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The Overlord planners for the invasion of Europe in 1944 specified suitable weather (wind, cloud, tidal and moon conditions) for the assault landing; with only a few days in each month suitable. In May and June 1944 frequent pre-assault meetings were held at Southwick House in Hampshire near Portsmouth by Eisenhower with Group Captain James Stagg of the RAF, the Chief Meteorological Officer, SHAEF, his deputy Colonel Donald Yates of the USAAF, and his three two-man teams of meteorologists. Stagg was a "dour but canny Scot.. " He had been given the rank of group captain in the RAF "to lend him the necessary authority in a military milieu unused to outsiders". The senior commanders  were General Bernard Montgomery, Admiral Sir Bertram Ramsay and Air Marshal Sir Trafford Leigh-Mallory, plus Eisenhower's deputy, Air Marshall Arthur Tedder, his chief of staff Walter Bedell Smith and his deputy chief of Staff  Major General Harold R. Bull.

Stagg reported the team consensus, although this has been glossed over in popular memory. Admiral Sir George Creasy remarked on 4 June: "Here comes six feet two inches of Stagg and six foot one inch of gloom….." (1.88m & 1.85m).  British general Frederick Morgan (head of COSSAC) had half-jokingly said to him "Remember, if you don't read the runes (or signs) right, we'll string you up from the nearest lamppost".

Forecasting teams
The three weather forecasting teams at Southwick House were from the UK Met Office at Dunstable, the Eighth Air Force of the USAAF at High Wycombe, and the Royal Navy at Portsmouth; they usually met twice daily; at 9:30 am (0930 hours) and 4:00 pm (1600 hours), with Eisenhower and his senior commanders.

The Royal Navy team was Commander Geoffrey Wolfe and New Zealand Lieutenant Commander Lawrence Hogben. Hogben recalled that "We six never agreed on anything except that Stagg was not a good meteorologist and that he was a bit of a glory hound". At heart a geophysist, Stagg was appointed as SHAEF weatherman for his administrative skills to co-ordinate Army and RAF forecasting; he had only two years experience of forecasting in the Iraqi desert.
The civilian Met Office team was Charles K. M. Douglas and Norwegian Sverre Petterssen of the Norwegian Air Force. Douglas had told USAAF airmen Spaatz and Doolittle in 1942 that "a forecast for more than a day or two ahead in this country can be nothing more than speculation".

The USAAF team was Irving P. Krick and Ben Holtzman. Hogben thought their forecasts for daylight bombing runs over Germany made by looking at forty years of weather maps were "pure bunk" and the Norwegian Petterssen thought that Krick was "talking nonsense" in claiming reliable forecasts for up to five days. Pre-war they had forecasted for Hollywood film studios (e.g. for the "burning of Atlanta" scene in Gone with the Wind). Krick (a physics graduate and college professor) was regarded by his rivals as "brash" and "a salesman to his fingertips". Donald Yates was a former student of Krick. The American team was based at the USAAF facility Widewing used for SHAEF HQ at Camp Griffiss in Bushy Park near Teddington.

Tidal predictions
A full moon was desirable, as it would provide illumination for aircraft pilots and have the highest tides. Having the landings shortly before dawn, midway between low and high tide, with the tide coming in would improve the visibility of obstacles the enemy had placed on the beach while minimising the amount of time the men had to spend exposed in the open. Specific criteria were set for wind speed, visibility, and cloud cover. The previous night had to be reasonably light (moonlight) for darkened convoys; although airborne troops needed a full or nearly full moon but late-rising so with darkness until they were dropped.

The invasion zone tidal range was about 23 ft (7m) and the landings should be on a rising tide to allow landing craft to run aground, unload and then withdraw without becoming stranded. Landings had to be at about the same time on all beaches to avoid later arrivals meeting an alerted enemy, and Omaha had an exposed tidal flat of 300 yards (275m) to cross. It was decided that the assault should be one hour after low tide and within one hour of first light.
Arthur Doodson head of the Liverpool Tidal Institute advised the Royal Navy on European coastal areas, and was asked in October 1943 by Commander Ian Farquharson to make tidal predictions for Normandy, which was disguised as "Position Z". He created two tide-prediction machines. The required light and tidal conditions occurred for only six days a month, and when strong moonlight for airborne operations was added there were only three days per month.

Choice of date for Overlord
Originally 1 May 1944 was proposed at the Trident Conference attended by Roosevelt and Churchill in May 1943,  but when the invasion force was expanded from landing three divisions to landing five divisions (as proposed by Eisenhower and Montgomery), it was delayed to acquire the extra landing craft needed. This allowed more time for air attacks on the defences.  Suitable dates were 21–23 May, 5–7 June, 19–21 June and 3–5 July 1944 according to Admiral Alan Kirk.

At the Tehran Conference in November–December 1943, Thursday 1 June 1944 was tentatively chosen. For long-term planning it was called Y-day, so D-day must be Y plus 4, 5 or 6. As the assault machinery must be set in motion two days before the event, D-day must be decided by Y plus 2.  For early June there were only three days (5, 6 and 7 June). For H-Hour (the hour of landing) one hour of daylight was needed beforehand. Stagg had said they might have to wait 150 years for the perfect weather which would please everyone, and also that  a full moon and early low tide could be guaranteed on the 4th, 5th, 6th and 7 June.

On 17 May 1944 Eisenhower chose 5 June which allowed the possibility of postponing for one or two days, although the convoys might have to be refuelled for 7 June.   For 5 June, units from the north would have to depart on 3 June to arrive in time.  The first to depart were the blockships to be sunk off the Normandy coast that sailed south from their Scottish ports on 31 May 1944. With bad weather on 5 June the operation was postponed for a day to 6 June, and then a slight break in the weather was predicted. As many ships had to depart one or two days beforehand some were held at sea. The bad weather had led German commanders to rule out an invasion then, so the Allied landings took them by surprise.

The next suitable dates with the right combination of tides (but without a full moon, desirable for the airborne troops) would have been 18 to 20 June. On 17 June the team forecasts were all for good weather,  but on 18 June the worst storm for forty years arrived, which would have made the initial landings impossible. Eisenhower later said to Stagg: "I thank the gods of war we went when we did".

Monday 29 May to Wednesday 31 May
Weather conditions were excellent on the 20th, and Stagg gave an optimistic long-range forecast for the first week of June. Admiral Ramsay noted "another boiling hot day" on Tuesday but "slightly cooler" on Wednesday.

Thursday 1 June
The first coded messages (about 160; repeated on the 2nd and 3rd ) over the BBC's Radio Londres told the French Resistance that the invasion was expected in two weeks, e.g. the quote from Paul Verlaine's 1866 poem Chanson d'automne (sung by Charles Trenet): Les sanglots longs des violons d'automne ("The long sobs of autumn violins"). It was intercepted by the Germans at 1:20 pm. Il fait chaud à Suez ("It's hot in Suez") initiated the widespread launching of disruptive guerrilla operations.
Admiral Ramsay noted "A dull morning, Overcast with slight rain. Cooler. No doubt the general lull is but a precursor of the storm to follow."

Friday 2 June
May had been consistently fine, but less favourable weather was predicted for D-Day, with indications that the relatively quiet weather might end about 6 June. After discussion with his commanders Eisenhower decided to keep existing orders. So Bombarding Force D sailed from the Clyde, and HMZ Nelson left Scapa for Milford Haven. Two midget submarines X-20 & X-23 left; they were to mark Sword and Juno beaches for Forces S and J (Operation Gambit). Admiral Ramsay noted "1000 hours. Commander's meeting at which main topic was the change for the worse in weather, affecting air (operations) generally and the carriage of airborne troops in particular." The Blacksod lighthouse in neutral Ireland had reported a rapidly falling barometer and a Force Six wind.

Stagg conferred and argued (without agreement) with the other meteorological centres over secure landlines. To Stagg "Had it not been fraught with such potential tragedy, the whole business was ridiculous. In less than half an hour I was expected to present to General Eisenhower an "agreed" forecast for the next five days which covered the time of launching of the greatest military operation ever mounted; no two of the expert participants in the discussion could agree on the likely weather even for the next 24 hours." At the 21:30 evening meeting Stagg was asked by Eisenhower "Well, Stagg, what have you got for us this time."  He followed his instincts, overlooking the optimistic American team, saying "The whole situation from the British Isles to Newfoundland has been transformed in recent days and is now potentially full of menace". Some officers glanced out the window at the beautiful sunset in slight bewilderment (on Double British Summer Time, it was still light; France was an hour behind). Asked by Eisenhower about the likely situation on 6 and 7 June; he replied after a pause '"'If I answered that, Sir, I would be guessing, not behaving as your meteorological advisor".

Then Stagg and Yates left and withdrew to their tented sleeping quarters; the sky was almost clear and everything around was quiet. Later that night Eisenhower was told by his aide Harry Butcher about the message accidentally put out by Associated Press (picked up by CBS and Radio Moscow) that "Eisenhower's forces are landing in France"; the agency cancelled it 23 minutes later.

Saturday 3 June
In the morning Stagg was "all but physically nauseated" by the weather charts and the different analysis by the teams. He said to the commanders at 21:30 hours "Gentleman, the fears my colleagues and I had yesterday about the weather for the next three or four days have been confirmed" and gave a detailed forecast of rough seas, winds up to force six and low cloud. All seemed temporarily stunned; Eisenhower was motionless and had to recommend a provisional postponement.
By the afternoon the weather had deteriorated, to the dismay of the Southwick House meeting at 16:15. The two British teams predicted a sudden and serious decline with storms that would rule out air support and could make landing treacherous, though the American  team though better weather was in the offing for 5 June.  Petterssen presented his own weather map showing a violent storm brewing. And Ramsay noted that "The report was bad"; the low cloud predicted would prohibit the use of airborne troops and the majority of air action (including air spotting for naval gunfire). The sea conditions were "unpromising but not prohibitive".

Stagg did not get a consensus, so told Eisenhower on 3 June that the weather two days hence was unlikely to meet the Overlord planners' requirements. At the meeting Tedder was against going and Ramsay was neutral. But Montgomery was insistent on going "regardless of casualties or air support", he was opposed by Ramsay and the airmen Tedder and Leigh-Mallory. So Eisenhower postponed a go-no go decision until dawn on Sunday 4 June. Messages e.g. "Bowsprit" or "Regatta postponed 24 hours" were to go out, some were not received until 4 June. Convoy U2A from Salcome and Dartmouth left on 4 June for Utah Beach but did not receive the broadcast recall notices, and was headed for France alone (panic in Southwick House ops room!). A search by two destroyers was unsuccessful, then a Walrus reconnaissance biplane located the convoy after an all-day search and dropped two coded messages in canisters; the second one was acknowledged when the convoy was 30 miles south of the Isle of Wight and 36 miles from Normandy, after sailing 150 miles at 6 knots. The convoy of about 150 vessels was carrying the 4th Infantry Division of Major-General Raymond O. Barton, and had to be hastily refuelled at Portland.

That night Stagg said that there was good news; there should be a brief break in the bad weather that caused the postponement but that he would know more in the morning. Ramsay noted that "from mid-day on the 4th, the weather got progressively worse" and "No enemy reaction" (as they had no air patrols). He got some vessels refuelled.

Sunday 4 June
By the morning of 4 June 1944 at the 4:15 briefing, conditions were clearly unsuitable for a landing; high winds and heavy seas made it impossible to launch landing craft, and low clouds would prevent aircraft from finding their targets. Ramsay recorded that while the sea conditions were 'unpromising but not prohibitive" the predicted low cloud would prohibit the use of airborne troops (and) the majority of air action including air spotting for naval gunfire. At 13:30 de Gaulle was told of the Overlord plans by Churchill aboard Churchill's armoured train near Portsmouth; he was "revolted at not being informed earlier".  Churchill had commandeered the royal train and was lurking nearby at Droxford railway station; "unhelpfully breathing down everyone's necks".

Two more weather conferences were held on 4 June, at 17:15 and 21:00.  Despite the hard wind outside Stagg and the team of meteorologists advised that the wind could improve to winds of up to 18 mph (29 km/h) or force 3–4 on the Beaufort scale;  a basic requirement for landing craft.

At the 21:00 (9 pm) meeting rain and wind was battering the windows but Stagg said "Gentleman, since I presented the forecast last evening some rapid and unexpected developments have occurred over the North Atlantic". With a brief improvement from Monday afternoon the weather would not be ideal but it would do. Ramsay made it clear that if Overlord proceeded on Tuesday he would need to issue provisional warnings in the next half-hour, but if they restarted and were recalled again there was no question of continuing on Wednesday. Petterssen predicted a 36-hour gap of acceptable weather (some later American accounts ignore the American teams' proposal to go on the 5th, and credit them with seeing the improved weather gap on the 6th).

Ramsay wrote that "we decided to take a chance and go ahead; while the grounds were not good it seemed to be Tuesday – or not this week at all" and Eisenhower said "I'm quite positive we must give the order. I don't like it but there it is. I don't see how we can possibly do anything else"; but it was to be confirmed at a last early-morning conference.

Monday 5 June
Eisenhower wrote of "wind of almost hurricane proportions shaking and shuddering his Sharpener camp (and) it seemed impossible that in such conditions there was any reason for even discussing the situation." At four in the morning the final go/no go conference was held. Stagg told them "Some good news. Gentleman, no substantial change has taken place since last time, but as I see it, the little has changed is in the direction of optimism … as the predicted good weather should last until tomorrow, with good visibility and winds not more than Force 4." Ramsay noted 'this time the prophets came in smiling, and Hogben mused "I was scared of getting it wrong … we knew we were making history".

Eisenhower's three commanders Ramsay, Leigh-Mallory and Montgomery all advised "Go". Montgomery and Major General Walter Bedell Smith, Eisenhower's chief of staff, were eager to launch the invasion. Admiral Bertram Ramsay was prepared to commit his ships, while Air Chief Marshal Trafford Leigh-Mallory expressed concern that the conditions would be unfavourable for Allied aircraft. After much discussion and considering in silence for some minutes; at 4:15 am Eisenhower said "OK, We'll go". The room filled with cheering and Stagg thinks they "look like new men. It was a marvel to behold." After a few questions to Stagg they dispersed, and Stagg headed for his tent in the Southwick House grounds to get some sleep.

At mid-day Eisenhower was playing a game of draughts in his trailer with his aide Harry Butcher; he was losing, but at 12:30 pm he managed a draw, which he saw as a good omen.  Eisenhower and Admiral Creasy went to Stagg's office at 4:00 pm; concerned that the sky is still cloudy and the wind is still up. Stagg says reassuringly "they are coming along, sir; there'll be good breaks in the cloud by dark tonight and reduced winds." He showed Eisenhower the latest weather chart, and Eisenhower puts his hand on his shoulder and says "Good, Stagg: keep it up a little longer".  At 9:00 pm (21:00) Stagg is relieved to see breaks in the cloud overhead; his prediction seems to be coming true. At 9am he confirms the 4:15am forecast to Bull.

The second coded messages over the BBC's Radio Londres from 21:15 warned the French Resistance that the invasion would start in 24 to 48 hours; a message to begin sabotage operations. Many messages (about 270) were sent out, including the famous line from Paul Verlaine's poem Chanson d'automne Blessent mon Coeur / d'une longeur / monotone, or Wound my heart with a monotonous languor. The Verlaine message (intercepted at 9:33 pm) went to OKW in Berchtesgaden, but stopped on Jodl's desk; he distrusted the source (Helmut Meyer at 15th Army HQ in France) and did not send out a general alert. Speidel at Rommel's headquarters  was also told by the Operations desk that von Salmuth has put Fifteenth Army on alert, but Spiedel said to Staubwasser to call OB West and to "go with what they say"; Operations Officer there Bodo Zimmermann said that because of the weather  Seventh Army in need not be alerted, so the army defending Normandy was not alerted.

At German Seventh Army headquarters Max Pemsel sent a message that officers going to a "Kriegspiel" (wargame) at Rennes should not leave for Rennes before dawn on 6 June, as there would be evidence of a landing before daylight. Von Rundstedt in Paris thinks that there is no immediate prospect for the "Grossinvasion" and at 10 pm when General Blumentritt tells him that Fifteenth Army Intelligence (now under the SS) has received the second line of the Verlaine poem, he said that Eisenhower would not announce the invasion over the BBC and to pass it onto OKW and to Blaskowitz but not to order a general alert of the two armies along the coast: "No, especially not in this weather".
Bodo Zimmermann at OB West distrusts the BBC message when told by an "agitated" Major Doertenback at 9:30 pm but shortly when Major Brink says that Colonel Reile has recently intercepted other trigger messages he decides to act, calling von Rundstedt who authorises a warning message to all commands (not an alert), saying Heeresgruppe B should go to Alarmstufe II and other commands are to increase their vigilance. In Cherbourg Admiral Hennecke has been told of foul weather for several days but about 11:30 pm he was told of heavy air raids and news about ten minutes later of 50 or 60 twin-engined aircraft approaching the Cherbourg Peninsula he breaks up the musical evening they are attending. The German Navy had cancelled its usual patrol and minelaying operations for the night of 5–6 June. Allied planners had assumed that the landing force departure would be known to the enemy by at least H-12 (twelve hours before to the first scheduled landing) and its destination clear to them by H-4; but this did not occur, partly due to the weather.

Churchill sent a message to the impatient Stalin: "Eisenhower forced to postpone for one day but the weather forecast has undergone a most favourable change and tonight we go" Stalin had been told in November that the invasion would take place by 1 May; and had mocked the plans to Milovan Djilas on 5 June, saying that it would be called off "if there's fog in the Channel".

Tuesday 6 June
Airborne troops took off shortly before midnight. Pathfinders jumped at 00:10 to mark landing zones, and Horsa gliders landed from 00:15 as part of Operation Tonga, which was to capture the Pegasus and Horsa bridges over the Caen Canal and Orne River.

American troops started landing on the French coast at H-Hour or 6:30 am; Utah Beach from 6:31 and Omaha Beach from 6:35. British troops landed on Gold Gold and Sword Beaches at 7:25. Canadian troops landed on Juno Beach at 7:45, delayed from 7.35 by heavy swell and poor visibility; the amphibious tanks arrived 15 minutes after the infantry. The infantry landings were completed by 9pm (21:00), with 34,000 men ashore.

The BBC announced that Allied Armies have started landing "on the northern coast of France" at 9:32 am, Read by John Snagge, the actual location was not given. The sun rose at 5:58 and set at 22:07, with a full moon and heavy clouds across the Cotentin Peninsula, but later the low cloud lifted.  Winds reached force 5 (22 mph/35 km/h) but by day's end were force 4 (16 mph/26 km/h). When the sun rose the sky was grey, but by late morning sunny spells appeared and the temperature reached 15 °C.

Aftermath
Had Eisenhower postponed the invasion, the next available period with the right combination of tides (but without the desirable full moon for airborne troops) was two weeks later, from 18 to 20 June. But during the second window a major storm, a "one in forty years event" would have made the landings impossible.  A depression pushing north from the Mediterranean met a cold front sweeping south-east from Iceland, causing a devastating storm lasting four days between 19 and 22 June, and of only slightly less ferocity than the February 1905 storm on the Calvados coast. Hogben stated "On 17 June, all six of us produced a forecast for the nineteenth for almost perfect conditions (but the invasion) would have been a complete catastrophe." Waiting until July was "too bitter to contemplate". They would have had to return the troops on the ships back to their bases in England (and probably isolate them). The damage done to the US Mulberry harbour showed the power of the storm.

Eisenhower said when visiting Bradley on 20 July that "When I die they can hold my body for a rainy day and bury me during a thunderstorm for this weather will be the death of me yet"; France was experiencing torrential rain plus mist and low clouds blanketing Normandy for several days, causing seemingly endless postponements.

Weather data
Stagg and the teams based the forecast weather improvements for June 6 on reports from a single weather ship 600 miles (965 km) west of Ireland reporting a rising barometer, and a lighthouse keeper on the Blacksod Lighthouse in County Mayo in neutral northwest Ireland. Under a secret 1939 deal between Dublin and the Met Office in Dunstable, lighthouse keeper Ted Sweeney phoned on 4 June "heavy rain and drizzle cleared, cloud at nine hundred feet and visibility on land and sea very clear". He was asked to confirm immediately and also an hour later; he never realised that they were checking the weather for the invasion. On 2 June Sweeney had reported bad weather; a rapidly falling barometer and a Force Six wind. Hogben wrote: "We used data gathered from special recce (reconnaissance) flights, ship observations, UK weather sites and pinched what we could from the Germans – once we broke their weather codes – and redrew our charts every few hours. None of us were operating with any of the technology and equipment that our successors today take for granted, such as satellites, weather radar, computer modelling and instant communications, and predicting conditions more than a day or two in advance was hazardous. All we knew was that there were several storms blowing across the Atlantic towards us, any one of which would have whipped up the waters where the fleet was gathering, and provided unwelcome cloud over Normandy". There is evidence that the USAAF team telephoned the Met Office team to change their initial unfavourable forecast for the 5th, but they demurred. Hogben and the other forecasters later received the Bronze Star.

In 2020, Maureen Flavin Sweeney was acknowledged by the United States government for her role in weather forecasting from Blacksod which directly influenced the schedule of the operation. Sweeney's weather report from the 3 June 1944 showing rapidly decreasing pressure, led to the delay of the landings by 24 hours by Eisenhower. This was credited with saving the lives of numerous soldiers during the landing. Unbeknownst to Sweeney, the hourly weather reports she sent to the Irish Met Service from the post office she worked as an assistant were forwarded to Allied Expeditionary Force in England. Sweeney was contacted directly by someone from England to confirm the reported readings. She was presented with a special US House of Representatives honour in June 2020. Sweeney went onto marry the lighthouse keeper, Ted, and only became aware of their involvement in the delay of the landings in 1956.

German forecasters
In 1961 while going to his inauguration JFK asked Eisenhower what gave him the edge on D-Day; he replied "Because we had better meteorologists (or weather forecasters) than the Germans."

Allied control of the Atlantic meant that German meteorologists did not have access to as much information as the Allies on incoming weather patterns.  As the Luftwaffe meteorological centre in Paris predicted two weeks of stormy weather, many Wehrmacht commanders left their posts to attend war games in Rennes, and men in many units were given leave.  Marshal Erwin Rommel returned to Germany for his wife's birthday, and to meet Hitler to try to get more Panzers.

When Rommel consulted meteorologist Major Heinz Lettau at Army Group B he was advised that there could be no invasion in the next two weeks because of the weather. However some German forecasters had foreseen poor conditions on 4 and 5 June but moderating on 6 June. The forecast of Professor Werner Schwerdtfeger of the Luftwaffe centre at Potsdam for D-Day of "prevailing winds of Beaufort Force five, varying between four and six" was similar to Stagg's. They expected Allied landings at or near high tide to minimise the "killing zone" or before dawn under cover of darkness; so a full moon featured less in their calculations, and they thought that Allies would not risk landing in winds worse than Force three (8–12 mph or 13–19 km/h). But Ramsay accepted Force four winds (13–18 mph or 21–29 km/h), and had on 4 June labelled worse sea conditions "unpromising but not prohibitive".  And OB West and the Luftwaffe used tides for the Pas-de-Calais rather than the different tides for Normandy. German maritime patrols out of Cherbourg had been cancelled because of the weather.

Professor Walter Stube the Luftwaffe meteorologist in Paris no longer got Atlantic weather data from Jan Mayen Land, Sabin Island in Greenland and Spitsbergen, so he was depended on information from Luftwaffe pilots returning from missions at sea. He had noticed that previous Allied invasions e.g. Italy required a guarantee of fine weather. He discussed by phone on the 4th with meteorologist  Major Hermann Mueller at von Runstedt's headquarters in Paris who had data suggesting that an airborne operation would be possible and a seaborne landing conceivable although Channel conditions were far from ideal. But they agreed that an imminent landing was most unlikely, although Mueller would review later that day when later data was received from Le Havre. Rommel also agreed, and wondered why the Allies had not used the three periods of fine weather in May. So he decided to leave for Germany that morning. However Erich Marcks had said on 2 June that "If I know the British ... they'll go to church next Sunday for one last time, and come Monday (i.e. 5 June). After Tuesday they won't have another chance for the tides until June 28–29". He also expected the landings to be at Normandy rather than Calais (von Runstedt) or the Somme estuary (Rommel).

See also
 Pressure, a 2014 play set in Southwick House, about the events before D-Day
 Verlaine Message Museum (in Tourcoing, France)

Notes

References

Citations

Works cited

Further reading

1944 in France
1944 in England
1944 in science
June 1944 events
Naval meteorology
Operation Overlord
Weather forecasting
Weather prediction
1944 in military history


Google's Developer Programs Tech Lead, Maile Ohye and Crawl Team, Mehmet Aktuna wrote a detailed blog post on best practices for faceted navigation. Most faceted navigation are on large sites with filters, such as e-commerce sites with a lot of filter options, or large content sites with many filters and so forth.
I am a bit surprised how much Google wants you to block a lot of the navigation, as opposed to using rel=canonical. But maybe I am reading into it too much.
Faceted navigation, such as filtering by color or price range, can be helpful for your visitors, but it's often not search-friendly since it creates many combinations of URLs with duplicative content. With duplicative URLs, search engines may not crawl new or updated unique content as quickly, and/or they may not index a page accurately because indexing signals are diluted between the duplicate versions.
So if you have a huge site with faceted navigation, you should 100% read this blog post.


The world of business is now digitized, and in marketing, this impact is being felt more intensely. From email, video to social media, there isn't anyone ignoring this ongoing revolution.
While these new branding techniques have revolutionized modern enterprise, they cannot still replace the good old business card.This is a simple tool that nevertheless boosts your credibility, adds a professional touch to your company's profile and enables you to grow your networking capacity.
According to Statistic Brain, over 27 million cards are printed daily, highlighting how important this strategy is even in a digitalized world. A 2016 Adobe Study shows that for every 2,000 cards an organization passes out, sales increase by 2.5%. Without a doubt, this is a technique no marketer can afford to ignore.
Networking still remains the best technique to grow a company. For this to work, you have to show genuine desire to connect and this is something a physical card does better than emailing your contacts or sending them via social media.
Assume you are attending a conference and want to leverage available opportunities. It is easier to hand out your card when you meet a potential lead. This is still the most effective tool in lead generation.
When you meet a potential lead and you want to start building a relationship, the best way is not promising to send an email or a WhatsApp message with your contacts. A beautifully designed card is all you need to captivate the attention of a potential lead. By impressing at the earliest opportunity, you will have done a lot towards growing your brand.
A lot of information can be squeezed into this piece of paper including contacts, business location, working hours, email address, website URL, services and your logo. This simple paper instantly tells all about you and it is easier for a target customer to be inspired to learn more about your company.
One reason business card printing remains popular is the fact that these are physical objects that can easily be given out. In fact, potential customers do request them and it would be good if you have some on you.
Modern consumers are more informed than ever before. They know a good company when they see one. If you don't have a card when they request for one, you have already lost a customer. These tools enable you to be alwaysprepared.
It might be a digital world but some old tricks in marketing still work and a business cardis one of the best.


text:
CFD, akronymet henviser til forskellige artikler:

 Centrale Føderale Distrikt – et af syv føderale distrikter i Rusland.
 Contract for Difference – engelsk, et finansielt aktiv. Se Differencekontrakt.
 Coulter Field – amerikansk lufthavn, beliggende i Bryan, Texas, hvis IATA-lufthavnskode er CFD.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


It is difficult to write about my experiences in Syria knowing that the country is on the brink of civil war and chaos. It breaks my heart. I also realize that not writing anything won't necessarily make things better, either. And giving up on my blog — the thing that used to bring me so much happiness — is the last thing I want to do.
I want to keep today's post short with the promise that I'll be back again soon. I won't disappear like I did before, you have my word. Thank you to all those who nudged me (physically and electronically) and encouraged me to continue writing. It may have taken me a while, but I'm here.
Today's recipe is not one that I learned on my Fulbright in Syria, although I still have plenty of those to share with you, too. This is a recipe that I've come across many times on some of my favorite food blogs: World Peace Cookies. It even made it to Saveur's list, Recipes that Rocked the Internet. Given all that is going on, I thought this was the perfect time to try such an alluring cookie.
Pastry Chef Pierre Hermé originally developed these cookies for a restaurant in Paris, and Dorie Greenspan introduced them to the world in her book, Paris Sweets . The original name for the cookies was Sables Korova, or Korova Cookies, named after the restaurant off Champs Élysées that Pierre Hermé created the recipe for. It was not until Dorie's neighbor tasted these these ultra decadent, chocolate-intense cookies that the name changed to what we know today. Dorie's neighbor was convinced that a daily dose of these is all that is needed to ensure planetary peace and happiness; thus the new name was born.
I used Dorie's recipe, except I took the liberty to add a pinch of orange zest to the dough; the combination of orange and chocolate makes my heart swoon. You could always leave that addition out if you'd like. The point is, these cookies are amazing any way you prepare them. They are crumbly and chocolatey and even if they don't bring world peace immediately, I'm fully convinced, as was Dorie's neighbor, that they are a step in the right direction.
Mix together the butter and sugars in a stand mixer on medium speed until the mixture becomes pale and creamy. You can also use a hand mixer. Add the salt, vanilla extract, and orange zest and mix for a couple more minutes.
Sift the flour, cocoa powder, and baking soda and add to the butter and sugar mixture. Pulse a few times at a low speed to incorporate the flour and prevent it from spilling. Add the chocolate chunks and mix on low speed for 30 seconds, or until the flour is fully incorporated. Do not overwork the dough; the dough should still look and feel crumbly. Divide the dough in two and form into logs approximately 1.5 inches in diameter. Roll each log in plastic wrap and refrigerate for at least 3 hours (you can refrigerate the dough for up to 3 days or freeze the dough for 2 months).
Preheat your oven to 325 degrees F (160 degrees C). Line two cookie sheets with parchment paper.
With a sharp thin knife, slice the logs into disks that are 1/2 inch thick. Don't worry if the disks crack as you cut them, just squeeze the bits back together. Arrange the sliced disks on your baking sheets, making sure to leave about an inch between each cookie.
Bake the cookies for 12 minutes. Note that they will still be soft and won't look done, but that's how they should be. Cool the cookies on a cookie rack and serve warm or at room temperature. Make sure to store leftover cookies (if there are any) in an airtight container.
Notes: Recipe adapted from Paris Sweets by Dorie Greenspan.
Vegas is all about one thing: over the top, elaborate, in-your-face, decadence. On my trip to Vegas last week I noticed that was a recurring theme. Gelato at 11 o'clock at night. Extravagant shows put on by Cirque du Soleil. The world's largest chocolate fountain. Vegas is decadent. Sure, some people perceive its decadence in other more "lewd" ways, but I was there to experience the amazing food. I also learned how to play Craps along the way, but that's a different blog post.
I uploaded more photos from my Vegas trip to Flickr.
Out of all the dishes I had that week, my absolute favorite, which was not an easy decision to arrive at (as you could see), featured house-made elk sausage. It was the only dish I ordered twice that week. I don't usually order a dish twice, but I had to make an exception. It was that good. The sausage, you see, was served on a bed of a marble potato hash cooked with pancetta and a mix of sweet peppers and onions. And gracefully balanced atop of the elk sausage rested a perfectly poached egg. It was perfect — no undercooked egg white and a barely warm yolk, still very runny of course. In order to qualify for Las Vegas decadence status, however, you need that extra something. That extra something, in this case, was the beautifully prepared, buttery choron sauce. If you've never had choron sauce, just think béarnaise with a bit of tomato purée. Instead of the puree, however, the chef incorporated a fine dice of sun dried tomatoes to achieve a similar flavor with added texture.
Today, I decided to pay tribute to Las Vegas with an equally decadent blog post. I didn't have to look too far since I have plenty of decadent brioche left over from my previous post. You can't tell from the photos, but I had made 2 batches of brioche, which left me with 4 total loaves, and 6 sticks of butter less in the fridge. But that's not enough. In order to come close to Vegas-level decadence, I needed something more. I needed that charon sauce — something to take this already rich bread to new levels of decadence. Chocolate was the answer (as it almost always is).
With some spotty bananas sitting on my counter, I decided to turn some of my left over brioche into mini chocolate-banana panini.
Cut each slice of brioche in half.
Layer chocolate chunks topped with a few slices of banana and an extra sprinkling of chocolate. The chocolate will act as a glue and keep the bananas in place.
Melt the chocolate in a panini press or on a skillet over a burner*.
Notes: I used Callebaut Chocolate for these panini, although any high quality dark chocolate also works — El Rey (Venezuela) and Valrhona (France) are a couple of my favorite brands. You could also make your own panini press by placing your sandwich in a large skillet over medium heat and topping it with another heated skillet (cast iron works best because it's heavy).
My Canon Rebel died last week.
It hurt me to even type that, but it's the truth. If you're wondering whether it's safe to leave your camera with a hotel for a couple hours after checkout, don't do it. I hate to sound jaded, but that's how my Canon met its horrible fate. The hotel is still investigating the matter, which, I hope, is not code for, let's see how we could get out of this. So far they've been relatively kind and helpful, but I'm still waiting for them to make things right.
The last thing I photographed before my trip was a chocolate hazelnut ice cream. I stumbled upon this recipe for gianduia gelato on epicurious and couldn't pass it up — it's like Nutella ice cream. Despite the relatively positive reviews, I added my own twist by spiking the gelato base with hazelnut liqueur. Although it did not bring my camera back, I was happy to find the leftover gelato waiting for me in my freezer after I came home from my dismal trip.
The recipe calls for peeled, toasted hazelnuts, ground and steeped in hot milk. I've always peeled my hazelnuts by toasting them and rubbing them between a kitchen towel. While this method doesn't get rid of all the skin, it does a great job of getting rid of most of it with very little effort. There's also what has been dubbed the Julia Child technique, which requires you to boil the hazelnuts in water with baking soda until the water turns dark. Then you have to allow them to cool before you can peel the skins off. Either method works, although for this recipe, I don't think you need to worry about getting all the peel off because you'll be straining everything two steps later.
Pulse the peeled and toasted hazelnuts with sugar. Remember, the finer you grind your hazelnuts (i.e. the more surface area there is), the more hazelnut flavor will be infused into the milk. I went with a coarse cornmeal grind, but I feel like I could've gone further than that.
Once the hazelnuts steep in the hot milk for 20-30 minutes, you've essentially drawn out most of their flavor. I do not recommend reusing these. If you're craving gelato with some texture, I recommend setting aside some of the toasted hazelnuts and folding them into the semi-frozen base once it comes out of the ice cream maker.
Rule number one: never add cornstarch to a hot liquid without diluting. My solution was to dilute the cornstarch in hazelnut liqueur before adding it to the strained milk mixture.
Once the mixture comes to a boil and reaches its maximum thickening potential, mix in your chocolate. I used a Callebaut 60% chocolate.
The next step is to let your mixture cool completely before adding it to your ice cream maker. The best thing, in my opinion, is to let it go overnight. The colder the ice cream base is before it goes into the ice cream maker, the less ice crystals will form, and the smoother your ice cream will be.
Since this gelato recipe uses cornstarch as a thickener, the base looks almost like a pudding after it is cooled; this is normal. Make sure to taste the base before putting it into the ice cream maker — not only is this a good habit in terms of making sure everything is seasoned correctly, but the base alone makes for an awesome chocolate hazelnut pudding.
If you use the ice cream attachment on your kitchen aid, as I did, make sure to whip as little air into the gelato base (i.e. keep your mixer on the lowest setting). This will help create the silky, slow-churned texture that gelato is known for.
Pulse toasted and peeled hazelnuts with sugar in a food processor. The result should resemble a coarse cornmeal texture.
Combine the hazelnut mixture and the milk in a heavy-bottom medium sauce pan and bring to a boil over medium heat. Once it reaches a boil, cover and set aside for 20-30 minutes.
A couple minutes before the hazelnuts are done steeping in the milk, combine the hazelnut liqueur with the cornstarch to make a slurry. If the mixture is still a too thick (i.e. or clumpy), add cold milk to thin it out some more.
Strain the ground hazelnuts from the milk mixture and discard.
Return the strained milk to the medium sauce pot, stir in the the cornstarch slurry and boil over medium heat for 2 minutes, making sure to stir constantly. The mixture will be thick.
Remove from heat and mix in the finely chopped chocolate.
Chill the base in the refrigerator overnight, or at least for 4-6 hours, then put it into your ice cream maker to make the gelato.
When complete, transfer the gelato to an air-tight container and freeze until ready to eat.
I don't know what else I'm supposed to call it, but inspired by inspiration seemed appropriate. This month for A Taste of the Mediterranean we're exploring tarts. Seeing as I'm asking bloggers to submit their own variations of this French classic, I thought I'd make some myself.
My inspiration for this post came from Fanny, who had gotten her inspiration from Pierre Herme (aka Meeta's sugar daddy). Sounds like a soap gone bad, I know, but it's all about the food here (focus, Tony). Tarts usually have two components to them: a crust and a filling (and sometimes a topping).
This crust for is made from ground walnuts and the usual suspects: flour, eggs, butter and sugar (ie. the stuff that makes desserts desserts). For the filling I decided to combine roasted pears, half of a banana, and some ginger because the combination of ginger and pears makes me happy.
Then I thought of Italy. I know, quite random (and rude) if you're making a French dessert, but I couldn't help it. Let me explain. While I was in Italy last winter I tasted this chocolate pear torte that made my taste buds swoon. I wasn't sure if I could recreate that moment in my own kitchen, but it was worth the try. In the end, my taste buds were quite happy.
Once the pears have roasted with the vanilla bean, some sugar and ginger, it's time you bring the banana into play. In retrospect, I would use either less banana or more pears just because of how powerful the flavor of the banana could be. Also, if you're an eat-while-you-cook person like I am, I suggest you make more of this filling than you think you'll need – it's like gourmet baby food good.
I wanted to make mini tarts, but not too mini. If I would've used the inside of the mini-cupcake tin, the tarts would have been more dough than anything else. Solution: I flipped the tin over and made use of the bottom.
The fact that the inside of the cupcake tin was too small turned out to be a good thing. Each tart ended up with a nice star design from the naturally crimped edges.
The ganache is the last, but albeit most decadent component of the entire production. I recommend anywhere from a 60% to 75% good quality chocolate for this component. Since the pears and banana are naturally sweet you'll want to look for a chocolate with natural bitterness to it in order to offset the sweetness of the filling.
Once the hot cream melts the chocolate for the ganache, add a tablespoon of room temperature butter to the recently-ganached chocolate. This gives the tarts that shiny gloss that makes them so pretty.
Top with a couple thin slices of crystallized ginger and you're set. I hope this has inspired you to try out your own tart concoctions at home! igourmet is ready to give a $50 gift certificate to the winning tart entry – check out more info on A Taste of the Mediterranean.
Make tart dough and bake the tart shells (you can use the bottom of a mini cupcake tin or anything else you might have on hand).
Cut pears into medium-sized chunks and scatter them in a roasting pan.
Over medium heat cook the sugar and water until you get a dark amber color. Swivel the pot, but resist the urge to mix with a spoon, this will help keep the sugar from crystallizing.
Once color turns amber, add the ginger and 1tsp of the lemon juice to the hot sugar mix (be careful, it will splatter a bit) and pour over the chopped pears.
Baste the pears while they roast in the oven and remove them once they are soft and you can poke them with a knife with little to no resistance (the time will depend on how large your pieces are, approx 25-30 min).
Once they're out of the oven mash the banana and add the remaining tsp of lemon juice. Cover the mixture and allow to cool in the fridge.
To make the ganache, bring the cream to a simmer and pour over chopped chocolate. Slowly stir with a wooden spoon until all the chocolate has melted. Add one tbsp of butter at room temperature to add gloss to your ganache.
To assemble the tarts scoop some of the pear filling on the bottom of each tart. Then cover with the chocolate ganache and top with slivers of crystallized ginger for garnish.
note: Tart shells and roasted pear filling can be made a couple days in advance.


Living Yoga. Practicing on Emerald Isle, May 2014. ©2014 Ginger Garner. All rights reserved.
There I was on my yoga mat, finishing a much-needed practice. I was feeling both exhausted and exhilarated at the same time, a characteristic that pretty much nails the perpetual energy required of me the last 3 years.
For those of you who don't know me, I am at the tail end of a 3 year "ultra-marathon" of sorts – of sitting at a desk writing through all hours of the day and night, teaching up to 12 hours a day, studying late into the night, and typically a required combination of all three, 7 days-a-week.
What is the result of hard work?
My first textbook book is due for publication this summer (August 2016). I also earned a doctorate degree during this time.
But here's the reality. I also had to maintain my day job as CEO and executive director of an educational organization, along with all the teaching, writing, blogging, research, and administrative requirements that go with it, recover from giving birth to my third son, and undergo hip reconstruction with a more-than-I-signed-up-for 1.5 years of rehab to get me back on my feet again, literally. I do also have a life, which required being an attentive parent to three young sons and a present partner to my (also overextended) husband while (literally) paying for the cost of writing a book and earning a doctorate.
In fact, we can all ask that of ourselves. On a day-in, day-out basis, we often can exclaim, "I made it! I endured and conquered! I won!" "I did it!", but, at what cost? To our families, To our communities, To our well-being? To our productivity and creativity? To our health?
We also, as I do, often feel ego-centric in sharing our difficulties with peers or friends. My husband recently threw a graduation party for me, which was a total surprise and completely amazing, but, as an introvert, it also makes me incredibly uncomfortable. It's like shouting through a bullhorn to the world, "Hey! Look at me! Look at all I am doing! I'm so great!" "I can lean in and do it all as a woman, wife, and mother!". When really, all I want to do is celebrate the fact that I made it through that insane 3 years by hiding in a closet for a year with the enormous stack of books that have been patiently waiting to be read since I started this "adventure" in 2012.
I still haven't talked about "burnout" though, right? That's the point. We often don't talk about it (burnout). We pretend as if everything is fine (aka That we have a superhero cape in our closet that allows us to be that Energizer Bunny and keep going and going and going). Or alternately, we believe that if we admit needing a break, we could catch serious flack at work or be labeled as "lesser." That's the American way, right? To work until you drop? To glorify busy?
However, I think if more of us admit to the possibility of burnout, and stop couching it as a dirty word that insinuates weakness or lack of resilience – then the more likely it will become acceptable to say what I've wanted to say for a long time now, "I need a break." In this way, we are not confessing our weaknesses as much as we are declaring our strength. My spiritual grounding tells me "in our weakness we become strong." Meaning, if we have the strength to admit to ourselves that we need a break, isn't that a first step in declaring resilience by making the wise step to renew our energy and capacity for love? I believe it is.
The United States: So far, no government body has publicly addressed the ubiquity of burnout in the U.S. or its toll on public health. Americans work longer hours than workers in Australia, Canada and most of western Europe, and the U.S. is the only developed nation that doesn't guarantee paid vacation. It's also the only industrialized country that doesn't guarantee paid parental leave.
Pastors, healthcare providers, therapists of all types, and not to forget, parents – in short, anyone who serves others everyday – shoulder an even higher risk of burnout. No one is immune.
But back to my yoga mat. Or rather, stepping off of it.
I was ruminating over keeping my promise to myself to make it through the last 3 years. The breakneck, inhumanly-paced, workload. Now that I've (almost) made it through to the other side, I need to seriously consider how to preserve my sanity beyond the yoga mat, because even folks who LOVE their job (like me), can suffer from burnout.
In our hearts, we know why we burnout. But we aren't normalizing the experience by talking about it. We pretend we can avoid it, or worse, those in service profession believe that if they admit to burnout, they will lose respect or standing in their field. Yogis don't admit to needing a break from teaching yoga. Teachers can't admit they need a break from teaching. Writers, well, writer's block is a real thing, but you get my point, right?
The point is, the American work "ethic" (ahem, code word for overworking) most often means being tethered to work, somehow, whether through email, social media, the phone, or physically showing up to whatever your office is, 6-7 days a week. This is almost certain if you are self-employed, which I am. I work long weekends teaching, and then when I'm not teaching or writing, I can easily spend an entire weekend tethered to email and/or social media – all for work.
My work is yoga in healthcare. A GREAT job, right? I get the privilege of helping others through education and healthcare. And, it takes me all over the world. I get to make a difference locally AND globally. I teach in universities, hospitals, clinics. I get to make a real difference – contributing uniquely to healthcare reform through bringing yoga into healthcare professions, education, and healthcare itself.
I haven't really discussed my private life yet, right? I also have three young sons, one with special needs, and a life I'd like to enjoy outside of work. I will say I am blessed in many ways, I am happily married, have a wonderful job, and a beautiful family. But here's the secret: I never take vacations. I never get a break. Any "vacation" I take is a working vacation, and the last true non-working vacation I had, all to myself without wearing a "mommy," or "work" hat, was honestly, 1998. I spent 2 weeks in Italy as a graduation gift to myself after my first round of graduate school.
Now, my husband and I have a date night to ourselves, in our own house, about once per year. And like so many other Americans who also never get a break, it shows. In our collective health and community Americans are, overall, not the healthiest or happiest lot.
It is why I am thankful to have had the strengths of spiritual practice and a trusty yoga mat the past 3 years. I could not have made it without those things, as well as the support of my family and friends.
So back to that yoga mat, or rather searching for how to take the good vibes off the yoga mat. I saw an article, "Why I'm Vowing To Use All Of My Vacation Days This Year, and seriously, a light bulb not only went off, but it burned like a supernova in my head. Like Charlie Brown in the Peanuts Christmas special, my brain shouted, "That's it!" I know why I can't concentrate, had a resurgence in old put-to-rest aches and pains, am unusually fatigued at odd times of the day or week, often don't have enough time for self-care, and generally feel disconnected. It's because I haven't taken a break – not even a simple vacation.
Now taking a "vacation" doesn't magically dissolve problems OR cure burnout, but if you are like me, and you cannot remember the last time you took a vacation that didn't include work – then that's the tip of the iceberg right there. If you don't give yourself a break, then you are bound and determinedly headed for full-blown burnout. "Welcome, welcome to burnout", I snickered inside, greeting myself with a big internal smile and a heavy dose of sarcasm. Hey, at least I have retained my sense of humor about it all. And to be honest, I predicted this would happen when I signed up for too many jobs back in 2012. But, the risk was calculated based on the needs of my family and myself. And, I did make it through, though not without paying a price.
I am one of those 42% of Americans who didn't use ANY vacation days in 2014, and for almost a decade surrounding that time. In my case, I could at least start with a little down time, with NO work involved. Right? How about you?
Let me speak directly to working parents– parents who are single or married, leading companies or working for them, forging new ideas and making them happen or managing other's ideas and making them happen, along with making lunches, doing laundry, and getting kids to dentist appointments and summer camps on time. Mothers (and dads too), are "leaning in" to the corporate world, all while raising children in an environment like the US which has no parental leave and still refuses to globally address workplace discrimination and antiquated workplace policies.
Working parents perhaps have an even higher risk of burnout.
It's a shame when even going to the drugstore by yourself constitutes a minor celebration and fist pump (fellow moms, you hear me loud and clear, right?) – and qualifies as self-care and a break. So, I've decided that, in the least, I should try to start giving myself official vacation days from 2016 onward. Brilliant, novel idea, right?
It is hardly a brilliant OR novel idea, but this is where many of us are stuck right now. We don't take vacation, much less vacation days off.
We feel guilty for just taking a sick day, even when we are actually sick (yes, that's me)! Or worse, we can't take a sick day or day off because we are self-employed (also me). The work piles up, and if we take a day off – guess what – no pay. And for some of us, even we aren't always getting paid when we work (can I get an amen small business owners?!), so taking time off can be a double whammy. However, there is a bright side to all this burnout talk.
My family, practicing staying up during heavy (workload) times.
A few weeks back I had posted this article on my FB wall, The Psychological Price of Entrepreneurship, which was met with its own set of fist pumps from colleagues and friends who are also living that article and are willing to admit that being brutally honest is healthier than lying about the stress of being self-employees, especially in ventures that are new and untested (yep, also me).
Just getting the support of colleagues made me feel better, as did admitting that I had felt the psychological and financial sting of trying to take a "great idea" (aka nothing) and turn it into something (aka something that I love and that also pays the light bill).
Ahh, that is good news, right? Knowing that we are not alone. It's just that we aren't talking about it (burnout) enough. Especially in the healthcare and wellness industry where we live and die teaching self-care and helping people be their best.
Now, if you'll recall, this "aha" I-never-take-vacations moment came just after yoga. That's no surprise, right? Yoga can provide calm, clarity, rest, and renewal, not to mention the opportunity for profound transformation in every sense (bio-psycho-social). Yoga is perfect for making better decisions and thinking clearly, right? You bet.
But it doesn't mean that wellness practices like yoga are a panacea. "Wellness isn't the answer to overwork." We still have to address WHY we are overworking in order to determine HOW we will fix it.
America, and other countries that are as crazy and imbalanced as us in the work ethic department, can't sustain this pace. Chronic diseases, which are stress driven in large part, are epidemic and endemic. This means abnormal, poor health has become the norm, when it should not be. With the chronic pain and opioid crisis, and the recent death of music icon, cultural liberator, and covert humanitarian, Prince (yes I was and still am a huge fan), I cannot believe the state we are in today. Prince's death should overwhelmingly send a clear message – we cannot sustain the pace we have set for ourselves, and healthcare must be reformed away from slap- a-band-aid-on-it, looking-for-smoke-but-not-the-fire, drive-thru big-pharma, fast-food-driven sick-care. The article, "Prince didn't die from pain pills, he died from chronic pain," is very telling, and should come as a warning to us all. We must take time for self-care (and put down the pills).
Burnout can happen to anyone, especially those in service industries.
Burnout does not mean you are weak, incapable, or unfit for your job.
Even when you love your job, you can still suffer from burnout.
The first step to overcome burnout, is to admit that you may actually be working too hard.
Yoga, or any other wellness or fitness routine, is not a cure for overwork.
Huffington Post has encouraged us to use the #TakeABreak hashtag to join their encouraging movement in declaring the importance of pursuing an adventure and taking those unclaimed vacation days off. Or if you are like me and you don't get any paid days off, take those days anyway, and budget for some time off. If taking a break means we can restore our concentration, focus, health, and passion for the jobs and families we love again, isn't it worth scaling back a bit?
Overcoming burnout takes more than a single vacation or weekend off. But for me, that's where I will start.
I don't know how or when, but with a little help from my friends and family, I'm going to figure out how this self-employed-mother-of-three-in-the-middle-of-finishing-major-projects-that-are-revenue-depleting (not generating), can take a little time off to relax and renew. Heck, I may even find time to make (and keep!) my long overdue healthcare preventive appointments.
You've got 6 months left in 2016, and I'm right there with you, deciding to make the best of them and shift the paradigm my work ethic, something I've been waiting to do since I made the pledge to the 3 year tour of overwork.
I'm taking on the challenge to actually take vacation days this year, which means continuing to practice my yoga (whether or not it brings more "aha" moments), keeping the faith, loving my family and my job, and oh yes, the most difficult part – unplugging from technology on a more consistent basis, especially for that enigmatic, yet-to-be-planned vacation (which I promise I WILL take, and you can hold me to it!).
Good luck and happy summer to you! I hope this article helps you find the courage to cite your weaknesses (admitting to overworking for starters!), and claim them as strengths to help you beat burnout!
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text:
Natalja Jurjewna Zygankowa (, wiss. Transliteration ; * 12. August 1962 in Berdjansk, Sowjetunion, zwischenzeitig Natalja Jurjewna Lapizkaja) ist eine ehemalige russische Handballspielerin, die für die Sowjetunion an den Olympischen Spielen teilnahm. Mittlerweile ist sie als Handballtrainerin tätig.

Karriere

Im Verein
Zygankowa spielte ab dem Jahr 1977 in Newinnomyssk bei Asot. Ab dem Jahr 1986 lief die Außenspielerin für GK Rostselmasch Rostow auf, mit dem sie 1990 sowohl die sowjetische Meisterschaft als auch den Europapokal der Pokalsieger gewann. Zur Saison 1990/91 wechselte Zygankowa zum jugoslawischen Verein ŽRK Budućnost Podgorica, mit dem sie vier Mal den nationalen Pokal sowie acht Mal die nationale Meisterschaft gewann. Im Jahr 1999 beendete sie ihre Karriere.

In der Nationalmannschaft
Zygankowa gewann mit der sowjetischen Juniorinnennationalmannschaft im Jahr 1981 die U-20-Weltmeisterschaft. Sie gewann zusätzlich die Torschützenkrone und wurde als beste Spielerin des Turniers ausgezeichnet. Anschließend gehörte Zygankowa dem Kader der sowjetischen Nationalmannschaft an, mit der sie 1982 und 1986 die Weltmeisterschaft sowie 1986 die Goodwill Games gewann. Weiterhin errang sie bei den Olympischen Spielen 1988 die Bronzemedaille. Im Turnierverlauf erzielte sie 17 Treffer.

Als Trainerin
Zygankowa war im Jahr 1999 als Jugendtrainerin bei ŽRK Budućnost Podgorica tätig. Im darauffolgenden Jahr betreute sie die Nationalmannschaft der Bundesrepublik Jugoslawien, die unter ihrer Leitung an der Europameisterschaft teilnahm. Zygankowa war im Jahr 2003 für die Jugendnationalmannschaft von Serbien und Montenegro verantwortlich. In der Saison 2008/09 trainierte sie den russischen Erstligisten GK Kuban Krasnodar. Anschließend übernahm sie das Traineramt der zweiten Mannschaft von Kuban. Später wechselte sie vereinsintern in die dritte Mannschaft.

Sonstiges
Zygankowa war mit dem russischen Fechter Wladimir Lapizki verheiratet.

Weblinks

Einzelnachweise

Handballnationalspieler (Sowjetunion)
Handballspieler (ŽRK Budućnost Podgorica)
Handballspieler (GK Rostow am Don)
Handballnationaltrainer (Serbien und Montenegro)
Handballtrainer (GK Kuban Krasnodar)
Olympiateilnehmer (Sowjetunion)
Teilnehmer der Olympischen Sommerspiele 1988
Weltmeister (Handball)
U20-Junioren-Weltmeister (Handball)
Jugoslawischer Meister (Handball)
Serbisch-montenegrinischer Meister (Handball)
Sowjetischer Meister (Handball)
Handball-Außenspieler
Sowjetbürger
Russe
Geboren 1962
Frau


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text:
John Smith (baptized 6 January 1580 – 21 June 1631) was an English soldier, explorer, colonial governor, admiral of New England, and author. He played an important role in the establishment of the colony at Jamestown, Virginia, the first permanent English settlement in North America, in the early 17th century. He was a leader of the Virginia Colony between September 1608 and August 1609, and he led an exploration along the rivers of Virginia and the Chesapeake Bay, during which he became the first English explorer to map the Chesapeake Bay area. Later, he explored and mapped the coast of New England. He was knighted for his services to Sigismund Báthory, Prince of Transylvania, and his friend Mózes Székely.

Jamestown was established on May 14, 1607. Smith trained the first settlers to work at farming and fishing, thus saving the colony from early devastation. He publicly stated, "He that will not work, shall not eat", alluding to 2 Thessalonians 3:10. Harsh weather, a lack of food and water, the surrounding swampy wilderness, and attacks from Native Americans almost destroyed the colony. With Smith's leadership, however, Jamestown survived and eventually flourished. Smith was forced to return to England after being injured by an accidental explosion of gunpowder in a canoe.

Smith's books and maps were important in encouraging and supporting English colonization of the New World. Having named the region of New England, he stated: "Here every man may be master and owner of his owne labour and land. ...If he have nothing but his hands, he may...by industries quickly grow rich." Smith died in London in 1631.

Early life

Smith's exact birth date is unclear. He was baptized on 6 January 1580 at Willoughby, near Alford, Lincolnshire, where his parents rented a farm from Lord Willoughby. He claimed descent from the ancient Smith family of Cuerdley, Lancashire, and was educated at King Edward VI Grammar School, Louth, from 1592 to 1595.

Smith set off to sea at age 16 after his father died. He served as a mercenary in the army of Henry IV of France against the Spaniards, fighting for Dutch independence from King Philip II of Spain. He then went to the Mediterranean where he engaged in trade and piracy, and later fought against the Ottoman Turks in the Long Turkish War. He was promoted to a cavalry captain while fighting for the Austrian Habsburgs in Hungary in the campaign of Michael the Brave in 1600 and 1601. After the death of Michael the Brave, he fought for Radu Șerban in Wallachia against Ottoman vassal Ieremia Movilă.

Smith reputedly killed and beheaded three Ottoman challengers in single-combat duels, for which he was knighted by the Prince of Transylvania and given a horse and a coat of arms showing three Turks' heads. However, in 1602 he was wounded in a skirmish with the Crimean Tatars, captured, and sold as a slave. He claimed that his master was a Turkish nobleman who sent him as a gift to his Greek mistress in Constantinople, Charatza Tragabigzanda, who fell in love with Smith. He then was taken to the Crimea, where he escaped from Ottoman lands into Muscovy, then on to the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth before travelling through Europe and North Africa, returning to England in 1604.

In Jamestown

In 1606, Smith became involved with the Virginia Company of London's plan to colonize Virginia for profit, and King James had already granted a charter. The expedition set sail in the Discovery, the Susan Constant, and the Godspeed on 20 December 1606. His page was a 12-year-old boy named Samuel Collier.

During the voyage, Smith was charged with mutiny, and Captain Christopher Newport (in charge of the three ships) had planned to execute him. These events happened approximately when the expedition stopped in the Canary Islands for resupply of water and provisions. Smith was under arrest for most of the trip. However, they landed at Cape Henry on 26 April 1607 and unsealed orders from the Virginia Company designating Smith as one of the leaders of the new colony, thus sparing him from the gallows.

By the summer of 1607, the colonists were still living in temporary housing. The search for a suitable site ended on 14 May 1607 when Captain Edward Maria Wingfield, president of the council, chose the Jamestown site as the location for the colony. After the four-month ocean trip, their food stores were sufficient only for each to have a cup or two of grain-meal per day, and someone died almost every day due to swampy conditions and widespread disease. By September, more than 60 had died of the 104 who left England.

In early January 1608, nearly 100 new settlers arrived with Captain Newport on the First Supply, but the village was set on fire through carelessness. That winter, the James River froze over, and the settlers were forced to live in the burned ruins. During this time, they wasted much of the three months that Newport and his crew were in port loading their ships with iron pyrite (fool's gold). Food supplies ran low, although the Native Americans brought some food, and Smith wrote that "more than half of us died". Smith spent the following summer exploring Chesapeake Bay waterways and producing a map that was of great value to Virginia explorers for more than a century.

In October 1608, Newport brought a second shipment of supplies along with 70 new settlers, including the first women. Some German, Polish, and Slovak craftsmen also arrived, but they brought no food supplies. Newport brought a list of counterfeit Virginia Company orders which angered Smith greatly. One of the orders was to crown Indian leader Powhatan emperor and give him a fancy bedstead. The Company wanted Smith to pay for Newport's voyage with pitch, tar, sawed boards, soap ashes, and glass.

After that, Smith tried to obtain food from the local Indians, but it required threats of military force for them to comply. Smith discovered that there were those among both the settlers and the Indians who were planning to take his life, and he was warned about the plan by Pocahontas. He called a meeting and threatened those who were not working "that he that will not work shall not eat." After that, the situation improved and the settlers worked with more industry.

Encounter with the Powhatan tribe

Native Americans led by Opechancanough captured Smith in December 1607 while he was seeking food along the Chickahominy River, and they took him to meet Chief Powhatan (Opechancanough's older brother) at Werowocomoco, the main village of the Powhatan Confederacy. The village was on the north shore of the York River about 15 miles north of Jamestown and 25 miles downstream from where the river forms from the Pamunkey River and the Mattaponi River at West Point, Virginia. Smith was removed to the hunters' camp, where Opechancanough and his men feasted him and otherwise treated him like an honoured guest. Protocol demanded that Opechancanough inform Chief Powhatan of Smith's capture, but the paramount chief also was on a hunt and therefore unreachable. Absent interpreters or any other means of effectively interviewing the Englishman, Opechancanough summoned his seven highest-ranking kwiocosuk, or shamans, and convened an elaborate, three-day divining ritual to determine whether Smith's intentions were friendly. Finding it a good time to leave camp, Opechancanough took Smith and went in search of his brother, at one point visiting the Rappahannock tribe who had been attacked by a European ship captain a few years earlier.

In 1860, Boston businessman and historian Charles Deane was the first scholar to question specific details of Smith's writings. Smith's version of events is the only source and scepticism has increasingly been expressed about its veracity. One reason for such doubt is that, despite having published two earlier books about Virginia, Smith's earliest surviving account of his rescue by Pocahontas dates from 1616, nearly 10 years later, in a letter entreating Queen Anne to treat Pocahontas with dignity. The time gap in publishing his story raises the possibility that Smith may have exaggerated or invented the event to enhance Pocahontas' image. However, professor Leo Lemay of the University of Delaware points out that Smith's earlier writing was primarily geographical and ethnographic in nature and did not dwell on his personal experiences; hence, there was no reason for him to write down the story until this point.

Henry Brooks Adams attempted to debunk Smith's claims of heroism. He said that Smith's recounting of the story of Pocahontas had been progressively embellished, made up of "falsehoods of an effrontery seldom equaled in modern times". There is consensus among historians that Smith tended to exaggerate, but his account is consistent with the basic facts of his life. Some have suggested that Smith believed that he had been rescued, when he had in fact been involved in a ritual intended to symbolize his death and rebirth as a member of the tribe. David A. Price notes in Love and Hate in Jamestown that this is purely speculation, since little is known of Powhatan rituals and there is no evidence for any similar rituals among other Native American tribes. Smith told a similar story in True Travels (1630) of having been rescued by the intervention of a young girl after being captured in 1602 by Turks in Hungary. Karen Kupperman suggests that he "presented those remembered events from decades earlier" when telling the story of Pocahontas. Whatever really happened, the encounter initiated a friendly relationship between the Native Americans and colonists near Jamestown. As the colonists expanded farther, some of the tribes felt that their lands were threatened, and conflicts arose again.

In 1608, Pocahontas is said to have saved Smith a second time. Chief Powhatan invited Smith and some other colonists to Werowocomoco on friendly terms, but Pocahontas came to the hut where they were staying and warned them that Powhatan was planning to kill them. They stayed on their guard and the attack never came. Also in 1608, Polish craftsmen were brought to the colony to help it develop. Smith wrote that two Poles rescued him when he was attacked by an Algonquian tribesman.

Smith's explorations of the Chesapeake Bay
In the summer of 1608, Smith left Jamestown to explore the Chesapeake Bay region and search for badly needed food, covering an estimated 3,000 miles. These explorations are commemorated in the Captain John Smith Chesapeake National Historic Trail, established in 2006. In his absence, Smith left his friend Matthew Scrivener as governor in his place, a young gentleman adventurer from Sibton Suffolk who was related by marriage to the Wingfield family, but he was not capable of leading the people. Smith was elected president of the local council in September 1608.

Influx of settlers
Some of the settlers eventually wanted Smith to abandon Jamestown, but he refused. Some deserted to the Indian villages, but Powhatan's people also followed Smith's law of "he who works not, eats not". This lasted "till they were near starved indeed", in Smith's words, and they returned home.

In the spring of 1609, Jamestown was beginning to prosper, with many dwellings built, acres of land cleared, and much other work done. Then in April, they experienced an infestation of rats, along with dampness which destroyed all their stored corn. They needed food badly and Smith sent a large group of settlers to fish and others to gather shellfish downriver. They came back without food and were willing enough to take the meager rations offered them. This angered Smith and he ordered them to trade their guns and tools for fruit from the Indians and ordered everyone to work or be banished from the fort.

The weeks-long emergency was relieved by the arrival of an unexpected ship captained by Samuel Argall. He had items of food and wine which Smith bought on credit. Argall also brought news that the Virginia Company of London was being reorganized and was sending more supplies and settlers to Jamestown, along with Lord De la Warr to become the new governor.

In a May 1609 voyage to Virginia, Virginia Company treasurer Sir Thomas Smith arranged for about 500 colonists to come along, including women and children. A fleet of nine ships set sail. One sank in a storm soon after leaving the harbour, and the Sea Venture wrecked on the Bermuda Islands with flotilla admiral Sir George Somers aboard. They finally made their way to Jamestown in May 1610 after building the Deliverance and Patience to take most of the passengers and crew of the Sea Venture off Bermuda, with the new governor Thomas Gates on board.

In August 1609, Smith was quite surprised to see more than 300 new settlers arrive, which did not go well for him. London was sending new settlers with no real planning or logistical support. Then in May 1610, Somers and Gates finally arrived with 150 people from the Sea Venture. Gates soon found that there was not enough food to support all in the colony and decided to abandon Jamestown. As their boats were leaving the Jamestown area, they met a ship carrying the new governor Lord De la Warr, who ordered them back to Jamestown. Somers returned to Bermuda with the Patience to gather more food for Jamestown but died there. The Patience then sailed for England instead of Virginia, captained by his nephew.

Smith was severely injured by a gunpowder explosion in his canoe, and he sailed to England for treatment in mid-October 1609. He never returned to Virginia. Colonists continued to die from various illnesses and disease, with an estimated 150 surviving that winter out of 500 residents. The Virginia Company, however, continued to finance and transport settlers to sustain Jamestown. For the next five years, Governors Gates and Sir Thomas Dale continued to keep strict discipline, with Sir Thomas Smith in London attempting to find skilled craftsmen and other settlers to send.

New England

In 1614, Smith returned to America in a voyage to the coasts of Maine and Massachusetts Bay. He named the region "New England". The commercial purpose was to take whales for fins and oil and to seek out mines of gold or copper, but both of these proved impractical so the voyage turned to collecting fish and furs to defray the expense. Most of the crew spent their time fishing, while Smith and eight others took a small boat on a coasting expedition during which he traded rifles for 11,000 beaver skins and 100 each of martins and otters.

Smith collected a ship's cargo worth of "Furres… traine Oile and Cor-fish" and returned to England. The expedition's second vessel under the command of Thomas Hunt stayed behind and captured a number of Indians as slaves, including Squanto of the Patuxet. Smith was convinced that Hunt's actions were directed at him; by inflaming the local population, Smith said, he could "prevent that intent I had to make a plantation there", keeping the country in "obscuritie" so that Hunt and a few merchants could monopolize it. According to Smith, Hunt had taken his maps and notes of the area to defeat's Smith's settlement plans. He could not believe that Hunt was driven by greed since there was "little private gaine" to be gotten; Hunt "sold those silly Salvages for Rials of eight."

Smith published a map in 1616 based on the expedition which was the first to bear the label "New England", though the Indian place names were replaced by the names of English cities at the request of Prince Charles. The settlers of Plymouth Colony adopted the name that Smith gave to that area, and other place names on the map survive today, such as the Charles River (marked as The River Charles) and Cape Ann (Cape Anna).

Smith made two attempts in 1614 and 1615 to return to the same coast. On the first trip, a storm dismasted his ship. In the second attempt, he was captured by French pirates off the coast of the Azores. He escaped after weeks of captivity and made his way back to England, where he published an account of his two voyages as A Description of New England. He remained in England for the rest of his life.

Smith compared his experiences in Virginia with his observations of New England and offered a theory of why some English colonial projects had failed. He noted that the French had been able to monopolize trade in a very short time, even in areas nominally under English control. The people inhabiting the coasts from Maine to Cape Cod had "large corne fields, and great troupes of well proportioned people", but the French had obtained everything that they had to offer in trade within six weeks. This was due to the fact that the French had created a great trading network which they could exploit, and the English had not cultivated these relations. Where once there was inter-tribal warfare, the French had created peace in the name of the fur trade. Former enemies such as the Massachuset and the Abenaki "are all friends, and have each trade with other, so farre as they have society on each others frontiers."

Smith believed that it was too late to reverse this reality even with diplomacy, and that what was needed was military force. He suggested that English adventurers should rely on his own experience in wars around the world and his experience in New England where his few men could engage in "silly encounters" without injury or long term hostility. He also compared the experience of the Spaniards in determining how many armed men were necessary to effect Indian compliance.

Death and burial
John Smith died on 21 June 1631 in London. He was buried in 1633 in the south aisle of Saint Sepulchre-without-Newgate Church, Holborn Viaduct, London. The church is the largest parish church in the City of London, dating from 1137. Captain Smith is commemorated in the south wall of the church by a stained glass window.

Legacy

New Hampshire

The Captain John Smith Monument currently lies in disrepair off the coast of New Hampshire on Star Island, part of the Isles of Shoals. The original monument was built in 1864 to commemorate the 250th anniversary of Smith's visit to what he named Smith's Isles. It was a series of square granite slabs atop one another, with a small granite pillar at the top (see image at right). The pillar featured three carved faces, representing the severed heads of three Turks that Smith lopped off in combat during his stint as a soldier in Transylvania.

In 1914, the New Hampshire Society of Colonial Wars partially restored and rededicated the monument for the 300th anniversary celebration of his visit. The monument had weathered so badly in the harsh coastal winters that the inscription in the granite had worn away. Contemporary newspapers reported dedication of "a bronze tablet" honouring Smith, and dedication of the Tucke Monument.

In 2014, a new monument honouring Smith was dedicated at Rye Harbor State Park, an 18-ton obelisk measuring "16 feet 14 inches"—in commemoration of the year 1614; —in height.

Credibility as an author

Many critics judge Smith's character and credibility as an author based solely on his description of Pocahontas saving his life from the hand of Powhatan. Most of the scepticism results from the differences between his narratives. His earliest text is A True Relation of Virginia, submitted for publication in 1608, the year after his experiences in Jamestown. The second was The Generall Historie of Virginia, New-England, and the Summer Isles, which was published in 1624. The publication of letters, journals, and pamphlets from the colonists was regulated by the companies that sponsored the voyage, in that the communications must go "directly to the company" because no one was to "write any letter of anything that may discourage others". Smith violated this regulation by first publishing A True Relation as an unknown author. Leo Lemay theorizes that the editor of The Generall Historie might have cut out "references to the Indians' hostility, to bickering among the leaders of Virginia Company, and to the early supposed mutiny" of Smith on the voyage to Virginia.

The Pocahontas episode is subject to the most scrutiny by critics, for it is missing from A True Relation but it does appear in The Generall Historie. According to Lemay, important evidence of Smith's credibility is the fact that "no one in Smith's day ever expressed doubt" about the story's veracity, and many people who would have known the truth "were in London in 1616 when Smith publicised the story in a letter to the queen", including Pocahontas herself.

Smith focuses heavily on Indians in all of his works concerning the New World. His relationship with the Powhatan tribe was an important factor in preserving the Jamestown colony from sharing the presumed fate of the Roanoke Colony.

Promoter of North American colonization

One of Smith's main incentives in writing about his New World experiences and observances was to promote English colonization. Lemay claims that many promotional writers sugar-coated their depictions of America in order to heighten its appeal, but he argues that Smith was not one to exaggerate the facts. He argues that Smith was very straightforward with his readers about both the dangers and the possibilities of colonization. Instead of proclaiming that there was an abundance of gold in the New World, as many writers did, Smith illustrated that there was abundant monetary opportunity in the form of industry. Lemay argues that no motive except wealth would attract potential colonists away from "their ease and humours at home". "Therefore, he presented in his writings actual industries that could yield significant capital within the New World: fishing, farming, shipbuilding, and fur trading".

Smith insists, however, that only hard workers would be able to reap the benefits of wealth which the New World afforded. He did not understate the dangers and toil associated with colonization. He declared that only those with a strong work ethic would be able to "live and succeed in America" in the face of such dangers.

Additional works
A Map of Virginia is focused centrally on the observations that Smith made about the Native Americans, particularly regarding their religion and government. This specific focus would have been Smith's way of adapting to the New World by assimilating the best parts of their culture and incorporating them into the colony. A Map of Virginia was not just a pamphlet discussing the observations that Smith made, but also a map which Smith had drawn himself, to help make the Americas seem more domestic. As Lemay remarks, "maps tamed the unknown, reduced it to civilisation and harnessed it for Western consciousness," promoting Smith's central theme of encouraging the settlement of America. Many "naysayers of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century" have made the argument that Smith's maps were not reliable because he "lacked a formal education in cartography". That allegation, however, was proved false by the fact that Smith was a "master in his chosen fields of experience".

The Proceedings of the English Colony In Virginia was a compilation of other writings; it narrates the colony's history from December 1609 to the summer of 1610, and Smith left the colony in October 1609 due to a gunpowder accident. The writing style of The Proceedings is thought to be better constructed than A Map of Virginia.

In popular culture

John Smith was honoured on two of the three stamps of the Jamestown Exposition Issue held 26 April – 1 December 1907 at Norfolk, Virginia to commemorate the founding of the Jamestown settlement. The 1-cent John Smith, inspired by the Simon de Passe engraving of the explorer was used for the 1-cent postcard rate. The 2-cent Jamestown landing stamp paid the first-class domestic rate.

Captain Smith has featured in popular media several times during the 20th and 21st century.
 Smith was portrayed by Anthony Dexter in the 1953 independent low-budget film Captain John Smith and Pocahontas.
 A fictionalized version of Smith appears in James A. Michener's 1978 novel Chesapeake.
 Smith is one of the main characters in Disney's 1995 animated film Pocahontas and its 1998 straight-to-video sequel Pocahontas II: Journey to a New World. He is voiced by Mel Gibson in the first movie and by his younger brother Donal Gibson in the sequel.
 Smith and Pocahontas are central characters in the 2005 Terrence Malick film The New World, in which he was portrayed by Colin Farrell.
 Country singer Blake Shelton played the Disney version in an unaired "Cut for Time" sketch on Saturday Night Live.
 In A Different Flesh by Harry Turtledove, an anthology set in an alternate timeline where the New World is inhabited by Homo erectus and Pleistocene megafauna, John Smith is mentioned as having been killed by 'sims' shortly after the establishment of Jamestown in Virginia.

Publications
John Smith published eight volumes during his life. The following lists the first edition of each volume and the pages on which it is reprinted in :

  Quarto. . First attributed to "a Gentleman of the said Collony." then to "Th. Watson" and finally (in 1615) to Smith. A digitized version is hosted at Project Jamestown. Another was prepared for the etext library of the University of Virginia.
  Quarto.  Edited by W[illiam] S[immonds]. An abridged edition was printed in .
  Quarto.  This volume was translated into German and published in Frankfurt in 1617. A digitized copy is hosted by the Digital Commons of the University of Nebraska–Lincoln.
  Quarto. . This volume contained some of the material from A Description of New-England. A new and somewhat expanded "second edition" was printed in 1622, also by William Jones.
  Folio. . The work was republished in 1726, 1727 and 1732.
  Octavo. . In the following year the work was enlarged probably by another hand as  That same year another printing of An Accidence was also made for Jonas Man and Benjamin Fisher. In 1653 this work, under the title A Sea Grammar, was entirely recast and substantially enlarged by "B.F."
  Folio. . Five years before the publication a shorter version of this autobiography was published in  in a chapter entitled "The Trauels and Aduentures of Captaine IOHN SMITH in diuers parts of the world, begun about the yeere 1596."
  Quarto. .

See also
 Jamestown Exposition
 Southern Colonies

References

Citations

General and cited sources
  Hosted online by the Internet Archive: Volume I and Volume II.

  The original imprint was "In fower parts, each containing five bookes." All four volumes are hosted online by the Library of Congress
  This book is reprinted in . A digitized version can be downloaded from The Digital Commons at University of Nebraska–Lincoln.

 . Macmillan published a verbatim version of the first printing (with different pagination) of this work as well as Smith's 1630 autobiography and his Sea Grammar:  The Macmillan version, is hosted by the Library of Congress (in two volumes): Volume I and Volume II. A searchable version (with various download options) of the same book is hosted by the Internet Archive: Voume I and Volume II. The Generall History of Virginia is also contained in . The work was twice republished in Smith's life (in 1726 and 1727) and immediately after his death (in 1732).

Further reading
 Barbour, Philip L. (1964). The Three Worlds of Captain John Smith Boston: Houghton Mifflin
 Barbour, Philip L. (1969). The Jamestown Voyages under the First Charter, 1606–1609, 2 vols., Publications of the Hakluyt Society, ser. 2, 136–137. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press

 Horn, James, ed. (2007). Captain John Smith, Writings, with Other Narratives of Roanoke, Jamestown, and the English Settlement of America. Library of America. .

 Smith, John. The Complete Works of Captain John Smith (1580–1631) in Three Volumes, edited by Philip L. Barbour, 3 vols. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press for The Institute of Early American History and Culture, Williamsburg, 1986)
 Smith, John. The Generall Historie of Virginia, New-England, and the Summer Isles. 1624. Repr. in Jamestown Narratives, ed. Edward Wright Haile. Champlain, VA: Roundhouse, 1998. pp. 198–199, 259.
 Smith, John. Letter to Queen Anne. 1616. Repr. as 'John Smith's Letter to Queen Anne regarding Pocahontas'. Caleb Johnson's Mayflower Web Pages. 1997. Accessed 23 April 2006.
 Striker, Laura Polanyi; Smith, Bradford. "The Rehabilitation of John Smith". The Journal of Southern History, Vol. 28, 4 Nov. (Nov. 1962) pp. 474–481.
 Symonds, William. The Proceedings of the English Colonie in Virginia. 1612. Repr. in The Complete Works of Captain John Smith. Ed. Philip L. Barbour. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1986. Vol. 1, pp. 251–252
 Warner, Charles Dudley, Captain John Smith, 1881. Repr. in Captain John Smith, Project Gutenberg Text, accessed 4 July 2006

External links

 Captain John Smith Chesapeake National Historic Trail Official Website
 NGS Then and Now – John Smith
  John Smith Water Trail Blog
  The Captain John Smith Water Trail
 A Description of New England (1616) online text (PDF)
 The Ugliest Monument in New England (seacoastnh.com)
 John Smith Memorial Photo History
 Complete text of the Generall Historie American Memory
 Texts of Imagination & Empire, by Emily Rose, Princeton University Folger Shakespeare Library

1580 births
1631 deaths
English explorers
17th-century explorers
17th-century American writers
17th-century English male writers
17th-century soldiers
Slaves in the Ottoman Empire
Colonial governors of Virginia
English explorers of North America
People educated at King Edward VI Grammar School, Louth
English duellists
People from Alford, Lincolnshire
Writers of captivity narratives
English soldiers
Jamestown, Virginia
Slaves from the Kingdom of England
Explorers of the United States
People from Jamestown, Virginia
17th-century slaves
Military personnel from Lincolnshire
English emigrants


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