Reward your "out of the world" achievers with this stunning star-filled employee award.
The Celestial Star Acrylic Award features a carved silver shooting star arching across a star-filled, midnight blue sky. Select this award for your star employee or employee of the month. Any recipient will display it proudly.


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In The Dark (2019) – Season 1 Episode 6 Recap & Review
Pain & Grief
After last week's shocking end, In The Dark returns this week with Murphy being told the news that the police have found Tyson. He's dead. Angry and consumed with grief, Murphy visits the alleyway only to find the police have now taped it up as a crime scene. Antagonizing the police, Murphy's outburst leads to her being taken into custody. However, the charges are dropped shortly after thanks to the detective.
Depressed and angry, Murphy takes it out on everyone around her including Max who she tries to have sex with to get her mind off the pain. Rejecting her offer, she lashes out and breaks up with Max. Heading to the local bar, determined to drown her sorrows in alcohol, Murphy gets a call from the detective who tells her what's going on mid-drink. Tyson was shot and it was definitely him who she felt in the alleyway that night. Murphy tells them he definitely wasn't shot when she found him, leaving the police to question quite what happened that night as she leaves.
Back at the bar, Murphy tries to get her mind off things by having sex with a stranger. Or, at least she tries to but spaces out, leading the man to have second thoughts. With a hasty sorry, he leaves her on the sink staring into the abyss.
Between various flashbacks showing how close Tyson and Murphy were, we head to Tyson's funeral. Max and Darnell talk but their conversation is stopped short by Murphy showing up drunk. After calling Tyson's dad a liar, she's taken outside where Darnell talks to her. He tells Murphy it's his fault for putting Tyson on that corner before offering his condolences.
After the funeral, Jess and Murphy have a heart to heart at their apartment. Jess tells Murphy she's difficult to get along with but her lack of judging made her the first person she came out to. Still hurting, Murphy heads back to the alleyway to mourn. There, she runs into Tyson's mum who tells her about his videotapes and how she didn't realize how close her son was to him before. She then gives Murphy a vial full of Tyson's ashes and with Jess, head into the water for one final goodbye.
The episode then ends with Murphy apologizing to Max before he heads outside to deal with something work-related. When he heads back inside, Murphy tells him the man's voice is identical to the one she heard in the flower shop last episode where she felt an actual dead body.
With a more character-driven focus this time around, In The Dark does well to flesh Murphy out into a more likable anti-hero. The grief and pain she experiences throughout the episode are pretty believable and In The Dark's general indifference to Murphy's blindness as a disability is some of the reason this CW show works as well as it does. It's not perfect, and it never quite reaches the dramatic peaks it perhaps could but there's enough here to keep you watching to find out what will happen next.
Click Here To Read Our Full Season Review For In The Dark Season 1!
Provisional Season Rating
Categories Comedy, Drama, TV Shows Tags Brooke Markham, Casey Deidrick, CBS Television Studios, comedy, drama, Keston John, Morgan Krantz, Perry Mattfeld, Red Hour Films, tv shows

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


Christine Lagarde is the head of the IMF.
This week, the British people should prepare themselves for the unsolicited EU referendum advice of another member of the Davos elite when Christine Lagarde of the International Monetary Fund publishes her annual review of our economy.
How much attention should we pay?
The IMF's principal remit is to protect the global financial system from instability. This made the institution's complete failure to predict the biggest banking crisis since the 1930s deeply embarrassing.


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Richard Mapumha
Home Richard Mapumha Page 1 of 1
Born in 1963 in Makoni, Zimbabwe, he is an uncle to Itayi and Onias Mupumha, also established artists whom he helped to mentor. From an early age his interest in art was evidenced in how he meticulously moulded his toy animals from clay and then went on become an excellent wood carver at school. After finishing secondary school, Richard tried many jobs until in 1993, after a succession of unfulfilling jobs, he became a full-time sculptor. Richard is also an accomplished guitarist and always carries his guitar on his numerous travels overseas. Recent awards include:
· First Prize, 'Art for Charity' competition, Swiss and Zimbabwean Rotary Project (2016)
· National Arts Merit Awards (NAMA) Mixed Media category (2013)
· Brock Awards 2017 honorable mention
Richard held successful workshops and exhibitions in Germany and Spain for several years. Numerous prestigious galleries promote Richard Mupumha, including Gallery Die Lemann (Belgium), The Semba Gallery (South Africa) and Galerie Zvakanaka (The Netherlands) and many in the United States


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Knight, Julian (Solihull)
Payments from Ipsos MORI, 3 Thomas More Square, London E1W 1YW, for completing surveys:
28 February 2020, received £200. Hours: 1 hr. (Registered 17 March 2020)
17 September 2020, received £250. Hours: 1 hr. (Registered 14 October 2020)
Payments from John Wiley & Sons Ltd, The Atrium, Southern Gate, Chichester PO19 8SQ, as royalties for books published before I was elected:
23 March 2020, received £1,098.35. Hours: no additional hours. (Registered 26 March 2020)
24 September 2020, received £1,185. Hours: no additional hours. (Registered 14 October 2020)
Payments from YouGov, 50 Featherstone Street, London EC1Y 8RT, for completing surveys:
25 February 2020, received £110. Hours: 1 hr. (Registered 11 May 2020)
23 April 2020, payment of £100. Hours: 1 hr. (Registered 11 May 2020)
23 April 2020, received £50. Hours: 30 mins. (Registered 11 May 2020)
23 April 2020, received £100. Hours: 1 hr. (Registered 11 May 2020)
28 May 2020, received £70. Hours: 30 mins. (Registered 22 June 2020)
8 July 2020, received £70. Hours: 30 mins. (Registered 20 July 2020)
9 July 2020, received £70. Hours: 45 mins. (Registered 03 August 2020)
31 July 2020, received £100. Hours: 1 hr. (Registered 10 August 2020)
11 September 2020, received £100. Hours: 1 hr. (Registered 17 September 2020)
26 October 2020, received £100. Hours: 45 mins. (Registered 03 November 2020)
3. Gifts, benefits and hospitality from UK sources
Name of donor: Premier League
Address of donor: Brunel Building, 57 North Wharf Road, London W2 1HQ
Amount of donation or nature and value if donation in kind: Ticket and hospitality at the BRIT Awards, value £950
Date received: 18 February 2020
Date accepted: 18 February 2020
Name of donor: Rugby Football Union
Address of donor: Rugby House, Twickenham Stadium, 200 Whitton Road, Twickenham TW2 7BA
Amount of donation, or nature and value if donation in kind: Three tickets to Six Nations match, value £165 each; £495 in total
Data accepted: 23 February 2020
Donor status: registered society 27981R
6. Land and property portfolio: (i) value over £100,000 and/or (ii) giving rental income of over £10,000 a year
From 1 December 2015 until 1 March 2020, house in Haywards Heath, owned jointly with my wife: (i) and (ii). (Registered 08 December 2015; updated 29 June 2017 and 11 May 2020)


Keshet Keshet is a national organization that works for full LGBTQ equality and inclusion in Jewish life.
Jewish Queer Youth (JQY) Jewish Queer Youth (JQY) is a nonprofit organization supporting and empowering LGBTQ youth in the Jewish community. JQY fights to ensure the emotional and physical health and safety of these individuals, with a special focus on teens and young adults from Orthodox, Chasidic, and Sephardic communities.
TransTorah An online resource created to collect trans and genderqueer Jewish texts, sermons and other literature and make them accessible to anyone who wants them.
Congregation Beit Simchat Torah | New York, NY https://cbst.org/content/about An LGBTQI synagogue located near Midtown in Manhattan.
Beth Chayim Chadashim | Los Angeles, CA An LGBTQI synagogue located in Los Angeles, CA.
Sha'ar Zahav | San Francisco, CA An LGBTQI Reform synagogue located in San Francisco, CA.
Congregation Am Tikva | Boston, MA An LGBTQI synagogue located in Boston, MA.
Chevrei Tikva Chavurah | Cleveland, OH An LGBTQI chavurah associated with the Anshe Chesed Fairmount Temple community.
Congregation Beit Haverim | Atlanta, GA A Reconstructionist synagogue founded by and for LGBTQI folks.
Congregation Tikvah Chadashah | Seattle, WA Seattle's GLBT Synagogue since 1980 and is a chavurah-style congregation.
GLBT Outreach & Engagement (GLOE) | Washington D.C. As the GLBT portal of the D.C.Jewish Community Center (DCJCC), GLOE engages metropolitan Washington's GLBT Jewish community by sponsoring original programming and fostering a welcoming and inclusive environment at the Washington DCJCC.
New Jersey's Lesbian and Gay Havurah | Edison, NJ Located at Temple Emanu-El, NJLGH is a community of LGBTQI Jewish and their friends and family. Memers represent the full spectrum of Jewish backgrounds and observances.


XFR2 and Precision Boost Overdrive clocks are based on your PC configurations ability to provide power and low temps during boost. So max boost will be reflected accordingly.
What are your minimum and maximum voltage readings on HWmonitor (HWinfo64 is much better), both idle and load? What Clock frequencies are you seeing at idle and load(min&max). Prime 95, IBT AVX(FX version) or Cinebench R15 can be used.
Are you using both CPU power connections 8+4 pins?
Is your CPU cooler seated properly?
Are you running the latest BIOS F4G?
Make sure that XFR2(core performance boost) and Precision Boost Overdrive are enabled in your BIOS.
That voltage should be enough for max boost and is in line with the voltages reported by users at overclock.net, they report 1.45v-1.5v max vcore for stock settings with XFR2 and PBO enabled (mine is 1.48v R5 2600x). With the configuration listed and a updated BIOS, XFR2 & PBO enabled you should be seeing max boost if temps and power allow (sounds like they are). You could try the R7 2700/2700x Owners thread at Overclockers.net there are some owners on the thread that use the same motherboard and they might provide some more insight to your issue.


Together with the mentee, decide on regularity, frequency and how contact will occur e.g. face-to-face meetings, phone conversation, by email or some other form of internet communication such as Skype.
Be a good listener and respect confidentiality.
Show a willingness to listen and communicate with the mentee.
Provide guidance, offer relevant advice and give feedback to the mentee when required. Don't feel responsible for solving problems (e.g. finding a position) rather tease out an issue or problem with your mentee encouraging them to find a solution.
Introduce the mentee to professional networks. Help the mentee explore career development opportunities.
Understand your own professional boundaries and knowledge and be ready to refer the mentee to others who might have more knowledge.
WHAT LEVEL WOULD YOU PREFER TO MENTOR?


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Q: Bluetooth audio device not under playback devices after pairing I have the Sennheiser PXC 360 BT headphones and a new laptop with Windows 8.
On my previous laptop I simply paired the headphones with Windows and it was always displayed under my audio playback devices, whether it was connected or not. To connect it you simply right click and hit connect. This worked perfectly (and is actually the only new feature I really like in Windows 8).
On my new laptop I went through the same process, paired the headphones with Windows and it connected and played right away without any issues. The headset was listed under playback devices and immediatly set as default playback device.
The problem started after a reboot. The headphones are gone from the list of playback devices.

*

*I checked if all devices are being displayed, they are (show disabled and disconnected devices are ticked).

*I checked if the headphones are still paired, and yes they are (under the metro PC settings -> PC and Devices -> Bluetooth), but I can't do anything but remove it there.

*I tried removing the headphones at the settings mentioned above and re-pairing it. This made it work but only until the next reboot when they dissapeared again...

I tried doing some googling but keep finding unrelated bluetooth problems with specific devices which I doubt this is (since it worked on the other laptop)
The only difference I can image is the wireless/bluetooth device in my laptop. It's a Bigfoot Killer Wireless-N 1202. If I check my device manager under bluetooth I see it includes a Qualcomm Atheros AR3012 Bluetooth 4.0 + HS.
Thank you for your time in advance.

A: Try to install [Broadcom Bluetooth 4.0 Driver for Windows 8.1 ] LINK=>> 1 !
At least works fine on my HP-EliteBook-8570p with stereo "BlueDio 99B" headset. After switching the headset ON the Windows connect the device automatically, and switch Audio-Stream into new-attached device. Optimal!
 PS - Unfortunately it is still the Problem with Windows 8.1 + Skype( MIC-Problem) :( Windows 8 is the first OS, than not support Skype at all! ;)

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


GRANT COUNTY, WVa. (WHSV) — Petersburg High School in Grant County was host to some special guests on Wednesday. The West Virginia Board of Education conducted routine business in the school's media center.
Twice a year, the board meets outside of its home location in Charleston. Grant County was one of two school systems chosen to host the board members.
"We're very proud and humbled that they are here," said Doug Lambert, Superintendent of Grant County Schools. "It gives the Board an opportunity to see what's happening in the field, and it gives us locally, an opportunity to see what occurs at a state board meeting."
The meeting kicked off with a spotlight on Grant County Schools by Lambert, and continued with discussion of legislation and policy updates about the State's education system.
"I'm very pleased with the product we have here in Grant County, and of course, in the tri-county area with Grant, Hardy, and Pendleton," said Lambert.


36090 it shows like this. For IE and Firefox it showed correctly.
Any idea ? and how to fix ?
What Ext JS 4 version and Chrome version? Also, is that the tab scroller?
Versions tested are v4.02a and v4.0.7.
Chrome version is latest 19.0.1084.52 m (it's been a while and believed not related to minor version change).
It should be a tab, not a tab scroller but it behavior scroller which is not wanted.
Tested letters that CIG, cid, etc. they all worked like scroller.


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Prison Industry Divestment Movement
Convened by Freedom to Thrive (formerly Enlace)
Internships | Prácticas
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Revoke REIT
Redefining Safety Report
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January 24, 2012 January 25, 2012 EnlaceLeave a Comment on THE CAGING OF AMERICA
THE CAGING OF AMERICA
by Adam Gopnik | The New Yorker
A prison is a trap for catching time. Good reporting appears often about the inner life of the American prison, but the catch is that American prison life is mostly undramatic—the reported stories fail to grab us, because, for the most part, nothing happens. One day in the life of Ivan Denisovich is all you need to know about Ivan Denisovich, because the idea that anyone could live for a minute in such circumstances seems impossible; one day in the life of an American prison means much less, because the force of it is that one day typically stretches out for decades. It isn't the horror of the time at hand but the unimaginable sameness of the time ahead that makes prisons unendurable for their inmates. The inmates on death row in Texas are called men in "timeless time," because they alone aren't serving time: they aren't waiting out five years or a decade or a lifetime. The basic reality of American prisons is not that of the lock and key but that of the lock and clock.
That's why no one who has been inside a prison, if only for a day, can ever forget the feeling. Time stops. A note of attenuated panic, of watchful paranoia—anxiety and boredom and fear mixed into a kind of enveloping fog, covering the guards as much as the guarded. "Sometimes I think this whole world is one big prison yard, / Some of us are prisoners, some of us are guards," Dylan sings, and while it isn't strictly true—just ask the prisoners—it contains a truth: the guards are doing time, too. As a smart man once wrote after being locked up, the thing about jail is that there are bars on the windows and they won't let you out. This simple truth governs all the others. What prisoners try to convey to the free is how the presence of time as something being done to you, instead of something you do things with, alters the mind at every moment. For American prisoners, huge numbers of whom are serving sentences much longer than those given for similar crimes anywhere else in the civilized world—Texas alone has sentenced more than four hundred teen-agers to life imprisonment—time becomes in every sense this thing you serve.
For most privileged, professional people, the experience of confinement is a mere brush, encountered after a kid's arrest, say. For a great many poor people in America, particularly poor black men, prison is a destination that braids through an ordinary life, much as high school and college do for rich white ones. More than half of all black men without a high-school diploma go to prison at some time in their lives. Mass incarceration on a scale almost unexampled in human history is a fundamental fact of our country today—perhaps the fundamental fact, as slavery was the fundamental fact of 1850. In truth, there are more black men in the grip of the criminal-justice system—in prison, on probation, or on parole—than were in slavery then. Over all, there are now more people under "correctional supervision" in America—more than six million—than were in the Gulag Archipelago under Stalin at its height. That city of the confined and the controlled, Lockuptown, is now the second largest in the United States.
The accelerating rate of incarceration over the past few decades is just as startling as the number of people jailed: in 1980, there were about two hundred and twenty people incarcerated for every hundred thousand Americans; by 2010, the number had more than tripled, to seven hundred and thirty-one. No other country even approaches that. In the past two decades, the money that states spend on prisons has risen at six times the rate of spending on higher education. Ours is, bottom to top, a "carceral state," in the flat verdict of Conrad Black, the former conservative press lord and newly minted reformer, who right now finds himself imprisoned in Florida, thereby adding a new twist to an old joke: A conservative is a liberal who's been mugged; a liberal is a conservative who's been indicted; and a passionate prison reformer is a conservative who's in one.
The scale and the brutality of our prisons are the moral scandal of American life. Every day, at least fifty thousand men—a full house at Yankee Stadium—wake in solitary confinement, often in "supermax" prisons or prison wings, in which men are locked in small cells, where they see no one, cannot freely read and write, and are allowed out just once a day for an hour's solo "exercise." (Lock yourself in your bathroom and then imagine you have to stay there for the next ten years, and you will have some sense of the experience.) Prison rape is so endemic—more than seventy thousand prisoners are raped each year—that it is routinely held out as a threat, part of the punishment to be expected. The subject is standard fodder for comedy, and an uncoöperative suspect being threatened with rape in prison is now represented, every night on television, as an ordinary and rather lovable bit of policing. The normalization of prison rape—like eighteenth-century japery about watching men struggle as they die on the gallows—will surely strike our descendants as chillingly sadistic, incomprehensible on the part of people who thought themselves civilized. Though we avoid looking directly at prisons, they seep obliquely into our fashions and manners. Wealthy white teen-agers in baggy jeans and laceless shoes and multiple tattoos show, unconsciously, the reality of incarceration that acts as a hidden foundation for the country.
How did we get here? How is it that our civilization, which rejects hanging and flogging and disembowelling, came to believe that caging vast numbers of people for decades is an acceptably humane sanction? There's a fairly large recent scholarly literature on the history and sociology of crime and punishment, and it tends to trace the American zeal for punishment back to the nineteenth century, apportioning blame in two directions. There's an essentially Northern explanation, focussing on the inheritance of the notorious Eastern State Penitentiary, in Philadelphia, and its "reformist" tradition; and a Southern explanation, which sees the prison system as essentially a slave plantation continued by other means. Robert Perkinson, the author of the Southern revisionist tract "Texas Tough: The Rise of America's Prison Empire," traces two ancestral lines, "from the North, the birthplace of rehabilitative penology, to the South, the fountainhead of subjugationist discipline." In other words, there's the scientific taste for reducing men to numbers and the slave owners' urge to reduce blacks to brutes.
William J. Stuntz, a professor at Harvard Law School who died shortly before his masterwork, "The Collapse of American Criminal Justice," was published, last fall, is the most forceful advocate for the view that the scandal of our prisons derives from the Enlightenment-era, "procedural" nature of American justice. He runs through the immediate causes of the incarceration epidemic: the growth of post-Rockefeller drug laws, which punished minor drug offenses with major prison time; "zero tolerance" policing, which added to the group; mandatory-sentencing laws, which prevented judges from exercising judgment. But his search for the ultimate cause leads deeper, all the way to the Bill of Rights. In a society where Constitution worship is still a requisite on right and left alike, Stuntz startlingly suggests that the Bill of Rights is a terrible document with which to start a justice system—much inferior to the exactly contemporary French Declaration of the Rights of Man, which Jefferson, he points out, may have helped shape while his protégé Madison was writing ours.
The trouble with the Bill of Rights, he argues, is that it emphasizes process and procedure rather than principles. The Declaration of the Rights of Man says, Be just! The Bill of Rights says, Be fair! Instead of announcing general principles—no one should be accused of something that wasn't a crime when he did it; cruel punishments are always wrong; the goal of justice is, above all, that justice be done—it talks procedurally. You can't search someone without a reason; you can't accuse him without allowing him to see the evidence; and so on. This emphasis, Stuntz thinks, has led to the current mess, where accused criminals get laboriously articulated protection against procedural errors and no protection at all against outrageous and obvious violations of simple justice. You can get off if the cops looked in the wrong car with the wrong warrant when they found your joint, but you have no recourse if owning the joint gets you locked up for life. You may be spared the death penalty if you can show a problem with your appointed defender, but it is much harder if there is merely enormous accumulated evidence that you weren't guilty in the first place and the jury got it wrong. Even clauses that Americans are taught to revere are, Stuntz maintains, unworthy of reverence: the ban on "cruel and unusual punishment" was designed to protect cruel punishments—flogging and branding—that were not at that time unusual.
The obsession with due process and the cult of brutal prisons, the argument goes, share an essential impersonality. The more professionalized and procedural a system is, the more insulated we become from its real effects on real people. That's why America is famous both for its process-driven judicial system ("The bastard got off on a technicality," the cop-show detective fumes) and for the harshness and inhumanity of its prisons. Though all industrialized societies started sending more people to prison and fewer to the gallows in the eighteenth century, it was in Enlightenment-inspired America that the taste for long-term, profoundly depersonalized punishment became most aggravated. The inhumanity of American prisons was as much a theme for Dickens, visiting America in 1842, as the cynicism of American lawyers. His shock when he saw the Eastern State Penitentiary, in Philadelphia—a "model" prison, at the time the most expensive public building ever constructed in the country, where every prisoner was kept in silent, separate confinement—still resonates:
I believe that very few men are capable of estimating the immense amount of torture and agony which this dreadful punishment, prolonged for years, inflicts upon the sufferers. . . . I hold this slow and daily tampering with the mysteries of the brain, to be immeasurably worse than any torture of the body: and because its ghastly signs and tokens are not so palpable to the eye and sense of touch as scars upon the flesh; because its wounds are not upon the surface, and it extorts few cries that human ears can hear; therefore I the more denounce it, as a secret punishment which slumbering humanity is not roused up to stay.
Not roused up to stay—that was the point. Once the procedure ends, the penalty begins, and, as long as the cruelty is routine, our civil responsibility toward the punished is over. We lock men up and forget about their existence. For Dickens, even the corrupt but communal debtors' prisons of old London were better than this. "Don't take it personally!"—that remains the slogan above the gate to the American prison Inferno. Nor is this merely a historian's vision. Conrad Black, at the high end, has a scary and persuasive picture of how his counsel, the judge, and the prosecutors all merrily congratulated each other on their combined professional excellence just before sending him off to the hoosegow for several years. If a millionaire feels that way, imagine how the ordinary culprit must feel.
In place of abstraction, Stuntz argues for the saving grace of humane discretion. Basically, he thinks, we should go into court with an understanding of what a crime is and what justice is like, and then let common sense and compassion and specific circumstance take over. There's a lovely scene in "The Castle," the Australian movie about a family fighting eminent-domain eviction, where its hapless lawyer, asked in court to point to the specific part of the Australian constitution that the eviction violates, says desperately, "It's . . . just the vibe of the thing." For Stuntz, justice ought to be just the vibe of the thing—not one procedural error caught or one fact worked around. The criminal law should once again be more like the common law, with judges and juries not merely finding fact but making law on the basis of universal principles of fairness, circumstance, and seriousness, and crafting penalties to the exigencies of the crime.
The other argument—the Southern argument—is that this story puts too bright a face on the truth. The reality of American prisons, this argument runs, has nothing to do with the knots of procedural justice or the perversions of Enlightenment-era ideals. Prisons today operate less in the rehabilitative mode of the Northern reformers "than in a retributive mode that has long been practiced and promoted in the South," Perkinson, an American-studies professor, writes. "American prisons trace their lineage not only back to Pennsylvania penitentiaries but to Texas slave plantations." White supremacy is the real principle, this thesis holds, and racial domination the real end. In response to the apparent triumphs of the sixties, mass imprisonment became a way of reimposing Jim Crow. Blacks are now incarcerated seven times as often as whites. "The system of mass incarceration works to trap African Americans in a virtual (and literal) cage," the legal scholar Michelle Alexander writes. Young black men pass quickly from a period of police harassment into a period of "formal control" (i.e., actual imprisonment) and then are doomed for life to a system of "invisible control." Prevented from voting, legally discriminated against for the rest of their lives, most will cycle back through the prison system. The system, in this view, is not really broken; it is doing what it was designed to do. Alexander's grim conclusion: "If mass incarceration is considered as a system of social control—specifically, racial control—then the system is a fantastic success."
Northern impersonality and Southern revenge converge on a common American theme: a growing number of American prisons are now contracted out as for-profit businesses to for-profit companies. The companies are paid by the state, and their profit depends on spending as little as possible on the prisoners and the prisons. It's hard to imagine any greater disconnect between public good and private profit: the interest of private prisons lies not in the obvious social good of having the minimum necessary number of inmates but in having as many as possible, housed as cheaply as possible. No more chilling document exists in recent American life than the 2005 annual report of the biggest of these firms, the Corrections Corporation of America. Here the company (which spends millions lobbying legislators) is obliged to caution its investors about the risk that somehow, somewhere, someone might turn off the spigot of convicted men:
Our growth is generally dependent upon our ability to obtain new contracts to develop and manage new correctional and detention facilities. . . . The demand for our facilities and services could be adversely affected by the relaxation of enforcement efforts, leniency in conviction and sentencing practices or through the decriminalization of certain activities that are currently proscribed by our criminal laws. For instance, any changes with respect to drugs and controlled substances or illegal immigration could affect the number of persons arrested, convicted, and sentenced, thereby potentially reducing demand for correctional facilities to house them.
Brecht could hardly have imagined such a document: a capitalist enterprise that feeds on the misery of man trying as hard as it can to be sure that nothing is done to decrease that misery.
Yet a spectre haunts all these accounts, North and South, whether process gone mad or penal colony writ large. It is that the epidemic of imprisonment seems to track the dramatic decline in crime over the same period. The more bad guys there are in prison, it appears, the less crime there has been in the streets. The real background to the prison boom, which shows up only sporadically in the prison literature, is the crime wave that preceded and overlapped it.
For those too young to recall the big-city crime wave of the sixties and seventies, it may seem like mere bogeyman history. For those whose entire childhood and adolescence were set against it, it is the crucial trauma in recent American life and explains much else that happened in the same period. It was the condition of the Upper West Side of Manhattan under liberal rule, far more than what had happened to Eastern Europe under socialism, that made neo-con polemics look persuasive. There really was, as Stuntz himself says, a liberal consensus on crime ("Wherever the line is between a merciful justice system and one that abandons all serious effort at crime control, the nation had crossed it"), and it really did have bad effects.
Yet if, in 1980, someone had predicted that by 2012 New York City would have a crime rate so low that violent crime would have largely disappeared as a subject of conversation, he would have seemed not so much hopeful as crazy. Thirty years ago, crime was supposed to be a permanent feature of the city, produced by an alienated underclass of super-predators; now it isn't. Something good happened to change it, and you might have supposed that the change would be an opportunity for celebration and optimism. Instead, we mostly content ourselves with grudging and sardonic references to the silly side of gentrification, along with a few all-purpose explanations, like broken-window policing. This is a general human truth: things that work interest us less than things that don't.
So what is the relation between mass incarceration and the decrease in crime? Certainly, in the nineteen-seventies and eighties, many experts became persuaded that there was no way to make bad people better; all you could do was warehouse them, for longer or shorter periods. The best research seemed to show, depressingly, that nothing works—that rehabilitation was a ruse. Then, in 1983, inmates at the maximum-security federal prison in Marion, Illinois, murdered two guards. Inmates had been (very occasionally) killing guards for a long time, but the timing of the murders, and the fact that they took place in a climate already prepared to believe that even ordinary humanity was wasted on the criminal classes, meant that the entire prison was put on permanent lockdown. A century and a half after absolute solitary first appeared in American prisons, it was reintroduced. Those terrible numbers began to grow.
And then, a decade later, crime started falling: across the country by a standard measure of about forty per cent; in New York City by as much as eighty per cent. By 2010, the crime rate in New York had seen its greatest decline since the Second World War; in 2002, there were fewer murders in Manhattan than there had been in any year since 1900. In social science, a cause sought is usually a muddle found; in life as we experience it, a crisis resolved is causality established. If a pill cures a headache, we do not ask too often if the headache might have gone away by itself.
All this ought to make the publication of Franklin E. Zimring's new book, "The City That Became Safe," a very big event. Zimring, a criminologist at Berkeley Law, has spent years crunching the numbers of what happened in New York in the context of what happened in the rest of America. One thing he teaches us is how little we know. The forty per cent drop across the continent—indeed, there was a decline throughout the Western world— took place for reasons that are as mysterious in suburban Ottawa as they are in the South Bronx. Zimring shows that the usual explanations—including demographic shifts—simply can't account for what must be accounted for. This makes the international decline look slightly eerie: blackbirds drop from the sky, plagues slacken and end, and there seems no absolute reason that societies leap from one state to another over time. Trends and fashions and fads and pure contingencies happen in other parts of our social existence; it may be that there are fashions and cycles in criminal behavior, too, for reasons that are just as arbitrary.
But the additional forty per cent drop in crime that seems peculiar to New York finally succumbs to Zimring's analysis. The change didn't come from resolving the deep pathologies that the right fixated on—from jailing super predators, driving down the number of unwed mothers, altering welfare culture. Nor were there cures for the underlying causes pointed to by the left: injustice, discrimination, poverty. Nor were there any "Presto!" effects arising from secret patterns of increased abortions or the like. The city didn't get much richer; it didn't get much poorer. There was no significant change in the ethnic makeup or the average wealth or educational levels of New Yorkers as violent crime more or less vanished. "Broken windows" or "turnstile jumping" policing, that is, cracking down on small visible offenses in order to create an atmosphere that refused to license crime, seems to have had a negligible effect; there was, Zimring writes, a great difference between the slogans and the substance of the time. (Arrests for "visible" nonviolent crime—e.g., street prostitution and public gambling—mostly went down through the period.)
Instead, small acts of social engineering, designed simply to stop crimes from happening, helped stop crime. In the nineties, the N.Y.P.D. began to control crime not by fighting minor crimes in safe places but by putting lots of cops in places where lots of crimes happened—"hot-spot policing." The cops also began an aggressive, controversial program of "stop and frisk"—"designed to catch the sharks, not the dolphins," as Jack Maple, one of its originators, described it—that involved what's called pejoratively "profiling." This was not so much racial, since in any given neighborhood all the suspects were likely to be of the same race or color, as social, involving the thousand small clues that policemen recognized already. Minority communities, Zimring emphasizes, paid a disproportionate price in kids stopped and frisked, and detained, but they also earned a disproportionate gain in crime reduced. "The poor pay more and get more" is Zimring's way of putting it. He believes that a "light" program of stop-and-frisk could be less alienating and just as effective, and that by bringing down urban crime stop-and-frisk had the net effect of greatly reducing the number of poor minority kids in prison for long stretches.
Zimring insists, plausibly, that he is offering a radical and optimistic rewriting of theories of what crime is and where criminals are, not least because it disconnects crime and minorities. "In 1961, twenty six percent of New York City's population was minority African American or Hispanic. Now, half of New York's population is—and what that does in an enormously hopeful way is to destroy the rude assumptions of supply side criminology," he says. By "supply side criminology," he means the conservative theory of crime that claimed that social circumstances produced a certain net amount of crime waiting to be expressed; if you stopped it here, it broke out there. The only way to stop crime was to lock up all the potential criminals. In truth, criminal activity seems like most other human choices—a question of contingent occasions and opportunity. Crime is not the consequence of a set number of criminals; criminals are the consequence of a set number of opportunities to commit crimes. Close down the open drug market in Washington Square, and it does not automatically migrate to Tompkins Square Park. It just stops, or the dealers go indoors, where dealing goes on but violent crime does not.
And, in a virtuous cycle, the decreased prevalence of crime fuels a decrease in the prevalence of crime. When your friends are no longer doing street robberies, you're less likely to do them. Zimring said, in a recent interview, "Remember, nobody ever made a living mugging. There's no minimum wage in violent crime." In a sense, he argues, it's recreational, part of a life style: "Crime is a routine behavior; it's a thing people do when they get used to doing it." And therein lies its essential fragility. Crime ends as a result of "cyclical forces operating on situational and contingent things rather than from finding deeply motivated essential linkages." Conservatives don't like this view because it shows that being tough doesn't help; liberals don't like it because apparently being nice doesn't help, either. Curbing crime does not depend on reversing social pathologies or alleviating social grievances; it depends on erecting small, annoying barriers to entry.
One fact stands out. While the rest of the country, over the same twenty-year period, saw the growth in incarceration that led to our current astonishing numbers, New York, despite the Rockefeller drug laws, saw a marked decrease in its number of inmates. "New York City, in the midst of a dramatic reduction in crime, is locking up a much smaller number of people, and particularly of young people, than it was at the height of the crime wave," Zimring observes. Whatever happened to make street crime fall, it had nothing to do with putting more men in prison. The logic is self-evident if we just transfer it to the realm of white-collar crime: we easily accept that there is no net sum of white-collar crime waiting to happen, no inscrutable generation of super-predators produced by Dewar's-guzzling dads and scaly M.B.A. profs; if you stop an embezzlement scheme here on Third Avenue, another doesn't naturally start in the next office building. White-collar crime happens through an intersection of pathology and opportunity; getting the S.E.C. busy ending the opportunity is a good way to limit the range of the pathology.
Social trends deeper and less visible to us may appear as future historians analyze what went on. Something other than policing may explain things—just as the coming of cheap credit cards and state lotteries probably did as much to weaken the Mafia's Five Families in New York, who had depended on loan sharking and numbers running, as the F.B.I. could. It is at least possible, for instance, that the coming of the mobile phone helped drive drug dealing indoors, in ways that helped drive down crime. It may be that the real value of hot spot and stop-and-frisk was that it provided a single game plan that the police believed in; as military history reveals, a bad plan is often better than no plan, especially if the people on the other side think it's a good plan. But one thing is sure: social epidemics, of crime or of punishment, can be cured more quickly than we might hope with simpler and more superficial mechanisms than we imagine. Throwing a Band-Aid over a bad wound is actually a decent strategy, if the Band-Aid helps the wound to heal itself.
Which leads, further, to one piece of radical common sense: since prison plays at best a small role in stopping even violent crime, very few people, rich or poor, should be in prison for a nonviolent crime. Neither the streets nor the society is made safer by having marijuana users or peddlers locked up, let alone with the horrific sentences now dispensed so easily. For that matter, no social good is served by having the embezzler or the Ponzi schemer locked in a cage for the rest of his life, rather than having him bankrupt and doing community service in the South Bronx for the next decade or two. Would we actually have more fraud and looting of shareholder value if the perpetrators knew that they would lose their bank accounts and their reputation, and have to do community service seven days a week for five years? It seems likely that anyone for whom those sanctions aren't sufficient is someone for whom no sanctions are ever going to be sufficient. Zimring's research shows clearly that, if crime drops on the street, criminals coming out of prison stop committing crimes. What matters is the incidence of crime in the world, and the continuity of a culture of crime, not some "lesson learned" in prison.
At the same time, the ugly side of stop-and-frisk can be alleviated. To catch sharks and not dolphins, Zimring's work suggests, we need to adjust the size of the holes in the nets—to make crimes that are the occasion for stop-and-frisks real crimes, not crimes like marijuana possession. When the New York City police stopped and frisked kids, the main goal was not to jail them for having pot but to get their fingerprints, so that they could be identified if they committed a more serious crime. But all over America the opposite happens: marijuana possession becomes the serious crime. The cost is so enormous, though, in lives ruined and money spent, that the obvious thing to do is not to enforce the law less but to change it now. Dr. Johnson said once that manners make law, and that when manners alter, the law must, too. It's obvious that marijuana is now an almost universally accepted drug in America: it is not only used casually (which has been true for decades) but also talked about casually on television and in the movies (which has not). One need only watch any stoner movie to see that the perceived risks of smoking dope are not that you'll get arrested but that you'll get in trouble with a rival frat or look like an idiot to women. The decriminalization of marijuana would help end the epidemic of imprisonment.
The rate of incarceration in most other rich, free countries, whatever the differences in their histories, is remarkably steady. In countries with Napoleonic justice or common law or some mixture of the two, in countries with adversarial systems and in those with magisterial ones, whether the country once had brutal plantation-style penal colonies, as France did, or was once itself a brutal plantation-style penal colony, like Australia, the natural rate of incarceration seems to hover right around a hundred men per hundred thousand people. (That doesn't mean it doesn't get lower in rich, homogeneous countries—just that it never gets much higher in countries otherwise like our own.) It seems that one man in every thousand once in a while does a truly bad thing. All other things being equal, the point of a justice system should be to identify that thousandth guy, find a way to keep him from harming other people, and give everyone else a break.
Epidemics seldom end with miracle cures. Most of the time in the history of medicine, the best way to end disease was to build a better sewer and get people to wash their hands. "Merely chipping away at the problem around the edges" is usually the very best thing to do with a problem; keep chipping away patiently and, eventually, you get to its heart. To read the literature on crime before it dropped is to see the same kind of dystopian despair we find in the new literature of punishment: we'd have to end poverty, or eradicate the ghettos, or declare war on the broken family, or the like, in order to end the crime wave. The truth is, a series of small actions and events ended up eliminating a problem that seemed to hang over everything. There was no miracle cure, just the intercession of a thousand smaller sanities. Ending sentencing for drug misdemeanors, decriminalizing marijuana, leaving judges free to use common sense (and, where possible, getting judges who are judges rather than politicians)—many small acts are possible that will help end the epidemic of imprisonment as they helped end the plague of crime.
"Oh, I have taken too little care of this!" King Lear cries out on the heath in his moment of vision. "Take physic, pomp; expose thyself to feel what wretches feel." "This" changes; in Shakespeare's time, it was flat-out peasant poverty that starved some and drove others as mad as poor Tom. In Dickens's and Hugo's time, it was the industrial revolution that drove kids to mines. But every society has a poor storm that wretches suffer in, and the attitude is always the same: either that the wretches, already dehumanized by their suffering, deserve no pity or that the oppressed, overwhelmed by injustice, will have to wait for a better world. At every moment, the injustice seems inseparable from the community's life, and in every case the arguments for keeping the system in place were that you would have to revolutionize the entire social order to change it—which then became the argument for revolutionizing the entire social order. In every case, humanity and common sense made the insoluble problem just get up and go away. Prisons are our this. We need take more care.
Read more http://www.newyorker.com/arts/critics/atlarge/2012/01/30/120130crat_atlarge_gopnik#ixzz1kRa3lGY1
Categories ArticlesTags Articles, Mass Incarceration, Prison Industrial Complex, The New Yorker
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Overrated Halloween Attractions You Should Skip
Overrated...
Fall is in the air, and with it comes the spirit of the Halloween season. To celebrate, many fans of the holiday flock to spooky attractions like haunted houses, hayrides, ghost tours and walkthroughs of locations supposedly frequented by the supernatural.
Whether staged or not, many Halloween sites across the country offer genuine scares -- but some simply aren't worth the time, money or crowds. In particular, these 11 attractions might be ones to avoid this Halloween season as they can be more sad than spooky.
Ripley's Haunted Adventure
The Halloween relative of Ripley's Believe It or Not!, Ripley's Haunted Adventure has locations in San Antonio, Texas and fall-friendly Gatlinburg, Tennessee. The attraction takes around 15 minutes to experience with some reviewers saying they wouldn't go again for free, let alone pay the overpriced $13 fee. The attraction is also pretty tame, meaning older children and adults might be bored.
Yelp/Jay W.
Famous as the site of the Salem witch trials of 1692 and often claimed to be haunted, this town's important history is often drowned out by kitschy witch-themed shops and hordes of tourists. In fact, few actual historic locations still exist. According to the Guardian, the execution site is "just a hump of rock behind a pharmacy." One of the town's most visited attractions is the Salem Witch Museum, which plenty of reviewers describe as a tacky tourist trap.
Some claim Knott's Scary Farm in California is a top Halloween amusement park, but during October weekends, wait times for its attractions range from one to two hours, making it impossible to see all nine mazes in one night, especially since traffic getting into the park itself can get backed up for an hour. Many people recommend the Fright Lane Pass that gives you priority access to attractions, but it costs $80 on top of the park's $42 admission -- and that's with an online discount.
Halloween on Franklin Street
This tradition, which began in the 1980s, started as a small fun gathering of locals and University of North Carolina students who wanted to celebrate Halloween and show off their costumes. Despite not having any planning activities or entertainment, tens of thousands of people now flock to Halloween on Franklin Street, meaning long lines and large crowds for a whole lot of nothing that wraps up at 10:30 p.m.
Flickr/Selena N. B. H./CC BY 2.0
Sleepy Hollow, New York
The village of Sleepy Hollow, 30 miles north of New York City, was made famous in Washington Irving's "The Legend of Sleepy Hollow" about Ichabod Crane and the Headless Horseman. Irving implies in his story that the Horseman wasn't real, and although Sleepy Hollow is a lovely fall destination for literary and history fans, there's really nothing supernatural or spooky to be seen. Plus, you'll have to combat crowds numbering 100,000 or more around Halloween.
Six Flags Fright Fest
This event, which takes places at Six Flags parks across the country, is another example of a theme park missing the mark. While the parks are known for their amazing rides and some have sprawling haunts with great concepts, others are lacking in set design or scares, leading to disappointment after standing in long lines and paying extra on top of the price of admission. On top of some themes being boring, Six Flags has gotten in hot water in recent years with their haunt themes. In 2016, the park tried to debut asylum-themed haunts until mental health advocacy groups criticized their depictions of mental illness.
Luis Sinco/Los Angeles Times/TNS
Said to be the most haunted spot in California, San Jose's Winchester Mystery House is a fascinating 160-room mansion with a tragic, haunted history. Unfortunately, the pricey tour only offers a glimpse at a few of the house's rooms. During the Halloween season, the house throws up some decorations and offers nighttime candlelight tours, which enhance the spookiness but don't offer any scares or additional elements. And in the dark, you can't actually appreciate anything about the house.
The Stanley Hotel in Estes Park, Colorado famously inspired the setting for Stephen King iconic book "The Shining." Despite the fact that the movie wasn't filmed there, demand to stay in the potentially haunted hotel is sky-high, with prices and a wait list to match. While a simple history or ghost tour might be worth your money, the old hotel isn't known for modern amenities, and horror fans snapping pictures of your door or wandering the halls are more likely to keep you up at night than ghosts. The hotel hosts multiple Halloween bashes, but online reviews generally characterize them as overpriced and cheesy.
Lizzie Borden House
One of America's strangest hotels is the site of the brutal slayings of Lizzie Borden's father and stepmother, for which she was not convicted. The Lizzie Borden House does offer insightful, fact-filled tours, but the museum and bed and breakfast don't possess any actual artifacts belonging to Borden or from the crime or investigation. You can stay in the room where the murder itself happened, but it's pricey and has an extremely long wait list, especially for dates around Halloween. While some people have reported supernatural experiences, plenty of others don't, so if you're looking for spirits and scares, it's best to look elsewhere and leave this experience to true crime and Borden devotees.
Mickey's Not-So-Scary Halloween Party
According to many Disney park insiders, Mickey's Not-So-Scary Halloween Party at Disney World used to be worth the additional ticket, but the disappointing attractions aren't worth the extra long wait times. Many people come to Disney World in the fall just for this event because you can meet rare and exclusive costumed characters, but the wait to meet some of them, like Jack and Sally from "The Nightmare Before Christmas" can be three hours in the Orlando heat. The Happy Hallowishes fireworks show is dated, while the party-exclusive "overlays," or changes to rides like Pirates of the Caribbean are minor and not that well-executed.
Flickr/GunnerVV/CC BY 2.0
Haunted hayrides can combine the classic pastime of hayrides with the thrills of a moving haunted house, making regular hayrides seem downright boring. While they're lovely in theory and often among the most popular Halloween attractions, waiting in the cold before shelling out money to ride in a trailer on an uncomfortable bale of hay isn't actually fun in practice, and there are plenty of better fall activities to enjoy.
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"Stuarts." History, British history, Q-files Encyclopedia, 12 Sep. 2013.
History, British history, s.v. "Stuarts," accessed April 22, 2019.
After the death of Elizabeth I in 1603, the English throne passed to James VI of Scotland. As James I of England, he became the first of the new line of Stuart kings that ruled both countries until 1714. During this period, the entire country became engulfed in major civil wars that led to the death of a king and the establishment of a republic. The monarchy was later restored and Protestantism was firmly established as the country's religion. The period also saw the Gunpowder Plot of 1605, the Great Plague of 1665–1666 and the Great Fire of London in 1666.
Eight of the conspirators in the Gunpowder Plot of 1605.
James I held a strong belief in the Divine Right of Kings: a king had absolute freedom to rule and his only responsibility was to God. As a result of this and his constant need to raise money, he often came into conflict with Parliament. He was no supporter of the Puritans (devout Protestants who believed in greater "purity" of worship in their religion) and also disappointed the Catholics, who had hoped to be given more freedoms than during Elizabeth I's reign. In 1605, a Catholic plot to blow up the Houses of Parliament, known as the Gunpowder Plot, to be carried out by Guy Fawkes and others, was uncovered. During James's reign, a new version of the Bible, the King James Bible (1611), was published.
When Charles I was beheaded in January 1649, he asked to wear two shirts so that the crowd would not mistake his shivering from cold as being afraid.


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Home | News | Uyghur
Indonesia Mum on Fate of Uyghur Prisoners Reportedly Deported to China
Suspected Islamic militants (left to right) Abdul Basit Tuzer bin Bazit, Ahmed Mahmud bin Mahmud Bozoglan, and Abdullah, also called Atinci Bayram, are shown on trial in Jakarta in a July 13, 2015 photo.
The fate of three Uyghurs allegedly deported by Indonesia to China after serving terrorism sentences is uncertain, with government officials in Jakarta tight-lipped about their whereabouts after they were released from prison.
Two experts told BenarNews last week – citing security sources whom they declined to identify – that the trio and one other Uyghur convict had been deported to China, where authorities are believed to have held close to 2 million Uyghurs and other Muslim minorities in internment camps, which the United States and several other nations have sharply criticized.
Indonesian government officials have not confirmed or denied the claims by the two experts that the Uyghurs were deported to China in September.
"I don't have any information. Please check with the Ministry of Law and Human Rights," Foreign Ministry spokesman Teuku Faizasyah told BenarNews, an RFA-affiliated online news service, on Wednesday, when asked to comment on the report about recent Uyghur deportations.
A spokeswoman for the Ministry of Law and Human Rights confirmed that three Uyghurs had been released from prison on Sept.19 and handed over to immigration authorities. A fourth person was still serving a six-year prison sentence, she said.
"Three foreign convicts were released from Class IIA Permisan Nusakambangan Penitentiary on September 19, 2020. They are Abdul Basit Tuzer bin Bazit, Ahmed Mahmud bin Mahmud Bozoglan and Abdullah (alias Atinci Bayram). On the same day, the three foreign convicts were handed over to immigration authorities," spokeswoman Rika Aprianti told BenarNews.
The three men she named were among four sentenced by an Indonesian court in July 2015 to six years in prison, after being convicted of entering the country illegally with the intention of joining a local Islamic State-linked militant group, the Eastern Indonesia Mujahideen (MIT).
Asked if the three had been deported, Rika referred BenarNews to immigration authorities.
The head of public relations at the Directorate General of Immigration, Arvin Gumilang, told BenarNews, "We don't have information to share."
Late last week, two experts told BenarNews that the four ethnic Uyghur men had been deported to China and that the Chinese government paid 100 million rupiah (U.S. $6,812) fines, which were part of their sentences.
Deka Anwar, a researcher at the Institute for Policy Analysis of Conflict (IPAC), and Muhammad Taufiqurrohman, a senior researcher at the Center for Radicalism and Deradicalization Studies (PAKAR), did not disclose their identities of their sources.
"They were deported in September and the fines were paid by the Chinese government," Deka said, citing sources at the prison where the men had been held.
"Immigration officers came to Nusa Kambangan with a letter to pick them up, saying they were to be transferred to an immigration detention center," Taufiqurrohman told BenarNews. He also confirmed the information that Chinese authorities had paid the Uyghur men's fines.
Taufiqurrohman said Indonesia carried out the deportation of the four men in secret because many in the world's most populous Muslim-majority nation criticize China's alleged mistreatment of the Uyghurs, who mostly live in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR) in northwestern China.
"The [Indonesian] government would be heavily criticized and be labelled as complicit in the Chinese government's oppression of Uyghur Muslims," if the deportation of the Uyghurs was made public, Taufiqurrohman said.
For more than three years, the Chinese government has imprisoned hundreds of thousands of Uyghurs in detention camps and subjected those not detained to intense surveillance, religious restrictions and forced sterilizations, said a report published in June by the Council on Foreign Relations, a U.S.-based think-tank.
Chinese officials have repeatedly denied these allegations, saying the camps are centers for vocational training and that the thousands of Uyghur Muslims arrested had links to extremism.
'The same as killing them'
Four years ago, Indonesia turned down a request from the Chinese government to exchange a fugitive Indonesian banker captured in China for four Uyghur prisoners serving terrorism-related sentences.
Indonesia told China that a prisoner swap wasn't possible because the charges against the four Uyghurs were different from those against the Indonesian banker.
Back then, an Indonesian official who requested anonymity said Indonesia would face international pressure if the country agreed to deport the Uyghur prisoners to China.
"Giving Uyghurs back to China is the same as killing them. Most probably, the Chinese government will execute them instantly," the official told BenarNews in April 2016.
Thousands of Uyghurs have fled China since their alleged persecution began in 2012, and made their way to Turkey and other countries.
IPAC's Deka said that between 2014 and 2016, at least 13 Uyghurs had entered Indonesia illegally via Malaysia and joined radical groups.
The four Uyghurs convicted in 2015 came to Indonesia with the intention of joining the militant MIT group and "performing acts of terror," said the judge who led a panel of jurists that convicted the men.
The Uyghurs' lawyer had argued that they were Turkish citizens vacationing in Indonesia, but government lawyers said the men had fake Turkish passports and were en route to meet Indonesia's most wanted terrorist of that time, Santoso, when they were arrested in Central Sulawesi in September 2014.
Santoso was killed by security forces in July 2016.
Six Uyghur men who joined MIT were killed in 2016 during a large security operation in Poso regency.
Reported by BenarNews, an RFA-affiliated online news service.
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text:
Still thwarting Sloth's mind control... Circulation: 196,153,638 Issue: 896 | 27th day of Running, Y22
Home | Archives Articles | Editorial | Short Stories | Comics | New Series | Continued Series
The Fyora Question: Lesser-Known Scandals
by rielcz
FAERIELAND—Fyora has faced an onslaught of opposition in recent weeks, with growing calls for her to step down and pass her collection of pink-orbed staves to a more worthwhile governess. In the wake of the so-called "Mr. Krawley incident", everyone from King Altador to Queen Amira – once allies of the Faerieland monarch in the Council of Neopian Nations – have written scathing op-eds on the Faerie Queen; even Brynnso is calling for her resignation.
Fyora has been marred in many scandals during her tenure on Faerieland's throne, several of which are common knowledge in Neopia, the most recent example being her seeming complete lack of knowledge of the events that transpired in Neovia.
Most Neopians can quickly point to Fyora's failure to jumpstart Faerieland's economy and quickly rebuild her shattered nation-state after it fell from the skies, and her diplomatic collapse with Xandra is the subject of numerous liberal arts theses from Brightvale University post-grads. Likewise, many critics see her relationship with Kaia, and her inability to distinguish her protégé from the Darkest Faerie, as a point of contention at best and sheer incompetence at worst. Even Faerieland's continually lacklustre Altador Cup placings have been interpreted by many as a lack of care of citizen morale on her part.
But what about her lesser-known misconducts? The Faerie Queen has been embroiled in many such indecencies, well-known amongst the citizens of Faerieland and now just coming to light as her past governing and views become more heavily scrutinized. We report on four of these, here, and finish with a small discussion on the nation's current political clime.
1. Evil Fuzzles Epidemic Coverup and Economic Policy
As the Evil Fuzzles Virus continues to sweep Neopia, and as lands from Shenkuu to Neopia Central close their borders and build hospitals to house the victims of the disease, new evidence shows Fyora did not place the proper precautions to flatten the curve of the disease's spread through her land.
Faerieland's neighbouring regions, particularly the Haunted Woods and Brightvale, have seen a drastic increase in the numbers of Neopet migrants attempting to enter their borders. Leaders (or at least those vying for leadership) have expressed deep concerns over the stringent measures required to prevent an influx of the cratered nation's citizens from entering their lands, seeking solace from the viral spread. A representative of King Hagan had told us, "We simply can't let them in. It's too high a risk. Several members of our Border Guard have become sick via interactions with them. Fyora has to be lying about the numbers of citizens infected – she says her numbers are low but clearly it's much worse than we could imagine."
One low-level staff member of the Hidden Tower, wearing a mask and speaking on conditions of anonymity, stated, "Fyora said, 'It's a Neopet illness. We Faeries are immune. That will inherently slow the disease's spread.' Well, that doesn't do anything to flatten the curve for the many primarily-Neopet communities in Faerieland, or the Neopets here in general, myself included. It is especially bad for those in Faerieland's lower-class neighbourhoods with high Neopet population density and virtually no faeries! It's been spreading faster than the Swarm in Protection Zone 6b! Why are we not yet under a state of emergency? Why are even the Poogle Races still running!?"
Many members of these lower-class and densely-populated communities are demanding a monthly living wage to get them through these "challenging and exceptional times" – especially with the Employment Agency vastly reducing its available positions, and the fact many citizens feel the economy never fully recovered from the literal crash in Y12, regardless. Mr. Steve, a Wocky from one of these densely-populated communities who recently tested negative for the virus, opined, "There feels like an obvious disconnect between Fyora and the Neopets residing in Faerieland. She has no idea of the issues that daily surround us. It's almost as though she sees us as second-class citizens – heck, all the faeries seem to have that mindset, ordering us around to find their things when they need them. If not for us, how many faeries would have perished during the Krawley incident? You know, when we're treated like we are, and during times like these, you can't help but wonder whether Xandra had a point."
2. Legalisation of the Grass Faerie
Fyora has also come under fire in recent years for her willing suppression of quests by the Grass Faerie. Although the Grass Faerie, self-described "dankest of the Earth faeries", has been around since the earlier days of Faerieland, she has found herself at the forefront of Faerieland's recent debate on personal rights and recreations versus those of the Faerie Queen.
"I just, like, wanna spread relaxation and happiness, yanno?" said the Grass Faerie, who desires gardening items (and occasionally potato chips and other assorted salty snacks) and in return blesses a Neopet with full unadulterated contentedness – albeit occasionally at the additional cost of a strength or intelligence point, though many Neopets report such losses to be temporary. "This feeling, this peace, it's my gift to Neopia. And the man, Queen Fyora, is keepin' me down! Keeping US down," she added, in reference to those who desire to do her quests.
"The long-term effects of the Grass Faerie's 'peace' are unknown," says the official statement by the Hidden Tower. "A faerie's or Neopet's loss of strength and intelligence, even temporary – with mounting evidence of permanence with continued multiple quests – is too high a risk for our citizens. Thus, we continue to keep the Grass Faerie under tight control, monitoring her activity and reprimanding those who complete her quests."
But Valtonous Rea, goalkeeper on Faerieland's Altador Cup team, disagrees with the state's stance. "It's [Fyora's] opinion," the Uni commented. "And yes, I concede that many in Faerieland feel the same way. But just the opposite – that the Grass Faerie should be legalised, not locked away, and her quests properly regulated – is the opinion of many others in this great nation. This includes me – and I probably wouldn't even do a quest, anyway! I just don't believe the Faerie Queen should have the final say on what is objectively our right to complete Grass Faerie quests. This is discrimination, both toward the Grass Faerie herself, and those who might want her services."
Rea has become an advocate for civil liberties in recent years; this includes her support for legalisation, with many – and growing – prominent voices behind her, including Delina the Crafting Faerie. "I'm a specialized Dark faerie," she said. "And the Grass Faerie is a specialized Earth faerie. From that perspective, we share a lot in common. Have I done some of her quests before?" She gave a coy smile. "Sometimes her relaxation really helps my crafting inspiration. Nevertheless, just as many Neopets choose not to complete my quests for whatever reason – lack of or downright hostility towards NC being the principle reason – Neopets could just as easily not complete her quests. Why stop those who do? We should educate Neopians on the potential risks, sure – but ultimately it's their choice, they aren't harming anyone else, and who is Fyora to infringe on that choice?"
An aide close to the faerie queen confided, under anonymity, that "It's pretty well known that many Faerielanders complete Grass Faerie quests. Fyora has been examining potential avenues for quest legalisation, but it's too soon for any concrete plans."
3. Faerieland Water Crisis
For the first few months that Faerieland sat in a crater, its main source of water came from the freshwater pools that had coalesced like miniature calderas about the impact zone. These quickly dried up, and Fyora scrambled for an alternative source of water. Complaints amongst the water faeries were particularly high; although many can make their own water, they refused to make water for the whole of Faerieland.
King Altador, citing "the special relationship Altador has with Faerieland" – in reference to the portal from Altador to Faerieland in Y8 – issued a decree immediately thereafter offering to discount construction on a Water Treatment and Distribution Plant, similar to what is available in the Yooyuball Kingdom, to refine and distribute nearby ocean water. After her chief economists "ran the numbers", Fyora dismissed King Altador's offer. Purportedly (as the original statement has since been stricken and is no longer available), the official statement by the Hidden Tower declared the proposed water plant as being "too costly and expensive in construction costs vs. the benefit to citizens."
The Faerie Queen then had the idea that a nearby and already "sufficiently treated" – i.e. freshwater – source could solve the hydration needs of the fledgeling Faerieland: the Demonica River that flowed between her grounded nation-state and the Haunted Woods. "It is almost as close as the ocean," said a representative of Fyora, "and being freshwater will require much less treatment." Despite the Hall of Heroes advising against it, a small refinery and distribution plant was constructed by the Faerieland Army Corps of Engineers – though many of them expressed scepticism over the idea as well.
"I did tests on the water," said Mr. Alex the Aisha, a chemical engineer who worked on the project. "It contained amounts of chemicals and toxins that far exceeded the recommended safe levels as set out by the Environmental Protection Wing of the Council of Neopian Nations – in some cases even after we had done our best to filter them out. It also contained traces of chemicals we couldn't even properly identify – strange stuff leeched in from the Haunted Woods, I'm guessing. Fyora was concerned about these, sure, but pressed on with the project anyway, citing the needs of her citizens."
"The water was almost completely brown," stated Ms. Kaylie, a Lenny in a middle-class Faerieland community whose members are presently in self-isolation due to the Evil Fuzzles Virus. "It was absolutely disgusting. Many people drank it and became sick. Trips to the NeoHospital increased dramatically! Grumbles, Bubbles, Achy Head… Terrible."
Naia and Marina, too, voiced vehement opposition. "It made many pets turn into mutants!" complained the Fountain Faerie at a Faerieland town hall about the water crisis. "Even after my best efforts to purify it, the Rainbow Fountain seemed to work more like the Lab Ray!"
"It actually decreased Neopets' health!" similarly complained the purveyor of the Healing Springs.
Though Fyora was slow to admit her wrongdoing in the crisis, she did eventually reverse her decision and accept the costs of a water treatment facility co-built between her Engineers and those in the Altadorian Army.
And although the water in Faerieland is now "Clean and Pristine", according to official propaganda by the Faerieland Tourism Board, the whole incident has left a foul taste in the mouths of many Faerielanders.
4. Fyora's Mafia Connections?
Although the majority of Faerieland's citizens are generally unaware – or at they pretend to be – there is mounting evidence to suggest that the winner of the Poogle Races is pre-selected. Although only major races were fixed pre-fall, it seems as though whatever faeries (?) are behind this racket have been allowed to expand since the events of Y12.
Speaking under strict anonymity, a (former?) mafia member confided in us, "Yeah, we've been operatin' in Faerieland since around the time of its discovery. We've had a hand in a few events here, but nothin' major – we are beholden to the Sway, after all, and they're more in charge a' that. We mostly confine ourselves to the Poogle Races. It's quick and easy money. Everyone's in on it." They gave a mischievous grin. "Even Little Miss Pinky Pants can't help but look the otha' way when she gets some of the cash! That's not to say she hasn't tried to shut us down in the past when the economy was betta' – good on her! – but we have a way of quickly rebuilding. Unlike Faerieland. Hah!"
But the Scorchio Bookie disagrees. "Our Poogles are good Neopets," he said. "That I can and will say for sure. They have always been fine, upstanding, honest, patriotic models for both athletics and good ethics. There is no way they would willingly become involved in something like this."
All Poogles declined to comment, citing that we would have to contact their lawyers.
"After the crash of Y12, things – of course – they changed," said Mr. Michael, a Korbat, and long-time Neo Sport cameraman. "It might not show up on the re-runs, but the demeanours of the Poogles are different – and I've been filming races for almost two decades, I know our guys. I'm not sure how, but involvement with the mafia would explain it – they certainly seemed to recover quicker than a lot of us did after the crash, but they may also have just had more saved wealth. But given it's not yet been cancelled during these challenging and exceptional times, I wouldn't be surprised if Fyora is in on it, too, or practices other forms of cronyism – especially if some of the money goes back into Faerieland. Of course, then, it could be argued that it's somewhat necessary for the rebuilding effort. But at the expense of those who place bets – many of them tourists, and many more from the lower-class communities just hoping to make a quick buck – it seems a rather heartless thing to do, regardless of ethical considerations. And it's even worse from someone claiming to be a kind-hearted and moral individual, such as our queen."
5. The Republic Question
Considered a fringe group a decade ago, the so-called "Republic Wing" (with special emphasis on the Wing) has been steadily gaining interest since shortly after the Y12 crash, with its popularity increasing as more and more of Fyora's scandals and missteps come into the public light. Although always a voice in Faerieland politics to varying degrees, the Wing has been elevated to an almost official opposition status in the wake of the Mr. Krawley incident.
Fyora does delegate tasks to certain faeries – for example, declaring Aethia head of the Army – but the citizens largely do not have a say in who represents them and their affairs. Many of Faerieland's citizens need to simply trust that the Hidden Tower has their best interests in mind. Many citizens feel as though that should change.
Even some of Fyora's closest aides have expressed the need for an elected council of Neopets and Faeries to replace the Faerie Queen or otherwise keep her in check. "The best time to have done so was during the rebuilding effort in Year 12," said one such faerie, speaking under anonymity. "There was a lot of talk of it then, with both the economy in ruins and the 'Xandra question'. Though it wasn't all politically motivated – 'our nation just literally crashed to the earth, one woman can't do it alone,' so the argument ran. But [Fyora] refused to share her leadership with anyone else. When she took in Kaia, we thought, 'Hey, maybe she's at least open to sharing her power somewhat,' but that has largely quieted." She gave a dramatic pause. "The best time was after Y12. The second best time is now."
We approached Kaia for comment. "I was generally treated more welcome in Faerieland than in Shenkuu," she stated, "but there were – and are – the odd incidents. I recall one Bruce spat on the ground near me and chastised me for being the 'obvious successor to the Faerie Queen', and that 'the monarchy had no place in modern Faerieland affairs'. I talked to Fyora about it, and what people were thinking, but she reassured me that she had no plans to step down from the throne or share her leadership. A small victory, I guess?" she added meekly. "Personally, I would love if everyone from the least to the greatest had a direct say in our nation's affairs."
Others, though welcome to the idea of a Fyora-exit, were not so eager on the idea of a republic. "I think the monarchy is deeply entrenched in Faerieland's society," remarked Callum, a Buzz originally from an affluent Faerieland neighbourhood who was studying political science at Brightvale University prior to its closure amidst the Evil Fuzzles Virus; he has since returned to Faerieland. "It can easily be seen, from the neighbourhood and street names – like Faerie Castle Road – to the cult of personality around the 'Queen' concept and specifically Fyora herself. I think it's time for a change, but I don't want to see the monarchy abolished. I don't think it can be, at least not without a major overhaul of our political system."
"Oh, certainly, she should have stepped down years ago," said Taelia, who had briefly returned to Faerieland to attempt to bolster support for the Wing. "Now, I'm a little more radical – it's why I moved to Terror Mountain, where there is no leader and decisions are much more communal, and I would love to see those things for my homeland – but Fyora as 'Queen for Life' is deeply disturbing. If you're extremely benevolent, doing exceptional work for your people, and have a sound long-term plan? Ehh, it's passable. But I think the Krawley incident has shown us that [Fyora's] anything but competent."
Faerieland is a nation deeply divided over many issues, and the Faerie Queen is at the centre of it all. Will Faerieland ever completely recover? And will Fyora lead that recovery? Or is recovery only possible without her at the throne?
As she continues to find herself in a scandal, and losing popular support, will she become more lenient, or less? Will she be ousted, step down, or tighten her grip on power?
Together, these comprise the question on many citizens' minds: the Fyora Question.
We will have to wait and see how the situation unfolds.
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