text:
Polter Power: Union striker bangs hat-trick as Kaiserslautern thumped
Monday Madness: Five-goal thriller in Köpenick
Mon, 25. September 2017
A five-star Union Berlin performance ended a run of five games without a win as bottom-placed Kaiserslautern were beaten at the Stadion An der Alten Försterei.
Sebastian Polter scored a hat trick under the lights in Köpenick, while Giuliano Modica and Marcel Correira contributed with own goals. The result capped off an impressive performance, one which was long coming after recent displays. Such was the frustration after the 1-0 loss in Sandhausen that Jens Keller rung six changes ahead of tonight's encounter.
Backed by a boisterous home support, Union set the tempo in the opening exchanges. Toni Leistner and Polter missed chances inside the first few minutes before the former Queens Park Rangers centre forward popped up to convert the cross from Kristian Pedersen. Despite Union's conviction in front of goal, Kaiserslautern's on-loan keeper Marius Müller turned in a sensational performance to keep the scoreline respectable.
Christopher Trimmel and Fabian Schönheim combined on 11 minutes as Modica turned the ball past his own keeper. Polter had his second of the night on 25 minutes, rounding the keeper after great work from Steven Skrzybski. Less than two minutes later, the Union striker stepped up to the penalty spot and saw his effort clawed out by Müller.
Nevertheless, the Kaiserslautern defence continued to hand over the keys to the Köpenick club as Correira scored past his own keeper with less than 15 minutes left in the first period. Unsurprisingly, Union's foot came off the boil, meaning the home supporters had to wait until the final quarter of an hour before the fifth added some shine to the performance. Marcel Hartel and Polter once again combined before the striker tucked home his third of the night.
"We played similarly to the last two home games and today we were rewarded for our efforts," said Keller in the post-match media briefing. "The situation was not easy after the game in Sandhausen. Despite the pressure, you have seen from the beginning what the team wanted and we are happy that we played a good game and won so clearly. Victory was important for our self-confidence, but we're already facing another tough away game in Aue."
Union Berlin will look to put together some momentum in the second division, when they head to Erzgebirge Aue on Saturday September 30. Given the ongoing renovations to the Sparkassen-Erzgebirgsstadion, the small number of tickets in the away block have all been sold.
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text:
1Collapse
2Recovery
3Regional evidence
3.1Evidence of destruction
3.1.1Anatolia
3.1.2Cyprus
3.1.3Syria
3.1.4Southern Levant
3.1.5Greece
3.2Areas that survived
3.2.1Mesopotamia
3.2.2Egypt
4Possible causes
4.1Environmental
4.1.1Volcanoes
4.1.2Drought
4.1.3Pandemic
4.2Cultural
4.2.1Ironworking
4.2.2Changes in warfare
4.3General systems collapse
Late Bronze Age collapse
End of several civilizations in the Late Bronze Age
↑ Chalcolithic
Africa, Near East (c. 3300–1200 BC)
Egypt, Anatolia, Caucasus, Elam, Levant, Mesopotamia, Sistan, Canaan
Indian subcontinent (c. 3300–1200 BC)
Indus Valley civilisation
Bronze Age India
Ochre Coloured Pottery
Cemetery H
Europe (c. 3200–600 BC)
Aegean (Cycladic, Minoan, Mycenaean), Caucasus, Catacomb culture, Srubnaya culture, Bell Beaker culture, Apennine culture, Terramare culture, Unetice culture, Tumulus culture, Urnfield culture, Proto-Villanovan culture, Hallstatt culture, Canegrate culture, Golasecca culture, Atlantic Bronze Age, Bronze Age Britain, Nordic Bronze Age
Eurasia and Siberia (c. 2700–700 BC)
Poltavka culture, Abashevo culture, Sintashta culture, Andronovo culture, Mezhovskaya culture, Cherkaskul culture
East Asia (c. 3100–300 BC)
Erlitou, Erligang, Gojoseon, Jomon, Majiayao, Mumun, Qijia, Siwa, Wucheng, Xindian, Yueshi, Xia dynasty, Shang dynasty, Sanxingdui, Zhou dynasty
arsenical bronze
↓Iron Age
Human history
Human Era
↑ Prehistory (Pleistocene epoch)
Neolithic – Contemporary
(10,000 BCE – Present)
Age of the human race
Recorded history (Common Era)
Earliest records
Protohistory
Proto-writing
History by period
Axial Age
Postclassical
Early modern (Renaissance)
Late modern (Industrial Revolution)
Contemporary (Digital Revolution)
Postmodernity
↓ Future
Invasions, destruction and possible population movements during the collapse of the Bronze Age, beginning c. 1200 BC.
The Late Bronze Age collapse was a time of widespread societal collapse during the 12th century BC, between c. 1200 and 1150. The collapse affected a large area of the Eastern Mediterranean (North Africa and Southeast Europe) and the Near East, in particular Egypt, eastern Libya, the Balkans, the Aegean, Anatolia, and the Caucasus. It was sudden, violent, and culturally disruptive for many Bronze Age civilizations, and it brought a sharp economic decline to regional powers, notably ushering in the Greek Dark Ages.
The palace economy of Mycenaean Greece, the Aegean region, and Anatolia that characterized the Late Bronze Age disintegrated, transforming into the small isolated village cultures of the Greek Dark Ages, which lasted from around 1100 to the beginning of the better-known Archaic age around 750 BC. The Hittite Empire of Anatolia and the Levant collapsed, while states such as the Middle Assyrian Empire in Mesopotamia and the New Kingdom of Egypt survived but were weakened. Conversely, some peoples such as the Phoenicians enjoyed increased autonomy and power with the waning military presence of Egypt and Assyria in the Eastern Mediterranean and Mesopotamia.
The reason why the arbitrary date 1200 BC acts as the beginning of the end of the Late Bronze Age goes back to one German historian, Arnold Hermann Ludwig Heeren. In one of his histories on ancient Greece from 1817, Heeren stated that the first period of Greek prehistory ended around 1200 BC, basing this date on the fall of Troy at 1190 after ten years of war. He then went on in 1826 to date the end of the Egyptian 19th Dynasty as well to around 1200 BC. Throughout the remainder of the 19th century A.D. other events were then subsumed into the year 1200 BC including the invasion of the Sea Peoples, the Dorian invasion, the fall of Mycenaean Greece, and eventually in 1896 the first mention of Israel in the southern Levant recorded on the Merneptah Stele.[1]
Competing theories of the cause of the Late Bronze Age collapse have been proposed since the 19th century. These include volcanic eruptions, droughts, disease, invasions by the Sea Peoples or migrations of the Dorians, economic disruptions due to increased ironworking, and changes in military technology and methods that brought the decline of chariot warfare. Following the collapse, gradual changes in metallurgic technology led to the subsequent Iron Age across Eurasia and Africa during the 1st millennium BC.
Collapse[edit]
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The half century between c. 1200 and 1150 BCE saw the cultural collapse of the Mycenaean kingdoms, the Kassites in Babylonia, the Hittite Empire in Anatolia and the Levant, and the New Kingdom of Egypt,[2] as well as the destruction of Ugarit and the Amorite states in the Levant, the fragmentation of the Luwian states of western Anatolia, and a period of chaos in Canaan.[3] The deterioration of these governments interrupted trade routes and led to severely reduced literacy in much of this area.[4]
In the first phase of this period, almost every city between Pylos and Gaza was violently destroyed, and many were abandoned, including Hattusa, Mycenae, and Ugarit.[5] According to Robert Drews, "Within a period of forty to fifty years at the end of the thirteenth and the beginning of the twelfth century, almost every significant city in the eastern Mediterranean world was destroyed, many of them never to be occupied again."[6]
Only a few powerful states survived the Bronze Age collapse, particularly Assyria (albeit temporarily weakened), the New Kingdom of Egypt (also weakened), the Phoenician city-states and Elam. Even among these comparative survivors, success was mixed. By the end of the 12th century, Elam waned after its defeat by Nebuchadnezzar I, who briefly revived Babylonian fortunes before suffering a series of defeats by the Assyrians. After the death of Ashur-bel-kala in 1056, Assyria declined for a century. Its empire shrank significantly by 1020 BCE, apparently leaving it in control only of the areas in its immediate vicinity, although its heartland remained well-defended. By the time of Wenamun, Phoenicia had regained independence from Egypt.
Robert Drews describes the collapse as "arguably the worst disaster in ancient history, even more calamitous than the collapse of the Western Roman Empire".[citation needed] Cultural memories of the disaster told of a "lost golden age".[citation needed] For example, Hesiod spoke of Ages of Gold, Silver, and Bronze, separated from the cruel modern Age of Iron by the Age of Heroes. Rodney Castleden suggests that memories of the Bronze Age collapse influenced Plato's story of Atlantis[23] in Timaeus and the Critias.
Various explanations for the collapse have been proposed, including climatic changes (such as drought or effects of volcanic eruptions), invasions by groups such as the Sea Peoples, effects of the spread of iron metallurgy, developments in military weapons and tactics, and a variety of failures of political, social and economic systems, but none has achieved consensus. More than one of these factors probably played a part.
Recovery[edit]
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Gradually, by the end of the ensuing Dark Age, remnants of the Hittites coalesced into small Syro-Hittite states in Cilicia and in the Levant, where the new states were composed of mixed Hittite and Aramean polities. Beginning in the mid-10th century BC, a series of small Aramean kingdoms formed in the Levant, and the Philistines settled in southern Canaan, where Canaanite speakers had coalesced into a number of polities such as Israel, Moab, Edom and Ammon.
Regional evidence[edit]
Evidence of destruction[edit]
Anatolia[edit]
Before the Bronze Age collapse, Anatolia (Asia Minor) was dominated by a number of peoples of varying ethno-linguistic origins, including: Semitic-speaking Assyrians and Amorites, Hurro-Urartian-speaking Hurrians, Kaskians and Hattians, and later-arriving Indo-European peoples such as the Luwians, Hittites, Mitanni, and Mycenaeans.
From the 16th century BC, the Mitanni, a migratory minority speaking an Indo-Aryan language, formed a ruling class over the Hurrians. Similarly, the Indo-European-speaking Hittites absorbed the Hattians,[7] a people speaking a language that may have been of the non-Indo-European North Caucasian languages or a language isolate.
Every Anatolian site, apart from integral Assyrian regions in the southeast and regions in eastern, central and southern Anatolia under the control of the powerful Middle Assyrian Empire (1392–1050) that was important during the preceding Late Bronze Age, shows a destruction layer and it appears that in these regions civilization did not recover to the level of the Assyrians and Hittites for another thousand years or so. The Hittites, already weakened by a series of military defeats and annexations of their territory by the Middle Assyrian Empire, which had already destroyed the Hurrian-Mitanni Empire, it was initially assumed that they then suffered a coup de grâce when Hattusa, the Hittite capital, was burned, probably by the Kaskians, long indigenous to the southern shores of the Black Sea, possibly aided by the incoming Indo-European-speaking Phrygians. However, Jürgen Seeher, the former lead excavator at Hattusa, has demonstrated that the city was not completely destroyed in a catastrophic assault.[8] He states that:
1) There is no burnt 'horizon', only a certain number of burnt ruins the date of whose destruction is not established; 2) for the most part these burnt ruins contained no finds, which suggests that they burnt down only after they had lost their function and had been emptied of artefacts; 3) the emptying was presumably carried out by inhabitants of the city – after all, an enemy that is attacking a city does not go to the trouble of emptying buildings virtually down to the last pot before torching them; 4) the only buildings to have burnt are official ones – temples, palace buildings – while the residential districts remained unscathed; this too argues against an assault from outside.[9]
Karaoğlan,[a] near present-day Ankara, was burned and the corpses left unburied.[11] Many other sites that were not destroyed were abandoned.[12] The Luwian city of Troy, famed site of the Trojan War, was destroyed at least twice in this period, before being abandoned until Roman times.
The Phrygians had arrived, probably through the Bosporus or over the Caucasus Mountains, in the 13th century,[13] before being first stopped by the Assyrians and then conquered by them in the Early Iron Age of the 12th century. Other groups of Indo-European peoples followed the Phrygians into the region, most prominently the Dorians and Lydians, and in the centuries after the period of Bronze Age Collapse, Cimmerians and the Iranian-speaking Scythians also appeared. Semitic-speaking Arameans and Kartvelian-speaking Colchians, and revived Hurrian polities, particularly Urartu, Nairi and Shupria, also emerged in parts of the region and Transcaucasia. The Assyrians continued their extant policies, conquering the new peoples and polities they came into contact with, as they had with the preceding polities of the region. However, Assyria gradually withdrew from much of the region for a time in the second half of the 11th century, although they continued to campaign militarily at times, in order to protect their borders and keep trade routes open, until a renewed vigorous period of expansion in the late 10th century.
These sites in Anatolia show evidence of the collapse:
Hattusa
Tarḫuntašša
Cyprus[edit]
During the reign of the Hittite king Tudḫaliya IV (reigned c. 1237–1209), the island was briefly invaded by the Hittites, either to secure the copper resource or as a way of preventing piracy. Shortly afterwards, the island was reconquered by his son Suppiluliuma II around 1200.[14]
There is little evidence of destruction on the island of Cyprus in the years surrounding 1200 which marks the separation between the Late Cypriot II (LCII) from the LCIII period.[15] The city of Kition is commonly cited as destroyed at the end of the LC IIC, but the excavator, Vassos Karageorghis, made it expressly clear that it was not destroyed stating, "At Kition, major rebuilding was carried out in both excavated Areas I and II, but there is no evidence of violent destruction; on the contrary, we observe a cultural continuity.[16]" Jesse Millek has demonstrated that while it is possible that the city of Enkomi was destroyed, the archaeological evidence is not clear. Of the two buildings dating to the end of the LC IIC excavated at Enkomi, both had limited evidence of burning and most rooms were without any kind of damage.[17] The same can be said for the site of Sinda as it is not clear if it was destroyed since only some ash was found but no other evidence that the city was destroyed like fallen walls or burnt rubble.[18] The only settlement on Cyprus that has clear evidence it was destroyed around 1200 was Maa Palaeokastro which was likely destroyed by some sort of attack[19] though the excavators were not sure who attacked it saying, "We might suggest that [the attackers] were 'pirates', 'adventurers' or remnants of the 'Sea Peoples', but this is simply another way of saying that we do not know."[20]
Several settlements on Cyprus were abandoned at the end of the LC IIC or during the first half of the 12th century without destruction such as Pyla Kokkinokremmos, Toumba tou Skourou, Alassa, and Maroni-Vournes.[15] In a trend which appears to go against much of the Eastern Mediterranean at this time, several areas of Cyprus, Kition and Paphos, appear to have flourished after 1200 during the LC IIIA rather than experiencing any sort of downturn.[15][21]
These sites in Cyprus show evidence of the collapse:
Palaeokastro
Kition
Enkomi
Syria[edit]
A map of the Bronze Age collapse
Ancient Syria had been initially dominated by a number of indigenous Semitic-speaking peoples. The East Semitic-speaking polities of Ebla and the Akkadian Empire and the Northwest Semitic-speaking Amorites ("Amurru") and the people of Ugarit were prominent among them.[22] Syria during this time was known as "The land of the Amurru".
Before and during the Bronze Age Collapse, Syria became a battleground between the Hittites, the Middle Assyrian Empire, the Mitanni and the New Kingdom of Egypt between the 15th and late 13th centuries BC, with the Assyrians destroying the Hurri-Mitanni empire and annexing much of the Hittite empire. The Egyptian empire had withdrawn from the region after failing to overcome the Hittites and being fearful of the ever-growing Assyrian might, leaving much of the region under Assyrian control until the late 11th century. Later the coastal regions came under attack from the Sea Peoples. During this period, from the 12th century, the incoming Northwest Semitic-speaking Arameans came to demographic prominence in Syria, the region outside of the Canaanite-speaking Phoenician coastal areas eventually came to speak Aramaic and the region came to be known as Aramea and Eber Nari.
The Babylonians belatedly attempted to gain a foothold in the region during their brief revival under Nebuchadnezzar I in the 12th century, but they too were overcome by their Assyrian neighbors. The modern term "Syria" is a later Indo-European corruption of "Assyria", which only became formally applied to the Levant during the Seleucid Empire (323–150 BC) (see Etymology of Syria).
Levantine sites previously showed evidence of trade links with Mesopotamia (Sumer, Akkad, Assyria and Babylonia), Anatolia (Hattia, Hurria, Luwia and later the Hittites), Egypt and the Aegean in the Late Bronze Age. Evidence at Ugarit shows that the destruction there occurred after the reign of Merneptah (r. 1213–1203) and even the fall of Chancellor Bay (d. 1192). The last Bronze Age king of Ugarit, Ammurapi, was a contemporary of the last-known Hittite king, Suppiluliuma II. The exact dates of his reign are unknown.
A letter by the king is preserved on one of the clay tablets found baked in the conflagration of the destruction of the city. Ammurapi stresses the seriousness of the crisis faced by many Levantine states due to attacks. In response to a plea for assistance from the king of Alasiya, Ammurapi highlights the desperate situation Ugarit faced in letter RS 18.147:
My father, behold, the enemy's ships came (here); my cities(?) were burned, and they did evil things in my country. Does not my father know that all my troops and chariots(?) are in the Land of Hatti, and all my ships are in the Land of Lukka?... Thus, the country is abandoned to itself. May my father know it: the seven ships of the enemy that came here inflicted much damage upon us.[23]
Eshuwara, the senior governor of Cyprus, responded in letter RS 20.18:
As for the matter concerning those enemies: (it was) the people from your country (and) your own ships (who) did this! And (it was) the people from your country (who) committed these transgression(s)...I am writing to inform you and protect you. Be aware![24]
The ruler of Carchemish sent troops to assist Ugarit, but Ugarit was sacked. Letter RS 19.011 (KTU 2.61)[25] sent from Ugarit following the destruction said:
To Ž(?)rdn, my lord, say: thy messenger arrived. The degraded one trembles, and the low one is torn to pieces. Our food in the threshing floors is sacked and the vineyards are also destroyed. Our city is sacked, and may you know it![26]
This quote is frequently interpreted as "the degraded one ..." referring to the army being humiliated, destroyed, or both.[24] The letter is also quoted with the final statement "Mayst thou know it"/"May you know it" repeated twice for effect in several later sources, while no such repetition appears to occur in the original.
The destruction levels of Ugarit contained Late Helladic IIIB ware, but no LH IIIC (see Mycenaean Greece). Therefore, the date of the destruction is important for the dating of the LH IIIC phase. Since an Egyptian sword bearing the name of Pharaoh Merneptah was found in the destruction levels, 1190 was taken as the date for the beginning of the LH IIIC. A cuneiform tablet found in 1986 shows that Ugarit was destroyed after the death of Merneptah. It is generally agreed that Ugarit had already been destroyed by the 8th year of Ramesses III, 1178. Letters on clay tablets that were baked in the conflagration caused by the destruction of the city speak of attack from the sea, and a letter from Alashiya (Cyprus) speaks of cities already being destroyed by attackers who came by sea.
There is clear evidence that Ugarit was destroyed in some kind of assault, though the exact assailant is not known. In one residential area called the Ville sud, thirty two arrowheads were found scattered throughout the area with 12 of the arrowheads were found on the streets and in the open spaces. Along with the arrowheads, two lance heads, four javelin heads, five bronze daggers, one bronze sword, and three bronze pieces of armor were scattered throughout the houses and streets suggesting a fight took place in this residential neighborhood. An additional twenty five arrowheads were also recovered scattered around the Centre de la ville all of which suggests the city was burnt by an assault not by an earthquake.[27] At the city of Emar, on the Euphrates, at some time between 1187–1175 only the monumental and religious structures were targeted for destruction while the houses appear to have been emptied, abandoned and were not destroyed with the monumental structures which suggests that the city was burned by attackers even though no weapons were recovered.[28]
While certain cities such as Ugarit and Emar were destroyed at the end of the Late Bronze Age, there are several others which were not destroyed even though they erroneously appear on most maps of destruction from the end of the Late Bronze Age. No evidence of destruction has been found at Hama, Qatna, Kadesh, Alalakh, and Aleppo, while for Tell Sukas, archaeologists only found some minor burning on some floors likely indicating that the town was not burned to the ground around 1200 BC.[29]
The West Semitic Arameans eventually superseded the earlier Amorites and people of Ugarit. The Arameans, together with the Phoenicians and the Syro-Hittite states came to dominate most of the region demographically; however, these people, and the Levant in general, were also conquered and dominated politically and militarily by the Middle Assyrian Empire until Assyria's withdrawal in the late 11th century, although the Assyrians continued to conduct military campaigns in the region. However, with the rise of the Neo-Assyrian Empire in the late 10th century, the entire region once again fell to Assyria.
These sites in Syria show evidence of the collapse:
Tell Sukas
Kadesh
Qatna
Alalakh
Southern Levant[edit]
Egyptian evidence shows that from the reign of Horemheb (ruled either 1319 or 1306 to 1292), wandering Shasu were more problematic than the earlier Apiru. Ramesses II (r. 1279–1213) campaigned against them, pursuing them as far as Moab, where he established a fortress, after a near defeat at the Battle of Kadesh. During the reign of Merneptah, the Shasu threatened the "Way of Horus" north from Gaza. Evidence shows that Deir Alla (Succoth) was destroyed, likely by an earthquake, after the reign of Queen Twosret (r. 1191–1189) though the date of this destruction appears to be much later dating to roughly 1150.[30]
There is little evidence that any major city or settlement in the southern Levant was destroyed around 1200.[31] At Lachish, The Fosse Temple III was ritually terminated while a house in Area S appears to have burned in a house fire as the most severe evidence of burning was next to two ovens while no other part of the city had evidence of burning. After this though the city was rebuilt in a grander fashion than before.[32] For Megiddo, most parts of the city did not have any signs of damage and it is only possible that the palace in Area AA might have been destroyed though this is not certain.[31] While the monumental structures at Hazor were indeed destroyed, this destruction was in the mid-13th century long before the end of the Late Bronze Age began.[33] However, many sites were not burned to the ground around 1200 including: Ashkelon, Ashdod, Tell es-Safi, Tel Batash, Tel Burna, Tel Dor, Tel Gerisa, Tell Jemmeh, Khirbet Rabud, Tel Zeror, and Tell Abu Hawam among others.[34][31][30][35]
During the reign of Ramesses III, Philistines were allowed to resettle the coastal strip from Gaza to Joppa, Denyen (possibly the tribe of Dan in the Bible, or more likely the people of Adana, also known as Danuna, part of the Hittite Empire) settled from Joppa to Acre, and Tjekker in Acre. The sites quickly achieved independence, as the Tale of Wenamun shows.
Despite many theories which claim that trade relations broke down after 1200 in the southern Levant, there is ample evidence that trade with other regions continued after the end of the Late Bronze Age in the Southern Levant. Archaeologist Jesse Millek has shown that while the common assuption is that trade in Cypriot and Mycenaean pottery ended around 1200, trade in Cypriot pottery actually largely came to an end at 1300, while for Mycenaean pottery, this trade ended at 1250, and destruction around 1200 could not have affected either pattern of international trade since it ended before the end of the Late Bronze Age.[36][37] He has also demonstrated that trade with Egypt continued after 1200.[38] Archaeometallurgical studies performed by various teams have also shown that trade in tin, a non-local metal necessary to make bronze, did not stop or decrease after 1200,[39][40] even though the closest source of the metal were modern Afghanistan, Kazakhstan, or perhaps even Cornwall, England. Lead from Sardinia was still being imported to the southern Levant after 1200 during the early Iron Age.[41]
These sites in the Southern Levant show evidence of the collapse:
Hazor
Deir 'Alla (Sukkot)
Beth Shemesh
Lachish
Ashkelon
Greece[edit]
Main article: Greek Dark Ages
Destruction was heaviest at palaces and fortified sites, and none of the Mycenaean palaces of the Late Bronze Age survived (with the possible exception of the Cyclopean fortifications on the Acropolis of Athens). Thebes was one of the earliest examples of this, having its palace sacked repeatedly between 1300 and 1200 and eventually completely destroyed by fire. The extent of this destruction is highlighted by Robert Drews, who reasons that the destruction was such that Thebes did not resume a significant position in Greece until at least the late 12th century.[42] Many other sites offer less conclusive causes; for example it is unclear what happened at Athens, although it is clear that the settlement saw a significant decline during the Bronze Age Collapse. While there is no evidence of remnants of a destroyed palace or central structure, a change in location of living quarters and burial sites demonstrates a significant recession.[43] Furthermore, the increase in fortification at this site suggests much fear of the decline in Athens. Vincent Desborough asserts that this is evidence of later migrations away from the city in reaction to its initial decline, although a significant population did remain.[44] It remains possible that this emigration from Athens was not flight from violence. Nancy Demand posits that environmental changes could have played an important role in the collapse of Athens. In particular Demand notes the presence of "enclosed and protected means of access to water sources at Athens" as evidence of persistent droughts in the region that could have resulted in a fragile reliance on imports.[45]
View of the Megaron of the palace at Tiryns, one of the many Greek palaces destroyed during the Bronze Age Collapse.
Up to 90% of small sites in the Peloponnese were abandoned, suggesting a major depopulation.[citation needed] Again, as with many of the sites of destruction in Greece, it is unclear how a lot of this destruction came about. The city of Mycenae for example was initially destroyed in an earthquake in 1250 as evidenced by the presence of crushed bodies buried in collapsed buildings.[45] However, the site was rebuilt only to face destruction in 1190 as the result of a series of major fires. There is a suggestion by Robert Drews that the fires could have been the result of an attack on the site and its palace; however, Eric Cline points out the lack of archaeological evidence for an attack.[46][47] Thus, while fire was definitely the cause of the destruction, it is unclear what or who caused it. A similar situation occurred Tiryns in 1200 BC, when an earthquake destroyed much of the city including its palace. It is likely however that the city continued to be inhabited for some time following the earthquake. As a result, there is a general agreement that earthquakes did not permanently destroy Mycenae or Tiryns because, as is highlighted by Guy Middleton, "Physical destruction then cannot fully explain the collapse".[48] Drews points out that there was continued occupation at these sites, accompanied by attempts to rebuild, demonstrating the continuation of Tiryns as a settlement.[43] Demand suggests instead that the cause could again be environmental, particularly the lack of homegrown food and the important role of palaces in managing and storing food imports, implying that their destruction only stood to exacerbate the more crucial factor of food shortage.[45] The importance of trade as a factor is supported by Spyros Iakovidis, who points out the lack of evidence for violent or sudden decline in Mycenae.[49]
Pylos offers some more clues to its destruction, as the intensive and extensive destruction by fire around 1180 reflects the violent destruction of the city.[50] There is some evidence of Pylos expecting a seaborne attack, with tablets at Pylos discussing "Watchers guarding the coast".[51] Eric Cline rebuts the idea that this is evidence of an attack by Sea People, pointing out that the tablet does not say what is being watched for or why. Cline does not see naval attacks as playing a role in Pylos's decline.[50] Demand, however, argues that, regardless of what the threat from the sea was, it likely played a role in the decline, at least in hindering trade and perhaps vital food imports.[52]
The Bronze Age collapse marked the start of what has been called the Greek Dark Ages, which lasted roughly 400 years and ended with the establishment of Archaic Greece. Other cities, such as Athens, continued to be occupied, but with a more local sphere of influence, limited evidence of trade and an impoverished culture, from which it took centuries to recover.[citation needed]
These sites in Greece show evidence of the collapse:[citation needed]
Teichos Dymaion (el)
Nichoria
Menelaion
Mycenae
Lefkandi
Iolkos[53]
Areas that survived[edit]
Mesopotamia[edit]
The Middle Assyrian Empire (1392–1056) had destroyed the Hurrian-Mitanni Empire, annexed much of the Hittite Empire and eclipsed the Egyptian Empire.[citation needed] At the beginning of the Late Bronze Age collapse, it controlled an empire stretching from the Caucasus mountains in the north to the Arabian peninsula in the south, and from Ancient Iran in the east to Cyprus in the west.[citation needed] However, in the 12th century, Assyrian satrapies in Anatolia came under attack from the Mushki (who may have been Phrygians) and those in the Levant from Arameans, but Tiglath-Pileser I (reigned 1114–1076 BC) was able to defeat and repel these attacks, conquering the attackers. The Middle Assyrian Empire survived intact throughout much of this period, with Assyria dominating and often ruling Babylonia directly,[citation needed] and controlling southeastern and southwestern Anatolia, northwestern Iran and much of northern and central Syria and Canaan, as far as the Mediterranean and Cyprus.[54]
The Arameans and Phrygians were subjugated, and Assyria and its colonies were not threatened by the Sea Peoples who had ravaged Egypt and much of the East Mediterranean, and the Assyrians often conquered as far as Phoenicia and the East Mediterranean. However, after the death of Ashur-bel-kala in 1056, Assyria withdrew to areas close to its natural borders, encompassing what is today northern Iraq, northeastern Syria, the fringes of northwestern Iran, and southeastern Turkey. It still retained a stable monarchy, the best army in the world, and an efficient civil administration, enabling it to survive the Bronze Age Collapse intact. Assyrian written records remained numerous and the most consistent in the world during the period, and the Assyrians were still able to mount long range military campaigns in all directions when necessary. From the late 10th century, Assyria once more asserted itself internationally, and the Neo-Assyrian Empire grew to be the largest the world had yet seen.[54]
The situation in Babylonia was very different. After the Assyrian withdrawal, it was still subject to periodic Assyrian (and Elamite) subjugation, and new groups of Semitic speakers such as the Arameans and Suteans (and in the period after the Bronze Age Collapse, Chaldeans also) spread unchecked into Babylonia from the Levant, and the power of its weak kings barely extended beyond the city limits of Babylon. Babylon was sacked by the Elamites under Shutruk-Nahhunte (c. 1185–1155), and lost control of the Diyala River valley to Assyria.
While it survived the Bronze Age collapse, the Egyptian Empire of the New Kingdom era receded considerably in territorial and economic strength during the mid-twelfth century (during the reign of Ramesses VI, 1145 to 1137). Previously, the Merneptah Stele (c. 1200) spoke of attacks (Libyan War) from Putrians (from modern Libya), with associated people of Ekwesh, Shekelesh, Lukka, Shardana and Teresh (possibly Troas), and a Canaanite revolt, in the cities of Ashkelon, Yenoam and among the people of Israel. A second attack (Battle of the Delta and Battle of Djahy) during the reign of Ramesses III (1186–1155) involved Peleset, Tjeker, Shardana and Denyen.
The Nubian War, the First Libyan War, the Northern War and the Second Libyan War were all victories for Ramesses. Due to this, however, the economy of Egypt fell into decline and state treasuries were nearly bankrupt. By defeating the Sea People, Libyans, and Nubians, the territory around Egypt was safe during the collapse of the Bronze Age, but military campaigns in Asia depleted the economy. With his victory over the Sea People, Ramesses III stated, "My sword is great and mighty like that of Montu. No land can stand fast before my arms. I am a king rejoicing in slaughter. My reign is calmed in peace." With this claim, Ramesses implied that his reign was safe in the wake of the Bronze Age collapse.[55]
Egypt's withdrawal from the southern Levant was a protracted process lasting some one hundred years and was most likely a product of the political turmoil in Egypt proper. Many Egyptian garrisons or sites with an "Egyptian governor's residence" in the southern Levant were abandoned without destruction including Dier el-Balah, Ashkelon, Tel Mor, Tell el-Far'ah (South), Tel Gerisa, Tell Jemmeh, Tel Masos, and Qubur el-Walaydah.[35] Not all Egyptian sites in the southern Levant were abandoned without destruction. The Egyptian garrison at Aphek was destroyed, likely in an act of warfare at the end of the 13th century.[56] The Egyptian gate complex uncovered at Jaffa was destroyed at the end of the 12th century between 1134-1115 based on C14 dates,[57] while Beth-Shean was partially though not completely destroyed, possibly by an earthquake, in the mid-12th century.[35]
Possible causes[edit]
Various theories have been put forward as possible contributors to the collapse, many of them mutually compatible.
Environmental[edit]
Volcanoes[edit]
Some Egyptologists have dated the Hekla 3 volcanic eruption in Iceland to 1159 BC and blamed it for famines under Ramesses III during the wider Bronze Age collapse.[58] The event is thought to have caused a volcanic winter.
Other estimated dates for the Hekla 3 eruption range from 1021 (±130)[59] to 1135 BC (±130)[59] and 929 (±34).[60][61] Other scholars prefer the neutral and vague "3000 BP".[62]
Drought[edit]
During what may have been the driest era of the Late Bronze Age, tree cover of the Mediterranean forest dwindled. Primary sources report that the era was marked by large-scale migration of people at the end of the Late Bronze Age.
In the Dead Sea region (The Southern Levant), the subsurface water level dropped by more than 50 meters during the end of the second millennium B.C.E. According to the geography of that region, for water levels to drop so drastically the amount of rain the surrounding mountains received would have been dismal.[63]
Drought in the Nile Valley also may have contributed to the rise of the Sea Peoples and their sudden migration across the eastern Mediterranean. It was suspected that crop failures, famine and the population reduction that resulted from the lackluster flow of the Nile and the migration of the Sea Peoples led to New Kingdom Egypt falling into political instability at the end of the Late Bronze Age and well into the Iron Age.[citation needed]
Using the Palmer Drought Index for 35 Greek, Turkish and Middle Eastern weather stations, it was shown that a drought of the kind that persisted from January 1972 AD would have affected all of the sites associated with the Late Bronze Age collapse.[64] Drought could have easily precipitated or hastened socioeconomic problems and led to wars.[citation needed]
In 2012 it was suggested that the diversion of midwinter storms from the Atlantic to north of the Pyrenees and the Alps, bringing wetter conditions to Central Europe but drought to the Eastern Mediterranean, was associated with the Late Bronze Age collapse.[48] Analysis of multiple lines of paleoenvironmental evidence suggests climate change was one aspect associated with this period, but not the sole cause.[65]
Pandemic[edit]
Recent evidence suggests the collapse of the cultures in Mycenaean Greece, Hittite Anatolia, and the Levant may have been precipitated or worsened by the arrival of an early and now-extinct strain of the Bubonic Plague that was brought from central Asia by the Sea Peoples or other migrating groups.[66]
Cultural[edit]
Ironworking[edit]
The Bronze Age collapse may be seen in the context of a technological history that saw the slow spread of ironworking technology from present-day Bulgaria and Romania in the 13th and the 12th centuries BC.[67]
Leonard R. Palmer suggested that iron, which is superior to bronze for weapons manufacturing, was in more plentiful supply and so allowed larger armies of iron users to overwhelm the smaller bronze-equipped armies that consisted largely of Maryannu chariotry.[68]
Changes in warfare[edit]
Robert Drews argues[69] for the appearance of massed infantry, using newly developed weapons and armour, such as cast rather than forged spearheads and long swords, a revolutionizing cut-and-thrust weapon,[70] and javelins. The appearance of bronze foundries suggests "that mass production of bronze artefacts was suddenly important in the Aegean". For example, Homer uses "spears" as a metonym for "warriors".
Such new weaponry, in the hands of large numbers of "running skirmishers", who could swarm and cut down a chariot army, would destabilize states that were based upon the use of chariots by the ruling class. That would precipitate an abrupt social collapse as raiders began to conquer, loot and burn cities.[53][71]
General systems collapse[edit]
A general systems collapse has been put forward as an explanation for the reversals in culture that occurred between the Urnfield culture of the 13th and 12th centuries BC and the rise of the Celtic Hallstatt culture in the 9th and 10th centuries BC.[72] General systems collapse theory, pioneered by Joseph Tainter,[73] proposes that societal collapse results from an increase in social complexity beyond a sustainable level, leading people to revert to simpler ways of life.
In the specific context of the Middle East, a variety of factors – including population growth, soil degradation, drought, cast bronze weapon and iron production technologies – could have combined to push the relative price of weaponry (compared to arable land) to a level unsustainable for traditional warrior aristocracies. In complex societies that were increasingly fragile and less resilient, the combination of factors may have contributed to the collapse.
The growing complexity and specialization of the Late Bronze Age political, economic, and social organization, in Carol Thomas and Craig Conant's phrase,[74] together made the organization of civilization too intricate to reestablish piecewise when disrupted. That could explain why the collapse was so widespread and rendered the Bronze Age civilizations incapable of recovery. The critical flaws of the Late Bronze Age are its centralization, specialization, complexity, and top-heavy political structure. These flaws then were exposed by sociopolitical events (revolt of peasantry and defection of mercenaries), fragility of all kingdoms (Mycenaean, Hittite, Ugaritic, and Egyptian), demographic crises (overpopulation), and wars between states. Other factors that could have placed increasing pressure on the fragile kingdoms include piracy by the Sea Peoples interrupting maritime trade, as well as drought, crop failure, famine, or the Dorian migration or invasion.[75]
Asia portal
Greek Dark Ages – period following the Late Bronze Age collapse
Iron Age Cold Epoch
Middle Bronze Age migrations (ancient Near East)
Migration Period – similar period preceding the Early Middle Ages
Mycenology
Third Intermediate Period of Egypt – a similar period in Egypt
Late Harappan period, Indo-Aryan migrations – events and periods connected to the end of the Bronze Age in India
^ The name Karaoğlan is Turkish; the original Hittite name is unknown.[10]
^ Millek, Jesse (2021). "Why Did the World End in 1200 BCE". Ancient Near East Today. 9 (8).
^ For Syria, see M. Liverani, "The collapse of the Near Eastern regional system at the end of the Bronze Age: the case of Syria" in Centre and Periphery in the Ancient World, M. Rowlands, M.T. Larsen, K. Kristiansen, eds. (Cambridge University Press) 1987.
^ S. Richard, "Archaeological sources for the history of Palestine: The Early Bronze Age: The rise and collapse of urbanism", The Biblical Archaeologist (1987)
^ Crawford, Russ (2006). "Chronology". In Stanton, Andrea; Ramsay, Edward; Seybolt, Peter J; Elliott, Carolyn (eds.). Cultural Sociology of the Middle East, Asia, and Africa: An Encyclopedia. Sage. p. xxix. ISBN 978-1412981767.
^ The physical destruction of palaces and cities is the subject of Robert Drews's The End of the Bronze Age: changes in warfare and the catastrophe ca. 1200 B.C., 1993.
^ Drews 1993, p. 4.
^ Gurnet, Otto, (1982), The Hittites (Penguin) pp. 119–130.
^ Seeher, Jürgen (2001). "Die Zerstörung der Stadt Hattusa, in: G. Wilhelm (Hrsg.), Akten des IV. Internationalen Kongresses für Hethitologie. Studien zu den Boğazköy-Texten 45 (Wiesbaden 2001) 623-634". Akten des IV. Internationalen Kongresses für Hethitologie. Studien zu den Boğazköy-Texten 45.
^ Seeher, Jürgen (2010). "After the Empire: Observations on the Early Iron Age in Central Anatolia, in: I. Singer (ed.), ipamati kistamati pari tumatimis. Luwian and Hittite Studies presented to J. David Hawkins on the Occasion of his 70th Birthday (Tel Aviv 2010) 220-229". Ipamati Kistamati Pari Tumatimis. Luwian and Hittite Studies Presented to J. David Hawkins on the Occasion of His 70th Birthday: 221.
^ Robbins, p. 170
^ Drews, Robert (1995). The End of the Bronze Age: Changes in Warfare and the Catastrophe Ca. 1200 B.C. Princeton University Press. p. 8. ISBN 978-0691025919.
^ Manuel Robbins (2001). Collapse of the Bronze Age: The Story of Greece, Troy, Israel, Egypt, and the Peoples of the Sea. iUniverse. p. 170. ISBN 978-0595136643.
^ Bryce, Trevor. The Kingdom of the Hittites. (Clarendon), p. 379
^ Bryce, Trevor. The Kingdom of the Hittites (Clarendon), p. 366.
^ a b c Georgiou, Artemis (2017). "Flourishing amidst a "Crisis": the regional history of the Paphos polity during the transition from the 13th to the 12th centuries BCE. in Fischer, P. and Burge. T. (eds.), "Sea Peoples" Up-to-Date New Research on Transformations in the Eastern Mediterranean in the 13 th –11 th Centuries BCE. 207-228". {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
^ Karageorghis, Vassos (1992). The Crisis Years: Cyprus. In: W. A. Ward and M. S. Joukowsky (eds.), The Crisis Years: The 12th Century B.C. From Beyond the Danube to the Tigris, (Dubuque: Kendall/Hunt Pub): 79-86. p. 80. ISBN 9780840371485.
^ Millek 2021a, pp. 74–77.
^ Millek 2021a, p. 76.
^ Karageorghis, Vassos (1988). Excavations at Maa-Palaeokastro 1979-1986. Cyprus Dept. of Antiquities. p. 266. ISBN 9963-36-409-8. OCLC 19842786.
^ Iacovou, Maria (2008). "Cultural and Political Configurations in Iron Age Cyprus: The Sequel to a Protohistoric Episode". American Journal of Archaeology. 112 (4): 625–657. doi:10.3764/aja.112.4.625. ISSN 0002-9114. JSTOR 20627513. S2CID 55793645.
^ Woodard, Roger D. (2008). The Ancient Languages of Syria-Palestine and Arabia. Cambridge University Press. p. 5. ISBN 978-1139469340.
^ Jean Nougaryol et al. (1968) Ugaritica V: 87–90 no. 24
^ a b Cline 2014, p. 151.
^ Dietrich, M.; Loretz, O.; Sanmartín, J. "Archival view of P521115". Cuneiform Digital Library Initiative. Retrieved 2 March 2021.
^ Astour, Michael C. (1965). "New Evidence on the Last Days of Ugarit". American Journal of Archaeology. 69 (3): 258. doi:10.2307/502290. JSTOR 502290. Retrieved 2 March 2021.
^ Millek, Jesse (2020). "Our city is sacked. May you know it!; The Destruction of Ugarit and its Environs by the Sea Peoples. Archaeology and History of Lebanon 52-53: 102-132". Archaeology and History of Lebanon. 52–53: 105–108.
^ Millek 2019b, pp. 167–169.
^ Millek 2019b.
^ a b Millek, Jesse (2019). "Crisis, Destruction, and the End of the Late Bronze Age in Jordan: A Preliminary Survey. ZDPV 135.2: 119-142". ZDPV. 135 (2): 127–129.
^ a b c Millek, Jesse (2018). "Just how much was destroyed? The end of the Late Bronze Age in the Southern Levant. Ugarit-Forschungen 49: 239-274". Ugarit-Forschungen.
^ Millek, Jesse (2017). Sea Peoples, Philistines, and the Destruction of Cities: A Critical Examination of Destruction Layers 'Caused' by the 'Sea Peoples'. in Fischer, P. and T. Burge (eds.), "Sea Peoples" Up-to-Date: New Research on Transformation in the Eastern Mediterranean in 13th-11th Centuries BCE (1 ed.). Austrian Academy of Sciences Press. pp. 127–128. ISBN 978-3-7001-7963-4. JSTOR j.ctt1v2xvsn.
^ Ben-Tor, Amnon; Zuckerman, Sharon (2008). "Hazor at the End of the Late Bronze Age: Back to Basics". Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research. 350 (350): 1–6. doi:10.1086/BASOR25609263. ISSN 0003-097X. JSTOR 25609263. S2CID 163208536.
^ Millek 2019a, pp. 147–188.
^ a b c Millek, Jesse Michael (2018). "Destruction and the Fall of Egyptian Hegemony Over the Southern Levant". Journal of Ancient Egyptian Interconnections. 19: 11–15. ISSN 1944-2815.
^ Millek, Jesse Michael (2022). "The impact of destruction on trade at the end of the Late Bronze Age in the Southern Levant". In Hagemeyer, Felix (ed.). Jerusalem and the Coastal Plain in the Iron Age and Persian Periods New Studies on Jerusalem's Relations with the Southern Coastal Plain of Israel/Palestine (C. 1200–300 BCE) Research on Israel and Aram in Biblical Times IV. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck. pp. 39–60. ISBN 978-3-16-160692-2.
^ Yahalom-Mack, Naama (2014). "New Insights to Levantine Copper Trade: Analysis of Ingots from the Bronze and Iron Ages in Israel". Journal of Archaeological Science. 45: 159–177. doi:10.1016/j.jas.2014.02.004.
^ Ashkenazi, D.; Bunimovitz, S.; Stern, A. (2016). "Archaeometallurgical Investigation of Thirteenth-Twelfth Centuries BCE Bronze Objects from Tel Beth-Shemesh, Israel". Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports. 6: 170–181. doi:10.1016/j.jasrep.2016.02.006.
^ Yagel, Omri; Ben-Yosef, Erez (2022). "Lead in the Levant during the Late Bronze and early Iron Ages". Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports. 46: 103649. doi:10.1016/j.jasrep.2022.103649. ISSN 2352-409X.
^ Drews 1993, p. 22.
^ a b Drews 1993, p. 25.
^ Desborough, Vincent R. d'A (1964). The last Mycenaeans and their successors; an archaeological survey, c. 1200–c. 1000 B.C. Oxford: Clarendon Press. p. 113.
^ a b c Demand, Nancy H. (2011). The Mediterranean context of early Greek history. Chichester, UK: Wiley-Blackwell. p. 198. ISBN 9781444342338. OCLC 823737347.
^ Cline 2014, p. 130.
^ a b Middleton, Guy D. (September 2012). "Nothing Lasts Forever: Environmental Discourses on the Collapse of Past Societies". Journal of Archaeological Research. 20 (3): 257–307. doi:10.1007/s10814-011-9054-1. ISSN 1059-0161. S2CID 144866495.
^ Ventris, Michael. (1959). Documents in Mycenaean Greek : three hundred selected tablets from Knossos, Plyos, and Mycenae with commentary and vocabulary. University Press. p. 189. OCLC 70408199.
^ Demand, Nancy H. (2011). The Mediterranean context of early Greek history. Chichester, UK: Wiley-Blackwell. p. 199. ISBN 9781444342338. OCLC 823737347.
^ a b Drews 1993.
^ a b Georges Roux, Ancient Iraq
^ "SAOC 12. Historical Records of Ramses III: The Texts in Medinet Habu Volumes 1 and 2 | The Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago". oi.uchicago.edu. Retrieved 4 May 2019.
^ Millek, Jesse (2017). Sea Peoples, Philistines, and the Destruction of Cities: A Critical Examination of Destruction Layers 'Caused' by the 'Sea Peoples'. In Fischer, P. And T.Burge (eds.), "Sea Peoples" Up-to-Date: New Research on Transformation in the Eastern Mediterranean in 13th-11th Centuries BCE. 113-140 (1 ed.). Austrian Academy of Sciences Press. pp. 120–122. ISBN 978-3-7001-7963-4. JSTOR j.ctt1v2xvsn.
^ "Burke et al. 2017 Excavations of the New Kingdom Fortress in Jaffa, 2011–2014: Traces of Resistance to Egyptian Rule in Canaan | American Journal of Archaeology: 85–133". www.ajaonline.org. January 2017. Retrieved 3 November 2022.
^ Yurco, Frank J. (1999). "End of the Late Bronze Age and Other Crisis Periods: A Volcanic Cause". In Teeter, Emily; Larson John (eds.). Gold of Praise: Studies on Ancient Egypt in Honor of Edward F. Wente. Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization. Vol. 58. Chicago, IL: Oriental Institute of the Univ. of Chicago. pp. 456–458. ISBN 1-885923-09-0.
^ a b Baker, Andy; et al. (1995). "The Hekla 3 volcanic eruption recorded in a Scottish speleothem?". The Holocene. 5 (3): 336–342. Bibcode:1995Holoc...5..336B. doi:10.1177/095968369500500309. S2CID 130396931.
^ Dugmore AJ, Cook GT, Shore JS, Newton AT, Edwards KJ, Larsen G (1995). "Radiocarbon Dating Tephra Layers in Britain and Iceland". Radiocarbon. 37 (2): 379–388. doi:10.1017/S003382220003085X.
^ Late Holocene solifluction history reconstructed using tephrochronology, Martin P. Kirkbride & Andrew J. Dugmore, Geological Society, London, Special Publications; 2005; v. 242; p. 145-155.
^ Towards a Holocene Tephrochronology for Sweden Archived 7 April 2009 at the Wayback Machine, Stefan WastegÅrd, XVI INQUA Congress, Paper No. 41-13, Saturday, July 26, 2003.
^ a. Bernard Knapp; Sturt w. Manning (2016). "Crisis in Context: The End of the Late Bronze Age in the Eastern Mediterranean". American Journal of Archaeology. 120: 99–149. doi:10.3764/aja.120.1.0099. S2CID 191385013.
^ Weiss, Harvey (June 1982). "The decline of Late Bronze Age civilization as a possible response to climatic change". Climatic Change. 4 (2): 173–198. doi:10.1007/BF00140587. S2CID 154059624.
^ Hazell, Calian J; Pound, Matthew J; Hocking, Emma P (23 April 2022). "High-resolution Bronze Age palaeoenvironmental change in the eastern Mediterranean: exploring the links between climate and societies". Palynology. 46 (4): 2067259. doi:10.1080/01916122.2022.2067259. S2CID 252971820.
^ Neumann, Gunnar; Skourtanioti, Eirini; Burri, Marta (25 July 2022). "Ancient Yersinia pestis and Salmonella enterica genomes from Bronze Age Crete". Current Biology. 32 (16): 3641–3649.e8. doi:10.1016/j.cub.2022.06.094. PMID 35882233. S2CID 251044525.
^ See A. Stoia and the other essays in M.L. Stig Sørensen and R. Thomas, eds., The Bronze Age: Iron Age Transition in Europe (Oxford) 1989, and T.H. Wertime and J.D. Muhly, The Coming of the Age of Iron (New Haven) 1980.
^ Palmer, Leonard R (1962). Mycenaeans and Minoans: Aegean Prehistory in the Light of the Linear B Tablets. New York, Alfred A. Knopf
^ Drews 1993, pp. 192ff.
^ Drews 1993, p. 194.
^ McGoodwin, Michael. "Drews (Robert) End of Bronze Age Summary". mcgoodwin.net.
^ http://www.iol.ie/~edmo/linktoprehistory.html History of Castlemagner, on the web page of the local historical society. Archived 16 April 2009 at the Wayback Machine
^ Tainter, Joseph (1976). The Collapse of Complex Societies (Cambridge University Press).
^ Thomas, Carol G.; Conant, Craig. (1999) Citadel to City-state: The Transformation of Greece, 1200–700 B.C.E.,
^ Cline 2014.
Cline, Eric H. (2014). 1177 B.C. : the Year Civilization Collapsed. Princeton: Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-14089-6.
Drews, Robert (1993). The End of the Bronze Age : Changes in Warfare and the Catastrophe ca. 1200 B.C. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-04811-6.
Millek, Jesse Michael (2019a). Exchange, Destruction, and a Transitioning Society. Interregional Exchange in the Southern Levant from the Late Bronze Age to the Iron I. Tübingen: Tübingen University Press. ISBN 978-3-947251-11-7.
Millek, Jesse Michael (2019b). "Destruction at the end of the Late Bronze Age in Syria: A reassessment". Studia Eblaitica. 5: 157–190. ISBN 978-3-447-11300-7.
Millek, Jesse Michael (2021a). "Just what did they destroy? The Sea Peoples and the end of the Late Bronze Age". In Kamlah, J.; Lichtenberger, A. (eds.). The Mediterranean Sea and the Southern Levant: archaeological and historical perspectives from the Bronze Age to Medieval times. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag. pp. 59–98. ISBN 978-3-447-11742-5.
Fischer, Peter M. and Teresa Bürge, 2017. "Sea Peoples" Up-To-Date : New Research on Transformations in the Eastern Mediterranean in the 13th-11th Centuries Bce. Wien: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2307/j.ctt1v2xvsn.
Killebrew Ann E. and Gunnar Lehmann, 2013. The Philistines and Other "Sea Peoples" in Text and Archaeology. Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature.
Bachhuber, Christoph R. and Gareth Roberts, 2009. Forces of Transformation : The End of the Bronze Age in the Mediterranean : Proceedings of an International Symposium Held at St. John's College University of Oxford 25-6th March 2006 Paperback ed. Oxford: Oxbow Books.
Dickinson, Oliver (2007). The Aegean from Bronze Age to Iron Age: Continuity and Change Between the Twelfth and Eighth Centuries BC. Routledge. ISBN 978-0415135900.
Oren, Eliezer D. 2000. The Sea Peoples and Their World : A Reassessment. Philadelphia: University Museum.
Ward, William A. and Martha Sharp Joukowsky, 1992. The Crisis Years : The 12th Century B.c. : From Beyond the Danube to the Tigris. Dubuque Iowa: Kendall/Hunt Pub.
Ancient History at Curlie
NPR Throughline podcast: The Aftermath of Collapse: Bronze Age Edition (2021)
Timeline of Mesopotamia
Northwestern Mesopotamia Northern Mesopotamia Southern Mesopotamia
c. 3500–2350 BCE
Semitic nomads Sumerian city-states
Akkadian Empire
Gutians
Third Dynasty of Ur
Mari and other Amorite city-states Old Assyrian period Isin/Larsa and other Amorite city-states
Old Hittite Kingdom Old Babylonian Empire (Southern Akkadians)
Mitanni (Hurrians) Karduniaš (Kassites)
Middle Hittite Kingdom Middle Assyria
Bronze Age Collapse ("Sea Peoples") Arameans
c. 1150–911 BCE
Phoenicia Neo-Hittite
city-states Aram-
Damascus Arameans Middle Babylonia Chal-
911–729 BCE
Neo-Babylonian Empire (Chaldeans)
Achaemenid Empire
Macedonian Empire (Ancient Greeks and Macedonians)
Seleucid Empire
129–63 BCE
Seleucid Empire Parthian Empire
63 BCE–243 CE
Roman Empire/Byzantine Empire (Syria)
Sassanid Empire
Timeline of the Ancient Near East
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Late_Bronze_Age_collapse&oldid=1136140425"
Bronze Age Asia
12th century BC
Indo-European history
Prehistoric Asia
Volcanic winters
Pages using the EasyTimeline extension
Articles needing additional references from August 2021
Articles with unsourced statements from July 2022
Articles with unsourced statements from January 2018
Articles with unsourced statements from February 2021
Articles with Curlie links

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Effect of Type 2 Diabetes Mellitus on Clinical and Radiological Presentation and Drug Resistance in Pulmonary Tuberculosis
Sukriti Arora, MBBS Student,
Bharti Chogtu, Department of Pharmacology,
Rahul Magazine, Department of Pulmonary Medicine,
Kasturba Medical College, Manipal, Manipal University, Karnataka 576104, India.
Dr. Rahul Magazine,
Department of Pulmonary Medicine,
Kasturba Medical College, Manipal,
Manipal University,
Karnataka - 576104, India.
E-mail: rahulmagazine@gmail.com
Arora S, Chogtu B, Magazine R. Effect Of Type 2 Diabetes Mellitus on Clinical and Radiological Presentation and Drug Resistance in Pulmonary Tuberculosis. Online J Health Allied Scs. 2016;15(3):5. Available at URL: http://www.ojhas.org/issue59/2016-3-5.html
Submitted: Aug 4, 2016; Accepted: Oct 7, 2016; Published: Oct 25, 2016
Abstract: Studies suggest that tuberculosis (TB) patients with diabetes mellitus (DM) present atypically. This study was done to assess symptoms, radiological findings and multidrug resistance in TB patients with or without diabetes. A prospective study on 100 TB patients was carried out in a tertiary care hospital. The clinical presentation of patients in two groups did not vary. Bilateral and lower lobe involvement was seen more in diabetics. Lung cavitation and multidrug resistance was predominant in non-diabetics. Though clinical presentations remain the same, radiological findings vary in diabetics. This information can help in better understanding and thereby better treatment outcomes in patients with TB and DM.
Key Words: Tuberculosis, diabetes mellitus, radiological findings
Diabetes Mellitus (DM) and tuberculosis (TB) represent a critical intersection between communicable and non-communicable diseases in developing countries. Studies examining the incidence of TB show that patients with DM have 1.5 times higher risk of developing TB than the non-diabetic ones.[1] A systematic review of 13 studies suggested that diabetic patients had about a 3-fold risk of developing TB when compared to those without diabetes.[2] The association between these two diseases may become even more important, as the prevalence of diabetes is on rise.[3]
Two factors responsible for treatment failure in TB with DM are chronic hyperglycemia disabling the immunity to mycobacterial TB [4] and suboptimal plasma levels of antitubercular drugs in diabetics as compared to non-diabetics.[5] Evidence concerning radiological appearances in TB patient groups with and without concurrent DM is conflicting. Some studies suggest that TB patients with DM are more likely to present with atypical images [6] whereas others suggest there are no differences in the radiological findings.[7] Diabetes cause changes in the clinical manifestations of TB, often exacerbating them. Effects of DM on the treatment and outcomes of TB infection show varied results.[8] An association between DM and multi-drug resistant TB (MDR-TB) has been shown in some studies [9], while others suggest that there exists no association.[10] Since the nature of relationship between DM and TB has been evaluated but not fully understood, the study assessed the clinical presentation, chest X-Ray findings and multi-drug resistance in TB patients with and without DM.
A prospective study was performed in diagnosed cases of pulmonary TB with or without concurrent diabetes mellitus in a tertiary care hospital in South India after approval from the Institutional ethics committee. The patients were enrolled as per the inclusion criteria and a written informed consent was taken. Patients of tuberculosis of both sexes aged over 12 years with or without diabetes were included in the study. The investigator visited the pulmonary medicine wards and recorded the baseline investigations-like hemoglobin, ESR and sputum status of patients diagnosed with pulmonary TB. The presenting symptoms, radiological findings, and presence or absence of MDR tuberculosis in TB patients without DM was compared with those with concurrent DM.
A total of 100 patients with pulmonary tuberculosis were included in the study. The following results were obtained:
1. Socio-demographic Parameters: The patients were in the age group of 16-89 years. Of these, patients in the age group of 41-60 years constituted 47% of the study population. The number of male patients (67%) was almost double that of females (33%). Most of the patients were agriculturists(39), 7 were drivers and of the 33 females, 27 were homemakers.
2. Baseline Investigations: 56% of the patients had hemoglobin less than 12g%. 89% of the patients had high ESR values. Deranged renal function tests were noted in 19% of the patients.A high proportion (~50%) of the patients was found to have abnormal liver function tests. The random blood glucose of diabetics and non-diabetics is shown in Fig 1. WBC count was increased in 60% of patients.
Fig 1: Random Blood Sugar levels of patients
3. Treatment category: Out of the 44 patients with concurrent diabetes, 32 were on Category I DOTS, 8 on Catgory II and 4 were prescribed MDR TB treatment (Fig. 2). Out of the 56 non-diabetic patients , 31 were on Category I, 15 on Category II and 10 on treatment for MDR-TB (Fig.3)
Fig 2: Treatment Plan: Diabetics (N = 44)
Fig 3: Treatment Plan: Non-Diabetics (N = 56)
4. Clinical Features: Presenting symptoms of diabetics and non diabetics with pulmonary tuberculosis is shown in the following Figures 4,5.
Fig 4: Presenting Symptoms: Diabetics (N = 44)
Fig 5: Presenting Symptoms: Non-Diabetics (N = 56)
LOA/LOW=loss of appetite/loss of weight
5. Radiological Findings:
Bilateral lung involvement was seen more in diabetics as compared to non-diabetics (Figure 6)
Fig 6: Involvement of Lungs
Fig 7: Lobar Involvement
Lobar Involvement: Lower lobe involvement was more in diabetics as shown in Figure 7
Lung Cavitation: Lung cavitation was more in nondiabetics as compared to diabetics as shown in Figure 8
Fig 8: Lung Cavitation
Co-morbidity with TB and DM is associated with deterioration in both the conditions. It is therefore important that poor glycemic control in patients suffering from chronic infectious diseases like TB be taken care of. Also TB, a chronic infection, can be associated with reactionary hyperglycemia secondary to increased production of counter-regulatory stress hormones like epinephrine, glucagon, cortisol, and growth hormone that act synergistically.[11] DM alters the clinical presentation of TB and its outcomes like delayed sputum conversion, treatment failure and increased mortality.[12] DM increases the risk of TB, and on the other hand affects anti-tubercular treatment adversely.[13] Increased blood glucose levels also decrease the mobility, adhesion, and bactericidal phagocytosis of white blood cells.[14] DM by suppressing immunity decreases ability to produce immunoglobulin and lymphocyte transformation for immune protection thereby impairing the function of T cells, B cells, and antibodies.[15] TB patients with DM have a higher risk of death when compared to TB without DM.[13]
This prospective study was performed to assess the clinical and radiological manifestations and drug resistance in a total of 100 diagnosed cases of Pulmonary TB with and without co-existent Type 2 Diabetes Mellitus, number of patients in each group being 44 and 56 respectively. The sputum status of 96 of these patients was positive for acid-fast bacilli whereas the bacilli were demonstrated in the bronchial lavage fluid of 4 patients.
Patients were in the age group of 16-89 years. Those in the age group of 41-60 years comprised 47% of the study population. Also, 26 patients belonged to the age group of 20-40 years, indicating that a large proportion of the working population is affected by the disease. This results in loss of productive days directly due to the disease. Of the patients, 67% were males, most of them agriculturists and daily wage workers. This is in consistence with the fact that overcrowded houses and poor ventilation increase both the likelihood of exposure to tubercular bacilli and progression to disease.
The baseline investigations showed that 56% of the patients had hemoglobin levels less than 12 gm%. Anemia was observed in 32-94% of patients with tuberculosis.[16] Malnutrition is severe in patients of tuberculosis with anemia as compared to those without anemia.[17] Most of them (89%) had raised ESR. These findings reassert that active TB is mostly associated with very high ESR values (>100 mm/hr) as stated in a study conducted in South Africa.[18]
The treatment group of Category I includes the newly diagnosed sputum smear positive or sputum smear negative pulmonary TB patients. Cases of sputum positive relapse, sputum positive failure or re-treatment after default are included in category II. Patients in whom the tubercular isolates are multiply resistant to isoniazid and rifampicin, the most powerful first line anti-TB drugs are labeled as MDR-TB patients. It was observed in our scenario that most of the diabetic patients (73%) were receiving Cat I DOTS, 18% on Cat II and there were 4 cases of MDR TB. Of the non-diabetics, 55% were receiving Cat I DOTS, Cat II was being given to 27% and 10 were multi-drug resistant. A study conducted in Saudi Arabia proposed that pulmonary TB-DM patients had a lower prevalence of resistance to any anti-tubercular drug (6.4% vs. 16.0%).[8] A study done in Texas and Mexico on the contrary found that type 2 diabetes mellitus patients with TB were more prone to drug resistance.[19] Sputum smear-positive PTB is more common in TB patients with DM [20], while no difference in type of TB at diagnosis has also been reported.[21] In sputum smear conversion at 2 months, no significant differences among sputum smear-positive TB patients with and without DM was noted and there was no difference in the rates of treatment success between the two groups.[22] So authors are of the opinion that presence of DM does not adversely affect the outcomes in TB.
The presentation of TB in diabetic subjects may not always be different as they manifest themselves with the common symptoms in diabetic subjects as in any other individual without DM. In agreement with this statement, patients from both groups presented with similar symptoms; fever with cough being the commonest symptom. 26 out of the 44 diabetic patients manifested dry cough whereas 13 had cough with expectoration. This was comparable with the non-diabetic group in which the number of patients presenting with dry cough and cough with expectoration was 33 and 12 respectively. Loss of weight and loss of appetite was seen more frequently in the non-diabetic patients (33.9% vs 22.7% ). A possible explanation of this finding may be that obesity and weight gain are important determinants of insulin resistance.
A study done in Thailand including 227 patients with TB proclaimed that significantly higher proportion of TB patients with DM presented with anorexia and haemoptysis whereas cough was predominant in patients without DM.[23] In another study, no significant difference between symptoms was seen between patients of TB with or without diabetes.[24] In the present study, 46.4% of the non-diabetic patients had isolated left lung lesions in contrast to only 29.5% of those with concurrent diabetes. Bilateral lung involvement was seen in 22 diabetic and 17 non-diabetic patients. Lower lobe involvement was more in diabetics as compared to non-diabetics which has been reported in other studies.[25] Isolated lower lung field TB was seen in 6.2% of patients and the proportion of patients with isolated lower lung field TB was higher among diabetes (11%) in comparison to non-diabetic patients(5.3%).[26] Diabetes-related opacities in lower lung field was seen predominantly in younger patients.[27] Tight glycemic control might reduce diabetes-related radiographic change in lower lung field.[27]
Cavitary lesions were found in 8 non-diabetic and only 2 diabetic subjects. As lung cavities are associated with higher bacterial burden in sputum, TB patients with DM contribute in spread of TB. Reports regarding higher bacillary burden in patients with diabetes is conflicting.[28] In a retrospective case controlled study, comparing the radiological appearances of tuberculosis in 100 diabetics with controls, it was revealed that cavitation occurred less frequently in diabetics as compared to controls.[29] In patients with bilateral lung involvement, lesions were worse on the left in the diabetics (27% versus 15% in controls.[29]
Of total 318 newly diagnosed patients with TB it was found that patients with TB-DM had more cavitation, higher smear grade and more multidrug-resistant TB. However, the treatment outcome was similar in the two groups.[30] In a study of 192 patients, diabetics with TB had more severe infections, higher mycobacterial loads, higher treatment failure rates and longer delayed clearance of mycobacteria than TB patients without diabetes. After one year, three patients from diabetes group and one TB patient had MDR-TB. Mycobacterial strains were not significantly different in the two groups.[31]
Evidence for an association between DM and TB affecting both disease rates and outcomes is growing. People with DM may be important targets for interventions such as active case finding and treatment of latent TB. In people with TB it may be appropriate to actively screen for hyperglycemia. An optimal glycemic control results in a better patient outcome; therefore vigorous efforts should be made to achieve such control. Authors have suggested that all confirmed TB patients be systematically screened for diabetes, and that all diabetic patients be screened for TB when symptomatic.[32] It is conceivable that without active intervention the burgeoning diabetes epidemic will adversely impact TB control in India. A better understanding of the differences in clinical and radiological manifestations would help in managing TB with concomitant diabetes in a rational way and lead to better treatment outcomes.
Authors acknowledge Indian Council of Medical research for its support
The authors declare that there exists no conflict of interest in the making of this paper.
Dobler CC, Flack JR, Marks GB. Risk of tuberculosis among people with diabetes mellitus : an Australian nationwide cohort study. BMJ Open. 2012;2(1):e000666
Jeon CY, Murray MB. Diabetes mellitus increases the risk of active tuberculosis: a systematic review of 13 observational studies. PLoS Med. 2008;5:e152. doi: 10.1371/journal.pmed.0050152.
Hossain P, Kawar B, El Nahas M. Obesity and diabetes in the developing world - a growing challenge. N Engl J Med. 2007;356:213-215
Koziel H, Koziel MJ. Pulmonary complications of diabetes mellitus. Pneumonia Infect Dis Clin North Am. 1995;9(1):65-96.
Requena-Mendez A, Davies G, Ardrey A et al. Pharmacokinetics of rifampin in Peruvian tuberculosis patients with and without comorbid diabetes or HIV. Antimicrob Agents Chemother. 2012;56(5):2357-63
Wang CS, Yang CJ, Chen HCet al. Impact of type 2 diabetes on manifestations and treatment outcome of pulmonary tuberculosis. Epidemiol Infect 2009;137: 203-10.
Nissapatorn V, Kuppusamy I, Jamaiah I, Fong MY, Rohela M, Anuar AK . Tuberculosis in diabetic patients: a clinical perspective. Southeast Asian J Trop Med Public Health 2005;36(Suppl 4):213-20
Singla R, Khan N, Al-Sharif N, Ai-Sayegh MO, Shaikh MA, Osman MM. Influence of diabetes on manifestations and treatment outcome of pulmonary TB patients. Int J Tuberc Lung Dis 2006;10:74-9
Fisher-Hoch SP, Whitney E, McCormick JB et al. Type 2 diabetes and multidrug-resistant tuberculosis. Scand J Infect Dis 2008;40:888-93
Subhash HS, Ashwin I, Mukundan U et al. Drug resistant tuberculosis in diabetes mellitus: a retrospective study from south India. Trop Doct 2003;33:154-6
Van-Cromphaut S, Vanhorebeek I, Van-den-Berghe G. Glucose metabolism and insulin resistance in sepsis. Curr Pharm Des. 2008;14:1887-99.
Stevenson CR, Forouhi NG, Roglic G et al. Diabetes and tuberculosis: The impact of the diabetes epidemic on tuberculosis incidence. BMC Public Health. 2007;7:234.
Baker MA, Harries AD, Jeon CY et al. The impact of diabetes on tuberculosis treatment outcomes: a systematic review. BMC Med. 2011;9:81
Jason J, Archibald LK, Nwanyanwu OC et al. Vitamin A levels and immunity in humans. Clin Diagn Lab Immunol. 2002;9(3):616-6219
Alcorn T, Ouyang Y. Diabetes saps health and wealth from China's rise. Lancet. 2012;379(9833):2227-2228.
Isanaka S, Mugusi F, Urassa W et al. Iron deficiency and anemia predict mortality in patients with tuberculosis. J Nutr. 2012;142(2):350-57.
Sahiratmadja E, Wieringa FT, van Crevel R et al. Iron deficiency and NRAMP1 polymorphisms (INT4, D543N and 3'UTR) do not contribute to severity of anaemia in tuberculosis in the Indonesian population. Br J Nutr. 2007;98(4):684-690
Upke IS, Southern L. Erythrocyte sedimentation rate values in active tuberculosis with and without HIV co- infection. SAMJ 2006;96:427-8
Fisher-Hoch SP, Whitney E, McCormick JB et al. Type 2 diabetes and multi-drug resistant tuberculosis. Scand J Infect Dis. 2008;40(11-12):888-893
Khanna A, Lohya S, Sharath B, Harries A. Characteristics and treatment response in patients with tuberculosis and diabetes mellitus in New Delhi, India. International Journal of Tuberculosis and Lung Disease. 2013;3:S48-S50.
Alladin B, Mack S, Singh A et al. Tuberculosis and diabetes in Guyana. Int J Infect Dis. 2011;15:e818-e821
Prasad P, Gounder S, Varman S, Viney K. Sputum smear conversion and treatment outcomes for tuberculosis patients with and without diabetes in Fiji. Public Health Action. 2014;4(3):159-163
Duangrithi D, Thanachartwet V, Desakorn V et al. Impact of diabetes mellitus on clinical parameters and treatment outcomes of newly diagnosed pulmonary tuberculosis patients in Thailand. Int J Clin Pract. 2013;67(11):1199-209.
Faurholt-Jepsen D, Range N, PrayGod G et al. The role of diabetes on the clinical manifestations of pulmonary tuberculosis. Trop Med Int Health. 2012;17:877-83.
Perez-Guzmán C, Torres-Cruz A, Villareal-Velarde H, Salazar-Lezama M A, Vargas M H. Atypical radiological images or pulmonary tuberculosis in 192 diabetic patients: a comparative study. Int J Tuberc Lung Dis 2001;5:455-461.
Aktogu S, Yorgancioglu A, Cirak K, Kose T, Dereli S M. Clinical spectrum of pulmonary and pleural tuberculosis: a report of 5,480 cases. Eur Respir J 1996;9:2031-2035
Chiang CY, Lee JJ, Chien ST, Enarson DA, Chang YC, Chen YT. Glycemic control and radiographic manifestations of tuberculosis in diabetic patients. PLoS One. 2014 Apr 3;9(4):e93397. doi: 10.1371/journal.pone.0093397.
Restrepo B, Fisher-Hoch S, Smith B, Jeon S, Rahbar MH, McCormick J. Mycobacterial clearance from sputum is delayed during the first phase of treatment in patients with diabetes. Am J Trop Med Hyg. 2008;79:541-4.
Toure NO, Dia Kane Y, Diatta A et al Tuberculosis and diabetes. Rev Mal Respir. 2007;24(7):869-75)
Magee MJ, Kempker RR, Kipiani M et al Diabetes mellitus is associated with cavities, smear grade, and multidrug-resistant tuberculosis in Georgia. Int J Tuberc Lung Dis. 2015 Jun;19(6):685-92.
Chang JT, Dou HY, Yen CL et al. Effect of type 2 diabetes mellitus on the clinical severity and treatment outcome in patients with pulmonary tuberculosis: a potential role in the emergence of multidrug-resistance. J Formos Med Assoc. 2011;110(6):372-81.
Sullivan T, Ben Amor Y. The co-management of tuberculosis and diabetes: challenges and opportunities in the developing world. PLoS Med. 2012;9(7):e1001269.


text:
Rogue DNS detector
================

These scripts provide detection for a rogue DNS tactic utilized by Hurricane Panda. You can read more about this tactic on the CrowdStrike blog: http://blog.crowdstrike.com/storm-chasing/

Detection of this tactic relies heavily on having a list of common, known-good domains. To fill this need, these scripts use  the top 500 global domains as reported by Alexa (alexa.com/topsites). One script (static/detect-rogue-dns.bro) includes a static list of domains gathered from Alexa and can be deployed with no other dependencies. The other script (dynamic/detect-rogue-dns.bro) depends on a Python script (dynamic/scrape-alexa.py) that automates the collection of Alexa domains; this Python script should be scheduled to run regularly (daily, weekly, etc) so that the list of domains is kept up-to-date and the output file (alexa_domains.txt) should be pushed to network sensors along with the Bro script. Aside from the operation of collecting domains, both scripts are identical and contain the same detection capabilities.

Installation
---
* Clone the bro-scripts folder to the local Bro site folder
```
cd .../share/bro/site/
git clone --recursive https://github.com/CrowdStrike/NetworkDetection.git
```
* Add one of the two scripts to the local.bro file
```
@load bro-scripts/adversaries/hurricane-panda/rogue-dns/dynamic/detect-rogue-dns.bro
@load bro-scripts/adversaries/hurricane-panda/rogue-dns/static/detect-rogue-dns.bro
```
* If dynamic/detect-rogue-dns is deployed...
* Add scrape-alexa.py as cron job
```
0 0 * * * /usr/bin/python .../scrape-alexa.py
```
* Edit scrape-alexa.py output file location as needed
```
f = open('your/cool/new/file/location/alexa_domains.txt','w')
```
* Redefine alexa_file location in local.bro as needed
```
@load bro-scripts/adversaries/hurricane-panda/rogue-dns/static/detect-rogue-dns.bro
redef CrowdStrike::Hurricane_Panda::alexa_file = "your/cool/new/file/location/alexa_domains.txt";
```

Author
---
```
Josh Liburdi
@jshlbrd
josh.liburdi@crowdstrike.com
```

References
---
http://blog.crowdstrike.com/storm-chasing/

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


Welcome to our City. Unique opportunities are available for regional retail, commercial, travel and tourist destination development to be located in the largest and fastest growing City in South Monterey County. Opportunities include Yanks Air Museum at the northern entrance to Greenfield (tourism), the Walnut Avenue Regional Retail Center at the city's mid-point (regional retail), and Pinnacles Plaza at the southern entrance to Greenfield (traveler services).
Each development center will have its own unique focus and development orientation, all while serving regional needs, populations, tourists and travelers along the heavily traveled U.S. Highway 101. These centers, each at a major entrance to Greenfield, will be complementary, not competitive. Together, these centers provide economic and development opportunities you will find nowhere else along the Central Coast of California.
Whether your business focus is on tourism, retail, or traveler services, Greenfield can be your new home. Opportunities are limited only by your imagination. View photos and descriptions of opportunity sites and other features that make Greenfield a great place to start a business.
Greenfield is centered in one of the most productive agricultural areas in the world. Known as the "Salad Bowl of the World," 80% of the lettuce grown in the United States is from the Salinas Valley and over $2 billion worth of fruits and vegetables are shipped annually across the United States and abroad. The area around Greenfield is also the heart of Monterey County's premier wine grape growing region due to favorable soils and climate with over twenty vineyards and wineries within a thirty mile radius. Vineyards, wineries, and wine tasting rooms continue to expand throughout the region.
Greenfield presents a number of unparalleled attributes and retail, tourism, and traveler opportunities that are not available in any of the other South County communities. It is these attributes and opportunities that set Greenfield apart from the other communities.
Greenfield is the most populous city in the southern Salinas Valley, and prior to the 2008 recession was the fastest growing city in Monterey County and the fourth fastest growing city in California. Greenfield has small town charm and a sense of community, affordable prices for land and housing, a growing population of professional and skilled workers, and a variety of nearby outdoor recreational opportunities.
The development of Pinnacles Plaza at the south entrance to Greenfield presents an opportunity that exists nowhere else in Monterey County - the combination of highway commercial and industrial uses that serve a diverse economic and traveling public sector. It will include a major travel and fueling center for thousands of daily travelers and truckers along U.S. Highway 101 and will include lodging, restaurants, and highway traveler retail facilities. This will be the premier, and only, comprehensive travel center along the Central Coast, from the San Francisco Bay area to southern California.
The South County region has a total population of more than 60,000 residents. The nearest regional shopping experiences are in Salinas - 38 miles to the north, Monterey - 52 miles to the northwest, and Paso Robles - 65 miles to the south. Greenfield is the mid-point between these regional shopping magnets.
Each of the new retail, traveler, and tourist centers are immediately adjacent to U.S. Highway 101 with direct visibility and access for both north bound and south bound travelers. These are the only locations anywhere in the South County region where such direct and convenient access for the highway traveler is available.
Greenfield was selected by the State court system to be the home of the new South County Regional Courthouse. Greenfield was selected as the most desirable location for this major court facility over Soledad, King City, and Gonzales based on its central location, easy access, public transit access and the aggressive nature of the city to attract and accommodate growth. This court facility will spur the development of associated professional offices and make Greenfield the centerpiece of county and state government services in the South County area.


Nadurra, named after the Gaelic word for 'natural', is the purest expression of The Glenlivet. Traditionally crafted in small batches using 19th century methods, it is non-chill filtered, delivering a distinctively creamy texture and mouth-feel. Nadurra First Fill Selection is drawn from casks of American white oak, which have never before been used to mature Scotch whisky. The technique of using virgin casks has been in favour with distillers at The Glenlivet since the early 1900s, and the untouched oak imparts hints of creamy vanilla and sweet pears to this wonderfully rich single malt. Capturing the original passion behind George Smith's distillery, Nadurra First Fill Selection continues the intricate and highly skillful traditions of single malt whisky making, bringing the taste of tradition together with a unique flavour distinctly its own. And now to whet your appetite, the tasting notes. The Nadurra First Fill Selection is a light gold in colour. An abundant bouquet of soft, sweet pears and creamy vanilla fudge will engulf the senses. On the palate there is a deliciously sweet mix of tropical pineapple and ripe banana, coupled with a delightful citrus sparkle. A medium and refreshing finish makes this a smooth yet lively dram.


After years of working in different countries and being involved in various important projects in the field of conservation, as well as in designing andcreating top quality heirlooms and special furniture, Golden Hands has developed a number of different trends of activities.
Our work can be found in museums as well as in private collections inMoscow, Russia; in the Scottish Parliament and some private collections inEdinburgh, Scotland; in London, United Kingdom, and in private collections inBelgium, The USA and Japan.
We specialise in Conservation as well as in the Creation of new precious and important interior items which will become antiques and form part of the heritage of the future.
Both the Conservation of antique furniture and the Creation of new interior items are very complex and specialised fields. The successful combination of both procedures takes more than just skills and apositive attitude.
It requires great talent, deep understanding of the nature of the materials involved in the project, patience of an oyster and an open mind to see thesolution to the trickiest and most complicated situations that can happen any time.
The range of work that can be undertaken is extremely wide and the variety of possibilities that Golden Hands is capable to produce is unimaginable.
We take into consideration all the possible options in order to bring the piece back to its original state with the minimum intervention.
Microscopic examination takes place if necessary and the research continues until the solution is found and the correct approach has been decided upon and then applied.
A full photographic report can be made before and after the treatment.
In order to take good care of an item after the treatment has been applied,regular visits can be arranged to supervise the environment and climate in the surroundings where the item is placed.


text:
Freshwater fishing stories
Want to hear you stories.I`ll put one on here.
Was fishing at a high elevation lake,few cast and small fish hooked i reel slowly and all of a sudden my reel starts screaming for a few seconds before snapping my 6 lb line.I told my buddy that it might have been a laker. Never knew what it was.
Trout,:cheers:
Clint R
Fishing Mabel lk with a buddy of mine when his rod tip slowly went down. Then up to normal position. Then down and a violent shake. Popped off the release and when it was brought in there was nothing but an eyeball the size of a toonie.
Remember. It was professionals that built the Titanic and an amateur that built the Ark.
Loon took your small fish?
trout said:
Took a buddy to tunkwa lake for a stag/fishing trip, we made him use a 2 foot Dora the explorer rod the whole weekend, and he ended up catching a 5 lbs trout with it, the funny part was after fighting the fish for 10 mins ( drag not very strong) lol he finally passed off the rod and jumped in the lake and netted the fish, lol we couldn't believe he actually was able to get it. The rod has now been retired. Lol
Went fishing with a couple good friends, found a stolen truck, then at the end of the day had one of our trucks stolen...here's the full original story:
http://www.bcfishingreports.com/forums/threads/1691-In-Search-of-Steelhead...
Big Green Machine
Caught a rod that I had lost at the bottom of a lake, from two years prior. Put the rod in the canoe and continued fishing with the rod I was using, then proceeded to tip the canoe and lose that rod as well as my backpack while trying to net a fish. Got back to shore with only one rod, no fish.
"There's a fine line between 'hobby' and 'mental illness.'
arrgh!
Lost my 15 hp outboard in Stave Lake in Sept in 40 ft of water. Came back in April and found it in 4 ft of water after diving for it a few times. Started 1st pull! Still have it.
My boss in the UK went fishing with his 9-yr old. They laid their rods down on the lake bank to eat their sandwiches. A trout jumped out of the water to take the wooly bugger two feet in the air on the kid's rod. It dragged the whole outfit into the water and across the lake. They ran round the lake and the kid grabbed the rod in the shallows and landed a 9 1/2lb rainbow. His dad was choked and elated at the same time.
finaddict
#8 • Aug 12, 2013 (Edited)
Of all the steelhead I caught in the Thompson, one of my favourites is the one of the ones that "got away". Just at last light and fishing the town side of the hotel run, the Sun was setting and a glare on the water downstream was very intense. I hooked into a really good one and watched it peel off line from my reel and create many dark spots in the glare on the horizon as it jumped and ran its way back to the fraser river. It never stopped, and even long after it had broke off at the leader about 100 yards downstream, it continued to jump and run making smaller splashes further into the sunset. Even after I could no longer see it in the glare, I could hear it jumping and splashing. Not the biggest of the fish I have hooked on the T but a great one one none-the-less. Its one of my many memories of that great river in the 90's. I don't fish it anymore since the run was destroyed. I really do miss the Thompson.
In the early 90's I was fishing the Thompson up at martel with 3 other buddies. We really pounded the water and there was not a steelhead to be had. We all decided to walk downstream about 500 yards to the top of the three rapids. We also fished this area hard and if I remember correctly one of the guys got one decent fish. I gave up and walked back to martel and waited for everyone else to find their way back. While waiting, I decided to throw a few casts and hooked into a brute. I was just ready to land it when everyone had made their way back. Biggest steelie I have ever caught, it 42" long with a 24" girth. Measurements would have it at 31.5 lbs. I don't think it weighed that much, but it was a solid 27 and maybe more.
I miss the Thompson.
Thats what my buddy said but we have never seen waterfowl of any kind on that lake for years.
Driller said:
fishortho
Threw a couple of casts into a pool on a local river and my lead caught a seam between two rocks. After trying several times to free the lead and my terminal tackle, I finally decided to break it off. Sooo I leaned on the rod a bit harder, and harder until the lead squeezed out from behind its prison and a beautiful 8lb. steelhead doe also came out from behind the rock with a nice piercing of lip jewellry fashioned by me. Got my gear back and a fish to boot!!...............Ortho
The "best looking" fish is the one that is released!
fishortho said:
That reminds me of a time I was fishing with two other guys on the Cheakamus (before the caustic spill). On eguy caught a nice steelhead about 10 lbs. and got a great battle out of it, but lost it as his line broke on the mainlilne side of the swivel. The other guy (an older and rather brash individual with a great sense of humour) said "Step aside rookie, I'll land that fish" and within 20 minutes he too had hooked into a nice steelhead. When he brought it to shore, we noticed he had not actually hooked the fish, but somehow had hooked the eye of the #10 barrel swivel that the previous angler had broke off on the same fish.
What are the chances of that?
Reactions: Driller
I was watching people fish at the cable pool at 11;30.A guy bottom bouncing into a fish and im like no way he got a ho in the mouth at this time of dayso i keep watching him will his buddy goes down the deathsteps to land it and i see a his size 6 hook with orange wool in the eye of a huge treble on the side of the fish.they land it and take the hook out.It was a nice chrome 9-10lber.
finaddict said:
I was fishing north of Cochrane Ontario at a fly in lake with Polar Bear Outfitters. My Dad and I were on the lake alone. I was out fishing while he was resting. A plane flew overhead and did a banked turn as if he was looking down at the lake possibly wanting to land. I hadn't seen anyone else for 4 or 5 days so I threw up the arm and gave the guy a big wave. THen I started thinking maybe they were hunters who wanted to drop in and start looking for moose to which I would not have been happy about because the outfitter had the soul rights to this lake. That, and the lake was quite small. Anyway the plane does a circle, and sure enough it landed and taxi'd right up to me. Door flings open, and its the game warden. "FIshing license please" Of course I didnt have it on me. It was 200 meters away in my wallet at camp. Then he sees the 18 beer in the bow, and mentions how I shouldnt have beer in the boat. I wasn't drinking, but we threw a bunch in at a time just so we had them. My jaw was damn near on the floor of the boat. I grew up fishing in Ontario. I fished there until I was about 25. I had never been checked there once, in fact the first time I was checked was on the Check in Squamish. I couldn't believe a plane landed to check out my license 150 miles from civilization (sp?). He gave me a citation, and I had to stop in at the office on the way through town and show the guy I had a license.
Reactions: arrgh!
Shaolinzulu
Back in the late 90's I was fishing for bull trout in Williston Lake a few days after open water started to show in the spring. Was casting an 8" five o diamonds right on the edge of the ice and dropping it into the water, burning it in at a real quick pace. After a couple cast hooked a real nice fish,maybe 20-24" long. This fish put up a nice fight for early season. As it got close to shore the fight got a lot more intense. There were at least 3 what looked like lake trout trying to make an easy meal out o the struggling fish. It was one of the most intense things I've seen in many years of fishing. Nothing but teeth and mouths thrashing. The bull trout didn't make it to shore.
Shaolinzulu Aug 14, 2013


Home » EDM News » Spring Awakening Busts out Phase 2 Lineup: Borgeous, What So Not & More!
The winter blues are finally drifting away, and that means one thing: spring is coming! And with spring comes Spring Awakening Music Festival.
Spring Awakening is still a few months away, but at least the lineup announcements give us something to keep us warm through the rest of the snowy season. This year's festivities will take place at Addams-Medill Park in Chicago, Illinois. Be sure to save the date–Spring Awakening will last from June 9 through June 11 this year.
Time to bust out the booty shorts!
Obviously this is a pretty solid schedule already, so you'll want to nab your tickets fast. General admission tickets are going for $179 for all three days, while VIP is currently at $269. However, Spring Awakening is offering payment plans with just $55 down for general admission.
Related: Electric Forest Expands Lineup with 95 New Artists!
Get your tickets here. Be sure to follow Spring Awakening on Facebook and Instagram to stay up to date (and to check out the amazing pictures!).
Previous: EDM Yoga is Now a Thing in Los Angeles – Sign Up Here!


text:
Facilities Officer, Lagos- PB4
Pay Band: 4 Location: Lagos/Nigeria Duration: Fixed Term Contract (6 months) The post is on local terms, Applicant must have existing right to work in Nigeria Deadline for application: 16 October 2018 (23:59 UK Time)
The British Council is the UK's international organisation for cultural relations and educational opportunities. We create friendly knowledge and understanding between the people of the UK and other countries. We do this by making a positive contribution to the UK and the countries we work with – changing lives by creating opportunities, building connections and engendering trust.
We work with over 100 countries across the world in the fields of arts and culture, English language, education and civil society. Each year we reach over 20 million people face-to-face and more than 500 million people online, via broadcasts and publications. Founded in 1934, we are a UK charity governed by Royal Charter and a UK public body.
Role purpose
To pro-actively contribute to the achievement of the British Council objectives by supporting the effective and efficient planning, management, delivery and evaluation of facilities, the office and residential estate, office vehicles and maintenance of an appropriate working and living environment for staff and visitors.
The post holder will have office and estates maintenance experience in an organisational context and will be willing and able to provide hands on technical support in the role.
The Facilities Unit in the British Council Nigeria, under the leadership of Director Operations, supports the operations of the British Council through effective and efficient planning and management of all its facilities/resources. The post holder will be part of a strong Business Services team across the Nigeria operation with specific day-to-day responsibilities for the Lagos estate, where we currently employ approximately 70 staff with a plan to grow in the coming year.
Main opportunities for the role include but not limited to;
§ Supporting the facilities services and premises project delivery
§ Logistics management by effectively managing arrival and departure from the country
§ Assist with effective facilities management planning, budget management and business risk requirements
§ Support the management and delivery of events for all the British Council Nigeria activities,
If you would like to see full details and understand more about this post then please see the documents below:
Facilities Officer, Lagos.pdf
British Core Skills.pdf
British Council Behaviors.pdf
If you are interested in the post and feel that you are suitable for the role, then we would really like to hear from you. Please apply by 16 October 2018 (23:59 UK Time)


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