positions by the wealthy families that ran the guilds. Thus their –temporary– position devoid of civic rights tended to become permanent. The plebeians did not have property like ruined burghers or peasants. They were landless, rightless citizens, and a symptom of the decay of feudal society. It was in Thuringia that the revolution which centered around Mntzer would give the plebeian working class the greatest expression. They demanded complete social equality as they began to believe, with Mntzer's encouragement, that the evolution of their society should be driven by themselves from below, not from above. The authorities hastened to put down such explosive aspirations, which posed the greatest threat to their traditional authority.
[edit] Peasants
The lowest stratum of society continued to be occupied by peasants, who were heavily taxed. In the early 16th century, no peasant could hunt, fish or chop wood freely, as the lords had recently taken these common lands for their own purposes. The lord had the right to use his peasant–s land as he wished; the peasant could do nothing but watch as his crops were destroyed by wild game and by nobles galloping across his fields in the course of their chivalric hunts. When a peasant wished to marry, he needed not only the lord's permission, but to pay a tax. When the peasant died, the lord was entitled to his best cattle, his best garments and his best tools. The justice system, operated by the clergy or wealthy burgher and patrician jurists, gave the peasant no redress. Generations of traditional servitude and the autonomous nature of the provinces limited peasant insurrections to local areas. The peasant–s only hope was the unification of aspirations across provincial lines. Mntzer was to recognize that the recently diluted class structures provided the lower stratum of society with a greater claim to legitimacy in their revolt, as well as more scope for political and socio-economic gains.
[edit] Rise of social conflict
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The emergence of the newer classes and their respective interests began to soften the structure of authority of the old feudal system. Increased international trade and industry not only put the princes in conflict with the interests of the growing merchant capitalist class, but also broadened the base of lower-class interests (the peasants plus the new urban workers). The interposition of the burghers and the necessary plebeian class weakened feudal authority, as both these classes opposed the top of the hierarchy while also being in natural opposition to each other. The emergence of the plebeian class strengthened lower-class interests in several ways. Instead of the peasantry being the only oppressed and traditionally servile estate, the plebeians added a new dimension that shared similar class interests, but did so without a history of outright oppression.
Opposition to the privileges of the Catholic clergy was rising among several classes in the new late-medieval hierarchy, including the peasantry. Many burghers and nobles also despised the perceived laziness and looseness of clerical life. As members of the more privileged classes by virtue of entrepreneurship and tradition respectively, they felt that the clergy was reaping benefits (such as tax exemption and ecclesiastical tithes) to which they were not entitled. When the situation suited, even princes would abandon Catholicism in order to gain political and financial independence and increase their power within their territories.
After thousands of articles of complaints were compiled and presented by the lower classes in numerous towns and villages to no avail, the revolt broke out. The parties split into three distinct groups. The Catholic camp consisted of the clergy plus those patricians and princes who resisted any opposition to the Catholic-centred social order. The moderate reforming party consisted mainly of burghers and princes. The burghers saw an opportunity to gain power in the urban councils, as Luther–s proposed reformed church would be highly centralized within the towns, as well as condemning the nepotistic practices by which the patricians held a firm grip on the bureaucracy. Similarly, the princes stood to gain additional autonomy not only from the Catholic emperor Charles V, but from the demands of the Catholic Church in Rome. Plebeians, peasants and those sympathetic to their cause made up the third camp, which was led by preachers like Thomas Mntzer. This camp wished to break the shackles of late medieval society and forge a new one in the name of God.
Germany's peasants and plebeians compiled lists of articles outlining their complaints. The famous 12 Articles of the Black Forest were ultimately adopted as the definitive set of grievances. The articles' statement of social, political and economic grievances in the increasingly popular Protestant movement unified the population in the massive uprising that broke out first in Lower Swabia in 1524, then quickly spread to other parts of Germany.
[edit] Course of the war
This section requires expansion.
[edit] Ultimate failure of the rebellion
The peasant movement ultimately failed, with cities and nobles making separate peaces with the princely armies that restored the old order in a frequently still-harsher incarnation under the nominal overlordship of the Holy Roman Emperor Charles V, represented in German affairs by his younger brother Ferdinand.
The religious dissident Martin Luther, already condemned as a heretic by the 1521 Edict of Worms and accused at the time of fomenting the strife, rejected the demands of the rebels and upheld the right of Germany's rulers to suppress the uprisings. Luther based his attitude on the peasant rebellion on St. Paul's doctrine of Divine Right of Kings in his epistle to the Romans 13:1-7, which says that all authorities are appointed by God, and should not be resisted. His former follower Thomas Mntzer, on the other hand, came to the fore as a radical agitator in Thuringia.
[edit] Anabaptists
Main article: Anabaptist
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On December 27, 1521, three Zwickau prophets, both influenced by and influencing Thomas Mntzer, appeared in Wittenberg from Zwickau: Thomas Dreschel, Nicolas Storch and Mark Thomas Stbner. Luther's reform was not radical enough for them. Like the Roman Catholic Church, Luther practiced infant baptism, which the Anabaptists considered to be "neither scriptural nor primitive, nor fulfilling the chief conditions of admission into a visible brotherhood of saints, to wit, repentance, faith, spiritual illumination and free surrender of self to Christ."
The reformist theologian and associate of Luther, Philipp Melanchthon, who was powerless against the enthusiasts with whom his co-reformer Andreas Karlstadt sympathized, appealed to Luther, who was still hiding in the Wartburg. Luther was cautious in not condemning the new doctrine out of hand, but advised Melanchthon to treat its supporters gently and to test their spirits, in case they should be of God. There was confusion in Wittenberg, whose schools and university had sided with the "prophets" and were closed. From this arises the allegation that the Anabaptists were enemies of learning, which is contradicted by the fact that two of them, Haetzer and Denck, produced and printed the first German translation of the Hebrew prophets in 1527. The first leaders of the movement in Zrich–Conrad Grebel, Felix Manz, George Blaurock, Balthasar Hubmaier–were learned in Greek, Latin and Hebrew.
On March 6, 1522, Luther returned to Wittenberg, where he interviewed the prophets, scorned their "spirits", banished them from the city, and had their adherents ejected from Zwickau and Erfurt. Denied access to the churches, the latter preached and celebrated the sacrament in private houses. Having been driven from the cities, they swarmed across the countryside. Compelled to leave Zwickau, Mntzer visited Bohemia, lived for two years at Alltstedt in Thuringia, and in 1524 spent some time in Switzerland. During this period he proclaimed his revolutionary religious and political doctrines with increasing vehemence, and, so far as the lower orders were concerned, with growing success.
The Peasants' War began chiefly as a revolt against feudal oppression, but under the leadership of Mntzer it became a war against all constituted authorities in a forcible attempt to establish Mntzer's ideal of a Christian commonwealth based on absolute equality and the community of goods. The total defeat of the rebels at Frankenhausen (May 15, 1525), followed by the execution of Mntzer and several other leaders, proved to be a merely temporary check on the Anabaptist movement. Scattered throughout Germany, Switzerland and the Netherlands were zealous propagandists whose teachings many were prepared to follow as soon as another leader emerged.
One branch of the Anabaptists became known as Mennonites. While in Germany in the sixteenth century, a split in the Mennonite community over an issue of religious dogma. The conservatives in this split followed Jakob Ammann. These conservative Mennonites moved from Germany to Switzerland to seek freedom from oppression. There they attracted other Swiss and Alsatian Anabaptists. The congregation came to be called Amish after their leader. Later the Amish moved to Holland where they settled as a prelude to moving on to America. In the early eighteen century the Amish moved to the State of Pennsylvania, settling near Lancaster, Pennsylvania, where they came to called the Pennsylvania Dutch. since that time the Amish have spread from other colonies across the United States-in Ohio, Indiana, Iowa, Minnesota and other areas. In the year, 2000, it was estimated that there were a little over 168,000 Amish in the United States of America. By 2008 it was estimated that the population of Amish had grown to 227,000.
[edit] Legacy of the Peasant War of 1524–1525
As a result of the Peasant War of 1524–1525, the nobility of Germany was subjugated to the princes in most of the states, provinces and estates in Germany. Feudalism in those German states where it still existed was destroyed. This accelerated the ruination of the lesser nobility or knights, whose income was based totally on the feudal system. In the place of feudalism arose a new economic order based on trade, money and development of the home market.
Frederick Engels wrote in his two-part article in 1850 called The Peasant War in Germany in 1850 more than 300 years after the Peasant War of 1524–1525. Published in two parts in separate issues of Neue Rheinische Zeitung the article was intended to serve as an easily understood analogy between the events of 1524–1525 and the events of the Revolution of 1848. Stating specifically in 1850 in the Introduction to The Peasant War in Germany: "Three centuries have passed and many a thing has changed; still the Peasant War is not so impossibly far removed from our present struggle, and the opponents who have to be fought are essentially the same. We shall see the classes and fractions of classes which everywhere betrayed 1848 and 1849 in the role of traitors, though on a lower level of development, already in 1525."[39]
Florian Geyer
Croatian and Slovenian peasant revolt
^ Roland H. Bainton, Here I Stand: A Life of Martin Luther (Pierce & Smith Company: Nashville, 1978) p. 210.
^ Ibid. pp. 211–212.
^ Ibid.
^ Ibid
^ Peter J. Klassen, Europe in the Reformation (Prentic-Hall, Inc.: Englewood, New Jersey, 1979) p 59.
^ Roland H. Bainton, Here I Stand: A Life of Martin Luther p. 208.
^ See Frederick Engels, "The Peasant War in Germany" written in 1850 contained in Marx and Engels Collected Works: Volume 10 (International Publishers: New York, 1978) pp. 411–412 & 446.
^ Roland H. Bainton, Here I Stand: A Life of Martin Luther p. 208
^ Roland H. Bainton, Here I Stand:A Life of Martin Luther p. 202.
^ Ibid., p. 214–221.
^ Frederick Engels, "The Peasant War in Germany" in Marx & Engels Collected Works Volume 10 p. 415
^ Frederich Engels, The Peasant War in Germany. Originally published 1850; Edition: 3 – 2000 (electronic), pp. 59–62. Accessed 15 August 2009. here.
^ World Almanac and Book of Facts: 1991 (Scripps Howard Co.: New York, 1990) p. 521.
^ James K. Pollock & Homer Thomas, Germany in Power and Eclipse (D. Van Nostrand Co.: London, 1952) p. 483.
^ Henry S. Lucas, Renaissance and the Reformation (Harper & Bros.: New York, 1960) p. 448.
^ Roland H. Bainton, Here I Stand: A Life of Martin Luther p. 76.
^ Ibid., p. 53.
^ Ibid. p. 76.
^ Frederick Engels "Peasant War in Germany" in Marx & Engels Collected Works Vol. 10 p.402.
^ John B. Wolf,The Emergence of European Civilization (Harper & Row, Pub.: New York, 1962) p. 147.
^ Peter J. Klassen, Europe in Reformation (Prentice-Hall Inc.: Englewood, Cliffs, New Jersey, 1979) p. 57
^ Frederick Engels, "Peasant War in Germany" in Marx & Engels Collected Works Vol. 10, pp. 403–404.
^ John B. Wolf, The Emergence of Europ0ean Civilization (Harper & Row, Pub.: New York, 1962) p. 147.
^ Ibid. p. 404.
^ Roland H. Bainton, Here I Stand: A Life Martin Luther p. 215.
^ Frederick Engels, "The Peasant War in Germany" in Marx & Engels Collected Works Vol. 10, p. 407.
Martin Luther (1525). Against the Murderous, Thieving Hordes of Peasants
[edit] Secondary sources
Roland H. Bainton, Here I Stand: A Life of Martin Luther (Pierce & Smith Co.: Nashville, 1978).
Ernest Belfort Bax (1899). The Peasants War in Germany, 1525–1526, from Internet Archive. HTML source.
Peter Blickle, (1985), The Revolution of 1525: The German Peasants War from a New Perspective, Translated by Thomas A. Brady Jr. and H. C. Midelfort, New York, Johns Hopkins University Press
Friedrich Engels (1850). The Peasant War in Germany. HTML source
Gunther Franz (1956), Der Deutsche Bauernkrieg, Darmstadt, Wissenschaftliche Buchgeselschaft
Mark S. Hoffman (Editor), World Almanac and Book of Facts 1991 (Scripps-Howard Pub.: New York, 1990).
Peter J. Klassen, Europe in the Reformation (Prentice-Hall, Inc.: Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, 1979).
Henry S. Lucas, The Renaissance and the Reformation (Harper & Row Pub.: New York, 1960).
John B. Wolf, The Emergence of European Civilization (Harper and Row Co.: New York, 1962).
Hillay Zmora (1997), State and Nobility in Early Modern Germany: The knightly feud in Franconia 1440–1567, Cambridge University Press, 1997 (hardback), 2002 (paperback), ISBN 0521561795
Tom Scott and Robert W. Scribner (1991). The German Peasants' War: A History in Documents, Humanities Press International, New Jersey, ISBN 0-391-03681-5
Martin Luther's Violent, Inflammatory Rhetoric and its Relationship to the German Peasants' Revolt (1524–1525) by Dave Armstrong
Der Bauernkrieg von 1525: The German Peasants– Revolt by Christopher Handisides
"War of the Peasants (1524–25)". Catholic Encyclopedia. New York: Robert Appleton Company. 1913. http://en.wikisource.orghttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Catholic_Encyclopedia_(1913)/War_of_the_Peasants_(1524%E2%80%9325).
Unrest in Spain, 1517–1523
Castile – Aragon – Navarre (partially occupied, disputed) – Granada (annexed by Castile)
Royal Government
King Charles I of Castile and Aragon – Queen Joanna of Castile and Aragon – Cardinal Adrian of Utrecht – William de Cro¿, sieur de Chivres – Cardinal Francisco Jimnez de Cisneros – Germaine of Foix
Revolt of the Comuneros
List of important figures – Military history – Battle of Villalar – Juan de Padilla – Juan Bravo – Antonio de Acua – Mara Pacheco
Revolt of the Brotherhoods
List of important figures – Joan Lloren – Vicent Peris – The Hidden
Contemporary revolts
Frisian peasant rebellion (1515–1523) – Knights' Revolt (1522) – Peasants' War (1524–1525)


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Home > National/International News
Texas village puts an exclamation point on its effort to end homelessness
Alan Graham, a Catholic who is founder and CEO of Community First! Village in Austin, Texas, poses outside his home in the community Sept. 9, 2021. Community First! Village is a 51-acre planned community designed specifically for men and women who are coming out of chronic homelessness. (CNS photo/Bob Roller)
Nobody ever thought that doing the good deed of feeding some homeless people in the Texas capital of Austin would spawn a neighborhood where the homeless are homeless no longer.
But that's what happened with Community First! Village, the inspiration of Alan Graham, a Catholic who credits it all to a retreat weekend.
"Back in 1996, I went to a men's retreat call Christ Renews His Parish. It had a profound revelatory impact on my relationship with Christ," Graham told Catholic News Service during a phone interview Sept. 22 — his 37th wedding anniversary.
"I'll tell anybody any day that this ministry would not exist without Christ Renews His Parish and my Roman Catholic faith," he added. "If you look at our vision, mission, values and goals and our core values, five of 'em word for the word are out of the Catechism of the Catholic Church."
Graham kicked it all off with the help of some friends with Mobile Loaves & Fishes, which operated out of a green minivan, later expanding to a food truck, offering "meals with a side of hope."
But what about that exclamation point in the middle of the name? To Graham, it really is all about building community first.
"We built this one operation on top of the 'housing-first' philosophy. We believe that housing is necessary but insufficient to what humans need. What humans need is human contact. What that means is that you and I need to be connected," he said.
He added, "The corporal works of mercy are an indelible part of who we are organizationally, but the only way to live out those corporal works, and the only way to restore justice, that we will want to restore together, we must live together."
Not surprisingly, "one of our heroes has to be Mother Teresa. I flew my entire family to Rome four, five years ago when she was canonized," Graham said. Caring for the hungry, the naked, the sick and the poor are required, he added, "if we're really going to live out our Christianity."
Community First! Village has a mix of tiny homes and recreational vehicles on its acreage in Austin. There's enough housing for about 150 formerly homeless people as well as close to 40 "missionals," adults who have a ministry of presence with an open mind and an open door to engage in conversation with the onetime street people.
But in keeping with the notion of building community, there are structures throughout the grounds designed to bring the residents together, including community dining rooms, an amphitheater for movies and live performances, a wood shop, a ceramics shop and a blacksmith shop.
There's also a chapel, with plans in a coming phase of development to build a 400-seat church for worship.
Residents are required to pay rent, but the monthly rent is as low as $44. There's a bus stop inside Community First! Village to take residents to jobs, but there are many jobs onsite as well to give residents a sense of dignity and self-worth.
Graham said the village is based on two verses of Genesis: Genesis 2:15, "just after God created the Garden of Eden" with God's charge to Adam and Eve "to care for it cultivate it. And then the community element of that flows out of Genesis 2:18: 'God realized it is not good for man to be alone.'"
Ron Whitmer, a missional with his wife, Darlene, said their involvement with Community First! Village started in the mid-2010s.
"Our church that we attend has two of the Mobile Loaves & Fishes trucks," he said. "We were part of that ministry, and then our mission's pastor encouraged us to come out here and visit. He thought we might be a nice fit."
When they said yes, they knew it would mean a lot less time in Ohio to spend time with one of their sons, his wife and the five granddaughters. "It's really a change of lifestyle. And rather than be here for three or four hours in getting in your car and leaving and seeing it in your rearview mirror, it's not out of your mind," Whitmer said.
"We really didn't decide that this would be the place we would end up until we had been out here volunteering and building some very meaningful and deep relationships with some of the neighbors," he added. "When people move in, they are no longer homeless. They are residents. I like to call them neighbors, because that's what they are."
The ministry of presence requires intention. "All the missionals have a sign in their window with a big 'M' on it so the neighbors know if they see that 'M' in our window, they're free to come and knock at our door whenever," Whitmer said.
Some mornings, the Whitmers will whip up a big batch of breakfast tacos in a community kitchen — and prepare copious quantities of coffee — as Community First! Village residents get their own day started and talk with other residents.
There's also a Monday night men's Bible study that usually concludes with food and more talk. And the occasional pickleball game can generate some conversation.
"A lot of their experiences on the street are very transactional. You go to a local shelter, you take a number, they call your number and you get a bed," Whitmer told CNS in a Sept. 23 phone interview. "Here we want to take that transactional relationship to a heart-to-heart relationship where we know you, we are for you, we look for you to succeed."
He added, "Our overall goal is modeling Christ to the community, and that type of lifestyle, so that they see in us what we see in Christ."
Community First! Village is Austin based, but not necessarily unique to Austin. "The model is being replicated around the country. There are about a dozen or so replicators," Graham said.
"We're close to actually understanding of what it takes to be community first. Just because we say we're Community First, it takes time to understand what it means, as we become more equipped by God of what it means."
More National / International News:
by Catholic News Service ( 5 days ago )
by Carol Glatz ( 5 days ago )
by Tom Tracy ( 7 days ago )
by Sean Gallagher ( 8 days ago )
A world of good: Part 2 - remaining faithful, even under persecution
A world of good: Part 3 - stewards of God's creation
A world of good: Part 4 - seeking God and truth
A world of good: Part 5 - giving drink to the thirsty
A world of good: Part 6 - welcoming the stranger
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NX Update – Update Android Version
Home News Samsung Galaxy A8+ set to launch in India exclusively on Amazon
Samsung Galaxy A8+ set to launch in India exclusively on Amazon
nxupdate
Samsung's mid-range Galaxy A8+ is coming soon to India.
Samsung introduced its mid-range Galaxy A8 series two weeks ago, with both phones now up for pre-order in Korea. With India being a key market for Samsung in 2018, the company is getting ready to launch the devices in the country exclusively on Amazon.
The Amazon India listing for the Galaxy A8+ highlights key features of the device, including the 18.5:9 Infinity Display and dual front cameras with Live Focus.
After dominating sales in India over the last four years, Samsung is locked in a battle with the likes of Xiaomi, OPPO, and Vivo. Xiaomi is now jointly tied with Samsung in first place in the Indian handset segment, and as a result Samsung is undoubtedly looking to widen the gap this year.
The Galaxy A8+ has all the ingredients to succeed in the Indian market.
The dual 16MP + 8MP front cameras will be a key differentiator for the Galaxy A8+, along with the 6-inch FHD+ Infinity Display. The phone also features an Exynos 7885 chipset manufactured on the 14nm node, and has a 16MP rear camera, IP68 dust and water resistance, microSD slot, Wi-Fi ac, Bluetooth 5.0, and a 3500mAh battery with adaptive fast charging.
The Galaxy A8+ comes with either 3GB of RAM and 32GB of storage, or 4GB of RAM and 64GB of internal storage. It's likely we'll see the latter model make its debut in India, with the 3GB option slated for the Galaxy A8 instead.
There's no information regarding the launch of the Galaxy A8+ in India, but we should see the device debuting before the end of the month. We'll have to wait until that time to know pricing details, but with the phone retailing for $599 in Samsung's home market, it's likely to assume it'll be in the vicinity of ₹38,990 ($610) in India.
If you're interested, you can head to Amazon India from the link below to be notified when the phone launches in the country. What do you guys think is a decent price for the A8+ in India?
Register your interest in the Galaxy A8+
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January 3, 2018 at 10:33PM
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Sarah Jones/ June 13, 2018
Lessons From the Gilded Age
America today has a lot in common with that bygone era of monopolies and gross inequality. But will the country respond similarly?
America is in a new Gilded Age, or so the headlines say. "It's Beginning to Look a Lot Like the Gilded Age," Bloomberg warned in February, noting that the late nineteenth century "was a time of exploding economic inequality, stagnant living standards, growing concern about monopolies, devastating financial crises ... brazen political corruption, frequent pronouncements that the American republic was doomed, and seemingly unending turmoil over race and national identity." Even some Republicans agree: "Back then you had iconic innovators who built these dominant companies and amassed great fortunes," Brad Mehlman, once George W. Bush's assistant secretary of commerce for technology policy, told The Washington Post last year. "You've got that again today. You saw income inequality spike. The last time it was as high for the top 10 percent as it is today was the Gilded Age."
These comparisons predate the Trump administration. They greeted the publication of Thomas Piketty's Capital in the Twenty-First Century back in 2014, when Politico magazine dedicated a full issue to "The New Gilded Age." And surely they will outlast Trump, given that the aforementioned conditions only seem to be worsening. But are we really living in a new Gilded Age, or is this just the status quo for America? The answer lies in how society responds to today's troubles.
"I think of it more conceptually than maybe statistically, but in the Gilded Age inequality was a function of the Great Leap Forward, of industrial revolution and economic growth, which happened unhinged from other kinds of compensating social institutions or mechanisms of wealth redistribution," said Leon Fink, a distinguished professor of history at the University of Illinois-Chicago and the author of The Long Gilded Age. "So it was a great explosion of wealth creation, combined with a really immature or even invisible welfare state. It just cemented the initial inequalities of a very new and wealthy class."
In 2018, we aren't witnesses to a new industrial revolution, but we are experiencing a digital one. The new monopolies live in Silicon Valley. While their advances aren't as tangible as the westward march of the railroads and the early growth of mass production, they have reshaped our lives, and the consequences are newly apparent. Amazon will deliver most anything to your door within two days—or perhaps even two hours, if you live in one of the wealthiest cities in America—but doesn't pay many of its workers a living wage. Uber will pick you up within minutes and take you anywhere for the fraction of the cost of a taxi cab, but its drivers are treated as disposable. Facebook and Google have made the world more interconnected and informed, but at the cost of users' privacy (and sometimes the truth).
Historical comparisons are rarely precise. Income inequality today is indeed at levels that recall the Gilded Age. But labor conditions don't compare to those depicted in Upton Sinclair's The Jungle, and the legalized political corruption encouraged by the Supreme Court's Citizens United decision isn't nearly as brazen as the machine politics of the late 1800s. The key difference, however, is that there was no welfare state back then: It took the grotesque inequalities of the era to inspire the necessary social reforms.
"The Gilded Age also saw ideas that challenge the conflict between economic growth and political institutions," said Fink. Reformers and revolutionaries both forced these issues into the public square: Fink cites the socialist movement, which picked up momentum in the late nineteenth century, and the Knights of Labor, a radical labor organization whose affiliates organized black workers along with white workers. The Knights of Labor in particular risked violence to unite workers across racial lines in opposition to low wages, inhumane working hours and other indignities. The late nineteenth century was an era of corruption and inequality, sure, but it also produced the Haymarket riot.
The welfare state eventually emerged from this struggle. "The period from the 1930s, really up until the 1970s, is kind of considered the key moment when we had a fairly expansive welfare state. Although it was not nearly as expansive as what you saw in Western Europe," said Premilla Nadasen, a professor of history at Barnard College and the author of Welfare Warriors: The Welfare Rights Movement in the United States. "The various components of the New Deal programs, like the Social Security Act, which includes both the Social Security program as we understand it now but also the various welfare programs; the Fair Labor Standards Act, which guaranteed minimum wages for workers, which had not been the case before; the National Labor Relations Act, which gave workers the right to organize and bargain collectively: Those are some of the main pillars of the welfare state."
Politicians built the welfare state up, and they broke the welfare state apart—a devolution that began, Nadasen said, with the Carter administration's deregulation of the airline industry, and which has continued nearly to the present day. From Ronald Reagan's war on air traffic controllers to Bill Clinton's welfare reform, the reach of the welfare state has been deliberately shortened by Democratic and Republican presidents alike. It might be flippant to call our present moment "a new Gilded Age," but the phrase reflects a certain understanding. We've reverted, and the process didn't begin with Trump.
But the Trump administration does pose a specific threat to the welfare state. His cabinet has prioritized attacks on the very regulations and policies that members of organizations like the Knights of Labor died to put on the books. Trump's labor secretary has proposed relaxing restrictions on hazardous labor performed by minors; the USDA has proposed speeding up line-processing in hog plants. The National Employment Law Center reported on Tuesday that OSHA—the agency charged with enforcing workplace safety rules—has reduced enforcement since Trump's election. Republicans, emboldened by Trump, have attacked food stamps and health care reform.
The key to stopping this reversion may lie in the process that formed the modern welfare state. Politicians in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries didn't create and pass welfare policies because of sudden moral epiphanies. Rather, Nadasen credits direct action for pushing the dial. "Those reforms really happened because of massive organizing and protest in the streets. And it started with labor organizing. There were tenants and sharecroppers who were organizing, there were unemployed individuals who were organizing. There were textile workers who were organizing," she said. It's this pressure, she added, that drove Franklin Delano Roosevelt to eventually craft the New Deal.
Though the labor movement has weakened significantly, there are still some signs of life. Teachers' strikes in West Virginia, Oklahoma, Arizona, Kentucky and elsewhere put labor back in the spotlight; at UPS, 260,000 Teamsters members are ready to strike if management does not meet their demands for their new contract. But other, equally important efforts take place outside the traditional boundaries of organized labor. The teachers' strikes were grassroots efforts, mostly organized in secret Facebook groups, and participating educators didn't all belong to unions. Domestic workers, fast food workers, and farmworkers have long organized outside the trade union movement, just as they labored outside the protections of the welfare state.
In these latter movements, Nadasen sees the greatest reason for hope. They unite documented and undocumented workers and are led, mostly, by women of color. For these reasons, they explicitly challenge yet another parallel between 2018 and the Gilded Age: nativism. America's economic explosion in the nineteenth century didn't just further enrich the wealthy; it drew immigrants, and white Americans didn't exactly embrace them. From anti-Catholic prejudice to the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, white Americans, when confronted with economic trends that benefited a few and left everyone else behind, tried to close ranks.
Added Fink, "In the respectable white sectors of society, these immigrant groups were kind of seen as lesser races. The other issue was the legacy of slavery and an utterly botched, incomplete Reconstruction, which continued to fester." Even now, Southern states still lag behind economically, and Americans of color still bear the brunt of America's wealth inequality. The racial wealth gap isn't shrinking with the progression of time. It's growing.
"I think we thought that the period of the welfare state was kind of normative for American life, that this is indeed what the United States is: a nation that provides for its poorest and the neediest and protects the rights of the weakest," Nadasen said. "But I think part of what people are looking at now is how that 50-year period was really a kind of a blip in American history, and are asking the question of whether or not that norm of wealth inequality that was so prevalent during the Gilded Age is actually what we're returning to."
But it doesn't have to be this way. All this worry about the prospect of a new Gilded Age can obscure the fact that there are solutions to many of the problems informing these comparisons. Policy experts and analysts already have begun to fill in the gap: A federal jobs guarantee no longer sounds quite like a fantasy. A sovereign wealth fund, as outlined recently by Ryan Cooper at The Week, could allow the state to collect and redistribute its collective wealth to public health, public works, or other social goods. These redistributive efforts could accompany a renewed trust-busting focus in Congress. The struggle to prevent another Gilded Age doesn't suffer from a lack of political imagination. It suffers from a lack of political will.
Sarah Jones @onesarahjones
Sarah Jones is a staff writer at New York magazine.
Politics, American History, Labor, Inequality, Protests


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Gunman kills 16 in Canada's worst shooting rampage
April 20, 2020 by meziesblog.com, posted in News
The death toll in Sunday's Nova Scotia shooting rampage has gone up to 17, including the gunman, the CBC and Global News report.
That makes it the deadliest mass shooting in Canada's history, according to the Associated Press.
A Royal Canadian Mounted Police officer is among the dead.
The gunman identified as Gabriel Wortman age 51 was shot and killedafter a day long manhunt reported the Royal Canadian Mounted Police in Nova Scotia.
Other victims of the shooting include onstable Heidi Stevenson, a 23-year veteran of the force who was a mother of two.
Media reports confirm the 51-year-old suspect disguised himself as a police officer and shot several people in their homes and in other locations around Portapique, where he is believed to have lived part-time, starting Saturday night.
The shooter also set several homes in the area on fire.
The suspect, who wore a RCMP uniform and made his car look like a RCMP cruiser, was ultimately intercepted by officers about 55 miles away at a gas station in Enfield by late Sunday morning.
Police say he may have targeted his first victims but then gone on to kill "randomly."
The suspect and police exchanged gunfire at some point and the suspect ultimately died, but it's not clear how.
A male RCMP officer also received non-life-threatening injuries.
Mass shootings are fairly rare in Canada; prior to Sunday, the deadliest one had left 14 dead, plus the gunman, in 1989 at Montreal's Ecole Polytechnique college.
"This is one of the most senseless acts of violence in our province's history," said Nova Scotia Premier Stephen McNeil.
Tagged canada, crime, Mass shooting, violence
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Submissions to the Parliamentary Committee
Zambia Federation of Disability Organisations (ZAFOD), on Wednesday 7th February 2018, made submissions to the Committee on Legal Affairs, Human Rights, National Guidance, Gender Matters and Governance on the participation of Persons with Disabilities in the electoral process.The Committee comprised of seven Honorable Members of Parliament:
Mathews Jere, MP- Livingstone (Chair)
Pilila Jere, MP- Lumezi (V/Chair)
Tutwa Sandani Ngulube, MP- Kabwe Central
Lazarous Bwalya Chungu, MP- Lupososhi
Elizabeth Phiri, MP- Kanyama
Herbert Shabula, MP- Itezhi-Tezhi
Credo Nanjuwa, MP- Mumbwa Central
The population of persons with disabilities in Zambia is about 2 million, according to the 2010 census. In the most recent elections (2016), Zambia made significant strides in including persons with disabilities in response to a court case brought by ZAFOD against the Electoral Commission of Zambia in 2011. However, many gaps still remained for persons with disabilities especially Women and Youths living in both urban and remote areas.
Persons with disabilities in Zambia face obstacles in exercising their right to vote both before and during elections. Despite some efforts evidenced in the 2016 elections in Zambia, the Electoral Commission of Zambia (ECZ) and other duty bearers are not fully accountable to the prescriptions of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and the national legal frameworks in terms of promoting the right to vote of persons with disabilities.
Zambia has a number of legal frameworks that have provisions on the rights for participation of Persons with Disabilities in the Political Arena. However, there has been a challenge in the implementation of the measures prescribed as the laws contradict themselves and there is lack of capacity on the part of the institutions that have been given the mandate. Below are the pieces of Legislation with regards to the participation of Persons with Disabilities in the Electoral process in Zambia.
Article 29 of the UNCRPD
Article 23 of the Constitution of Zambia, Chapter 1.
Section 19 of The Persons with Disabilities Act
Sec 9c of the Electoral Process Act
Mental Disorders Act of 1949
The first three pieces of legislations (The UNCRPD to which Zambia is a signatory, the Constitution of Zambia and the Persons with Disabilities Act No.6 of 2012) support the inclusion of PWDs Participation in Political & Public Life, these laws guarantee political rights for persons with disabilities and participation in public life on an equal basis with others, but the fourth and fifth legislations (Sec 9c of the Electoral Process Act and Mental Disorders Act of 1949) are conflicting laws that discriminate against Persons with Disabilities . i.e. Persons with Psychosocial or Mental health Disabilities in particular, regarding political participation. These two laws further discriminate Persons with Psychosocial and Intellectual Disabilities from exercising their franchise.
The right to participation in political and public life is to a large extent linked and interdependent with the issue of accessibility. Inaccessible infrastructure, transportation and information usually cause barriers to the participation of Persons with Disabilities on an equal basis with others. Persons who are deaf or hard of hearing particularly face communication barriers – for example in many cases information is transmitted through radio stations. Such communication barriers hinder deaf people from participation in public life. Lack of Braille ballot papers means persons with visual impairments are dependent on a third party to cast their vote, which in itself overrides their right to a secret vote.
Most Polling stations are not accessible to wheelchair users who also find it difficult to reach the polling booths and ballot boxes that are usually placed too high. These and numerous other barriers serve to reinforce the exclusion and isolation of people with disabilities in political and public life, and, more generally, their participation in decision-making in all areas where their interests are affected in both their public and private lives(UNCRPD IMU Government report ).
GOVERNMENT INTERVENTIONS
The Government has, however, taken some measures in the recognition and promotion of inclusiveness in the Electoral process, although more needs to be done:
The Zambian government recognizes that persons with disabilities have the right to political and public participation. In view of this, the Zambian government has taken both legislative and administrative measures to promote and protect this right. Article 46 of the Constitution guarantees the right of all citizens to make political choices, to form political parties, to participate in the activities of political parties as well as to vote in elections for any legislative body established under the Constitution, and to do so in secret; and to stand for public office and, if elected, to hold office.
The Zambian government has made progress towards improving participation of persons with disabilities in political life as there are several Statutes that guarantee persons with disabilities these rights and which when fully implemented would enable persons with disabilities to overcome the limitations that hinder them from enjoying these rights.
Section 51 of the Persons with Disabilities Act provides for the right and opportunity for persons with disabilities to vote and be elected.
During the 2016 electro cycle persons with disabilities took an active role in voting procedures. Persons with disabilities were recruited by the Electoral Commission of Zambia as poll staff during the voter's registration exercise.
Persons with disabilities had representation in the Voters Education Committee and Conflict Management Committees. The Zambia Agency for Persons with Disabilities represented persons with disabilities in many stakeholders' consultative meetings.
Persons with Disabilities had representation in monitoring the printing of ballot papers in Dubai. On the other hand persons with disabilities were also represented in the verification of ballot papers in Chongwe District of Lusaka Province.
Braille Jackets were printed for Blind persons to exercise their right to vote and cast a vote secretly.
The Electoral Commission of Zambia placed temporal ramps in some polling stations, especially the urban areas to facilitate independent participation by persons with disabilities. The ECZ also selected polling stations that had accessibility ramps especially in schools.
During the period towards the 2016 general elections the ECZ provided voters education materials in Braille and written sign language. Sign language interpreters were also placed on the National Television. Pictorial easy to read voters education materials for persons with intellectual disabilities were also provided. Voter education materials were also provided in large print.
The Zambian Government actively involved persons with disabilities in the constitution making process from 2003 to 2016. The Zambian government appointed persons with disabilities to participate in the constitutional making process.
Furthermore, the Zambian government has appointed few persons with disabilities in strategic national positions such permanent secretaries and chief executives of public spending agencies and on the commissions.
Review the legal framework for the full realization of fundamental rights of individuals and groups of People with Disabilities, as provided for in international and regional principles for democratic elections. (Article .29 (a) CRPD: The equal right of persons with disabilities to 'effectively and fully participate in political life, including the right and opportunity for persons with disabilities to vote)
Repeal sec 9C of Electoral Process Act.
Follow up on the progress of the Electoral Commission Zambia (ECZ) and the Executive in general, in implementing the measures to achieve an inclusive electoral process as directed by the High Court judgment of 2011 in the Selah Brotherton v. ECZ.
Accord to the Electoral Commission of Zambia (ECZ) to implement all the required measures, progressively, before the 2021 general elections
Repeal the Mental Disorders Act of 1949 which discriminates People with Disabilities exercising their franchise and enact Mental Health Bill of 2016. (Petition to Parliament by ZAFOD ,FODEP and DRW)
There is need to strengthen the mechanisms to monitor the implementation of the CRPD in Zambia with regard to the participation to the political and public life
There is need to build the capacities of right-holders to claim their rights and those of the duty-bearers to meet their obligations in effectively promoting those rights.
← Workshop on UNCRPD Alternative Report
LEGAL CAPACITY →


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Sean Connery, Scottish Actor Who Played James Bond In Seven Movies Has Died
Posted byAngela Lloyd October 31, 2020 Posted inUncategorizedTags:Academy Awards, BBC, Dr No, James Bond, Sean Connery
Sean Connery, the highly decorated actor who rocketed to stardom for his iconic role as James Bond, has reportedly passed away, he was 90 years old.
The BBC reported that the Scottish actor's demise was confirmed by his family.
The report states he died overnight in his sleep while in the Bahamas, where he was known to be living in his final years.
Sean Connery was an international superstar, having earned an Academy Award, multiple Golden Globes, including the Cecil B DeMille and Henrietta Awards, as well as two British Academy Film Awards (BAFTA).
One of his most memorable roles was as the first actor to tackle the character of James Bond, beginning with 1962's 'Dr No'. His other memorable movies include 'The Untouchables', 'The Rock' and 'Murder on the Orient Express'.
In total, Sean Connery appeared in seven Bond films, 'Dr No', 'From Russia with Love', 'Goldfinger', 'Thunderball', 'You Only Live Twice', 'Diamonds are Forever' and 'Never Say Never Again'.
James Bond producers Michael G Wilson and Barbara Broccoli have released a statement via the James Bond official Twitter account, saying that they were devastated by the news of the passing of Sir Sean Connery.
They said that he was and shall always be remembered as the original James Bond whose memorable entrance into cinema history began when he announced those unforgettable words – "The name's Bond… James Bond".
He revolutionised the world with his gritty and witty portrayal of the seductive and charismatic secret agent and he was indeed largely responsible for the success of the film series and they said that they shall be eternally grateful to him.
Sean Connery's other movies included 'Indiana Jones and the Last Crusade', 'The Hunt for Red October', 'The Wind and the Lion' and 'The Man Who Would Be King', and while he was considered by many as one of the best to have ever portrayed the British secret spy, Sean Connery's other roles added to his list of awards, and his part in Brian de Palma's 'The Untouchables' in 1987 earned him a supporting actor Oscar.
In 1999, Sean Connery was picked as People magazine's Sexiest Man of the Century, and one year later, he was knighted by Queen Elizabeth II.
Born Thomas Sean Connery in Edinburgh, Scotland on August 15, 1930, he was the son of a factory worker and a domestic cleaner and according to the BBC, he was born in humble upbringings, in a one-room residence with a shared toilet and no hot water.
But this amazing actor will always be James Bond and he was loved by millions around the world and in my book, he will be the only James Bond regardless of who else plays the role.
And if there's anything that Sean Connery has taught us, it's that our honourable, loving and peaceful actions will save and heal the world, not our bitterness, weapons or worth and this is a devastating loss to all of us.
Entertainment will just not be the same without him and he will be missed very much and it's a sad day for the arts because he was a true performer and it's very sad to let him go, but he had an amazing and wonderful journey.
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Lydia Wilson as the Duchess at the Almeida Theatre
Photograph by Nadav Kander
Dec 14, 2020 | Podcast Episodes | 0 comments
Published 17th December
John Webster's 400-year old revenge tragedy, The Duchess of Malfi, has always had a reputation as a potboiler of a play. Although set in Italy, it depicts a world of courtly ambition, love and intrigue fuelled by the existential battle between the Devil and God, that audiences in England at the time of James 1 would certainly have recognised. It is a play notorious for its bloody plot, but it has also endured because of the poetry of its language and the indomitable character of its protagonist. There have been two recent revivals in London, one a dark and daringly modern production at the Almeida theatre this past year directed by Rebecca Fracknell, with Lydia Wilson in the title role, and a more traditional rendition in 2014 with Gemma Arterton as the Duchess, when the play was the first to open the Sam Wanamaker theatre, the Globe's evocative indoor space. Both of these two productions affirmed that the Duchess remains a powerful female paradigm in our patriarchal world.
I'm delighted to be joined in this episode by an expert on Elizabethan and Jacobean drama, Professor Emma Smith. Emma teaches Shakespeare at Hertford College, Oxford, and has written widely on Shakespeare and early modern drama. Her introduction to John Webster appeared in the program for the Almeida production of play, and she has published a fuller introduction to the play in the anthology Women on the Early Modern Stage.
Professor Emma Smith
Professor Emma Smith teaches Shakespeare at Hertford College, Oxford and has written widely on early modern drama, including The Cambridge Introduction to Shakespeare and The Cambridge Guide to Shakespeare, as well as editing a collection of Five Revenge Tragedies. Her most recent book This Is Shakespeare published by Penguin last year, was a Sunday Times bestseller. Her lectures on Shakespeare and his contemporaries are also available as podcasts from ox.ac.uk or on Apple podcasts.
Emma also often works with theatre companies, and her introduction to John Webster appeared in the program for Almeida production of The Duchess of Malfi. A fuller introduction to the play is published in the anthology Women on the Early Modern Stage, a New Mermaids publication from 2014.


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Orioles' Tanner Scott working on familiar task this spring: Cut down the walks, and good things happen
Mar 15, 2019 | 11:55 AM
| Sarasota, Fla.
Orioles left-hander Tanner Scott has heard the same message since he started pitching with his electric arm — throw strikes, and you'll be successful.
As the 25-year-old left-hander rolls into the last few weeks of spring training, that's being emphasized even more as the boom-or-bust nature of Scott's 2018 season carries into spring training.
"The first outing wasn't so good," Scott said. "I've thrown OK. Last outing, I had two walks, which you don't want to see, but it happens. So far, it's been good in ways, definitely."
Scott allowed four runs on four hits while retiring one batter in his first outing, owing to the fact that he was either far outside the zone or throwing the ball right over the plate, but bounced back with three scoreless frames where he combined to strike out two and allow one hit.
He issued his first walk of the spring on March 10 against the Tampa Bay Rays while allowing three runs on two hits in that wild 17-15 win, and then walked two with one hit allowed in a scoreless inning Wednesday against the Toronto Blue Jays.
If there's anything holding Scott, whose fastball sits in the mid-to-high 90s and has a wipeout slider at times, it's consistency in delivery that helps bring about that command of where his ball goes. Scott said that was the message early in camp from pitching coach Doug Brocail and bullpen coach John Wasdin.
"They're around when we catch, throw bullpens, playing in games, saying what you could have done in this situation, what to work on," Scott said. "It's been great. ... They like my stuff, and they wanted me to hone it in more in the strike zone, be confident with my stuff, compete with every pitch and go from there. My slider is good enough, my fastball is good enough. I just need to trust it and find a smaller zone."
Manager Brandon Hyde said as much after Scott pitched last.
"Nobody's trying to walk anybody," Hyde said. "Tanner has got unbelievable stuff, he's got lights-out, left-handed, back-end stuff. Now, it's just kind of honing in on command and being able to use your stuff effectively, being able to pitch a little bit unpredictable, but being aggressive in the strike zone. When he does that, he's lights out."
Scott said the message of throwing the strikes is one that any coach would give, but the difference now is some information and confidence that he can trust his stuff to not nibble at that speed.
"Just being more comfortable and trusting it in any situation," Scott said. "0-0, 1-0, 0-1, anything. Trust anything you've got. That's the big thing."
Wynns working his way back
Catcher Austin Wynns, who has been out over a week with an oblique injury, said his mindset is to be ready for Opening Day as he ramps up his swinging, but said it's "sucky" that he has to be patient with such a tricky injury and can't push it.
"It's not the greatest feeling, but it's just staying positive with this," Wynns said.
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"The goal is to be 100 percent — don't go in there like 80, 85. I'm trying to come back 100 percent."
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Crossover frequency configuration module, for use with the K231 Stereo 3-Way Active Crossover. The K231 comes standard with one or two of these XO Module pre-installed (for 2-way or 3-way operation). But some may want to experiment with different crossover frequencies. These extra modules will allow you to quickly and easily change the crossover frequency points on your K231.


Working out of methodical and algorithmic maintenance of thermal material tests and members in stands with gas-discharge radiation sources: the dissertation... A Cand.Tech.Sci.: 05.07.07 / Mo Tan; [a protection Place: Mosk. gos. tehn. Un y it. AD Bauman]. - Moscow, 2008. - 183 p.: silt.
Working out of a complex technique of acknowledging of conformity of demands to safety of systems of automatic landing of the airplane to norms of the flight validity: the dissertation... A Cand.Tech.Sci.: 05.07.07 / Kim Elena Girunovna; [a protection Place: Dews. gos. tehnol. Un y of K.E.Tsiolkovsky (MATI)]. - Moscow, 2008. - 161 p.: silt.


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Following a decade-long conflict that ended in 2006, protests and disagreements over the new constitution mean Nepal faces a challenging future. However, the prospect of a new form of federal governance that brings decision-making closer to communities has potential to contribute to supporting an open and accountable relationship between citizens, and their government, laying the groundwork for lasting peace.
Saferworld has been working in Nepal since 2009 on governance, public security and peacebuilding. With partners we engage with civil society and marginalised groups including women and young people to push the government to adopt policies and approaches that promote peace and gender equality. We also help ensure that people have access to inclusive and accountable security, and provide evidence of the links between gender, conflict and insecurity.
Gender, peace and security – we challenge approaches to gender that perpetuate violence and conflict, and we promote the inclusion of women.
Governance, security and peacebuilding – we promote inclusive, transparent and accountable governance.
Conflict-sensitive development – we work with communities to ensure that their concerns are heard and that development efforts do not cause harm or worsen tensions.


Experience the spectacular countryside surrounding Kathmandu, watch a spectacular sunrise over Mount Everest Range, explore ancient cities, temples and palaces in the Kathmandu Valley. Discover medieval town and get up an close look at Nepalese life.
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Photo Gallery: 2015/2016 Season
Speakeasy: A Musical Revue
"Joe sent me" is the password to slip into the Roxy's "speakeasy" for a musical revue which is a little naughty but could be a little nice. Featuring over two dozen popular tunes from the '20s, including "This Joint Is Jumpin'," "I Wish I Could Shimmy Like My Sister Kate," "Mean to Me," "It Don't Mean a Thing (If It Ain't Got That Swing)" and many more! Presented "on the terrazzo" in an intimate cabaret setting in our lobby.
Oliver!
Oliver Twist, Fagin, the Artful Dodger, Nancy and Bill Sikes create the perfect mix of comedy, song and dance. Based on Charles Dickens' "Oliver Twist" and complemented by Lionel Bart's timeless score, this musical has touched the hearts of millions. "Food, Glorious Food," "Consider Yourself," "Pick a Pocket or Two," "Who Will Buy?" and "As Long As He Needs Me" are just a few of the memorable numbers in this show perfect for the entire family.
Go, Dog. Go!
Big dogs and little dogs, blue dogs and red dogs, dogs in cars and dogs in trees explore movement, color and space. Celebrate imagination and join the party as P.D. Eastman's classic children's book comes to life onstage!
A love triangle gone wrong. A steamy and fun thriller with a razor's edge, this explosive rock musical sensation explores the complications of love, the compromises we make, and the betrayals that can ultimately undo us. Presented in theotherspace.
Unlock the secrets of the soul. Unleashing the dark forces within, idealistic young scientist Dr. Henry Jekyll creates a mixture he hopes will eliminate human evil. In doing so, he creates the hideous and murderous Mr. Hyde.
The Rocky Horror Show - 2015
That sweet transvestite and his motley crew are back for a limited engagement, so prepare to do the "Time Warp" like you have never done it before!
Smokey Joes Cafe
Rock 'n' roll to all your favorite hits of the '50s! Broadway's longest-running musical revue, this Tony Award-nominated and Grammy Award-winning salute to legendary songwriters Jerry Leiber and Mike Stoller features over three dozen of the greatest songs ever recorded during the golden age of American culture, including "Hound Dog," "Stand by Me," "Yakety Yak," "Jailhouse Rock," "Spanish Harlem," "On Broadway," "Kansas City," "Love Potion #9," "Fools Fall in Love" and many more!
30th Anniversary Season


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File #: 44132 Version: 1 Name: Amending the 2016 Capital Budget of Sewer Utility & Determining a Public Purpose & Necessity & adopting a Relocation Order for the acquisition of land interests required for the constr & maint of improvements for a public sanitary sewer serving the plat
File created: 8/18/2016 In control: BOARD OF PUBLIC WORKS
On agenda: 10/4/2016 Final action: 10/4/2016
Enactment date: 10/6/2016 Enactment #: RES-16-00757
Title: Amending the 2016 Capital Budget of Sewer Utility in the amount of $20,000 and Determining a Public Purpose and Necessity and adopting a Relocation Order for the acquisition of land interests required for the construction and maintenance of improvements for a public sanitary sewer serving the plat of Willows II and other future lands for development. Being part of Lot 2, CSM No. 6407 located in part of the NW ¼ of the NW ¼ of Section 21, T7N, R8E, in the Town of Middleton. (9th AD)
Sponsors: Paul E. Skidmore
Attachments: 1. Willows II San Ease Vicinity Map.pdf, 2. 2016-07-12 160163 RO.pdf, 3. 11009 Easement descriptions.pdf, 4. A McKenzie Registration.pdf
10/4/2016 1 COMMON COUNCIL Adopt Unanimously Pass Action details Meeting details Not available
9/21/2016 1 BOARD OF PUBLIC WORKS RECOMMEND TO COUNCIL TO ADOPT (15 VOTES REQUIRED) - REPORT OF OFFICER Pass Action details Meeting details Not available
9/19/2016 1 PLAN COMMISSION Return to Lead with the Recommendation for Approval Pass Action details Meeting details Not available
9/6/2016 1 BOARD OF PUBLIC WORKS Referred Action details Meeting details Not available
9/6/2016 1 COMMON COUNCIL Refer Pass Action details Meeting details Not available
8/18/2016 1 Engineering Division Referred for Introduction Action details Meeting details Not available
This resolution amends the Sewer Utility's adopted 2016 capital budget in the amount of $20,000 for easement acquisition for a required portion of public sanitary sewer required for Phase 3 of the Willows II project (MUNIS 11439). Real Estate acquisition costs are estimated at $20,000 for this project and the proposed amendment will provide for that acquisition. The funding source for these funds will be developer capital funding.
The City of Madison is to be reimbursed by the developer for all costs associated with this acquisition as set forth in Contract No. 7766.
MUNIS:
The Budget Amendment needed is as follows:
$20,000 11439-83-160
($20,000) 11439-83-805
Amending the 2016 Capital Budget of Sewer Utility in the amount of $20,000 and Determining a Public Purpose and Necessity and adopting a Relocation Order for the acquisition of land interests required for the construction and maintenance of improvements for a public sanitary sewer serving the plat of Willows II and other future lands for development. Being part of Lot 2, CSM No. 6407 located in part of the NW ¼ of the NW ¼ of Section 21, T7N, R8E, in the Town of Middleton. (9th AD)
WHEREAS, the City of Madison Common Council adopted Ordinance Number ORD-16-00003, File No. 40666, on January 5, 2016, approving the rezoning of a property located at 503 Schewe Road from Temp A (Temporary Agricultural) District to SR-C1 (Suburban Residential - Urban 1) District to allow the development of lands included in the proposed The Willows II subdivision plat; and,
WHEREAS, the City of Madison Common Council adopted Resolution Number RES-16-00038, File No. 40392, on January 5, 2016, conditionally approving the preliminary plat of The Willows II; and,
WHEREAS, the City of Madison Common Council adopted Resolution Number RES-16-00226, File No. 41543 on March 15, 2016, conditionally approving the final plat of The Willows II and said plat was subsequently recorded up...


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Cracks, chance and Japanese philosophy: An interview with Bosco Sodi
Lowenna Waters
I meet the artist Bosco Sodi at Blain|Southern Gallery, in London's leafy Hanover Square, on a bright and crisp spring morning. I've come to discuss his current – and first – solo show in the capital, 'Yūgen', which displays a range of his latest painting and sculpture. Originally from Mexico, but currently based in Brooklyn, he maintains studios across the world, including in Barcelona and Berlin, as well as the philanthropic foundation Casa Wabi in his native Mexico. 'Yūgen is a Japanese word,' he explains, when I ask about the title of the exhibition. 'It's a phrase to describe amazing and overpowering beauty – the profound mystery and temporality of the universe.' With a focus on natural materials, expressive and serendipitous creation, and vibrant pigments, from hot pink to azure blues, the blend of Japanese philosophy with the colours of Mexico is wildly apparent.
'Bosco Sodi: Yūgen' (2016), Installation View. Courtesy the artist and Blain|Southern; Photo: Peter Mallet
'With this exhibition, I wanted the viewer to feel like they'd entered a cave,' Sodi continues, in fast and accented English. 'We painted the walls deep purple because I wanted you to feel like you'd entered a mine with amazing stones and cracking walls.' The effect is enveloping, and strangely royal in its colour scheme. Around the walls are seven of his large-scale, abstract canvases, each in rich silver with blue-green glitter accentuating the deep crevices that mark their visage. Scattered across the main floor space are tens of glinting, precious-looking golden volcanic boulders. The scattering of stones is similar to the organised scheme of a Japanese Karesansui, or rock garden, which uses carefully placed stones to mimic a natural landscape.
I step closer to inspect the surface of one of his large-scale silver canvases. Sodi never names his works, so as not to influence the viewer's interpretation. I mention that its surface reminds me of the cracked, dry earth of an African savannah, and he nods. 'We are living in a time that, as a viewer, we feel stupid,' he muses. 'The art is so complicated and pretentious, and you have to wait for the master of the universe to unlock its meaning. I am the complete opposite of that. I take my kids very often to see shows, and I'm very honest with them. I say don't read the press release, if you like it you like it, if you don't you don't. I think art should be that way.'
Another driving force behind Sodi's work is the Japanese philosophical concept wabi-sabi, a teaching that embraces impermanence, accident and imperfection. In his practice, Sodi focuses on the process of creation, instead of the output, which is, for him, therapeutic, ritualistic and alchemical. 'Wabi-sabi is the philosophy upon which I base my whole work. It's about embracing the accident, embracing the non-control, embracing the passing of time and working with organic materials.' In order to achieve his sculptural, enveloping, textural colour, he travels frequently, finding pigments in places as far and wide as markets in India, to specialists in Japan. He then mixes the pigment with glue, sawdust, natural components such as the seeds of the Jacaranda tree from Mexico, and water, which he then applies to the canvas with his bare hands. 'My approach to painting takes about seven days, but as soon as I see the first crack I stop,' he explains.
The focus on process is also apparent in the 32 volcanic rock sculptures that litter the centre of the gallery floor. Ranging from huge, 800 kilogram boulders to tiny, fragmentary stones, each has been cast in a bright, shimmering 18-carat gold shell. 'I like to take the organic form that has been created by centuries and centuries of climate change, and to glaze it with gold, making it into an object of desire, a precious object. Each rock is like it's own universe,' he says. Every one has been lifted by hand from the Ceboruco volcano near Guadalajara in Mexico, encased in glaze, and fired for three days at 1,260 degrees, meaning very few survive. Sourcing the rocks is a strenuous physical activity. 'I take 10 guys with me to the volcano, and we choose a rock then pull it out with ropes. For the workers it's the best day – we drink beer and make fried chicken.' This joy in the process of creation is for Sodi the key aspect of the sculptures: 'They now know my taste, they are fully part of the process.'
Casa Wabi, Bosco Sodi's arts foundation, is located in Oaxaca, Mexico, and was designed by Japanese architect Tadao Ando
And, this approach, which fosters the beauty of serendipity and accident, is perhaps best summed up in Sodi's most impressive work of art to date – Casa Wabi foundation, a philanthropic complex in Mexico that acts as a community centre, supporting the locals, as well as a free space for artists to practice their work. Designed by Japanese architect Tadao Ando, it's full of Sodi's huge clay cube sculptures, and meshes the Japanese philosophy with the Mexican way of life. 'I think the only way to get things back on track is to embrace beauty, nature and friendship,' he says. 'For me it's about the process and research, and embracing the accident that comes from experimentation.'
'Bosco Sodi: YŪGEN' is at Blain|Southern Gallery, London, until 12 June. Click here for more information on the Casa Wabi Foundation.
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As the Wadsworth Atheneum reopens, Rachel Cohen considers the legacy of one of its greatest benefactors
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'If an artistic language is very complex, it can't be used to communicate.'