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11.1 Decolonial Gesture
The Idea of Freedom by Gita Hashemi
Haleh Niazmand
The Idea of Freedom by Gita Hashemi. MAI (Montréal, arts interculturels), November 14 – December 14, 2013
Gita Hashemi's The Idea of Freedom analyzes principal historic events in Iran (the 1953 coup, the resistance, and then revolution in 1979), and channels them into insights that are as personal as they are political. Engaging the audience in an inclusive experience, The Idea of Freedom consists of three substantial artworks that put current political dynamics in and around Iran in the context of colonial intervention, violence, trauma and their cascading effects on individual and collective psyches.
A site-specific transmedia project, Headquarters; Pathology of an Ouster, begins with declassified CIA documents, which chronicle its collaboration with the UK's Secret Intelligence Service in masterminding Iran's 1953 coup d'état and the overthrow of Mohammad Mossadeq's populist government. In a massive immersive installation (60' x 5'), on 60 sheets of paper Hashemi has debossed the CIA post-op report by hand, and revealed it through the application of dry media. Her painstakingly laborious embodiment of the bureaucratic text gestures to the violence of the original event, while she facilitates a new reading of the colonial narrative through selective application of red and black in revealing the text. Hashemi writes about her process: "It is the very labour of writing by hand that makes it possible to attune to the imperial language, to recognize in its "sanitized" and bureaucratic banality its hidden impulses and violent deployment, to embody and reclaim the history it has marked."
This piece also included a live reading performance of the original plan of the coup interwoven with post-colonial historical analyses and eyewitness accounts by a volunteer cast whose own personal histories were tarnished by the traumas of colonialism. Entitled Ouster Remixed, the performance took place on the opening night of the exhibition, was webcast live and then later incorporated into the installation as single channel video. Thus, while the intensely lit installation invites visitors to become immersed in reading the shimmering text, the presence of recorded voices in the same space disturbs the reading and urges the viewer to reflect on the realities that the colonial narrative attempts to hide. The work puts recent WikiLeaks' and Edward Snowden's revelations about the function and discourse of US embassies around the world in a wider historical perspective. Ouster Remixed innovates a decolonial history by contesting the validity and singularity of the CIA account, by interjecting the emotional dimensions rarely felt through historical analysis, and by bringing together a pluralrity of voices and histories from different colonial experiences. In revealing their own scars, the diverse and locally-recruited cast of performers pave the way for the audience to engage as witnesses and participants in the dual processes of decolonizing and healing. With nuanced attention to historical revelations, Headquarters examines past events with retrospective reflections. The project also includes a website that documents the artist's ongoing research as well as various iterations of the installation and performance at different locations,providing a continued accessibility, public significance and ongoing life to the work.
Also a complex multidisciplinary work, Ephemeral Monument combines a site-specific performance with single channel video and installation. It focuses on the Iranian literature of resistance that emerged in the years after the 1953 coup d'état and prepared the ground for the 1979 Revolution. In Ephemeral Monument, Hashemi ritualistically writes with chalk on two adjoining walls, erases and rewrites excerpts from selected poetic and polemical texts that both originated in and inspired her generation's revolt against the Pahlavi regime. This performance is created on site, recorded and the video projected on a large screen in the space. Written 60 to 30 years ago, inspired by and in dialogue with other anti-colonial and emancipatory literature of their time – including Frantz Fanon, Angela Davis and Aimé Cesaire amongst others – these texts which are barely known outside Iran were ideologically influential and remain emotionally resonant.
The lowbrow medium of chalk allows the artist to informally introduce weighty philosophical implications and carries a plethora of psychological associations with authority and subversion. These associations begin with our youth, where chalk on blackboard delivered indoctrination through education, and simultaneously gave the young a public voice as vehicle of mischief and self-assertion. Referring to it as "embodied writing," Hashemi's ritual of writing and erasing (sometimes the two are collapsed together as her writing with water is simultaneously erasing previous layers of text), is a performative and epistemological intervention in how we remember emancipatory gestures and moments and an homage to the collective uprising: "Writing in chalk is a return to my first public medium as a writer, a calligrapher and an agitator; a high school student who stole rare unobserved moments to write provocative messages on her classroom's chalkboard and who took her writing to the city walls during the protests of 1978-79."
Dimly lit and colorless, the monumentally scaled chalkboard shows as the last layer of writing names of many dissidents who were killed in Iran after the revolution for their acts of dissent, and it stands open for the visitors to write on. Through a dedicated website, Hashemi has been collecting contributions of text excerpts and names of victims of the post-revolution oppression in English and Farsi, which she incorporates in her performance. The website continues collecting and expanding, thus becoming a living oral history archive. Ephemeral Monument's immersive presence is enhanced by the sounds of writing and erasing on the chalkboard, pointing to the physicality of the writing gesture and text as signpost of embodied knowledge. Recording the performance on video, a medium of documentation and evidence, spotlights the important texts in dynamic new contexts. Ephemeral Monument's invitation to the visitors to write on the walls resulted in contributions from many parts of the world and many generations, highlighting the continuity of oppression and dissent and the need to remember. Ephemeral Monument is therefore not a mere tribute to once-influential writings and instead, embodies a space for reflecting on the ideals of generations and histories of turmoil.
Of Shifting Shadows: returning to the 1979 Iranian Revolution through an exilic journey in memory and history (2000) is a multi-channel interactive narrative on CD-R that interweaves animated text, video, audio, graphic frames as well as archival and reconstructed stills. Of Shifting Shadows narrates the story of the Iranian Revolution through the voices of four fictional female characters, connecting the actual events with their subjective, psychological and sensory impressions. The semi-private viewing arrangement of this work creates a relationship between the observer and the characters where the viewer becomes a listener and a witness to their experiences and trauma. Thanks to this intimacy, the observer is provided the opportunity to understand the events of the Iranian Revolution, a movement for democracy and independence, through the perspective of secular women whose account of the events have been largely silenced. Of Shifting Shadows also highlights the singularity and diversity of its characters' coping strategies and the varying lives they create in exile. The complexity and non-linearity of the narrative creates a performative space where readings can emerge that are contrary to the West's stereotypical rendition of that revolution as an Islamist uprising. As a work of art, Of Shifting Shadows emphasizes the subservience of technology to content, the marriage of intellectual awareness with emotional imprints, and innovates a novel way of storytelling by defying the masculine linear process that has dominated the narration of history and the history of narration.
Each of Gita Hashemi's artworks are coherent in themselves. Together they not only reflect upon oppressions and resistances in Iran, but also tie these events to other lives similarly injured around the world, and create a venue for collective remembrance, understanding and solidarity. They chart new, inclusive, mindful and empowering territories in (hi)story telling, revealing the shared humanity that connects anti-colonial struggles, transcending limits of locality, national identity and geopolitical boundaries.
Haleh Niazmand is an artist and curator who has exhibited widely in venues such as San Diego Museum of Art, Center for Contemporary Art, Santa Fe, NM, Des Moines Art Center, IA, and has published in Art Papers, US Art, X-Tra, Radical History Review, Fuse Magazine, Washington Post and San Francisco Chronicle. During a 1998-2000 residency at Des Moines Art Center, Niazmand designed and implemented numerous collaborative projects and workshops with marginalized communities, including state mental hospital and children's homes residents. In 2003 she founded Gallery Subversive and directed Modesto Junior College's art gallery from 2005-2011.
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The Hemispheric Institute gathers artists, scholars, writers, learners, and activists from across the Americas. We focus on social justice and research politically engaged culture and performance. We share this work in digital archives and amplify it through dialogues and public scholarship, residencies, publications, and gatherings. Our dynamic, multilingual network traverses disciplines and borders and is grounded in the fundamental belief that artistic practice and critical reflection can spark lasting cultural change.
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Jimmy Eat World on Covering Radiohead's "Overlooked" Song "Stop Whispering"
For a band as beloved as Radiohead, it's strange to think they have "overlooked" songs. But Jimmy Eat World reminded us the cultishly adored British band have some unsung gems—one of which the 20-year-old Arizona band recently covered—when we sat down with them at Austin City Limits Festival.
"We did 'Stop Whispering' because we thought it was a Radiohead song that never got its due," drummer Zach Lind says. "It's a really great song and it's overlooked because it's on the first record and overshadowed by other songs."
Frontman Jim Adkins also chatted with Fuse's Yasmine Richard about some of their other leftfield covers. "We've been doing weird ones lately, like Taylor Swift's 'We Are Never Ever Getting Back Together,' and I've been doing some acoustic covers of Rihanna and Whitney Houston."
To hear the band look back on their two-decade history, watch the interview above. And check out our review of Queens of the Stone Age's dance-rock centric show at ACL 2013.
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The agenda is above. The Board will be meeting in closed session — that is, behind closed doors — to consider candidates for Metro's CEO position. Current CEO Art Leahy announced earlier this year that he will be departing the agency in early April.
Art for the Expo Line: Phase 2 art installation begins!


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So, arrest us
22 November 2013 - 02:05 By DENISE WILLIAMS
Ministers in the security cluster have warned the media and the public that it is illegal to publish pictures of President Jacob Zuma's palatial Nkandla private residence.
The warning - which the SA National Editors' Forum vowed to defy - came as five ministers dodged probing questions on the ''security'' upgrade to the Nkandla estate, which official figures show has cost taxpayers R206-million.
State Security Minister Siyabonga Cwele and Police Minister Nathi Mthethwa said in Pretoria yesterday that the media were breaching the National Key Points Act by continuing to publish pictures of Zuma's estate.
"No one, including those in the media, is allowed to take images and publicise images even pointing where the possible security features are, it is not right," said Cwele.
He was addressing a post-cabinet briefing dominated by the tussle between the government and public protector Thuli Madonsela over her impending report on the use of public funds to upgrade security at Nkandla.
Cwele added: "It's not done anywhere, no country. has done this. We have not seen images of the White House showing where the security features are or possible security features are."
The point was hammered home by Mthethwa: "You will never find anybody, anywhere in the world whose media people go around and flaunt pictures of the [homes of the] head of state and even go on to mention specific security features.
''Transparency is one thing but this is not transparency; it's nakedness in terms of security."
After the initial statements declaring it unlawful to take the pictures, the ministers climbed down, qualifying their remarks to say the ban on pictures referred only to "sensitive" parts of Zuma's estate. However, they did not list the sensitive areas. The SA National Editors' Forum said the media would defy the security ministers. "We will continue to publish images . because we firmly believe there is immense public interest in doing so," it said.
Other critics immediately poked holes in the ministers' argument, saying that Nkandla was Zuma's private residence, and that it had been upgraded with large sums of public money.
They pointed out that, contrary to Cwele and Mthethwa's assertion that not even the White House's security features were randomly exposed, documentaries had been made that focused specifically on security at the home of the US president. The White House and the Pentagon are open for public tours, as is Britain's Downing Street, the official residence of Prime Minister David Cameron.
In addition, the US presidential state car, colloquially known as "Cadillac 1", has appeared in newspaper articles that focused on its security features.
Internet users can take a virtual tour online of the United Nations Security Council and of the Australian seat of government, Parliament House.
Google has set up a specific search engine dedicated to virtual tours of parliaments in Europe.
It was questioned whether the ministers were aware of Google Earth, through which anyone with access to the internet can view almost real-time pictures of Nkandla from anywhere in the world.
A tweet with the Google Earth co-ordinates of the compound, released by journalist Barry Bateman, was an instant hit on Twitter, while the subject "Nkandla" became a trending topic almost immediately.
Some enraged South Africans used recent Nkandla pictures as their profile pictures on social media as a sign of defiance.
In its statement, the editors' forum said it seemed the ministers ''are using security laws to avoid accounting to the public on the Nkandla upgrades".
Sanef said it had never been the intention of the media to undermine Zuma's security by publishing the pictures.
"The photographs that have been published were taken from a distance or from the air to show the extent of the upgrades worth more than R200-million that the public has paid for. It must always be remembered that these upgrades were done to President Zuma's private residence, from which he and his family will continue to benefit for years to come, and not state property," the forum said.
Constitutional law expert Pierre de Vos said the ministers' assertions were "nonsense".
He said the National Key Points Act set out that it was unlawful to publish only pictures of the security measures at a key point.
" . nowhere in the act does it say no one is allowed to publish pictures of a National Key Point. That [would] mean you cannot publish pictures of the Union Buildings, the SABC, parliament .
"So it is a bizarre and absurd claim to make,'' said Vos.
Members of the media and public could find themselves in hot water without even knowing it because Mthethwa has refused to publish a list of buildings or state installations that are key points, of which they are at least 182. If the spirit of the ministers' bluster is taken seriously, unsuspecting tourists and South Africans might be in trouble if they are caught taking pictures of key points.
Prominent national key points include the Union Buildings; parliament; Nelson Mandela's home in Qunu in the Eastern Cape; former president FW de Klerk's home in Cape Town; the Government Printing Works and all branches of the Reserve Bank.
Mthethwa said the cluster would continue to co-operate with Madonsela. But this was followed with a warning that the respect needed to be reciprocated.
Ultimately, the cabinet and parliament would not be dictated to when it came to matters of state security, he said.
Last week, ministers in the security cluster sought an urgent interdict preventing the circulation of Madonsela's provisional report on the Nkandla upgrade. They withdrew their application. - Additional reporting by Sapa
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Q: Sort list of dict by key with different types in Python 3 I have a method that group a list of dict by a key. To do it I found here that I have to use the groupby function but before I have to sort the list. Here is my method right now:
def group_list_by_key(data, key):
    data.sort(key=lambda x: x[key])
    result = []
    for k, v in groupby(data, key=lambda x: x[key]):
        result.append(list(v))
    return result

This piece of code works only if every key is defined in all the dicts and the values are all of the same type. However, where I use this method I don't know if the key is defined everywhere and if they are of the same type. On Python 2.x I know that exists sorted function with cmp parameter that could do a custom sort but from Python 3.x this isn't possible anymore. Is there a way to make a custom sort? I am thinking about use the classic sort by < and sorting also by typename.
By now I thought about use the get function and cast to string in the sort like
data.sort(key=lambda x: str(x.get(key)))
...
for k, v in groupby(data, key=lambda x: x.get(key)):

It only overcomes in case of string, numeric and None content but not a generic object and it breaks easily if for example I execute
a = [{'b': 0, 'c': 1}, {'b': '0'}, {'b': 0, 'c': 2}, {'b': 1}, {'c': 3}]
group_list_by_key(a, 'b')

The output is
[[{'b': 0, 'c': 1}], [{'b': '0'}], [{'b': 0, 'c': 2}], [{'b': 1}], [{'c': 3}]]

instead of what I expect should be (order of lists is not a problem)
[[{'b': 0, 'c': 1}, {'b': 0, 'c': 2}], [{'b': '0'}], [{'b': 1}], [{'c': 3}]]

A: You can solve your problem by doing something like this
data = [{'b': 0, 'c': 1}, {'b': '0'}, {'b': 0, 'c': 2}, {'b': 1}, {'c': 3}]
key='b'

def f(x):
     ret = x.get(key, -1)
     return ret if type(ret) == int else -2

result = [list(v) for k, v in groupby(sorted(data, key=f), f)]

# result: [[{'b': '0'}], [{'c': 3}], [{'b': 0, 'c': 1}, {'b': 0, 'c': 2}], [{'b': 1}]]

But if you still need a custom comparison function, you can do it using functools.cmp_to_key
import functools
sorted(x, key=functools.cmp_to_key(custom_cmp_function))

A: Thanks to @Sunitha and @njzk2 for pointing out the cmp_to_key function, it did totally what I wanted. So, my grouping now is:
from functools import cmp_to_key
from itertools import groupby

def group_list_by_key(data, key):
    def compare_values_types(a, b):
        a = a.get(key)
        b = b.get(key)
        if a.__class__ == b.__class__:
            if a < b:
                return -1
            elif a > b:
                return 1
            else:
                return 0
        else:
            if a.__class__.__name__ < b.__class__.__name__:
                return -1
            elif a.__class__.__name__ > b.__class__.__name__:
                return 1
            else:
                return 0
    data.sort(key=cmp_to_key(compare_values_types))
    return [list(v) for k, v in groupby(data, key=lambda x: x.get(key))]

Calling on the sample list
a = [{'b': 0, 'c': 1}, {'b': '0'}, {'b': 0, 'c': 2}, {'b': 1}, {'c': 3}]
group_list_by_key(a, 'b')

It returns the expected list
[[{'c': 3}], [{'b': 0, 'c': 1}, {'b': 0, 'c': 2}], [{'b': 1}], [{'b': '0'}]]

What I did is to compare in the classic way the keys of the same type, otherwise I simply do a string comparison between the classes' names (using a.__class__.__name__ instead of type(a).__name__, check out to this answer).
Thanks to all!

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station Haren-Noord (lijn 25), een station langs spoorlijn 25 van 1880 tot 1935, vervangen door het station Haren-Noord langs spoorlijn 27 in 1935 en later door station Buda op spoorlijn 25.
 een station langs spoorlijn 27 van 1935 tot 1976, hernoemd naar station Machelen in 1976.

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Group A 1 ISyE4031 Regression and Forecasting Practice Problems 1 Solutions Fall 2011 1. Short answers 1.1. b 1.2. c 1.3. b 1.4. c Q2. Short answers 2.1. d 2.2. a 2.3. b 2.4. a Q3. y x x y x x n y n n x x y n n x n n x n y n i i i i n i i = + - = + - = + - = + = + = ∑ ∑ ∑ ∑ ∑ = 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 0 1 ˆ ˆ ) ˆ ˆ ( 1 ) ˆ ) ˆ ( ( 1 ) ˆ ˆ ( 1 ) ˆ ˆ ( 1 ˆ 1 β β β β β β β β β β Q4. a. Since t value from the output=11.77> 2.024 which is the critical t value at α =0.025, d.f=38 (it's ok to use 2.021), we reject H 0 : β 1 =0; and conclude that there is a significant relationship between Price and Carat. b. For every 1 unit increase in carat, there will be a corresponding increase of $9,349 in the mean diamond price. c. 1 ˆ β ± t 0.025,38 1 ˆ β S ⇒ 9349 ± *2.021*794.1 ⇒ 9349 ± 1604.88 or (7744.12,10953.9). I used 2.021 instead of 2.024. With 95% confidence, the mean price will increase between $7744.12 and $10953.9 for every 1 unit increase in diamond carat. d. Let's look at 95% PI and CI: 2 1576.1 54.8 (1465.2, 1687.0) ( 895.1, 2257.1) Even though the price of the diamond, $1,675 is greater than the predicted value, y ˆ =1576.1, it's enclosed in the prediction interval (also CI). So, I would buy it.


Here at Bright Start Therapy we understand the importance of providing intervention to help support the development of social and emotional skills. We run a number of therapy programs however also appreciate that not every child will fit into a specific program – that is why we tailor each program to suit the needs of the children in it.
Our programs are tailored specifically to the needs of the children and aim to develop their potential to reach their goals across the following areas; social skills, school readiness, speech and language, motor skills, self care and feeding, sensory integration and self regulation. Our paediatric therapists are highly qualified to run some of the most internationally recognised therapy programs and use this knowledge in all aspects of their work.
A program for improving student's social and learning skills at home and in schools. The program is aimed at developing perceptual skills, self awareness and self control, cognitive skills, behavioural skills, and also brings into consideration the significance of parent, teacher and peer support for transfer and maintenance of skills learnt.
In this program, students are screened by a Speech Pathologist once identified by parents/teachers as having difficulty with their communication skills. The Speech Pathologist then develops a plan for each student who is placed into a group or individual session. The Speech Pathologist trains the aides to deliver the therapy program. Students receive up to three therapy sessions per week, which results in more rapid progress towards speech-language goals. Students are reviewed at the end of each term.
Group program run by our Occupational Therapists. Born to Move focuses on developing your child's gross motor and play skills.
A play based group focusing on following your child's lead to develop both play and social skills in children aged 1-3.
The SOS Approach is a transdisciplinary program for assessing and treating children with feeding difficulties and poor grown from birth to 18years. It is run by both a Speech Pathologist and Occupational Therapist. Following a 1:1 session with your therapist to determine your goals and current abilities, your child will be offered a place in our SOS group. The group integrates posture, sensory, motor, behavioural, emotional, medical and nutritional factors and is a family centred program. Group sessions are run weekly during the term for 90 minutes (this includes a sensory warm-up). We work together with your child in a fun and safe environment with each child progressing at their own pace.
A 90 minute 4 week intensive school readiness program assisting in the transition to school. Students attend a two hourly session held over two weeks aimed at developing skills in; comprehension, pragmatics, cutting, thinking and planning, fine motor precision, pencil grip, in-hand manipulation, visual motor integration, manual dexterity, balance and ball skills. The program is run by a Speech Pathologist, Occupational Therapist and Physiotherapist. Students can choose to enrol in week 1 of the program or week 1 and 2. Week 2 of the program incorporates a specific focus on parent education.
Social skills group for 8-12 year olds conducted by a Speech Pathologist and Occupational Therapist. Students learn how to; recognise simple and complex emotions in themselves and others, express feelings in appropriate ways, cope with feelings of anger and anxiety, start, continue and end conversations and play activities with others, tell the difference between friendly joking and mean teasing, manage bullying, cope with making mistakes, handle new situations and ask for help when needed and make friends. There is a high level of teacher and parent involvement with information sessions provided and weekly tip sheets. The program uses exciting games and activities to engage and improve the social skills and emotional understanding of students.
A fine motor skills school program developing; strength, kinaesthesia, proprioception, spatial planning, eye-hand coordination, fine motor speed, letter and number formation and cutting skills. It utilises fun and motivating activities to help students become more independent in the classroom. The program is run by an experienced Occupational Therapist and incorporates play-based learning to encourage problem-solving by "having a go", no matter what the outcome. In this way children learn confidence and resilience in the classroom while mastering essential development skills. The program is run as a group in the classroom with helpful curriculum links to allow integration of the program.
All programs can be and are tailored to suit the child's needs and demands. Packages can be arranged to help reduce and plan for budgeting costs. School Contract Rate: $110.00 per hour, unless otherwise specified. Please call to discuss package options.


text:
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Waipahu 808-678-3763 • Stadium Mall 808-488-1101 • Wahiawa 808-626-5754 • Honolulu 808-762-0000
Take Lessons Online
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piano / voice
BOOK A LESSON TODAY
Brian's had a passion for music at a very young age. He started self-teaching himself to play piano at home at 7 years old, and started taking formal lessons at the age of 9 in Kansas City, Missouri. Brian has been studying piano for almost twelve years now and throughout his journey, he has performed in numerous recitals and competitions. He loves performing advanced pieces by composers such as Chopin, Bach, Mozart, and as well enjoys immersing himself in today's modern pop, and top 40. Brian wants to teach students and inspire them as he was inspired and hopes to help his students find their passion and path in music.
Brian is currently attending college at Leeward Community College for his second year pursuing an associate degree, and hopefully in the next years a bachelor's degree, in music. In addition to music instruction, Brian works with the administration at Chuck James Music School as a receptionist at all three CJMS locations.
Wahiawa 808-626-5754 Honolulu 808-762-0000
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text:
Q: Show that a) $\frac{1}{\frac{1}{z}}=z$. b) Show that if $\vert z \vert \lt 1$ then $ \vert Re (2 + \bar z + z^3)\vert \le 4$. Show that
a) $\frac{1}{\frac{1}{z}}=z$.
b) Show that if $\vert z \vert \lt 1$ then $ \vert Re (2 + \bar z + z^3)\vert \le 4$.
My attempt:
a)  $\frac{1}{\frac{1}{z}}= \frac{1}{z^{-1}} = (z^{-1})^{-1} = z$
b)  $\vert Re(2 + \bar z + z^3)\vert \le 4$
$1 \gt \vert z \vert \ge \vert Re(z) \vert$ and $\vert Re (\bar z) \vert = \vert Re(z) \vert \lt 1$ and $\vert z \vert \lt 1 \to \vert z^3 \vert \lt 1$ and $ \vert Re(2) \vert = 2$  then $\vert Re(2 + \bar z + z^3)\vert \lt 4$
I think a) is correct but in b) this was as far as I could get.

A: A is correct.  An alternative way of showing A is
$\displaystyle z^{-1} = \frac{\overline{z}}{|z|^2}.$
Then
$\displaystyle \frac{1}{z^{-1}} = \left[\frac{\overline{z}}{|z|^2}\right]^{-1} = \left[\overline{z}\right]^{-1} \times \left[\frac{1}{|z|^2}\right]^{-1} $
$\displaystyle =~ \frac{z}{|\overline{z}|^2} \times |z|^2 = z \times \frac{|z|^2}{|\overline{z}|^2} = z.$

For B:
A case could be made that your work is actually valid and (virtually) complete, as is.
That is, you are relying on the idea, which is true, that
$|\text{Re}(z_1)| + |\text{Re}(z_2)| \geq |\text{Re}(z_1) + \text{Re}(z_2)| = |\text{Re}(z_1 + z_2)|.$
An alternative approach to part B is:
$|z| < 1 \implies |\overline{z}| < 1~$ and $~|z^3| = |z|^3 < 1.$
Using the triangle inequality, you have in general that
$|z_1 + z_2 + z_3| \leq |z_1| + |z_2| + |z_3|.$
Therefore, you have that
$|2 + \overline{z} + z^3| < 4.$
You also have that in general, for any complex $z$,
that $|\text{Re}(z)| \leq |z|.$
Therefore, $|\text{Re}(2 + \overline{z} + z^3)| < 4.$


text:
The Lollipop Generation is a 2008 Canadian underground experimental film written, produced, and directed by G. B. Jones, whose previous films include The Troublemakers and The Yo-Yo Gang. It premiered as the Gala Feature presentation of the Images Festival in Toronto on April 3, 2008.

Starring Jena von Brücker, the film tells the story of Georgie, a teenager who is forced to run away from home after coming out to her parents, and the homeless queer youth and other people she meets on the streets.

Synopsis
G. B. Jones' The Lollipop Generation is a film about runaway queer kids, a gang of lollipop-eating social misfits let loose on the streets of Toronto. They stumble into drugs, danger, and prostitution, and inhabit an underground culture infused with a pervasive yet innocent kind of sleaze. Seasoned with a bottom-up punk aesthetic and a good handful of homemade porn, the film presents an altogether refreshing critique of the stultifying norms of convention.

Cast

 Jena von Brücker as Georgie
 Mark Ewert as Rufus
 Jane Danger as Janie
 KC Klass as Peanut
 Vaginal Davis as Beulah Blacktress
 Calvin Johnson as Playground pervert
 Joel Gibb as Retardo
 Jen Smith as Redheaded hopscotch girl
 Johnny Noxzema as Porn director
 Mitchell Watkins as Porn star
 Rachel Pepper as Rich girl (Peanut's trick)
 Torry Colichio as Metro Theatre girl
 Becky Palov as Blonde hopscotch girl
 DD Donato as Peanut's boyfriend
 Andrew Cecil as Skateboarding streetkid in washroom
 Paul P. as Washroom boy
 Scott Treleaven as Washroom boy
 Christy Cameron as Girl in store
 Anonymous Boy as Hustler in a black leather jacket
 Gary Fembot as New wave hustler
 Ian Philips as Hustler
 Kevin Constrictor as Hustler
 Stevec as Hustler
 Helen Bed as Shop owner
 Clitoris Turner as Shop clerk
 Rick Castro as Photographer
 Ronster as Dumpster diver
 G. B. Jones as Doorway denizen

Production
The film was made over a period of 15 years, "one Super-8 reel at a time", whenever the director could afford to buy another cartridge of film.  In the end, the Toronto band Kids on TV organized a benefit so that G.B. Jones could finish it.

When asked if the film belonged to the "queer experimental" genre, G. B. Jones replied, "No, no, no. I mean, I think some people don't really get what we're doing, so they try to stick a label on us, to try to define and limit us. Some people call it experimental film, some people call it documentary filmmaking, other people call it "New Queer Cinema." But we're going beyond the borders they're trying to impose on us. It is an experiment."

Filming
The film was shot on location across Canada and the United States, and features scenes at sites that have since been demolished, such as the Metro Theatre; Riverdale Hospital by architects Howard Chapman and Len Hurst; Adventure playground in Toronto; and Retail Slut in Los Angeles, California.

Reception
The Lollipop Generation was described by the Buenos Aires International Festival of Independent Cinema as, "...a trip through epileptic shots of documentary ugliness that go right to the origins and essence of sexually anarchic cinema...".
 However,  Peter Keough of The Boston Phoenix insists, "There's a fine line between the trash of early John Waters and just plain garbage. G.B. Jones, perhaps to her credit, ignores it completely." Using Canadian pop culture reference points, Toronto's Eye Weekly called it, "Scrappy as hell, yet often charming, it's a lost Degrassi High episode remade as an amateur porn flick and sometimes as sweet as all that candy."

Time Out described the film as serving "a diaristic function, documenting the people the director has met and the cities she travelled to, capturing an entire generation of underground performers." The 23rd Annual London L & G Film Festival catalogue says, "Shot on Super 8 and video, The Lollipop Generation harnesses these tools of the traditional home movie and uses them to make a fucked up family film."

References

Further reading

 Liss, Sarah (2 April 2008).  "The Lollipop Generation". Eye Weekly.  Archived from the original on 17 May 2008.

External links

  The Lollipop Generation trailer

2008 films
2000s avant-garde and experimental films
2008 LGBT-related films
Canadian avant-garde and experimental films
Canadian LGBT-related films
English-language Canadian films
Punk films
Films about runaways
2000s English-language films
2000s Canadian films


On March 15, the Majlis voted unanimously in favor of nationalization. A few days later the Senate concurred, also by unanimous vote. On April 28, the Majlis, by a margin of 79 to 12, nominated Mossadegh to be Prime Minister of Iran. On May 1, the Shah, cowed by the rapid unfolding of events, signed into law, without demur, the decision of parliament to nationalize AIOC. The National Iranian Oil Company (NIOC) was established to replace it. On May 6, Mossadegh assumed the office of Prime Minister.
To Britain, the nationalization of AIOC was unacceptable, and every pressure was brought to bear on Iran to reverse the decision. After the Majlis and Senate votes on nationalization, and even before Mossadegh's assumption of office, Britain sent warships in the vicinity of Abadan.
Over the following months, as the deadlock persisted, other measures of a more punitive nature were applied, a series of economic sanctions were imposed, the Abadan oil refinery was shut down, and countries like Sweden, Austria, France, Switzerland and Germany were persuaded not to allow their nationals to work as technicians at the refinery.
In Stephen Kinzer's words, the "British managers did all they could to assure that machines didn't work and new managers couldn't find out how the place was run". The objective was to "make it impossible for Iran to continue producing oil", and in the process "cripple its economy".
Iran was at that time "the world's fourth largest oil exporter", and supplied "90% of Europe's petroleum", but had no tankers, and thus could not, on its own, export even a drop. Britain also took the issue to the International Court of Justice and the UN Security Council, but to no avail. Plans were readied for military intervention, but this perhaps was not a serious option. There were differences in the Cabinet on such a course of action, and, even more importantly, President Truman was stoutly opposed.
Truman himself, Secretary of State Acheson and Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern, South Asian and African Affairs George McGhee were not unsympathetic to Iran. For quite some time, much before matters had reached crisis proportions, the US had been urging Britain to come to a compromise with Iran, and to work out a more equitable formula of profit sharing. Truman was hopeful that US mediation could break the impasse between the two countries, and lead to a solution that would be acceptable to both.
In July 1951, the eminent public personality, and one of America's most distinguished diplomats, Averell Harriman, was sent to Iran as the personal representative of the US President to defuse the crisis. Harriman had several rounds of discussions with Mossadegh, and also met the Shah and religious leader Ayatollah Kashani.
He then flew to London to persuade the British government to send an emissary to negotiate with Iran. A senior Cabinet Minister, the Lord Privy Seal, Richard Stokes, accordingly, travelled to Iran for talks. Stokes informed Mossadegh that Britain was prepared to accept that the oil belonged to Iran, and that profits should be shared equally.
He insisted, though, that the British side would continue to control "all drilling, refining and export operations". Iran's focus was different. Iran was prepared to negotiate three issues; continued sale of oil to Britain for its domestic needs, retention of the services of British technicians for the oil industry, and the amount of compensation to be paid to AIOC.
Neither side would budge, no headway could be made. Even Harriman's considerable diplomatic skills and wholehearted efforts could not bring about a meeting of minds. He thought that Mossadegh was "completely rigid", and, at the same time, was taken aback by Britain's "completely 19th century colonial attitude toward Iran".
On a tour of Abadan, Harriman was appalled by the slum-like housing conditions of the Iranian employees at the refinery. Truman was disappointed; he thought that British intransigence was largely to blame for the failure of the negotiations.
Britain's hostile reaction to the nationalization of AIOC was not without an element of irony. The Labour Party was in power at the time-and had been from 1945-with Clement Attlee as Prime Minister. Since it was voted to office, the socialist government had implemented an extensive program of nationalization, covering basic industries and public utilities.


text:
Home Business Economy & Politics Donald Trump: "President Putin Feels Insulted by Allegations of Russian Interference in...
Donald Trump: "President Putin Feels Insulted by Allegations of Russian Interference in US Election"
President Donald Trump said President Vladimir Putin feels insulted by allegations of Russian interference in the 2016 US election.
The two leaders briefly met at the APEC summit in Vietnam.
"He said he absolutely did not meddle in our election," Donald Trump said.
President Trump, who defeated Democratic rival Hillary Clinton, said the allegations were a "Democratic hit job".
The US intelligence community concluded earlier that Russia had indeed tried to sway the poll in favor of Donald Trump.
The DoJ has appointed special investigator Robert Mueller to examine any possible collusion involving Donald Trump's team, and legal action has already been taken against several former aides.
Image NBC News
APEC Summit Vietnam: President Donald Trump Says US Will No Longer Tolerate Chronic Trade Abuse
Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin Had an Undisclosed Meeting at G20 Summit
Russia Hacking Briefing: Vladimir Putin Developed a Clear Preference for Donald Trump
President Trump has refused to acknowledge a reported assessment by the CIA and other intelligence agencies that Russia was behind the hacking of the Democratic National Committee (DNC) in the run-up to the 2016 presidential election.
The contents of the emails, passed to WikiLeaks and posted online, were embarrassing to the Democrats and shook up the presidential campaign, which ended in defeat for Hillary Clinton.
In addition to Robert Mueller's inquiry, congressional committees have been set up to carry out their own investigations.
Relations between the US and Russia have been strained for years, with the Kremlin long accusing Washington of seeking to sway elections in Russia and other ex-Soviet states including Ukraine and Georgia.
While Russian hackers are widely suspected of involvement, there has been no conclusive link to the Kremlin.
Denying that Russia had tried to interfere last year by fostering contacts with Donald Trump's campaign, Vladimir Putin told reporters in Vietnam: "Everything about the so-called Russian dossier in the US is a manifestation of a continuing domestic political struggle."
President Trump said he believed President Putin had been "very insulted by" the allegations and that was "not a good thing" for America.
"He [Vladimir Putin] said he didn't meddle," the president added.
"I asked him again."
Asked if he believed President Putin, Donald Trump replied: "He is very, very strong in the fact that he didn't do it. You have President Putin very strongly, vehemently says he has nothing to do with that. Now, you are not going to get into an argument, you are going to start talking about Syria and the Ukraine."
apec vietnam
donald trump asia tour
russia election hacking
Michael Flynn Offered $15 Million to Help Remove Fethullah Gulen from US
#MeToo: Rebel Wilson Shares Harassment Experience in Hollywood
Avon France to be closed by end of October
Cosmetics giant Avon Products has decided to close its French operations by the end of the month. Avon office in …Read More »
Oregon College Shooter Identified by Media as Chris Harper Mercer
The gunman who burst into a community college in southwest Oregon on October 1 and opened fire, killing nine people …Read More »
Boat with 200 on board sinks near Christmas Island, north-western Australia
Rescuers are searching for dozens of people believed to be missing after a boat sank near Christmas Island, off north-western …Read More »
Pakistan: more than 200 people die in Karachi garment factory fire
More than 200 people are now known to have died in a fire at a garment factory in Karachi, Pakistani …Read More »
Deep South hit by worst snow and ice in a generation
According to forecasters, Deep South will be hit by what could be its worst snow and ice in a generation. …Read More »


WHY TRAIN YOUR DOG ?
For example, many Places and People that normally won't allow dogs on their premises will make an exception for a puppy or a dog that will heel nicely by his owner's side, or will do a sit-stay or down-stay without hesitation.
WHY CHOOSE US TO TRAIN YOUR DOG?
Just Dogs trains using their minds and their hearts.
Just Dogs believes in 'Individual Differences'.


Saturday will see a High pressure of 1028 millibars hitting Brittany and moving into the Channel, and much of Southern England. There will be a fat Low of 1002 millibars over Iceland, with another weak Low of 1003 millibars off the Norwegian Coast in the Northern North Sea. Meanwhile the other side of the pond coming out of the Labrador Sea and heading towards Southern Greenland will be a Low of 992 millibars. By Sunday the Low out of the Labrador Sea will have moved East into the Mid Atlantic and deepened significantly to 971 millibars, whilst the High pressures will have been shunted Eastwards to with one sitting off Kent at 1024 millibars, another will be around Southern England at 1025 millibars. All this will mean small swell everywhere except for Northern Scotland on Saturday, read the details and stay tuned as things may change as the week goes on……….
The South West and Wales will be small, head to swell amplifying spots and make the most of pushing tides to get the most there is. Stay tuned as things may change as the week goes on……….


text:
Abu Dhabi, ADR, Arbitration institution, Dubai, United Arab Emirates
Navigating Arbitration in the UAE with Dr. Gordon Blanke
Gordon Blanke (Blanke Arbitration LLC)/ December 13, 2019 December 10, 2019 /Leave a comment
This year, I had the extraordinary pleasure of speaking at the Emirate Maritime Arbitration Centre (the "EMAC") inaugural event of Dubai Arbitration Week 2019 (for the full presentation, see here). The EMAC, as readers may know, is the only arbitration institution specialized in the administration of maritime disputes through arbitration in the UAE and the wider Middle East (the recently established CIAMA sharing its focus between maritime and aviation dispute). The EMAC is headquartered in the Dubai International Financial Centre (the "DIFC"), but open to the administration of maritime disputes both onshore and offshore. The EMAC embraces the UAE's unique positioning on the regional and international arbitration landscape as a hybrid civil and common law jurisdiction that has created a fully integrated common/civil law system that allows parties from differing legal traditions to resolve disputes in a common or civil law environment or in a combination of the two in the heart of the Middle East.
In this sense, the UAE offers unique opportunities for forum shopping between onshore and offshore arbitral seats and onshore and offshore enforcement fora. Whereas other jurisdictions, such as Qatar and Bahrain, have experimented with the concept of offshore free zone jurisdictions embedded within a wider civil law environment, the UAE is the only jurisdiction in the world so far that has succeeded in the full functional integration onshore/offshore: In this sense, both Dubai and Abu Dhabi constitute genuine hybrid civil/common law legal systems. Their success has in fact been such that the system has more recently been exported to other developing economies that are intent on providing a safe legal environment for attracting foreign direct investment. One such example is the Astana International Financial Centre in Kazakhstan, which has been closely modeled on the DIFC free zone.
In the following, I discuss in detail the UAE arbitration landscape, explaining the differing legal, judicial and institutional framework of the onshore and offshore systems. In doing so, I will highlight in particular the onshore/offshore area of free movement of judicial instruments, including ratified awards, between the onshore and offshore courts and the role of the offshore UAE courts as a conduit for the enforcement of onshore awards for onward execution onshore.
The UAE Arbitration Landscape: Mainland v. Free Zone Arbitration
Arbitrations in the UAE can be seated onshore (i.e., in mainland UAE, typically onshore Dubai or Abu Dhabi) or offshore, i.e., within a judicial free zone. The UAE hosts two judicial free zones, the DIFC and the Abu Dhabi Global Market ("ADGM"). Both constitute autonomous, stand-alone jurisdictions that operate on the English common law model. Both have their own courts, the DIFC and the ADGM Courts respectively, each staffed by their own English-speaking judiciary sourced from leading, arbitration-friendly common law jurisdictions worldwide and local judges. The DIFC common law jurisdiction is carved out of mainland Dubai and the DIFC Courts exist side by side with the Dubai civil law courts. Likewise, the ADGM common law jurisdiction is carved out of mainland Abu Dhabi and the ADGM Courts exist side by side with the Abu Dhabi civil law courts. Importantly, constitutionally speaking, there is no judicial hierarchy between the onshore and offshore courts, both form an integral part of the UAE family of courts. In this sense, both the DIFC and the ADGM form a jurisdiction within a jurisdiction, one common law (the DIFC and the ADGM), the other civil law (local courts).
Both the DIFC and the ADGM have their own body of substantive laws, which are modeled on English common law and statute. At the risk of oversimplification, the ADGM, more specifically, has incorporated English common law and statute wholesale by reference, which turns it into a "little England and Wales" in the heart of the Middle East. From a comparative law perspective, therefore, the DIFC and the ADGM serve as a common law legal transplant fully integrated in the civil law environment of onshore UAE and have, as such, metaphorically been likened to "common law islands in a civil law ocean" by the former Chief Justice of the DIFC Courts, Michael Hwang SC.
The Legislative and Judicial Framework of Arbitration in the UAE: Onshore v. Offshore
Each free zone has adopted its own arbitration law, the 2008 DIFC Arbitration Law and the 2015 ADGM Arbitration Regulations, each modeled on the UNCITRAL Model Law. Seating an arbitration in the DIFC or the ADGM will trigger the application of the DIFC Arbitration Law or the ADGM Arbitration Regulations as the procedural law of the arbitration and engage the competent free zone courts as the curial courts of the arbitration. In this way, the free zones support and facilitate common law style arbitration in the heart of the Middle East.
It is worth mentioning that the DIFC Courts more specifically have also adopted a couple of practice directions that make use of the availability of free zone arbitration: PD 2/2015 enables the enforcement of DIFC Court money judgments through arbitration (by dint of conversion into a DIFC-LCIA award that in turn will be enforceable internationally under the New York Convention); PD 1/2017 provides for cost sanctions against recalcitrant award debtors and empowers the DIFC Courts to issue securities in the amount of the awarded debt pending an action for enforcement.
Hence, free zone arbitrations seated offshore offer a viable alternative to arbitration onshore, that is arbitrations seated in mainland Dubai or Abu Dhabi. Seating an arbitration onshore will trigger the application of the UAE Federal Arbitration Law (the "FAL"), which entered into force on 16 June 2018, and engages the curial competence of the onshore local, e.g. Dubai or Abu Dhabi, courts, which in turn operate in Arabic and source their judiciary from other countries in the MENA region, in particular Egypt. The FAL replaces the arbitration-relevant provisions of the UAE Civil Procedures Code, also known as the UAE Arbitration Chapter. The FAL is in part based on the UNCITRAL Model Law and as such codifies best arbitration practice and procedure. That said, it retains some of the procedural idiosyncrasies that made the arbitral process under the former UAE Arbitration Chapter unreliable (for a comparison of the provisions of the FAL and the free zone arbitration laws, see The Procedural Acquis of UAE Arbitration: Onshore v. Offshore, here).
Needless to say, arbitration users that are looking to seat their arbitration in the UAE, are free to shop between a common and a civil law forum, a truly unique proposition that is on offer nowhere else in the world.
The Institutional Framework of Arbitration in the UAE: Onshore v. Offshore
The institutional framework of arbitration in the UAE mirrors the common/civil law offering that lies at the heart of the UAE's hybrid legal system. Thus, arbitration users have a choice between onshore and offshore arbitral institutions, each of which administer arbitration under their own set of procedural rules. The better-known institutions are headquartered in Dubai and Abu Dhabi, whether onshore or offshore.
The Dubai International Arbitration Centre ("DIAC") is the longest-serving onshore institution. The Abu Dhabi Commercial Conciliation and Arbitration Centre ("ADCCAC") follows suit and is primarily used for resolving disputes involving Abu-Dhabi based governmental entities. The DIAC has ventured offshore with a DIFC-DIAC representative office and has entered into a Memorandum of Understanding with the offshore Dispute Resolution Authority ("DRA") with the objective to enhance the enforcement of DIAC awards in the DIFC. The DIFC hosts the DIFC-LCIA, the sister organization of the London Court of International Arbitration ("LCIA"). The DIFC-LCIA Rules are identical to the LCIA Rules bar the default seat being the DIFC rather than London (as provided for under the LCIA Rules). Importantly, all administrative decisions under the DIFC-LCIA Rules, such as in relation to the default-appointment and the challenge of arbitrators, are taken by the LCIA Court in London. In this sense, opting into the DIFC-LCIA Rules with a seat in the DIFC allows the parties to stage an LCIA-style arbitration locally, i.e., in the UAE. As mentioned previously, EMAC also operates offshore and administers its own, maritime-specific set of rules from within the DIFC, default-seating EMAC arbitrations in the DIFC.
By contrast, the Abu Dhabi judicial free zone, the ADGM, does not host any fully operating arbitration institutions. For now, it has opted for hosting ad hoc arbitrations, championing a model of representative offices that operate from within the ADGM. The first one such office is the ADGM-ICC, which operates as a regional arm of the Paris-based arbitration division of the International Chamber of Commerce. For the avoidance of doubt, disputes continue to be administered by the Middle Eastern case teams operating from Paris. Other international arbitration institutions are currently contemplating setting up representative offices within the ADGM. In addition, the ADGM Arbitration Centre ("ADGMAC") serves as an arbitration logistics provider and arbitration venue, offering state-of-the-art hearing facilities for domestic and international arbitration in the heart of the ADGM. More recently, the ADGM has promulgated the ADGMAC Arbitration Guidelines to assist arbitrators and parties in the conduct of the arbitral proceedings locally and internationally.
The Onshore/Offshore Area of Free Movement
In order to achieve the full functional integration of the offshore common law free zones and the onshore civil law jurisdiction into one hybrid legal system, the Emirati legislator has created an area of free movement of judicial instruments, including ratified awards, onshore/offshore and vice versa. This area of free movement is based on a system of mutual recognition and builds on the mutual trust between the onshore and the offshore courts. This is, no doubt, supported by the equal constitutional status accorded to the onshore and offshore courts within the UAE legal system, absent any judicial hierarchy between them. More specifically, according to Article 7 of the Judicial Authority Law (as amended) and the corresponding provisions of the Memorandum of Understanding between the Abu Dhabi Judicial Department and the ADGM Courts, the onshore courts are required to accept offshore orders for recognition and enforcement of an award for execution onshore without any examination on the merits and vice versa. In this context, it is, of course, important to note that both onshore and offshore courts are subject to the same principles of UAE public policy.
Importantly, conflicts of jurisdiction between the onshore Dubai and the offshore DIFC Courts, e.g., in relation to parallel proceedings between the same parties for a challenge of an arbitral award before the onshore Dubai Courts and for enforcement before the offshore DIFC Courts, are presently dealt with by a Dubai-DIFC Joint Judicial Tribunal, which was established by Ruler's Decree in 2016 and which is composed of a mix of Dubai and DIFC Court judges. It is proposed that conflicts of jurisdiction within this context could be more efficiently addressed by the introduction of a legislative framework based on a first-seized rule and/or requiring the exhaustion of any moratorium for a challenge by an award debtor before the courts at the seat (e.g. 30-day pursuant to Art. 54 FAL) before initiation of any enforcement action by the award creditor offshore and vice versa.
The Free Zone Courts as a Conduit
Last but not least, the free zone courts have actively served as so-called conduits for the enforcement of both domestic non-free zone and foreign awards for onward execution onshore, even absent any assets in or any other geographic nexus to the relevant free zone. This essentially allows domestic and international award creditors to enforce their awards through multiple fora. This, in turn, enhances the overall choice of enforcement fora open to an award creditor that is seeking to execute an award in the UAE, whether onshore or offshore. The role of the both onshore and offshore courts as a conduit is facilitated by the existence of the area of free movement onshore/offshore between the onshore Dubai/Abu Dhabi and the offshore DIFC/ADGM Courts. For the avoidance of doubt, like the onshore courts, the free zone courts are bound by the terms of the 1958 New York Convention on the Recognition and Enforcement of Foreign Arbitral Awards with respect to any foreign award, whether Convention or non-Convention, given the fact that the UAE did not enter into the reciprocity reservation.
The UAE are uniquely placed in offering arbitration services across a fluid spectrum of civil and common law jurisdictions from a fully integrated civil/common law platform. This enables domestic and international users of arbitration to shop for a common/civil law seat for their arbitration and for multiple civil/common law fora of enforcement, as best suits their needs, without having to look outside the Middle East. The EMAC more specifically serves as a welcome institutional catalyst in maritime dispute resolution between onshore and offshore, offering its services irrespective of the location of the arbitral seat, i.e. whether onshore or offshore.
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The Madrid International Arbitration Centre Takes off Powered by the Unification of Spain's Largest Arbitral Institutions
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Iris Ng (Supreme Court of Singapore)/ December 12, 2019 December 7, 2019


Watch Apple take the time to clean these properly and treat a customer as they deserve.
I am thrilled. I have been wanting these for gym purposes.
Wouldn't the PowerBeats be better for the gym?
The sound is terrible on them. They have like zero bass.
This is one of those technologies that morons mock and it becomes huge.
expect copycat devices next year.
Ha. Me too. It's too bad Apple failed to deliver. I wouldn't buy the iPhone 7 without these.
This Pods are going to sell good, just wish the battery life was a little longer.
Saw them on a guy in the audience during the MacBook event.
So true. Once again with Apple, while they're not the first to market with a product, they come up with something so advanced and polished that they end up defining the segment. Existing truly wireless headsets have massive problems: cumbersome pairing (to phone and to each other,) battery life (2 hours at best) and worst of all range and spurious disconnections and static. Thanks to the W1 chip Apple solves all of these at once in a tiny, elegant headset pair. Very well played.
And you think the EarPods will have superior bass? They have even less acoustical coupling than the Powerbeats. And by 'zero bass' do you mean like no bass response below 80Hz, or no 50db boost from 80–2500Hz like so many consumer earphones.
I'm considering these phones and will give them a listen. As long as the audio is an improvement over the iPhone-issue buds (like my $80 In-Ear Headphones), the ability to instantly use them with any of your Macs, iDevices, and Watch without going to a menu, is huge for me. The ability to go from my Mac, to my phone, then just walkout the door with my Watch, without me switching sources is HUGE. That's my killer feature. Everything else they do is a perk.
But they have to sound better than Apple's basic buds or the deal's off. At say—$129, I'd consider cutting that requirement a little slack. I've got high-end 'phones and cans to use for critical listening, so the AirPods get some slack in audio reproduction, but at $160, not a pass.


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This week, Café Panam(e) is offering another lucky GoChengdoo reader one RMB100 voucher.
The Friday-night dance party hotspot, features occasional exhibits, snacks, wines, and strong cocktails.
2. Rate and review any five venues listed on GoChengdoo.com.
3. Send your name, registered GoChengdoo username, and your mobile phone number with the message "Panam(e) Voucher" no later than 11:30 p.m. on Friday, February 12, 2010.
4. That's it! The winner will be contacted via e-mail and SMS by Saturday, February 13 with instructions on how to claim the prize.