text:
Rudolf Hilferding November 1905
Parliamentarianism and the General Strike
Source: "Parliamentarianism and the General Strike," The Social Democrat, Vol. IX No. 11, November, 1905, pp. 675-687;
Translated: by Jacques Bonhomme;
Transcribed: by Ted Crawford.
R. Hilferding contributes an interesting article under the above title to the "Neue Zeit" for September 16.
He begins by saying that it is important that an answer should be given to the question of Jaurès, raised at the Amsterdam Congress, why the important Social-Democratic Party of Germany had had such little influence in the government of its own country. This is especially noteworthy, because in France the Socialists have had a very great influence on the conduct of the Ministry, and even in Austria, where they are by no means numerous, they have not been without modifying in some ways the action of their rulers. It would appear that in Germany too much attention has been paid in merely endeavouring to get members elected to the Reichstag.
Parliamentarianism is often considered as a safety-valve, and in countries where it has full liberty the number of members representing particular parties affords a somewhat rough guess of the relative strength of parties. Then there ensues a more or less friendly rivalry in the parliament, so that sometimes one party rules and sometimes another.
This account of the parliamentary system does not, however, take sufficiently into account that the system may often act quite differently when a totally different set of conditions prevails. It must first be granted that the parliament shall have full power to carry out its decisions without interference, but if this be not possible then the influence of a particular party will not be in a direct ratio with its strength. The election only gives them the number of the supporters of a particular party, and this only in a rough and ready way, for it may be that all those who have voted for the candidates of the party would not be in agreement with its aims and objects. These aims themselves will not always be quite what the candidates would agree to. Besides a comparison of what is desired and what is likely to be obtained will show great differences. Here the question of organisation of the electorate and the method of utilising it plays a very important part; it may be said, in brief, that in every modern election the result depends on organisation, and that this is the great test. But the arrangements to be made for organisation are of vast importance, and everything in an election rests on them. There is always the possibility when there is a struggle between parties that there may be an internecine struggle between the leaders of an organisation and their followers, unless, indeed, organisations were controlled by a military power. It is always doubtful if, in a crisis, the commands of the leaders of the organisation would be followed. Parliamentarianism therefore does not afford any absolute security as far as concerns the management of the masses, and the issue of the struggle may always be doubtful, just as it is doubtful whether the decrees of an arbitration court will always prevent war.
Many members of the party consider that parliamentarianism is a means of putting a stop in a peaceful way to all the conflicts of society, and it appears at first sight that this may be right. A more rigid analysis, however, of the matter may show reasons for a change of opinion.
There are, practically, two methods by which a parliamentary majority can retain its power. It may, in the first instance, try to carry out itself those demands of the minority which constitute the most popular parts of its programme, and thus take the wind out of its sails. These tactics will be the easiest to apply when the demands of the majority do not differ from those of the minority in principle; when, in consequence, their realisation will only modify the power of the majority and at the same time gain for the majority new elements in power. By so doing, the majority may hope to remain such for a very long time, or, at all events, to prevent the minority becoming a majority for some time. If the differences, however, are on matters of principle, then, though this policy is still possible, yet it assumes another character. It then becomes the policy of a demagogue. The majority makes concessions in matters of minor importance, because it hopes in that way to conciliate some of the members who belong to the minority. It is expected that some who are indifferent, or who are not very keen, will leave their party when they see that the majority is conciliatory, and in that way the majority will become more powerful at the expense of the minority.
In that way it may happen that the very measures advocated by the minority will be carried by the majority, and as, according to the hypothesis, the members belong to the same class of society, it is really a matter of secondary importance which party is in power.
But it will be quite different if it be a question of difference in principle – if it is a matter of a struggle between two classes. Then the majority will soon come to the end of its concessions, of which the limits will be determined by its class interests. It will realise that further concessions will not strengthen its position, but that of its opponents. Its tactics will change; it will become rigid, and will try to discredit the minority among the electorate by saying that nothing can be done with those fellows, that their impractical, utopian policy is bound to preclude every understanding with the majority. If, in the former case, the minority appears influential because it forces its opponents to make concessions, and is thus able to show some tangible success, it appears in this case to be without influence and power, while their opponents use their opportunities to a greater extent than ever. So that though a party may appear to become more powerful by getting more votes, yet all the time it is not really gaining strength.
The minority should direct its tactics according as it sees clearly what is the aim of the majority. As the majority refuses any concession, the minority should act in such a way as to show that their aims can be realised – they should endeavour to mitigate the keenness of the struggle, and thus win new concessions from the majority.
If the majority at this point grant certain concessions – as was done by the English middle-class when, in order to retain their colonies and the world-market, it conceded some of the demands of the English workers – then it will show that the minority has been clever in its tactics by thus effecting a parliamentary compromise till the time comes for a new struggle.
If no concessions are made, either because the aims of the opposition are too well known and too dangerous, or because the rulers think that too much is asked for, then the parliamentary struggle will go on, and there will be much bitterness between the two parties.
The parliamentary system will be more complicated when there are more than two parties, and especially when one party is more or less identified with the ruling class. If, too, the parties are of different strength, then the government will play one party against the other, and will grant concessions sometimes to one party, sometimes to another, so as not to discredit any one in the eyes of the electors, and so as to be able at any time to make use of it if necessary. In the same way the parties which are not in power have to agree to make concession after concession, and are thereby weakened, and often modify their demands. No one party is all-powerful, but at the same time no one party is absolutely without influence.
As long as the proletariat is still weak, and does not know its aims, it serves as a battering-ram for the middle-class parties to attain their ends. It is used as a means of strength for other parties, or to aid the imperialist policy of the government. The proletariat then helps to obtain concessions for the train of vassals. The want of any real principle in politics enables the middle-class to control parliament, to obtain power, and to use it for its own ends. For the political weakness of the proletariat is the strength of middle-class parliamentarianism, because a self-conscious proletariat will demand things which will injure the middle-class. There comes a time when the proletariat constitutes itself into an independent party, and formulates its demands by its own leaders. It is soon seen that this is a blow for the middle-class parties, and the struggle begins. The first aim of the proletariat is clearly to state and formulate its principles, and to free the workers from the bondage of the middle-class parties. Therefore it is not strange that there should be much acrimonious controversy in meetings and newspapers, and that the middle-class should bitterly complain about "agitators and ne'er-do-wells." They would like and hope to imprison them. The workers' party will be few in numbers, badly organised, and entirely without influence.
When, however, the proletariat begins to grow, it begins to get free from the hindrances which affected its childhood. Its growth is a threat for the other parties, which begin to fear that it may injure them. The middle-class parties of the majority begin the tactic of concessions, in order to take the "wind out of the sails" of the democracy. Here parties begin to be separated, the "reactionary party" will even be ready to make concessions to the workers if, by so doing, they can gain votes which would have gone to the Liberals. Now the "era of reforms" begins. We have seen examples of this in Germany, and also in Austria. The young middle-class party which rules in Germany would never have been able to indulge in its policy of world-power and colonisation if it had not been prepared to grant concessions to the proletariat. The various laws granting old age pensions, workers' insurance, were really paid by the proletariat, owing to the new laws instituting protection. This policy would not have succeeded if the Government had had to deal with a proletariat which was self-conscious. At the same time, and this shows the demagogic character of this policy, there goes hand-in-hand in Germany, as well as in Austria, persistent and constant attacks on Social-Democracy. The whole aim of this policy was, by granting material concessions to the proletariat, to ensure the rule of the middle-class, and at the same time to increase its power and influence. And it then appears right to let the proletariat think that it will attain its freedom not by means of the Social-Democracy but owing to the action of other parties. Thus the policy of concession ends by its entire failure, and this marks a second stage in the struggle between the two classes.
Up to this point events occurred in this way both in Germany and in Austria. But in France the defeat of the Commune caused the middle-class to be no longer afraid of the proletariat. The Republic was also founded, and did not trouble itself much about the proletariat, which for some time was out of spirits and weak, musing on its defeat, and rather sceptical about political activity.
But in recent years things assumed a different aspect. In Austria and in France the Socialists increased rapidly, their political influence became great, and the more so as their demands were more clearly formulated. In Germany, where the party seemed to increase greatly in numbers, its influence diminished; and the more the numbers increased the more its influence seemed to diminish. There seems contradiction in this, and yet it is only the necessary result of different economic conditions, which lead to different results, owing to the different policy adopted by the ruling classes. The policy of the ruling classes is responsible for this, and not a difference in the tactics adopted by the Social-Democracy in different countries.
In Germany the economic development has been particularly rapid; in that country there has been great concentration of capital, while on the other hand there has been the formation of a great proletarian party, and, consequently, there has been much Socialism. Socialism itself, and not isolated demands of the proletariat from present-day society, is here the important question. This hinders really, though it makes more urgent, the attainment of most of the preliminary demands of the proletariat which are less easily attained. But – what was always our contention – these claims, which are sought to be attained to-day, are not a means of propitiation, but indicate a change and strengthening of the proletariat. At the same time the enemy, resisting with terror all appeals, thinks – and in this he is right – that each demand of the proletariat is only a step to the attainment of the state of the future (i.e., Socialism).
Among the middle-class the economic development has brought about an entire transformation. Population has drifted more and more towards the towns, and the country districts become more and more sparsely populated. The population of the towns itself has also undergone a complete change. The old-fashioned middle-class is quite altered. The small capitalist, with his petty, dear class-interests, has lost the position which he formerly occupied; the new "middle-class," as it is called, is no longer an organic unity – either political or economic – but a gathering of all kinds of men: skilled artisans, small capitalists, managers, directors, clerks, etc. Its outlook has been entirely revolutionised by the capitalistic development: its formation is different, the economic existence of its members is no longer assured. This new middle-class is not, therefore, in its present condition, able to form a new great political party. Its various elements afford rather a recruiting-ground for other parties, and that is what takes place. But the other historic parties are also entirely changed.
The old-fashioned sharp distinction between agricultural and industrial capitalists no longer holds good, their old commercial struggle has ceased, and they have joined hands in the modern protectionist policy, for the common robbery of the public. And since most of the agricultural capitalists have made their peace with industrial capitalists the agreements on the tariff have made the bonds of union much closer than before. This union has been strengthened through the common interest in the "world" policy of the State by militarism, and by the latter in the policy of colonial expansion. The exponents of these policies belong to the two above-mentioned classes. All this would be unbearable unless the growth of Social-Democracy did not threaten their power.
The same economic development which has tended to make the proletariat more numerous, and has made the Social-Democratic Party more numerous, has also healed the differences in the middle-class parties; it has been of great benefit to the "reactionary masses," and has thus increased the power of resistance of the middle-class, and given it a new lease of life.
The more Social-Democracy grew, the more the other parties lost the help which they formerly received from the proletariat, but at the same time the middle-class parties no longer were willing to advocate measures in the interests of the workers, and they followed more and more their own purely middle-class interests. Therefore, while the Social-Democracy became more powerful, its opponents also increased in strength. At the present time, it is only the Centre[1] which still depends on working-class votes, that still tries to give a demagogic direction to its policy.
When, however, the economic development has reached a certain point, so that the complexity of Socialism only appears to be a simple question of political power, then the tactics which sought to appease the proletariat by making concessions can no longer be followed. Then they are seen to be too small and too unimportant to be able to have any effect at preventing a change in the system of classes.
But if these concessions appear to the proletariat to be too small, they appear to the ruling classes to be too great. For these concessions must be important if they are to be of any use. They must be material concessions, for political concessions to the proletariat, which allow it more freedom and development in agitation, can only strengthen the party of the workers. If, however, these concessions are to be great, then they must for that very reason be injurious to the interests of the ruling classes. Besides, the result is also uncertain, because the proletariat soon gets to see what the game is, and therefore there is the danger that these concessions will only tend to strengthen the power of the Social-Democracy. It is no wonder, then, that the ruling classes are in no hurry to do anything to bring this about.
In this third stage of development the influence and the direct action of Social-Democracy are not very great. The ruling classes still have the hope of keeping, by fear, the indifferent masses away from Social-Democracy. The watchword is now, No concessions! For concessions would only strengthen Social-Democracy, and also greatly increase the faith of its adherents, who would think that it was by means of Socialism that something might be gained. Here and there, where resistance seems to grow less, it is sought at all events to save appearances and to say that these reforms were not the result of Social-Democracy, but were due to middle-class parties or to the "social kingdom" which has laboured for the workers. Thus it appears that Social-Democracy has been put on one side out of practical, successful politics, and that reaction and obscurantism in German politics have been still further strengthened, and have become more fruitful because they no longer have quite the same appearance as before. So that while in the former stage there might have been some truth in the attempt to distinguish between Social-Democracy and the power of the working classes, at present there is not even an appearance of doing this.
It is the middle-class, the ruling classes of Germany, who proclaim that the aims of Social-Democracy and of Labour are identical. No special laws against Social-Democracy, but the exclusion of all workers from voting, the fury of class justice against all workers, whether they come before the courts in criminal or in social matters, oppression and weakening in all ways of the working classes as far as is in the power of the State.
The Socialist parties in Austria and in France occupy quite a different position, and this is due to the entirely different structure of society in those countries, and also to the entirely different political conditions which exist there.
The great industrial development does not alter in such a startling way the differences between the town and the country population. The closed phalanx of the peasant population remains unchanged by the increase of Social-Democracy, and this does not appear to be such a very great danger. There are a great number of small towns in those countries, and in these the worker often works at home; the towns are reactionary both in politics and in economics, and there is still very much power in the hands of the middle-class, which, in the case of Austria, is increased by the existing system of voting. The industrial capitalists are not so powerful as they would like against the small capitalists and the agrarians, and they still are able to reckon on the help of the proletariat in many questions of economic policy which they could not hope to attain in Germany. Social-Democracy appears to be such a very small party that it causes no terror, and its increase is very small. The Government has no immediate fear of it; it looks upon the demands made by the leaders of the Socialists as something utopian, with which "practical politicians" – as they call themselves – have "not yet" to reckon with. It is not Socialism, only a few practical demands of the proletariat, which are here thought to be important. The Socialists therefore seem to be a party, just like the others, with whom it is possible to cooperate. The "red peril," which plays a part in the agitation for the suffrage, is yet only a phrase used by the middle classes to frighten people. Certainly the class distinctions are felt here too, the class struggle is also often bitter, but the fight is not so close nor so sharp as in Germany. It is still thought that the indifferent workman may be won over by a few trivial concessions, and it is sought to set one party against the other. The middle classes are more reasonable, because they fear that if the reactionary and retrograde classes were to attain power they would bring about a crisis which would greatly injure the middle classes. This reaction is quite different from that existing in Germany. Here it is not due to the desire for rule on the part of old and worn-out classes, but to the fear of the rule of the proletariat; it is directed against that especially, and this is particularly shown in the hideous form of the laws which have been passed against the working classes. This is seen by the laws against the suffrage, against unions, etc. It is the way of reaction always to become more reactionary, and a bad government is succeeded by a worse one. Once the process is begun there is no stopping, and this is seen in the methods adopted by the reaction of the feudalist small proprietors. Yet reaction in Germany shows itself at all events in all important matters; while on the other hand, in Austria, the middle-class clerical reaction often does interfere with capital, and in that way helps the freedom of the proletariat. Reaction there is too much occupied with its struggle against all modern tendencies of development to find time and strength to ally itself with other parties against the proletariat. Social-Democracy is not, therefore, so much its enemy, as of the middle-class.
Here, too, the backward social structure of society has resulted in there being more parties, and has also in that way weakened the force of the Government. The German Government in all important questions can always count on the support of all the middle-class parties. Even if this were not the case the middle-class opposition would not ally itself with the Socialist parties. In France – and in Austria, too, to some extent – the Government may always have to face a coalition of parties which is not easily overcome.
To these circumstances, which are due to the difference in social structure, there are to be added others of a historic nature, which may be thus stated: In Austria there is the question of the suffrage, which hinders the expansion of Social-Democracy, the acuteness of military questions and sectional politics. In France the middle-class hope to see the Socialist Party split up into fragments, and then to win over part of the proletariat. This hinders the Socialist parties in their opposition to the Government, especially in the questions which are of greatest importance – those relating to commerce, to foreign politics, to militarism, and to colonial policy.
Middle-class society is always feeling that it is threatened by the increase of power of the Social-Democracy, and is always prepared to resist these encroachments to the best of its ability. This explains to a large extent the attitude in politics of the ruling classes in North and South Germany, where there exists a strong agricultural party, and where, therefore, owing to the slower and lesser industrial increase there is a weaker proletariat. In those districts it is possible to grant electoral reforms, so that though the proletariat is weaker, it really appears to have more influence than the stronger proletarian party in Prussia, in Saxony, or in the Hanse Towns.
It appears at first to be a wonderful paradox that the Social-Democracy, though it may be more numerous, should really have less influence on politics, but it is so, and this is due to the existing social conditions. The stronger the state of society, the weaker is the electoral position of the party. It is the conflict between the State and society which appears to be most conspicuous in the Russian revolution: to use the terminology of Russian politics, State and society are set in opposition to each other.
The parliamentary want of influence of Social-Democracy is not the result of bad tactics, but the necessary product of historical development, which in the condition of middle-class society must first attain its full development before it can be overthrown.
Social-Democratic tactics are necessarily in this way influenced by the attitude of the opponent. Only in that stage, when the party is not completely formed, but is still greatly influenced by the past, will there be divergences of opinion, which will go on till the party is thoroughly unified. Then, when there is a strong reforming spirit in the party, it will be able better to withstand the attacks of the enemy, whatever may be the tactics adopted. For it is always the object of the moderate reformers to minimise the abiding class interests of the proletariat, and to make out that these are not of pressing importance. These tactics, however, fail necessarily when it is no longer possible for concessions to be made on the part of the ruling classes because then it has become abundantly clear that it is quite useless to try and stem the revolutionary tide by these trifling gifts. In Germany, in the second stage, there was no split, and, indeed, not even important differences; this was due to the fact that the condition of politics did not allow it. In the same way, owing to the contest for universal suffrage, there were not many differences in Austria. But in France and in Italy these interests of the party were a source of danger, and threatened at times to obscure the class character of the struggle.
So that it is not strange if the practical "revisionism" has had no direct influence in the party in Germany. It came too late. The laws directed against Socialism hindered in a way its regular development and then its progress was too rapid to make it worth while for the ruling classes to try and pay any attention to it unless they could have initiated some measure which would have put a stop to it altogether. But "revisionism" has only been overcome to-day in its first and primitive form, and it is still likely to crop up in a modified form as parliamentarianism. We have seen that "revisionism" always demands concessions as its object. Now, it cannot receive these now. But if it cannot attain this end through an analysis of the economic development it may try to obtain them by means of politics. As in Germany, Socialism was not able, owing to the reaction, to acquire the same influence as in France, it has been sought to account for the stationary state of Germany by means of the development of parliamentarianism. It is not seen that the weakness of a middle-class parliament is really a consequence of the strength of Socialism. If the danger is once seen that the proletariat can become powerful in Parliament, then it is the interest of the ruling classes to divest this parliament of all possible power. The more powerless parliament is then the less attention is paid to political life, and the more numerous will be those who care nothing for politics, especially for parliamentary politics, and will not bother to go to the polls. Therefore it becomes more and more a duty to use this power outside of parliament as a means of attacking parliament itself. In that way, too, the ruling classes in Germany do their best to discredit Parliament. They use their power in other ways, either in more directly increasing the direct influence of Government officials in all kinds of ways, or through the pressure which they can bring to bear on the dependent classes. Whenever it is possible they try to weaken the power of a Parliament chosen by universal suffrage by increasing the influence of the local assemblies, which are much under the influence of the Government.[2] The Prussian Parliament (Landtag) is fostered by the Government because it has no Socialist member, the German Reichstag is contemned because it contains a Socialist Party. "Revisionism" will only cure the symptoms if it makes for more parliamentarianism, and if it thus was able to put something in the place of the democracy. It is not sufficiently realised in Germany that the struggle for political power is between two classes, and that it involves the question of the whole order of society. In this weakening of Parliament there is really room for much deception, and it is very problematical whether the function of Parliament is to be a safety valve. As the Social-Democracy appears to have no real power in Parliament, therefore the Parliamentary men begin to think that in real life Socialism is also a thing which need not be taken into account. The wishes of these clever people almost appear to be realised, and they think, judging from what goes on in Parliament, that the growth of Socialism is quite unattended with any danger. The clever people seem to have good reason for their belief.
The proletariat, having been for a moment taken aback by its Parliamentary weakness, remembers its real power, and is ready to make use of this now that it can no longer apply the former. So that in Germany the idea of attaining universal suffrage for all Parliaments[3] has become a pressing question, and it has been thought that this could be done by means of a general strike, which has been advocated both in Austria and in Belgium. We must, however, first carefully distinguish as to what can be done by the general strike. It is important to consider whether the proletariat is to remain for a very long time in the minority, and whether middle-class society can or cannot be modified by the action of the workers.
The same demands of the proletariat, according to the stage of development attained in different countries, will meet with more or less opposition on the part of the ruling classes. It therefore follows that the method of fighting which in one country may be successfully followed and made use of cannot in another country be employed, or, if so, will not lead to any result. If the resistance of the ruling classes cannot be broken, then the use of some means will only weaken the proletariat. Each means employed in the struggle between the two classes may acquire a different meaning. However great or little the development has been in a general strike, the power of the proletariat appears free from any control and any influence of the organised power of the middle-class, and is, in fact, in direct opposition to it. A general strike will, therefore, always and everywhere meet with strong opposition from middle-class society. Yet this opposition, however, will assume quite different forms of intensity, energy, resistance and opportunity in different countries.
In Germany and Austria the general strike is part of the party's programme, under certain conditions.
And yet in these two countries it would have to be decided upon on quite different principles. A general strike, initiated by the most numerous political party in Germany against the strongest Government and the best-organised class in the world, is a very different thing from a general strike in Austria, begun by a small party against a weak Government, and in a State where middle-class parties are very much opposed to each other. In Germany a general strike, whatever the result may be, must meet with the greatest resistance. For the ruling classes in Germany are keen enough to see what is economically determined by any victory of the proletariat, whatever form it may assume. The all-important question would be that the mass organisation of the proletariat by its own power had defeated the mass organisation of the middle-class. The decision in one question in favour of the proletariat would, in the opinion of its opponents, tend to the solution of other questions, likewise in its favour. If the proletariat is victorious once, it may hope to conquer again. If the proletariat can attain its desired end, then it will be a question of "to be or not to be" for the ruling classes.
Therefore the general strike is a decisive crisis in Germany, a struggle which must be fought to a finish, and which must either be a great victory or a very severe defeat for the proletariat. The general strike in Germany will not be a skirmish but a general engagement between the two parties, in which the one will use all the means in its power to be victorious, and the other will equally resist with all its might – it will be a great, decisive struggle between the middle-class and the proletariat.
The political strike in Germany is no mere demonstration, and will not be considered such by its opponents. It is not an issue which will be decided on one point, but a question which must be solved on entirely political grounds. Whatever a strike might mean to the proletariat, it would sound the death-knell of its opponents. Things are quite different in Austria. There the general strike will only be a very powerful demonstration or means of exercising pressure in order that the proletariat may thus attain a result which could not otherwise be accomplished in a middle-class State. There it is not a question of the political supremacy of the proletariat. The resistance of the ruling classes would not there be so extreme or so determined. The middle-class parties are not united, indeed some of them are in opposition to the Government. The proletariat appears to be the opponent of a single section and not of the whole of the middle-class. While the proletariat is weaker, the resistance of the middle-class parties is also weaker, and the result is easier, because it only involves a part of the victory of the proletariat, and not its complete victory. Therefore it is felt that in Austria the general strike would only, if successful, partially accomplish what would be attained in Germany. The general strike is therefore a weapon which, under different circumstances, serves different ends, and would accomplish quite different results. It is therefore quite clear why in one country preparations are actually made for this strike, and that it is considered to be the signal for the proletarian revolution, while in the other it is only looked upon as an incident in the class warfare.
But those who do not recognise the historical position of parliamentarianism in Germany, think that it has not increased as rapidly as that of France, and will not see that its weakness is due to the strength of the class struggle. They deceive themselves concerning the object of the fight and also of the resistance which will take place in the battle. They think that it all resolves itself into a question of parliamentary reform while really it is a matter of a Social Revolution. For if the proletariat comes out successfully in the question of a general strike the Government will be defeated and the power of the middle-class broken. The proletariat will then by its victory have completely changed the character of Parliament. Instead of being a middle-class Parliament it will be a means of carrying on the commands of the proletariat. In order to fully recognise the greatness of the class struggle in Germany we must look on the general strike in Germany as the last step to be taken for the attainment of political power.
Those, then, who do not think of what is the real object to be gained, might be of opinion that it would be advisable to begin a general strike in order to obtain the extension of the suffrage for the Prussian local Diet (the Landtag), or to protest against the curtailment of the suffrage at Lubeck. But we who think otherwise cannot agree with that opinion, and urge the advisability of well considering the question and the possible danger of the struggle. It might appear to some people who do not fully realise the consequences of their actions that the policy of the "moderates," who live from hand to mouth and who provide for the needs of each day, would not be so dangerous as that of the "radicals." But in this case, in Germany, one must not underestimate the powers of the opponents, and remember that it is a struggle between those who are well armed and the power of the proletariat. Some people would see in the general strike a mere episode when the loss or gain really is the key to the whole of the situation.
Rudolph Hilferding.
(Translated by Jacques Bonhomme.)
1. i.e., the Catholic Party. – J.B.
2. It must be remembered that while the Reichstag is elected by universal suffrage, the local parliaments of Prussia, Saxony, etc., are elected by a very restricted suffrage. Though five out of the six members for Berlin in the Reichstag are Socialists, there is not a single Socialist who is a member of the local Prussian parliament. – J.B.
3. i.e., both for the Reichstag and for local Parliaments. – J.B.
Note by transcriber. The translator here uses the term "middle class" meaning "bourgeoisie"
Rudolf Hilferding Archive


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You are invited to join us for our annual Farm and Plant Tour, Seminar and Lunch on Saturday, July 13 at The Grain Place farm. We are pleased to announce our keynote speakers, Bob Quinn, founder of the Kamut brand and author of Grain by Grain, plus Liz Carlisle from Stanford University, author of Lentil Underground.
In the morning, we will give you an up-close view of our 280-acre organic farm, which has been pioneering regenerative organic agriculture in central Nebraska for decades. Walk the fields with us, and see some of what we have learned. The day will also include a chance to tour Grain Place Foods, the organic grain processing facility on site.
We will offer a catered lunch on the farm (cost tbd), followed by our keynote presentations with time for Q & A afterwards.
The tours and seminar are free but a ticket is required for the lunch if you choose to eat with us.
Online registration and more details will be available soon! Join our Foundation email list now, and we will let you know as soon as online registration is live.
Want to shake up your breakfast routine? Try our own top-selling certified organic wholesome blend of five whole grains that will get you going right!


text:
Image via TMDb
This visual and musical masterpiece features Yul Brynner's Academy Award winning performance, an unforgettable Rodgers and Hammerstein score, and brilliant choreography by Jerome Robbins. It tells the true story of an Englishwoman, Anna Leonowens who comes to Siam as a school teacher to the royal court in the 1860's. Winner of five Academy Awards, "The King and I" contains some of the most lavish sets and costumes in Hollywood history, and some of the world's best loved songs. Also stars Deborah Kerr.
Stream, rent or buy via
Charles Brackett
Twentieth Century-Fox Film Corporation
Walter Lang
Feature films → Feature films - United States
TMDB-Movie
If you would like to cite this item, please use the following template: {{cite web |url=https://acmi.net.au/works/81199--the-king-and-i/ |title=The King and I |author=Australian Centre for the Moving Image |access-date=31 January 2023 |publisher=Australian Centre for the Moving Image}}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
<?php
use Lobby\App\admin\Fr\LS;

$this->setTitle("Change Password");
?>

Change Password

  <?php
  if(isset($_POST['change_password'])){
    $curPass = $_POST['current_password'];
    $newPass = $_POST['new_password'];
    $retypePass = $_POST['retype_password'];

    if($curPass != null && $newPass != null && $retypePass != null){
      if(!LS::login("admin", $curPass, false, false)){
        echo ser("Login Failed", "Couldn't login to your account to change password.");
      }else if($newPass !== $retypePass){
        echo ser("Passwords Doesn't match"), "The passwords you entered didn't match. Try again.

";
      }else{
        $changePass = LS::changePassword($newPass);
        if($changePass === true){
          echo sss("Password Changed Successfully", "Your password was updated.");
        }
      }
    }else{
      echo "

Password Fields was blank

Form fields were left blank

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    }
  }
  ?>
  <form action="<?php echo \Lobby::u();?>" method='POST'>

Current Password

      <input type='password' name='current_password' />

New Password

      <input type='password' name='new_password' />

Retype New Password

      <input type='password' name='retype_password' />

    <button style="display: block;margin-top: 10px;" class="btn green" name='change_password' type='submit'>Change Password</button>
  </form>

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


Herring Gut Learning Center is pleased to announce that it will host it's second annual Girls in Science event for 6th grade girls in both RSU 13 and St. George MSU on May 24th and 25th. This will be a day full of hands-on activities, aimed at developing interest in and skills for careers in STEAM (Science, Technology, Engineering, Art and Math) fields.
Professional female scientists in marine biology, aquaculture and engineering will share their stories of how they became scientists, and teach the students about their expertise through hands-on lessons. Siemens Corporation (http://www.siemens.com) will once again donate wind kits for the students and their own engineers will lead the students in putting them together. This year we are also honored to have a scientific illustrator and wildlife artist joining us to lead activities that teach us how science and art are better together! The event is intended to inspire creativity, exploration, encourage resilience, and show how science can solve problems facing society. This event celebrates pioneering women in scientific fields, as well as local women who do remarkable work.
Herring Gut Learning Center, a non-profit education center in Port Clyde, partners with local schools to present hands-on classes in aquaculture and marine science, offers professional development opportunities for teachers, and presents summer programs for children and the public.


Project Gurnet & Bug Lights was formed in 1983 and our mission is the restoration, preservation, and maintenance of both The Plymouth Light Station and Duxbury Pier Light. We are a non-profit organization that encourages public awareness and support of these unique historic monuments to our nautical past.
Project Bug Light was formed in response to the Coast Guard's plan to replace Bug Light with a light atop a fiberglass pole in 1983. For over 30 years a salty band of volunteers has preserved first Bug Light, and later Gurnet Light, Fort Andrew and the Keeper's Cottage, under licenses from the U.S. Coast Guard. Now known as Project Gurnet and Bug Lights, Inc. (PG&BL), our group has raised hundreds of thousands of dollars to preserve these landmarks.
Committee members have volunteered thousands of hours maintaining the lighthouses. We are responsible for the upkeep of the structures themselves and the surrounding property while the Coast Guard continues to maintain the actual aids to navigation (the lanterns, foghorns, and solar panels).
"SAVED" Bug Light in 1983!
Conducted tours of Gurnet Light and Fort Andrew for over 500 people each year.


text:
package org.apache.tapestry5.internal.translator;

import org.apache.tapestry5.Translator;

public abstract class AbstractTranslator<T> implements Translator<T>
{
    private final String name;
    private final Class<T> type;
    private final String messageKey;

    protected AbstractTranslator(String name, Class<T> type, String messageKey)
    {
        this.name = name;
        this.type = type;
        this.messageKey = messageKey;
    }

    public String getMessageKey()
    {
        return messageKey;
    }

    public Class<T> getType()
    {
        return type;
    }

    public String getName()
    {
        return name;
    }
}


Husband, Father, Singer, Actor and Philanthropist, Q Parker has garnered many accolades since entering the music industry in 1996 including a Grammy award, an MTV Video Music Award, two multi-platinum albums, one platinum album and two gold albums. A winner of 6 ASCAP awards, Q is an accomplished songwriter that has worked with a variety of chart-topping talent including Keyshia Cole, Pink, Faith Evans, P. Diddy, Mase, Notorious B.I.G., Mario Winans, New Edition, Kelly Price, Tyrese, Algebra Blessett and more.
Q has had the honor of being a special guest speaker at the prestigious Berklee College of Music on the art of writing a hit record. Acting and especially musical theater is one of Q's passions. In the past two years he successfully executed starring roles as "Joseph" in the holiday theatrical tale, "A Gift of Love" starring veteran actress and Academy Award nominee Ruby Dee, held down a lead role opposite R&B songstress, Keke Wyatt, in the musical stage production, "When Love Ain't Enough" and wowed audiences in 2013 as the co-star in the musical "Rebirth" which also featured acclaimed actress, Lynn Whitfield. In that same year Q co- starred opposite R&B music legends Eddie Levert and Shirley Murdock in the musical theater production, "A Mother's Love" produced by Grammy-winning songwriter and "Real Housewives Of Atlanta star, Kandi Burruss Tucker.
As a proud parent and supporter of charitable causes, Q has lent his name, time and resources to the Alzheimer's Association of Georgia and the Cub Scouts of America to name a few. In 2015, Q launched the Q Parker Legacy Foundation whose mission is to strengthen and empower young and old men of various socioeconomic statuses within the areas health, wealth, spiritual, fatherhood and social aspects. Programs presented by the foundation include Brothers United of Atlanta Men's Group, Brothers United Youth Mentoring Program, Brothers United Youth Summer Camp and DoMENate Men's Conference. Alongside his wife Sharlinda Parker, the couple founded Couples United with a mission to promote family, spirituality and marriage.
As the Founder of NeWFAM Entertainment, a full service entertainment company dedicated to artist development & management, label services and music production. IN October 2012, Q released his critically acclaimed solo debut entitled Q PARKER: THE MANual, through a joint venture between NeWFAM Entertainment and Malaco Records in October 2012. The album which is a great blend of classic and contemporary R&B was lauded by iTunes as "one of the best R&B albums of 2012." The first two singles from the album, "Show You How" and "YES" each reached Top 15 status at Urban Adult Contemporary radio. His current album set to release in the Fall of 2018 is an inspirational one chronicling his life's experiences since entering the entertainment industry with the hopes of inspiring and uplifting men across the world. Q also served as a co-producer on the Black Nativity Soundtrack.
Q can be seen regularly traveling worldwide touring nationally and internationally with his group, 112. His commitment to community enrichment and youth charitable organizations is never ending.


Endometrial carcinoma is one of the most common gynecologic malignancies. Estrogen plays a critical role in its pathogenesis, but the underlying mechanism is not clear. Nucleophosmin 1 (NPM1), a multifunctional protein involved in many cellular activities, has been implicated in the tumorigenesis processes. However, the role of NPM1 in endometrial carcinogenesis remains to be elucidated. The present study was aimed to elucidate the role of NPM1 in different clinical stages of human endometrial carcinoma and the underlying mechanism of NPM1 action.
The distribution and expression of NPM1 in normal endometrium, FIGO stages I to IV endometrial carcinoma tissues was analyzed using immunohistochemistry, RT-qPCR and Western blotting. The association between NPM1 expression and estrogen and estrogen receptor signaling was investigated in primary-cultured FIGO stage I endometrial adenocarcinoma cells.
A strong positive correlation between NPM1 level and the clinical stage and histological grade of endometrial carcinomas was observed. Expression of NPM1 was up-regulated by estrogen in primary-cultured human endometrial adenocarcinoma cells. Furthermore, estrogen increased NPM1 level via estrogen receptor-α (ERα) signaling, nor estrogen receptor-β signaling.
Expression of NPM1 was gradually increased with the increase of clinical stages of endometrial carcinomas. Overexpression of NPM1 may play a role in the effects of estrogen on the malignant progression of endometrioid adenocarcinoma via ERα signaling. These findings may extend our understanding of the oncogenesis of steroid hormone-related cancers and have significance for the diagnosis and treatment of this carcinoma.
Endometrial carcinomas is one of the three common female genital tract malignancy, ranking fourth among invasive tumors in women worldwide with 287000 new patients and estimated 74000 deaths per year . In recent years, the incidence of endometrial cancer increased year by year. In China, the morbidity of endometrial cancer increases constantly in population, and the age of onset are younger and younger ,. Based on characteristic epidemiology, clinical symptoms and lesions, two different pathogenetic types of endometrial cancer exist: type I related to estrogen stimulation and type II unrelated to estrogen stimulation . Over 80% of endometrial carcinomas are type I, also known as endometrioid adenocarcinomas . So far, there has been much research on the molecular events estrogen involved that contribute to the development and progression of this disease. But further work is still needed to elaborate the potential mechanism of estrogen action.
Nucleophosmin (NPM, also known as B23 , numatrin  or NO38 ), is a nucleolar phosphoprotein found at high levels in the granular regions of the nucleolus ,, and it may shuttle in and out of the nucleolus, and between nucleus and cytoplasm . NPM1 is the mostly studied member of the three NPM isoforms. NPM1 has proved to be a multifunctional protein that is involved in various cellular activities, including transport of pre-ribosomal particles and ribosome biogenesis , centrosome duplication ,, response to stress-stimuli ,, regulation of DNA transcription, maintenance of genomic stability and embryonic development , which suggests a role for NPM1 in tumorigenesis. Dysregulation of NPM1 has been found in many solid and hematological malignancies. NPM1 is mutated or aberrantly localized in about one-third of patients with acute myeloid leukaemia (AML) . In addition, NPM1 is reported to be overexpressed in solid tumors of diverse histological origins, including astrocytomas , as well as colon , hepatocellular , bladder , breast , ovarian  and prostate  carcinomas. The alteration of NPM1 in human cancer (through overexpression or genetic modification) indicates that NPM1 might play a role as both an oncogene and a tumor suppressor, depending on its dosage and level of expression .
However, the role of NPM1 in endometrial carcinomas is still not well-known. Recent research has found NPM1's expression is associated with the presence of estrogen receptor-α (ERα) in Ishikawa and ARK1 endometrial cancer cells . Moreover, studies in human breast cancer also indicate a hormonal contribution to NPM1 expression and localization . However, no studies which related to human endometrial carcinoma clinical stages were reported. In the present study, we investigated NPM1 alteration in different clinical stages of endometrial carcinoma and analyzed the estrogen regulation of NPM1 expression in primary-cultured International Federation of Gynecology and Obstetrics (FIGO) stage I human endometrial adenocarcinoma cells.
To determine the distribution of NPM1 in different clinical stages of endometrial carcinoma, NPM1 expression level was investigated in 31 endometrial tissues, including normal endometrium (n = 4), FIGO stage I (n = 8), FIGO stage II (n = 6), FIGO stage III (n = 9) and FIGO stage IV (n = 4) endometrial carcinoma tissues, using IHC, qRT-PCR and Western blotting. NPM1 proteins were stained in the nuclei of glandular cells (Figure 1). Immunostaining intensity of NMP1 gradually increased with the deterioration of endometrial carcinoma (Figure 1), indicating that NMP1 expression is up-regulated in endometrial carcinogenesis and metastasis. Similarly, the NMP1 mRNA level detected by qRT-PCR and the NMP1 protein level detected by Western blotting were also gradually increased with the deterioration of endometrial carcinoma (P < 0.05, Figure 2).
Immunolocalization of NPM1 in normal endometrium, FIGO stages I to IV endometrial carcinoma tissues. HE, Morphology of normal endometrium (A) and different stages endometrioid cancer tissues (B, C, D, E) stained by haematoxylin-eosin. NPM1, NPM1 staining was immunodetected in the glandular cells of all samples. The immunoreactivity of NPM1 was gradually increased from normal endometrium (F), FIGO stages I to IV endometrial carcinoma (G, H, I, J). NE: normal endometrium; I: FIGO stage I endometrial carcinoma; II: FIGO stage II endometrial carcinoma; III: FIGO stage III endometrial carcinoma; IV: FIGO stage IV endometrial carcinoma; UG: uterine gland; GEp: glandular epithelium; Scale bars = 50 μm.
The relative mRNA level (A) and the protein level (B) of NMP1 were both gradually increased during the carcinogenesis and development of endometrial carcinoma. Control: normal endometrium; I: FIGO stage I endometrial carcinoma; II: FIGO stage II endometrial carcinoma; III: FIGO stage III endometrial carcinoma; IV: FIGO stage IV endometrial carcinoma; β-tubulin was used as a loading control. *P < 0.05, **P < 0.01, *** P < 0.001 indicate significant differences from the control group.
To investigate if there is a possible hormonal regulation of NPM1 expression, we quantified NPM1 expression levels in primary-cultured FIGO stages I endometrial adenocarcinoma cells stimulated with estrogen (E2 0, 0.1, 0.5, 1, 5 μm/ml) for 24 h using qRT-PCR and Western blotting. As shown in Figure 3, the NPM1 mRNA level of the primary-cultured cells was significantly increased after treatment with E2 in a dose-dependent manner, and this result was similar to the protein level detected by Western blotting.
E 2 increased NPM1 mRNA expression (A) and protein expression (B) of primary-cultured FIGO stages I endometrial adenocarcinoma cells in a dose-dependent manner. E2, 17β-estradiol. *P < 0.05, **P < 0.01, *** P < 0.001 indicate significant differences from those treated with 0 μm/ml E2.
A previous study demonstrated that E2 increased NPM1 protein expression in an ERα-dependent manner in Ishikawa and ARK1 human endometrial cancer cell lines . And the ERα expression as a result of E2 treatment in primary-cultured FIGO stages I endometrial adenocarcinoma cells exhibited a similar tendency to that of NPM1 (Figure 4). So we investigated whether the estrogen-regulated NPM1 expression was correlated with estrogen receptor-α in the primary-cultured FIGO stages I human endometrial adenocarcinoma cells. As shown in Figure 5, addition of estrogen receptor-α antagonist ICI 182780 attenuated E2-induced mRNA and protein expression of NPM1 in the primary-cultured FIGO stages I endometrial adenocarcinoma cells. In contrast, NPM1 mRNA and protein expression was enhanced upon the stimulation of ERα-specific agonist PPT, while ERβ-specific agonist DPN had no significant effect. ICI 182780 also attenuated the NPM1 mRNA and protein expression increase induced by PPT.
E 2 increased ERα mRNA expression (A) and protein expression (B) of primary-cultured FIGO stages I endometrial adenocarcinoma cells in a dose-dependent manner. This tendency was similar to that of NPM1 (Figure 3). E2, 17β-estradiol. *P < 0.05, **P < 0.01, *** P < 0.001 indicate significant differences from those treated with 0 μm/ml E2.
Expression of NPM1 was regulated via the estrogen receptor-α (ERα) signaling in the primary-cultured FIGO stages I endometrial adenocarcinoma cells. The NMP1 mRNA expression (A) and protein expression (B) in primary-cultured cells treated with DMSO, 1 μM E2, 100 nM ICI, 1 μM E2 and 100 nM ICI, 1 μM PPT, 1 μM PPT and 100 nM ICI, 1 μM DPN for 24 h, respectively, were detected by qRT-PCR and Western blotting. E2, 17β-estradiol; ICI, ICI 182 780; PPT, 4,4′,4″(4-propyl-[1H]-pyrazole-1,3,5-triyl)trisphenol; DPN, 2,3-bis-(4-ydroxyphenyl)–propionitrile. *P < 0.05, **P < 0.01 indicate significant differences from those treated with DMSO.
NMP1 has been identified as a molecule involved in development and progress of many human cancers . The NPM1 protein is frequently overexpressed in solid tumours of diverse histological origin, and it has been regarded as a marker for gastric , colon , ovarian  and prostate  carcinomas. However, its effect on endometrial carcinoma has not been well-studied. In this study, NPM1 immunostaining frequency and expression level was found to be linked to the clinical stage of endometrial carcinoma, and in vitro studies using FIGO stages I human endometrial adenocarcinoma cells in primary culture demonstrated that ERα-mediated signaling regulated expression of NPM1.
The results of haematoxylin-eosin staining, as shown in Figure 1, revealed significant changes of cellular morphology during the endometrial carcinoma progression. With the development of tumors, the stromal cells initiated malignancy change of cells at first. Then endometrial epithelial cells gradually turned cancerous. As a result, the organized structure of endometrial tissues was more and more difficult to be distinguished.
Overexpression of NPM1 has been reported in many types of major human solid tumors including colon, liver, stomach, ovary, bladder, breast and prostate carcinomas . And expression of NPM1 is higher in many types of tumor and proliferating cells than in normal resting cells ,. Our study using clinical samples showed that NPM1 is significantly more abundant in endometrial carcinoma tissues than in normal endometrial tissues. And furthermore the level of NPM1 is strongly linked to the initiation and progression of endometrial carcinoma. These findings suggested that the overexpression of NPM1 may play an important role in carcinogenesis and development of endometrial carcinoma. And NPM1 may be used as a new biomarker for judging the progression and prognosis of endometrial carcinoma. The correlation between NPM1 and the stage of tumor progression aslo have been observed in some patients. For example, overexpression of NPM1 mRNA was independently associated with bladder cancer recurrence and progression to more advanced disease stages .
Prolonged estrogenic stimulation of the endometrium is believed to occur in carcinomas developing not only in the young but also postmenopausal women . Furthermore, it's also shown that women with endometrial cancer present higher oestrone and oestradiol concentrations compared with healthy women -. However, the pathogenesis of this disease is less completely understood and the role of estrogens in the initiation and progression of this disease still requires further consideration. It is well accepted that NPM expression and gene integrity are frequently altered in human cancers and aberrantly expressed NPM contributes to tumorigenesis ,. NPM overexpression leads to increased cell growth and proliferation and inhibition of differentiation and apoptosis ,. Here we showed that expression of NPM1 in primary human endometrial adenocarcinoma cells was up-regulated by estrogen in a dose-dependent manner and estrogen increased NPM1 expression via ERα-mediated signaling not ERβ, which are consistent with others' study with endometrial cancer cell lines Ishikawa and ARK1 . NPM1 was also required for the E2-induced proliferation of endometrial cancer cells . These results suggested a role of NPM1 in the effects of estrogen on the genesis, progress and prognosis of endometrial carcinoma, which may provide new insights into the molecular mechanism of estrogen in endometrial carcinoma.
Expression of NPM1 was gradually increased with the increase of clinical stages of endometrial carcinomas. Overexpression of NPM1 may play a role via ERα in the effects of estrogen on the malignant progression of endometrioid adenocarcinoma, which may extend our understanding of the oncogenesis of steroid hormone-related cancers and have significance for the therapy of this carcinoma.
Normal endometrial tissues were collected from patients (n = 21; mean patient age = 52.2 ± 13.31) undergoing hysterectomies for benign gynecological diseases. Endometrial samples from adenocarcinoma (endometrioid and serous types) were obtained from patients (n = 56; mean patient age = 59.4 ± 19.8) undergoing hysterectomy at the Department of gynecology, The First Affiliated Hospital, College of Medicine, Zhejiang University. None had received pre-operative chemotherapy, radiotherapy or endocrine therapy. Patients were evaluated in accordance with the (FIGO) criteria 2009. The number of patients classified as FIGO stage I, II, III and IV were 37, 6, 9 and 4, respectively. This project was approved by the Medical Ethics Review Board of the First Affiliated Hospital, College of Medicine, Zhejiang University, in accordance with the guidelines for the protection of human subjects. Written informed consent was obtained from each participant/guardian.
17β-estradiol (E2) and DMSO were purchased from Sigma-Aldrich (St. Louis, MO, USA). ICI 182 780, 4′,4″,4‴-(4-propyl-[1H]-pyrazole-1,3,5-triyl)tris-phenol (PPT) and 2,3-bis-(4–ydroxyphenyl)-propionitrile (DPN) were purchased from Tocris Cookson Ltd (Bristol, UK).
The endometrial epithelial cells was derived from stage I endometrial adenocarcinoma and normal endometrium. The primary culture of human endometrial epithelial cells procedures were performed as previously reported ,. After hysterectomy and under aseptic conditions, about 2–4 cm3 of cancerous tissue was immediately removed from the endometrium and placed in separate transport tubes containing Dulbecco's Modified Eagle Medium: Nutrient Mixture F-12 (DMEM/F12) culture medium (Gibco, USA) with penicillin (100 U/ml) and streptomycin (100 mm/ml) for transport to the laboratory on wet ice. The tissues were trimmed of necrosis and washed three in sterile phosphate buffered saline (PBS). Rinsed tissues were diced to 1 mm3 pieces, then digested in calcium and magnesium free Hank's Balanced Salt Solution (HBSS) (Invitrogen, USA) with 2.5 mg/ml collagenase type IV-S (Gibco, USA) at 37°C for up to 1.5 h with gentle agitation. Cells were washed three with 50 ml sterile HBSS and pelleted by centrifugation at 800 rpm at 4°C for 5 min. Washed cells were filtered through a 38 μm autoclaved stainless steel micropore sieves (Newark Wire Cloth Co., USA) to isolate stromal cells and the remaining clumps (containing epithelial cells) washed in HBSS. The clumps were subjected to a second digestion for 30 min before being filtered through 250 μm sieves and 38 μm sieves, respectively. Cells were recovered by inverting and washing the 38 μm sieves and incubated in HBSS with 0.05% trypsin (Gibco, USA), 0.02%EDTA (Sigma, USA) and 0.05 mg/ml DNAase I (Sigma, USA) for 8 min at 37°C. The solution was centrifuged at 1000 rpm at 4°C for 5 min, and washed three in HBSS. Then the cells were resuspended in DMEM/F12 with 10% FBS (Invitrogen, USA), 2 mM L-glutamine (Invitrogen, USA), 100 U/ml penicillin and 100 mm/ml streptomycin and plated in 25 cm2 flasks after being assessed for cell viability using trypan blue (Sigma, USA). After 24 hours of incubation, cell cultures were washed twice with PBS, and fresh medium was added. Cells were then passaged using trypsin once the monolayer reached 80–90% confluence and used to seed in new 25 cm2 flasks or undergo processing for RNA and protein isolation. By the third passage, few fibroblast and stromal cells were observed. 24 h prior to estradiol treatment, cells were washed in PBS and then grown in steroid-depleted medium lacking phenol red (Invitrogen/Life Technologies, Carlsbad, CA, USA).
Representative blocks of formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded endometrial tissues were cut at 4 μm thick, placed on slides coated with poly-L-lysine, deparaffinized in xylene and rehydrated with a graded series of ethanol. All samples were stained with hematoxylin and eosin for histopathologic examination to select the representative regions. Then after antigen retrieval, quenching endogenous peroxidase and blocking the nonspecific binding, sections were incubated in the mouse anti-human NPM1 antibody (Santa Cruz Biotechnology, Santa Cruz, CA, USA), at a dilution of 1:50, overnight at 4°C. In negative control sections, the primary antibody was replaced with non-immune mouse serum. After washing, the sections were incubated in corresponding secondary antibodies for 2 h at room temperature, followed by incubation with the Strept-Avidin Biotin complex (Dakopatts, Glostrup, Denmark). Peroxidase activity was visualized in chromogen 3,3′-diaminobenzidine solution(Dakopatts, Glostrup, Denmark). After being counterstained lightly with hematoxylin, the sections were dehydrated through an ethanol series to xylene, mounted, examined and photographed. A brown precipitate was considered as positive result.
Total protein was isolated from the tissue samples or primary-cultured cells using the Tissue or Cell Total Protein Extraction Kit (Sangon, Shanghai, China), respectively, according to the manufacturer's protocol. The protein concentrations were determined with BCA Protein Assay Kit (Pierce, Rockford, IL, USA). After boiled for 5mins at 100°C, about 30 μg Proteins were separated by 12% SDS–PAGE, and then electro-transferred onto PVDF membranes (0.45 μm, Millipore, Billerica, MA, USA). After blocking with 5% nonfat milk, the membrane was then incubated with the mouse anti-human NPM1 antibody (1:1000; Santa Cruz Biotechnology, Santa Cruz, CA, USA), the rabbit anti-ERα (MC-20) polyclonal antibody (1:1000; Santa Cruz Biotechnology, Santa Cruz, CA, USA), overnight at 4°C, followed by incubation with horseradish peroxidase-conjugated secondary antibody for 2 h at room temperature. The immunoreactivity was then visualized with an enhanced chemiluminescence reaction (Amersham Pharmacia Biotech, Piscataway, NJ, USA) and autoradiography. All the immunoblots were also probed with the rabbit anti-β-tubulin polyclonal antibody (1:1000; Santa Cruz Biotechnology, Santa Cruz, CA, USA) as a loading control.
Data are shown as mean ± standard deviation (SD) for each group. All experiments were performed in triplicate and averaged from >3 independent experiments. Statistical analysis was carried out using SPSS 17.0 software (SPSS, Inc., Chicago, IL, USA). Statistical comparisons between groups were made using one-way analysis of variance (ANOVA) followed by Student's t-test. Value of P < 0.05 was considered statistically significant.
YZ carried out the primary culture of human endometrial epithelial cells, participated in western blotting analysis and quantitative real-time reverse transcription PCR analysis. JS carried out the immunohistochemistry analysis. LX participated in western blotting analysis and quantitative real-time reverse transcription PCR analysis. YZ participated in the design of the study and performed the statistical analysis. YW conceived of the study, and participated in its design and coordination and helped to draft the manuscript. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.


text:
Multi Country Tours
Egypt Tourist Attractions
Luxor Tourist Attractions
At first glance, the Valley of the Kings, also known as the Valley of the Gates of the Kings, seems like no more than a sun-blasted gorge of generic red rock, but underneath all of its dust lay the tombs of 63 of the most important pharaohs in the history of Ancient Egypt. Used as a burial chamber for nearly 500 years from the 16th to 11th century BC, the Valley of the Kings was used for royal burials for the Kings, their families, and their possessions. In 1979, it became a World Heritage Site, as well as the rest of the Theban Necropolis.
When was the Valley of the Kings discovered?
Discovered by Howards Carter in an excavation expedition in 1922, one of the most important tombs found in the Valley of the Kings is the tomb of Pharaoh Tutankhamun and all of his treasures. This discovery has ever since then attracted tourists from all over the world as the treasures found traveled the world on a tour to spread the news that this very important discovery for the history of our civilization was discovered in the Valley of the kings. To this day excavations are still in process in some areas of the Valley of the Kings and a rotation system is in place for visitors to visit the tombs as restoration procedures are in place to recover the tombs that were found.
Where is the Valley of the Kings located?
The Valley of the Kings is located on the west bank of the Nile River near Luxor. It is the most famous site for having unique collections of tombs and breathtaking ancient ruins. That location makes it one of the hottest spots for exploring ancient Egyptian history. The richness of the findings here in the Valley of the Kings has kept archeologists busy for nearly two centuries. If all of the tombs here where open to visitors it would be nearly impossible to actually make it to all of them, but thankfully the possibility of such a huge task is eliminated for you.
Why was Valley of the Kings built?
Building tombs were part of the ancient Egyptian's belief of the afterlife and their preparations for the next world. The ancient Egyptians strongly believed in the afterlife where they were promised to continue their lives and pharaohs were promised to ally with the gods. That's why the process of Mummification was important to preserve the body of the deceased to allow his eternal soul to wake up and live again in the afterlife. The ancient tombs also included all the belongings of the deceased as it was believed that they might need them once they woke up to live the eternal life.
Salima Ikram, a professor of Egyptology at American University in Cairo and a National Geographic grantee said that the ancient Egyptian pharaohs included many things in their tombs including pieces of furniture, clothes, and jewelry. However, what remains a mystery is that they didn't have any books buried with them.
The most interesting fact was that the tombs included many kinds of foods and drinks such as wine and beer, as well as the precious objects that meant to help the deceased pass on to the afterlife. The pharaoh's favored companions and servants were also buried with them.
Exploring the Valley of the Kings
The tourism authorities only open a few of the tombs at a time in order to allow for a continual cycle of upkeep and restoration. Regardless, there are certain to be several impressive tombs open at any time. Be careful to heed the advice of your guide or guidebook on which ones to enter. The most famous tombs are not necessarily the most impressive and a ticket to the Valley of the Kings only allows you to enter three tombs. A separate ticket is required to enter Tutankhamun's tomb although you may find it a disappointing sight, especially given the extra cost.
During the New Kingdom's period of ancient Egyptian (1539-1075 B.C.), the Valley of the Kings was the major burial ground for most of the royal pharaohs. The most famous pharaohs buried there were Tutankhamun, Seti I, and Ramses II. Also, you will find there the royal tombs of most of the 18th, 19th, and 20th dynasties queens, high priests, and other elites of that era. Remember that Tutankhamun was a relatively minor pharaoh, made famous by the fact that his tomb is the only one in the valley that was discovered with its contents still inside, not by the grandeur of his tomb relative to the others. Those contents are now on display in the Egyptian Museum in Cairo.
Tip: While visiting remember to buy tickets at the West Bank ticket office before arriving at the Valley of the Kings. Tickets for all sites on the west bank must be purchased at this office and cannot be purchased in any other location at any of the sites.
Day Trip to Luxor from Cairo by Air
Duration: 12 hours Tour type: Private
Enjoy Luxor Tours from Cairo by Flight Visiting: Karnak Temple, Luxor Temple on the East bank and see the Valley of the Kings and Hatshepsut Temple on the West bank, Luxor
2 Day Cairo and Luxor from Hurghada by Flight
Duration: 2 Days Tour type: Private
Leave you hotel in Hurghada Red Sea for a 2-day tour to see ancient Egypt's most famous monuments. Fly from Hurghada to Cairo to visit the Pyramids and Sphinx at Giza,
Two Day Tour to Cairo and Luxor from Dahab
Fly to Cairo from Dahab where you will visit the Giza Pyramids, the Egyptian Museum, Khan El Khalili Cairo`s old bazaar before flying to Luxor. Visiting Karnak Temple
Two Day Trip to Luxor from Safaga port
Safaga Shore Excursions: Overnight trip to Luxor from Safaga port visiting Luxor Temple, Karnak temples and Valley of the Kings and more. You are going to have a private to
2 Days Tour to Cairo And Luxor from Safaga Port
Safaga Shore Excursions: Private tours from Safaga Port Visiting Cairo and luxor for 2 Days 1 night visiting Giza Pyramids in cairo ,Luxor Temple,Valley of Kings and Coloss
Deir Al Madinah (Workers' Village)
Deir Al-Medinah is unique in that it is the lone example of a well-preserved Egyptian village near Luxor. Kings and q
Hatshepsut Temple
Hatshepsut temple is a reflection of the mortuary temple of Mentuhotep II and was constructed alongside that 11th dyn
Where is Luxor Temple located? This temple might be the greatest testament to why Luxor has earned its nickname
The Ramesseum
This temple was dedicated to Ramesses II and a testament to his power and influence and it was meant to be the greate
Colossi of Memnon
Colossi of Memnon, surviving for 3,400 years and known as an acoustic wonder of the ancient world, is the first monum
Madinet Habu is situated in Luxor, about 6 km from Valley of the Kings. It was built by king Ramsess III in the 20th
Situated on the ancient site of Thebes, the Valley of the Kings is the ancient burial ground of many of Egypt's N
Located on the east bank of the Nile, Karnak Temple Complex consists of a number of temples. Its name was given as in
The Tombs of the Nobles
Tombs of the nobles is located near Luxor,Egypt.They are the burial places of some of the powerful courtiers and pers
Why Luxor & Aswan Travel
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text:
Tito Herrera
Climate Change / Clean Energy
Why seaweed is strangling Mexican tourism, and how science could help
Sargassum is infesting Mexico's coastline. Researchers are scrambling to stop an ecological crisis, and maybe even make something good of it.
by Lauren Zanolli
The posh seaside resorts of Puerto Morelos are still in view when the captain playfully sounds the horn to alert the crew to the target ahead—a huge, golden-brown stain stretching toward the horizon. Suddenly, instead of the famed cerulean waters of Mexico's Caribbean coast, we're surrounded by thick mats of seaweed, a sulfurous tinge in the air.
This story is part of our May/June 2019 issue
See the rest of the issue
This is exactly where the crew of a specialized Sargassum collection boat wants to be. The boat belongs to Grupo Dakatso, a consortium of five companies working on new seaweed collection technology. The small catamaran has a specialized conveyor belt positioned at the bow that draws piles of seaweed from the water into large mesh collection bags. All the crew can manage above the roar of the engine are whistles and hand signals as the bags, each holding 300 kilograms (660 pounds), are filled within a minute or two.
Since the spring of 2018, Mexico's Caribbean coast and the shorelines of 19 other countries in the region have been inundated with unprecedented amounts of Sargassum seaweed. Tourists expecting pristine white beaches have instead been confronted with endless piles of slimy, decaying vegetation. While it's normal for the brown macroalgae to appear on Caribbean shorelines in smaller amounts, outlier blooms have been increasing in size and regularity over the past 10 years. The one that occurred last year is believed to be the worst ever in the region. Now efforts are mounting not just to contain the ecological crisis but to capitalize on it.
Usually Sargassum arrives in the Caribbean from its namesake sea in the eastern Atlantic. But researchers believe the 2018 influx came from a new source: the equatorial waters between Brazil and West Africa, where pesticide and fertilizer runoff from the Amazon and Congo Rivers fed the algae bloom. This bloom was amplified by climate change, says Brigitta van Tussenbroek, an ecologist at the National Autonomous University of Mexico in Puerto Morelos: rising ocean temperatures help the seaweed proliferate faster. Deforestation in the Amazon rain forest also feeds the bloom—not only does it increase the pesticide and fertilizer runoff, but it is itself a massive contributor to climate change.
"Future generations are going to have it much worse if we don't do anything. The Sargassum is not going to stop coming."
"We, us humans, are to blame for the Sargassum problem," says Dagoberto Ruiz Lavín, general director of Grupo Dakatso, which local hotels and the government had contracted to clear away the seaweed. "The future generations are going to have it much worse if we don't do anything," he says. "The Sargassum is not going to stop coming."
In ordinary conditions, Sargassum is a normal, even healthy, part of the ocean. But in vast quantities, the seaweed brings a litany of harms to coastal ecosystems. Mats of it block much-needed sunlight from coral reefs, causing disease or death. As the seaweed dies and decays, bacteria suck up oxygen in the water while nitrogen, phosphorus, and other nutrients are released in massive quantities. If the seaweed is left to rot on land, as it is on Mexico's beaches, the same nutrients threaten to leach into groundwater. In the Yucatán Peninsula, where the only source of fresh water is a unique regional network of underground rivers, water contamination is a serious worry. And while seaweed can draw carbon dioxide from the atmosphere, just as trees do, it's beneficial for the environment only if the seaweed is harvested and processed, and the resulting CO2 is stored away permanently (see "The desperate race to cool the ocean").
Sign up for fwd: Economy — your guide to growth and prosperity in the age of technology
Van Tussenbroek says the cumulative effects of Sargassum overgrowth are enough to disrupt the equilibrium of an ecosystem. As one example, Sargassum kills the seagrasses that help keep sand in place, so beaches erode faster. She estimates that after the 2018 crisis, the local ecosystem might be able to reset itself in anywhere from 10 to 50 years, but if there's another large, unmitigated influx or a major hurricane, changes could be permanent.
To date, Mexico's official response to the Sargassum crisis has been limited to marine barriers—similar to those used in oil spills—and beach clean-up crews armed with rakes and wheelbarrows. It's a Sisyphean task: once the beach is clean, the next tide of seaweed is never far behind. José Ángel Durán Désiga, a weary-eyed but surprisingly young municipal bureaucrat, explains the limitations of the government's response from his office near the beach in Playa del Carmen. As director of the Office of Environment and Climate Change in the municipality of Solidaridad, Durán Désiga is at the forefront of the Sargassum challenge. But under Mexico's centralized government system, he says, local officials lack the resources or authority to do much about it.
"The coast will continue to exist, but it will be in a different ecosystem," Durán Désiga says. "It might be without the reefs. There might be more and different kinds of fish. It will be more complicated for tourists to enjoy the water."
Even if seaweed collection could be vastly scaled up, one big question remains: what to do with it all?
Seaweed is already used widely in cosmetics and food additives. Energy companies like ExxonMobil have invested in research on microalgae—a type of microscopic organism that sometimes causes red and brown tides—with the idea of creating a low-emissions transportation fuel by extracting oil from it. Seaweed, a macroalgae, hasn't drawn the same kind of attention as a biofuel source, in part because seaweed can be difficult to farm on a mass scale. Seaweed has been tested as a feedstock for biogas via a process called anaerobic digestion, which involves placing it in a tank, letting it decompose, and then capturing the resulting gases, like methane, which can be used for energy. But seaweed is rich in a polymer called lignin that must be broken down in order to create methane. Now, Mexican researchers are searching for ways to get around that problem.
At the Yucatán Center for Scientific Research, a complex of government-funded labs set amid a lush jungle on the outskirts of Mérida, the Yucatán state capital, the smell of Sargassum is in the air. David Valero, a PhD researcher specializing in anaerobic digestion, is part of a team working to design a seaweed-to-biogas process that is more efficient and can handle seaweed directly from the beach or sea with minimal need for processing to remove sand or plastic.
David Valero, a PhD researcher at the Yucatán Center for Scientific Research, is working on a process to convert seaweed into biogas that can be used for electricity generation.
Valero and his colleagues have been working both to speed up the seaweed breakdown process—by pre-treating the Sargassum with a local fungus—and to increase the efficiency of the bioreactor using activated carbon. He says they are close to commercializing their technology, which creates biogas that can be used directly for electricity generation. He estimates that each ton of Sargassum can produce the equivalent of 720 kilowatt-hours of energy or 63,600 liters (16,800 gallons) of natural gas.
One lab over, biologist Francisco Larqué Saavedra has other plans for Sargassum. Long interested in sustainable food production, he's built a bank of native mushroom species over the past 30 years. In 2018, he started looking for a strain that could grow in seaweed. His team grew mushrooms in plastic bags stuffed with Sargassum that was pasteurized and processed beforehand, yielding about 800 kilograms of edible mushrooms for every metric ton of dried seaweed. Larqué Saavedra hopes to persuade hotel owners to start mushroom farms on-site, to make use of the seaweed piling up at their door and generate both food and jobs.
The region is a long way from achieving his vision. The Association of Hotels of the Riviera Maya reported a 10% decrease in occupancy last year as a result of the seaweed. Tourism accounts for more than 8% of Mexico's GDP, and Quintana Roo, the Mexican state on the east coast of the Yucatán Peninsula, accounts for 40% of Mexico's foreign visitors. Hotels and restaurants generate 25% of Quintana Roo's GDP, and their workers would have a hard time finding jobs in another industry. Fewer tourists means lower government revenue, and thus less money to fund Sargassum removal. The economic upheaval from a loss of tourism would also boost the drug cartels, whose violence has recently been encroaching on the peninsula's tourist areas.
So by strangling tourism, the seaweed is also cutting off oxygen to anyone who tries to stop its invasion.
TaggedEthical Tech
Lauren Zanolli


text:
Q: is java byte the same as C# byte? Native method from dll works in java if the input parameter is array of bytes - byte[].
If we use the same method from c# it throws EntryPointNotFoundException.
Is that because of byte[] in java and c# are different things? and if it's so how should I use native function from c#?

A:
Is that because of byte[] in java and c# are different things?

Yes.

*

*Endianness: Java stores things internally as Big Endian, while .NET is Little Endian by default.

*Signedness: C# bytes are unsigned. Java bytes are signed.

See different results when converting int to byte array - .NET vs Java.

A: What's the signature of the native function? How do you declare it in Java and in C#?
The most common reason for EntryPointNotFoundException is that function name is mangled (esp. true if function is written in C++) or misspelled.
Another source of problem is 'W' and 'A' suffixes for WinAPI function used to distinguish ANSI and Unicode versions of functions. .NET interop mechanism can try to guess the function suffix, so that may be the source of confusion,

A: Java Byte:

java byte: The byte data type is an 8-bit signed two's complement integer. It has a minimum value of -128 and a maximum value of 127 (inclusive). The byte data type can be useful for saving memory in large arrays, where the memory savings actually matters. They can also be used in place of int where their limits help to clarify your code; the fact that a variable's range is limited can serve as a form of documentation.

more for Java Byte
C# Byte

Byte Represents an 8-bit unsigned integer,Byte is an immutable value type that represents unsigned integers with values that range from 0 (which is represented by the Byte.MinValue constant) to 255 (which is represented by the Byte.MaxValue constant). The .NET Framework also includes a signed 8-bit integer value type, SByte, which represents values that range from -128 to 127.

more for c# Byte

A: Java lacks the unsigned types. In particular, Java lacks a primitive type for an unsigned byte. The Java byte type is signed, while the C# byte is unsigned and sbyte is signed.


text:
Q: Javascript document.querySelectorAll get tags with specific class but without a specific attribute How can have a list of tags with a specific class but without a specific attribute?
var sentenceTrans = document.querySelectorAll('.trans-lang:not[data-translation="translated"]');
// but this doesn't work


text:
<?php

namespace Google\Service\GoogleAnalyticsAdmin;

class GoogleAnalyticsAdminV1alphaFirebaseLink extends \Google\Model
{
  /**
   * @var string
   */
  public $createTime;
  /**
   * @var string
   */
  public $name;
  /**
   * @var string
   */
  public $project;

  /**
   * @param string
   */
  public function setCreateTime($createTime)
  {
    $this->createTime = $createTime;
  }
  /**
   * @return string
   */
  public function getCreateTime()
  {
    return $this->createTime;
  }
  /**
   * @param string
   */
  public function setName($name)
  {
    $this->name = $name;
  }
  /**
   * @return string
   */
  public function getName()
  {
    return $this->name;
  }
  /**
   * @param string
   */
  public function setProject($project)
  {
    $this->project = $project;
  }
  /**
   * @return string
   */
  public function getProject()
  {
    return $this->project;
  }
}

// Adding a class alias for backwards compatibility with the previous class name.
class_alias(GoogleAnalyticsAdminV1alphaFirebaseLink::class, 'Google_Service_GoogleAnalyticsAdmin_GoogleAnalyticsAdminV1alphaFirebaseLink');


text:
Der Baslerweiher (auch Basler Weiher oder Baslerweier) ist ein Kleinsee in der Gemeinde Seewen im Schweizer Kanton Solothurn. Er liegt im Jura, hat einen mittleren Wasserspiegel auf  und eine Fläche von ca. 1,7 ha.

Geschichte
Der Baslerweiher ist ein künstlicher See. Er wurde 1870 von der Stadt Basel zwecks der Sicherung der Trinkwasserquellen geschaffen, indem der Seebach mit einem rund 80 Meter breiten und 10 Meter hohen Damm gestaut wurde. Mit dem Wasser wurden die Trinkwasserquellen der Stadt Basel bei Trockenheit versorgt. Diese Nutzung dauerte 70 Jahre.

Die Drainage des den Weiher umgebenden Sumpfgebiets wurde in der Nachkriegszeit des Ersten Weltkriegs zwischen 1919 und 1923 ausgeführt. Dabei hat der Ingenieur Bernhard Im Hof (1882–1961) die Bauarbeiten als Experte für die Flurgenossenschaft oder als Angestellter der Wasserwerke fotografisch dokumentiert. Der Seespiegel wurde während der Bauarbeiten vorübergehend abgesenkt, um den Hochwasserüberlauf am Damm zu modernisieren und den oberen Teil des Weiers vertiefen, wobei der Aushub in den Kipploren einer Feldbahn abtransportiert wurde.

Im Jahr 2008 gingen der See und die umliegenden Grundstücke in den Besitz des Kantons Solothurn über, auf dessen Kantonsgebiet der See liegt. Er ist nicht zu verwechseln mit dem bereits im späten 16. Jahrhundert trockengelegten Seewener See.

Ökologie
Am Baslerweiher hat sich eine artenreiche Flora und Fauna angesiedelt, die heute unter kantonalem Naturschutz steht. Der Weiher und die umliegende Landschaft sind zudem im Bundesinventar der Landschaften und Naturdenkmäler von nationaler Bedeutung BLN als "Gempenplateau" aufgeführt und stehen damit auch unter nationalem Schutz.

Historische Fotos

Einzelnachweise

See in Europa
See im Kanton Solothurn
Seewen SO
Bundesinventar der Landschaften und Naturdenkmäler von nationaler Bedeutung
Künstlicher See
SBaslerweiher
Bauwerk im Kanton Solothurn
Wasserbauwerk in der Schweiz

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
Q: cakephp and thickbox - how do I make an image a link which opens a thickbox Hi there I'm trying to use a thickbox http://jquery.com/demo/thickbox/ to open up a form on my homepage.
I want the link which opens the thickbox to be an image but being a bit new to all this I'm struggling to figure out exactly how to do this. the instructions say:
In the href attribute of the link add the following anchor:
#TB_inline

In the href attribute after the #TB_inline add the following query string on to the anchor:
?height=300&width=300&inlineId=myOnPageContent

I've got this
echo $this->Html->image('123.jpg', array('alt'=>'Create a page', 'url'=>'#TB_inline?height=155&width=300&inlineId=hiddenContent&modal=true', 'class' => 'thickbox'));

What do I need to put to make image.jpg be a link which opens up a thickbox who's contents is the function Campaigns::thickbox??
Thanks
:)

A: To create the link itself:

  <?php echo $this->Html->image('123.jpg', array('alt'=>'Create a page')); ?>

Then somewhere on your page you need to have a div with the content for that link to display:

    <?php echo Campaigns::thickbox(); ?>

I am assuming here that Campaigns::thickbox() is a static method that returns whatever content you want to display.
I would also add some css to the hiddenContent id to make it hidden at first:
#hiddenContent { display: none; }

Edit:  I edited the image display code.  Remember this: In order to make an image a link, it takes two html tags, an outer "a" tag that holds the link information, and an inner "img" tag that holds the image information.  In this case you are using php to get the img tag information from CakePHP.


Attis Industries Inc. (NASDAQ: ATIS) CEO Jeff Cosman tells Proactive Investors the Georgia-based holding company will acquire and operate a corn ethanol plant and grain malting operation in Fulton, NY from Sunoco LP (NYSE:SUN).
Cosman says the company expects to close this transaction by the end of February.
Attis Industries is a diverse organization with businesses in the healthcare, medical waste, and the environmental technology sectors.


This project all began with a new experience, a boxing class. From there I worked towards branding a new boxing gym, Spar. Spar is somewhat of a re-brand of Title Boxing Club, but Spar has a different set of values and history. I created it based on the experiences I had at the class.
Readymag Website featured in the 2017 Kent State School of Visual Communication Design Honors Exhibition.
Spar Gym was created because of an intimidating experience at a boxing class. I wanted to brand a boxing gym that was welcoming, historically inspired by women in boxing history, playful, and empowering to both men and women.


text:
'Dragon Ball Fighter Z' Switch Release Date: Fan demand could bring Nintendo release, says producer
ByXavier Harding
Dragon Ball Fighter Z saw its world debut at the Xbox E3 2017 presentation. With a 2018 release date, Dragon Ball Fighter Z will come to Microsoft's system and be enhanced for Xbox One X, according to the trailer. But what about other consoles like the Nintendo Switch? In a recent interview, the game's creators addressed the possibility of a Dragon Ball Fighter Z Nintendo Switch release.
Dragon Ball Fighter Z Switch: Nintendo's power level is plenty for the upcoming DBZ game
In an interview with Gameblog, the game's producer, Tomoko Hiroki, spoke about Dragon Ball Fighter Z and the Nintendo Switch. She started by addressing concerns that the Switch isn't capable enough: "There is really no question of power. We don't really encounter any difficulty with the Switch version of Xenoverse 2."
Hiroki goes on to talk the likelihood of Fighter Z making an appearance on Switch: "I will say that if we continue to receive requests from fans, we may manage to create a Switch version also."
Dragon Ball Fighter Z Switch: As you can expect, fans are mobilizing
As expected, Switch-owning DBZ fans have started to take action, both on Twitter and by contacting the game's maker directly — that can be done here, by the way. With the Dragon Ball folks already bringing Xenoverse 2 to the Switch, it's clear that they actually do have an interest in supporting Nintendo's handheld console.
The option of a portable Dragon Ball Fighter Z may entice some away from the Xbox One version of the game. It's unclear how much fan outcry the studio requires before the Switch game is confirmed, but we have a feeling the fan count would need to be over 9,000.
Check out more Nintendo news and coverage from E3
Check out even more news from Nintendo's big E3 2017 presentation, including an exciting look at Super Mario Odyssey, new details about the Zelda: Breath of the Wild DLC and confirmation that Rocket League is coming to the Switch, plus the latest on a new Metroid game.