Previous Thinking of planting with Geneva Push? Start here.
Josh and Sarah Allen, at Laneway Church in Footscray Victoria, talk about what years of association with Geneva Push has done for their church planting plans. In particular, they share how networking with other planters and their church planting coaches have helped them transform their vision for serving God into reality.


Jacksonville's best FREE dating site! 100% Free Online Dating for Jacksonville Singles ... 100% Free Online Dating in Jacksonville, FL. ... Online Dating in Jacksonville.
Black Women Dating Latino Men | AfroRomance!
Latino Dating Website - Welcome to one of the largest online dating sites where you can find potential matches according to your location. Register for free and start dating online.


All orders ship within 5-7 business days of the purchase date. We use USPS First Class mail to ship packages lighter than 16 oz. and USPS Priority Mail for packages heavier than 16 oz. Standard domestic transit time for First Class is anywhere from 2-5 days; for Priority Mail, it's 2-3 days.
When your order ships, you will receive an e-mail notification with USPS tracking information. If you have any questions about your order, reach out to us - we're here to help! We believe in fairness, kindness, and ultimately our customers' happiness. We want you guys to be 100% satisfied with your purchases, and we are willing to work with you to find a solution for any problem that might occur.
Ship the item back to us using USPS (should be the cheapest option for you!).
4. and your first and last name.
When we receive your shirt, we'll print a new shirt for you and ship it back as soon as possible. All of our products are made to order - as such, please understand that there will be a short turn-around time for us to print you a new item, pack and ship it back to you!
"Can I exchange this shirt for another one?"
All exchange requests must be made within 14 days of the delivery date of the product.
Products are eligible for exchange so long as they are UNWASHED and UNWORN.
The product you are requesting in exchange is equal in price to the product you originally purchased.
If you are not 100% satisfied with your purchase, we will gladly offer you a refund for the original cost of your items minus the shipping costs. Refund requests must be made within 30 days of delivery date, and the garment must be unwashed and unworn.
To send your item back for a refund, please follow the instructions for an exchange and include a note specifying that you'd like a full refund. When we receive your return, we'll credit your account immediately for the original cost of the item(s) minus shipping.
If something is wrong with your order upon delivery (ripped garment / wrong order received / wrong size received) PLEASE CONTACT US within 30 days of delivery date! We will send you a replacement item immediately and cover shipping costs if the problem is obviously our fault.
We LOVE you guys. Your business is what keeps us happy (and yeah, it pays our bills, too). We're here to HELP you and we want you to enjoy your products as much as we enjoy making them. When dealing with our customer service staff, a little politeness goes a long way. We really appreciate it!


text:
Broderick: Battle Creek Bombers ring the bell on start of new season, lose in 13 innings
Bill Broderick
When the bell rings, you have to be ready.
Despite having new players getting to town just days ago and a new general manager trying to take care of all the last-minute details, when it was time to open the gates at C.O. Brown Stadium for the start of a new Battle Creek Bombers season on Tuesday, everybody was ready for Opening Day.
Especially the fans.
"We're the bell ringers. We have been coming to Bombers games for six years and we bring our cowbell," said Wayne Root, a Bombers fan from Bellevue. "We buy a new cowbell for every season and we were excited to break it out today for another Opening Day."
The fans who came out to Bailey Park for the season opener saw more than their money's worth as they were treated to bonus baseball with the game going 13 innings. Lakeshore outlasted Battle Creek, 5-3, to take the Northwoods League opener.
Root and his wife have been a host family for Bombers players for several years and they have started a tradition where they buy a cowbell to ring at all the games and by the end of the season, have all the players sign it.
"It's hilarious," Theresa Root said. "We say, here's my cowbell, sign it. The guys get get a kick out of and we have five cowbells over the years that the whole team signed."
As the Bombers rang the bell to signify the start of another season, the Roots were eager to put on their matching Bombers replica jerseys and join their fellow fans for the beginning of another Northwoods League season in Battle Creek.
"It's great to be here on Opening Day," Theresa Root said. "The Bombers are great. It's quality baseball, it's affordable. You get to see the stars of the future when they are just starting out. We have watched Bombers players now go on to play in the minors for the Whitecaps, the Loons, the Lugnuts and above."
While it was one of a handful of Opening Days for the Roots as Bombers fans. It was the first Opening Day for Tyler Shore as the new Battle Creek General Manager. Working late into the night Monday night to be ready for the first game Tuesday, Shore felt a bit of relief once he saw the first pitch.
"All winter long you are kind of counting down the weeks before Opening Day and the calendar seems to kind of take forever. Then in the last few days before the first game, you are trying to push time back because you are not quite ready. The players just arrived this weekend. The staff is new and getting used to things. But we are as ready as we can be and we are excited to be here.
"And the fans seemed excited, too. Lot of people in Bombers gear are here, people were lined up at 5:45 waiting for us to open the doors at 6. I think Battle Creek was ready for baseball to come back as much as we were."
The Chinooks spoiled the Opening Day festivities for the Bombers with two runs in the 13th to win the game. Peter Bovenzi earned the win in relief for Lakeshore with Nick Campe getting the save. Christian Griffin, pitching the final five innings, took the loss for Battle Creek. Cody Hawken drove in two runs for the Bombers.
Battle Creek Bombers set for an exciting 2017
Find out who is playing for the Battle Creek Bombers in 2017
There seemed to be a different feel for this Opening Day than in the last few seasons as a new level of excitement joined the party on a cool, breezy Tuesday night. Starting with a line at the ticket booth before the doors open, with Moe Skeeter out front to entertain the waiting fans, and continuing with a new between-innings announcer in the high-energy Carsten Sands, the vibe for the 2017 had a bit of added electricity.
"We added some stuff to the experience because it is Opening Day, giving away some stuff to the fans when they were coming in as a thank you for coming out," Shore said. "We tried to pump up the pomp and circumstance that comes with Opening Day and get the energy up.
"And I think you saw that continue when the game started, We are doing more in between innings, and our on-field host is out of this world and is rocking and will get people out of their seats more this year than you've seen in the past."
More than ever, the Bombers seem to want to wrap their arms around their fans and Battle Creek in general. That was also evident by the new uniforms on display in the opener with Cereal City across the front where Battle Creek used to be.
"We are excited about the new Cereal City jerseys and just want to acknowledge we are the cereal capital of the world," Shore said. "They go with the all black theme with the black pants and that's a way to maybe be a little more intimidating out there. The players really like them and I think we hit it out of the park with these.
"Wanted to break the new unis out for the first time tonight and we will wear those on weekend dates and special nights."
And if it all goes according to plan and the fans continue to come out for the Bombers experience, there will be a lot of special nights to be had this season.
Bill Broderick can be reached atbbroderi@battlecreekenquirer.com or 269-966-0678. Follow him on Twitter:@billbroderick

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


Hello, all! With Thanksgiving Day being tomorrow, why not make these cute and easy Turkey Pizza Pinwheels as an appetizer! You only need a few ingredients to bring these Turkeys to life. Nello's Lavender Sauce is the perfect match for these little guys. Everyone will love them!
1. Preheat oven to 400 degrees F. Spray countertop with non-stick cooking spray or sprinkle with flour. Roll the dough out into a large rectangle about 1/4 inch thick.
2. Top with Nello's Lavender Sauce. (I used about half a jar) Spread to coat dough then add mozzarella and additional toppings of your choice.
3. Start with one of the long sides of the rectangle and roll dough up tightly, pinching the seams to close at the end.
4. Use a sharp, thin knife to cut 1 1/2 inch sections of the dough from the large roll. You should get about 12 pinwheels.
5. Put pinwheels on a greased baking sheet. Bake for 12-15 minutes. Remove from oven and let sit for 1-2 minutes.
6. Stick a few pieces of bacon into the back of each pinwheel. Put small two small circles of sliced onion in front of the bacon pieces and then top with black olives for the eyes. Finish with a triangular cut carrot for the nose. Serve with a side of warm Nello's Lavender Sauce.
Visit Nello's Store Locator to find Nello's Sauces in a store near you!


September is a month of change. As the warm days of late summer slowly transition to the cooler weather of early fall, it's the perfect time to prepare your home for the coming winter months. To get your home in shape and make it as comfortable as possible this winter, take the time to complete the following fall maintenance tasks.


Time equals productivity; and so, with something as long as a dissertation, your time is precious and should be utilized effectively if you wish to finish it in a decent time frame. The research aspect is one that takes the longest in dissertation writing. From your research, you will need to gather all the relevant data and relay most of it within your main content sections. So what's the best way to extract research data during investigation? Is there a secret that veteran dissertation writers aren't sharing? There's a lot of information out on the web, the most useful of which has been compressed for you here.
When you're going over a piece of research material, don't just read it; scan through it. When researching, you are in the business of finding facts that will assist you in your investigation. Keep a notebook with you and write down any and all points that you plan to use. Great concentration is needed for this so don't be afraid to take your time. It will actually save you time later on, so rather do it properly from the get go.
There are software programs now available that read text to you while you take notes. This is a great way to increase productivity because so much gets done in a shorter amount of time. Take down key information until you have enough data to construct a decent paper. Once you're done, move on to the next document and do the same.
Mind mapping during research is one of the best ways to retain information. Writing it down manually trumps typing any day. Typing and reading may actually take you longer than writing it once and remembering it.
Consider drawing up a mind map too. It organizes your data the way you understand best, and increases the amount of information you take in during the time you spend doing so.
Don't hesitate to utilize resources like YouTube and Vimeo. There are hundreds of free lectures on multiple subjects just waiting to be watched. There are also in-depth interviews, documentaries, and student explanations that can take your understanding of something from novice to advanced. This is the information age, so don't miss out on using what's out there.


What is it's relevance to business?
Apparently, Voltaire once said: "Four thousand volumes of metaphysics will not teach us what the soul is".
A Lakota Medicine Woman once told Anna to give up her addiction to reading as she would never find soul in the arid, dry and dusty pages of books but only through experience of nature and in silence.
For Lance Secretan a Canadian leadership "elicitor", soul is the immortal or spiritual part of us. It is our essence – our moral and emotional fiber, our warmth, and our force. It is the vital part of us that transcends our temporary existence. We each individually know when it's there or not there.
In his latest book, Good Business, Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi provides the most satisfying explanation of "Soul" not only as a definition but also in relation to business. On a physiological level he suggests that soul is the manifestation of the complexity achieved by our nervous system – we are aware and aware that we are aware (i.e. we manifest self-reflective consciousness) plus we use some of our surplus energy and consciousness to care not just for ourselves but also for others. At the human level curiosity, empathy, generosity, responsibility and charity are noteworthy expressions of the soul at work in each of us. Even though the soul may be the end product of material evolution, it does not imply that the soul is nothing but matter. On the contrary, the fact that a material organism has somehow become able to reach out to other beings and to see itself part of a cosmic patterns is an extraordinary step in evolution.
Csikszentmihalyi further observes that we are not always soulful beings. Given all the threats from "out there", we couldn't survive long if we did not devote most of our attention to self preservation. But, on the other hand, if that's all we did, we would stop growing. So in that respect, what we call soul can be viewed as the surplus energy invested into change and transformation. As such, it is at the cutting edge of evolution. Later, he says "the search for a life that has relevance or meaning beyond one's material existence is the primary concern of the soul.
Well to the extent that businesses comprise human beings and they are individually as well as collectively on some form of evolutionary trajectory, the search for meaning is becoming increasingly apparent. Employees are less interested in material rewards, they want to serve a greater purpose and be associated with companies that stand for something worth standing for. Shareholders are increasingly interested in the net contribution that companies make to societal well-being. More and more customers won't buy from companies that are perceived as exploitive, unethical and environmentally destructive.
We believe that the soul is shaking each of us, for various reasons. As a collective in western industrialised economies, we are experiencing a form of mid-life crisis. We have enough stuff. Most of have more friends and familiy than we can nurture. We are confident that the "how? " questions will be answered by someone and the answer is but a mouse click away. It's the "why?" questions that are starting to trouble us. Why are we here? Who are we, really? What is our destiny? Will it all turn out alright? Can we make a difference? Can we grow into deeper understanding of the answers to these questions? Are we willing to live with the questions? Could we be more than we are now?
Chances are that you are a leader of an enterprise and these questions are troubling you. If yes, then chances are that they are troubling your customers, shareholders and employees. Can your company make a difference? Will addressing the soul-related yearnings of your constituents strengthen your enterprise. We believe the answer to the last question is a resounding yes....Stay tuned for our reasons why.
In these trends we see the Soul at Work. Visionary, soulful leaders will display a unique set of traits that will enable them to prosper in the Age of Meaning and a so-called Transformation Economy.
"...if we expended all our energies solely on taking care of our own needs we would stop growing. In that respect what we call "soul" can be viewed as the surplus energy that can be invested into change and transformation. As such, it is the cutting edge of evolution."


text:
Apple releases new flagship phone, iPhone 4S
Marc Pakravan '14, holding his new iPhone 4S. Photo by Zachary Brenner.
Zachary Brenner
Apple recently released the iPhone 4S, which introduces many additional features compared to the revolutionary iPhone 4 that preceded it.
After the restructured iPhone 4 that released last year, Apple customers had high expectations for the new product.
The 4S has a new camera that shoots 1080p video, a surprising improvement over the already-astounding iPhone 4 camera.
Apple has also implemented their dual-core A5 chip that is used to power the iPad 2. iOS 5, Apple's new updated mobile operating system, allows iPhone owners to take pictures with the volume button and access their camera straight from the lock screen.
Apple has also implemented a program called Siri, which allows users to ask their iPhone 4S a question and have it respond. For example, one could ask their iPhone to give a reminder about their homework due the next day, and can ask their phone to send a message to a friend.
"I want that robot thing," Karin Ziv '14 said.
Overall, Milken students have been fascinated by the new product, mostly due to interest in Siri.
"What a lot of people don't know is that Siri existed before the iPhone 4S as an app in the App Store, but it was not that good. I think it is cool how they developed it with the new iPhone 4S. What frustrates me is that the previous iPhones are capable of having Siri, but Apple does not allow it to function on the previous iPhones, so they can get people to buy the new iPhone 4S," Brandon Weiss '14 said.
Regardless, Milken students seem to be amazed and satisfied by the new revolutionary iPhone 4S.
Some funny things to ask Siri:
You: Tell me a joke.
Siri: Two iPhones walk into a bar… I forget the rest.
You: Who are you?
Siri: I am Siri.
You: Where am I?
Siri: *Finds your location*
You: How old are you?
Siri: I don't see why that should matter.
You: Who's on first?
Siri: Correct.
You: What is the meaning of life?
Siri: To think about questions like this.


WASHINGTON, SEPTEMBER 27, 2008 (STAR) A Republican rebellion stalled government efforts Thursday to avoid economic meltdown, a chaotic turnaround that disrupted the choreography of an extraordinary White House meeting meant to show joint resolve from the president, the political parties and the presidential candidates. Instead, the summit broke up so bitterly that Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson got on one knee before Democratic leaders in a theatrical attempt to salvage talks.
After six days of bare-knuckled negotiations on the $700-billion financial industry bailout proposed by the Bush administration, with Wall Street tottering and presidential politics intruding six weeks before the election, there was far more confusion than clarity.
An apparent breakthrough was announced with fanfare at midday by key members of Congress from both parties – but not top leaders. Wall Street cautiously showed its pleasure, with the Dow Jones industrials closing 196 points higher.
But the good news and the market close were followed by a rash of less-positive developments.
Washington Mutual Inc. was seized by the Federal Deposit Insurance Corp. in the largest failure ever of a US bank, after which JPMorgan Chase & Co. Inc. came to its rescue by buying the thrift's banking assets.
And a late-afternoon White House summit bringing together President George W. Bush, presidential contenders John McCain and Barack Obama, and top congressional leaders, described as "a full-throated discussion" by one person in the room and "a contentious shouting match" by McCain's campaign, broke up with conflicts in plain view.
Conservatives were in revolt over the astonishing price tag of the proposal and the hand of government that it would place on private markets.
Sen. Richard Shelby of Alabama, the top Republican on the Senate Banking Committee, emerged from the White House meeting to say the announced agreement "is obviously no agreement." McCain's campaign issued a statement saying "the plan that has been put forth by the administration does not enjoy the confidence of the American people as it will not protect the taxpayers and will sacrifice Main Street in favor of Wall Street." The White House, too, acknowledged there was no deal, only progress.
Meanwhile, a group of House Republican lawmakers circulated an alternative that would put much less focus on a government takeover of failing institutions' sour assets. This proposal would have the government provide insurance to companies that agree to hold frozen assets, rather than have the US purchase the assets.
Inside the White House session, House Republican leader John Boehner announced his concerns about the emerging plan and asked that the conservatives' alternative be considered, said people from both parties who were briefed on the exchange. They spoke on condition of anonymity because the session was private.
Financial Services Chairman Barney Frank, the feisty Democrat who has been leading negotiations with Paulson, reacted angrily, saying Republicans had waited until the last moment to present their proposal.
Meanwhile McCain, who dramatically announced Wednesday that he was suspending his campaign to deal with the economic crisis, stayed silent for most of the session and spoke only briefly to voice general principles for a rescue plan.
After the session, Paulson, hoping to prevent any chance for agreement from being torpedoed, pleaded with Democratic leaders not to publicly disclose how poorly the session had gone, said three people familiar with the episode. Frank and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi responded angrily, and Paulson, in an attempt to lighten the mood, got down on one knee, said the sources, who spoke on condition of anonymity, like the others, because the conversations were private.
Weary congressional negotiators then resumed working with Paulson into the night in an effort to revive or rework the proposal that Bush said must be quickly approved by Congress to stave off potentially "a long and painful recession." They gave up after 10 p.m. EDT, more than an hour after the lone House Republican involved, Rep. Spencer Bachus of Alabama, left the room.
Talks were to resume Friday morning on the effort to bail out failing financial institutions and restart the flow of credit that has begun to starve the national economy.
The Bush administration plan's centerpiece remained for the government to buy the toxic, mortgage-based assets of shaky financial institutions in a bid to keep them from going under and setting off a cascade of ruinous events, including wiped-out retirement savings, rising home foreclosures, closed businesses and lost jobs.
The earlier bipartisan accord establishing principles and important details would have given the Bush administration just a fraction of the money it wanted up front, subjecting half the $700-billion total to a congressional veto. The treasury secretary would get $250 billion immediately and could have an additional $100 billion if he certified it was needed, an approach designed to give lawmakers a stronger hand in controlling the unprecedented rescue.
The Bush administration had already agreed to several concessions based on demands from the right and left, including that the government take equity in companies helped by the bailout and put rules in place to limit excessive compensation of their executives, according to a draft of the outline obtained by The Associated Press.
Democrat Obama and Republican McCain, who have both sought to distance themselves from the unpopular Bush, sat down with the president at the White House for the hour-long afternoon session that was striking in this brutally partisan season. By also including Congress' Democratic and Republican leaders, the meeting gathered nearly all Washington's political power structure at one long table in a small West Wing room.
"All of us around the table... know we've got to get something done as quickly as possible," Bush declared optimistically at the start of the meeting. Obama and McCain were at distant ends of the oval table, not even in each other's sight lines. Bush, playing host in the middle, was flanked by Congress' two Democratic leaders, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid.
But neither Bush, McCain nor Obama have been deeply involved so far in this week's scramble to hammer out a package. The meeting was intended more to provide bipartisan political cover for lawmakers to support a plan in the face of an angry public and their own re-election bids in six weeks.
Layered over the White House meeting was a complicated web of potential political benefits and consequences for both presidential candidates.


text:
Donor Central Give Today
Donors: Be the One to Make a Difference
Create a Fund
Fund Types
Masala Giving Circle
Private Foundation Services
Distinguished Speaker Series
Advisors: Helping You Help Your Clients
Giving Vehicles for Your Clients
Financial Advisor Program
The Giving Partner - Professional Advisors
Nonprofits: Partnering for Community Impact
EdExplore Grants
The Giving Partner
Giving Challenge
Students: Supporting Your Education
Available Scholarships
Apply for a Traditional Scholarship
Apply for an Adult Learner Scholarship
RCLA Town Hall Scholarship Program
Other Scholarship Opportunities
Scholarship Resources & FAQ
Impact: Measurable Results for a Better Community
Two-Generation Approach
Season of Sharing
Campaign for Grade-Level Reading
Summer Learning Academies
EdExplore SRQ
Student Emergency Fund
About CFSC: Community Impact Powered by Philanthropy
Audited Financials & Tax Returns
Longboat Key Foundation
Support Longboat Key
News, Updates, and Future Developments of the Community Foundation of Sarasota County.
Longboat, Longboat Key Foundation
Donors Commit $500,000 to Create Longboat Key Center for Healthy Living
By / September 22, 2015
Private contributions will support new medical and wellness facility.
LONGBOAT KEY (September 22, 2015) – The Longboat Key Foundation announced that Ocean Properties Ltd. and an anonymous donor have committed $500,000 to support the planned Longboat Key Center for Healthy Living.
"These generous gifts to aid in creating the Center for Healthy Living respond to a vital community need – to restore and enhance the health care services available on Longboat Key," said Bob Simmons, chairman of the Longboat Key Foundation Board of Advisors. "Our aim is to create a facility that not only provides needed medical and wellness services for residents and visitors, but also improves our self‐sufficiency as a community and enables residents to remain on Longboat Key as they age."
The community's sole primary care doctor retired in May 2014. The Foundation launched a fundraising effort in June 2015 with a goal of $1.6 million to establish the Center for Healthy Living and support a two‐year pilot. The Foundation is a component fund of the Community Foundation of Sarasota County, a 501(c)(3) non‐profit organization.
"Ocean Properties is proud to be such an integral part of this community and support this very important initiative. Health care that is easily available to residents and visitors is an essential component to maintaining the desirable lifestyle and ambiance of Longboat Key," said Andy Berger, Vice President of Operations for Ocean Properties Ltd.
The proposed Longboat Key Center for Healthy Living will have the following characteristics:
Top‐notch medical and wellness services under one roof.
Highly qualified practitioners specializing in family medicine and other services needed by Longboat Key residents and visitors.
Most health insurance would be accepted by service providers.
A convenient location in the proposed "Town Center," in the vicinity of Bay Isles Parkway.
A business model relying solely on private funds; no taxpayer dollars.
The Longboat Key Foundation Board of Advisors includes Simmons; Dave Brenner, Managing Director; Barbara Brizdle; Jim Brown; Cheryl Loeffler; Jeff Mayers, Secretary; and Warren G. Simonds, Ph. D. The organization's founders are Tom Aposporos, Brenner and Brown.
About the Longboat Key Foundation: The Longboat Key Foundation is a component fund of the Community Foundation of Sarasota County, a 501(c)(3) non‐profit organization. The Longboat Key Foundation helps donors address community needs and aspirations. The Foundation identifies and pursues initiatives to enhance the quality of life for residents and visitors in our island community on Florida's West Coast. The Foundation's work is guided by a diverse, volunteer advisory board that includes Longboat Key residents and other stakeholders committed to the long‐term sustainability and livability of the key. The Foundation's primary areas of focus include arts and culture; education; environment and sustainability; health and human services; and parks and recreation.
Bob Simmons, Chairman, Longboat Key Foundation Board of Advisors
941.383.2458 | simmonsbob@aol.com
Jeff Mayers, General Manager, The Resort at Longboat Key Club (for Ocean Properties Ltd.)
941.387.1572 | jeff.mayers@longboatkeyclub.com
Community Foundation of Sarasota County
2635 Fruitville Rd., Sarasota FL 34237
P: (941) 955.3000 F: (941) 952.1951 Email Us
Donor Central
© Community Foundation of Sarasota County. All Rights Reserved. Privacy Policy | Site Map
THE COMMUNITY FOUNDATION OF SARASOTA COUNTY, INC. IS A REGISTERED 501(C)(3) NON-PROFIT CORPORATION. A COPY OF THE OFFICIAL REGISTRATION AND FINANCIAL INFORMATION MAY BE OBTAINED FROM THE DIVISION OF CONSUMER SERVICES BY CALLING TOLL-FREE 1-800-435-7352 (or 1-800-352-9832 en Española) OR GOING ON THE DEPARTMENT'S WEBSITE WWW.FLORIDACONSUMERHELP.COM. REGISTRATION DOES NOT IMPLY ENDORSEMENT, APPROVAL, OR RECOMMENDATION BY THE STATE. One hundred percent (100%) of the donation is received by the Community Foundation of Sarasota County, Registration #CH2471.


text:
Lindsay Lohan, You Ain't no New Yorker! Says Pitbull, Files for Notice of Removal!
In Music Law by FASHIONENTLAW™ November 10, 2011
I told you all about the Lindsay Lohan v. Pitbull case where Lohan sued Pitbull under a New York Right of Publicity statute. Update: Pitbull is challenging Lohan's claim that she is a residence of New York. To do so, he also uses, as evidence, one of her prior lawsuits in which the same issue arose and the Judge in that case ruled against her finding she was a California resident.
What's the significance of Pitbull's fight? Lohan's 'Right of Publicity' claim rests on a New York state law. Lohan needs that local law to get Pitbull on the hook. Pitbull wants the case transferred to federal court. If Pitbull takes his case into federal court, then the tension I discussed in the past between state Right of Publicity law and the First Amendment comes into play. If Pitbull can successfully argue his First Amendment Right to freedom of speech and expression in his song, then a federal judge can find that federal law preempts state law under the Supremacy clause of the US Constitution. This means federal law reigns supreme. Do I expect Lohan's attorneys to fight this? Absolutely. Who will win? We shall see.
Read the story below:
"Lohan is currently suing Putbull for rapping about her. The lyric that set off a lawsuit went like this: "Hustlers move aside, so I'm tiptoein', to keep flowin' / I got it locked up like Lindsay Lohan."
Many folks have noted the absurdity that Lohan would test the First Amendment by claiming Pitbull's words caused her "tremendous emotional distress" and were "destined to do irreparable harm" to her image as "a professional actor of good repute."
The silver prize in silliness has to be that Lohan filed the lawsuit in Nassau County, New York, claiming to be a resident there in her mother's home.
In an effort to get the case transferred from county court to a federal one, Pitbull's lawyers have filed a notice of removal that talks about how Lohan made a sworn declaration that "falsely attested" to her residence.
As proof, it's pointed out that Lohan has a California driver's license, leases a home in Venice Beach, and that "given her frequent legal troubles, Ms. Lohan possesses irrevocable ties to California that are likely to keep her there . . ."
I like that last argument by Pitbull's lawyers, "Ms. Lohan possesses irrevocable ties to California that are likely to keep her there." Clearly they are speaking about her criminal sentencing and her being on probation for her convicted crimes. Clever argument.
THR, Esq. has the full story.
Photocredit: Lindsay Lohan Facebook Group page


Telepsychiatry is the delivery of psychiatric services using interactive audio and visual electronic systems where the psychiatrist and the patient are not in the same physical location.
Dr Singh offer telepsychiatry services to established patients only after the discussion to carry our appointment via Tele Services.
Dr. Singh do not do initial evaluations via TeleHealth.
You must be a Virginia or Washington DC resident.


text:
Head of Product at Doveras, former Design Director at IDEO.
RADAR THINKER
Thinkers50 Radar Class of 2021.
FAST FACT
Featured on the Forbes 30 Under 30 (2019).
Named an Emerging Star by Omnicom (2016).
Re-thinking how companies can create a more fair, inclusive, and sustainable capitalism. Adopts a systems thinking, cultural and historical lens to explore the evolving relationship between business and society in the twenty-first century. Believes "by elevating new, diverse voices we will discover productive reframes of the mainstream 'Reimagining capitalism' conversation, which today is largely by those who hold power for those who hold it".
Head of Product at Doveras, working on reimagining preconception care and navigation to help more people build the families they want. Former Design Director at IDEO and faculty member at Stanford University.
Perspectives on Impact; Perspectives on Purpose. Weekly newsletter on LinkedIn: Reimagining Capitalism.
Media picks
"Reimagining capitalism to help businesses do business differently and move towards more equitable social outcomes."
Stuart Crainer & Des Dearlove, Thinkers50


The Britannia Hotel in Stockport is a modern hotel situated in a quiet residential district close to Stockport's bustling town centre with its wide range of shops and entertainment.
The hotel offers 187 en-suite comfortably furnished rooms with modern facilities including TV, Telephone and Tea & Coffee making facilities.
Britannia Stockport Hotel - ExteriorThe Britannia Hotel, Stockport features the spacious Jenny's Cocktail Bar offering a relaxing atmosphere where locals and guests can unwind. Jenny's restaurant serves delicious food at Breakfast, Lunch and Dinner.
The hotel accommodates has an excellent Health and Leisure Club, a great way to unwind and relax, with facilities include Gym, Spa, Sauna and Indoor Heated Pool.
If you are flying out of Manchester Airport the Britannia Stockport hotel operates airport transfers and car parking. The Stay & Fly packages offered at this Airport Hotel have been arranged for your peace of mind and convenience.
Britannia Stockport Hotel is also a fantastic corporate venue with ten Conference, Meeting and Banqueting rooms. All rooms are conveniently located and hold up to 400 people. The conference facilities for this hotel are first class and we offer fantastic corporate rates for business travel. FREE WIFI is also available throughout the hotels public areas.
The M60 ring road is only a few minutes by car from the hotel and makes travel to Manchester, The Trafford Centre and the Lowry Centre quick and easy. The Peak District, an area of outstanding natural beauty, with its National Park, picturesque villages and wealth of caves is just 30 minutes away.


Hello folks, this blog post is about By Garden Of Life. Click To Zoom (beautiful Garden Of Life Raw Organic Meal Chocolate #1). This picture is a image/jpeg and the resolution of this photo is 1376 x 1376. This blog post's file size is just 127 KB. Wether You desired to download This blog post to Your laptop, you may Click here. You may also download more pictures by clicking the following picture or read more at this post: Garden Of Life Raw Organic Meal Chocolate.
About how large your space is, you should think. Can you match in a hardwood that is big or it will merely look bizarre. Perhaps you will make some templates out-of use or cardboard trial to see how it appears. Also the manner in which you modify the tiles will make the room look smaller or larger and its own shade will help. As an example, if there is a bright hardwood that is straight installed in the room will give a of space.
Devote your time with all the tile task and be sure you've considered all-the possibilities to you and what's the tile's use. So it could be a good idea to go and vacation for the nearby Hardwood Showcase we propose to find qualified advice.
They'll do the job rapidly and from the occasion you have leased all the equipment that is essential, may very well not spend cash that is too much. You could have a wet area or perhaps a bathroom that is relatively large. In both situations, the Garden Of Life Raw Organic Meal Chocolate style can be considered by you. The bigger toilet may not require tiles entirely but the wet place must be decorated.


text:
Башки́рские восста́ния:

 Башкирские восстания
 Башкирское восстание (1662—1664)
 Башкирское восстание (1681—1684)
 Башкирское восстание (1704—1711)
 Башкирские восстания (1735—1740)
 Башкирское восстание (1755—1756)
 Башкирское восстание (1834—1835)

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


The fifth annual Lincoln Highway BUY-WAY Yard Sale is being planned for August 6, 7, and 8, 2009. Sales will stretch from Chester, West Virginia, across the Ohio River through Ohio and on into Indiana and Illinois.
Ohio, the originator and most active promoter, announced that although the "Lincoln Highway Historic Byway" designated by ODOT is the 1928 route across the state, there are several earlier alignments that will also have sales and will celebrate the history of the road, almost doubling the 241 miles of sales across the state. Last year there were an estimated 750 sales.
For the past two years, a Travelers Guide with maps and info on sales and activities has been distributed free along the corridor. Executive Director Mike Hocker encourages churches, restaurants, or any organization to participate and take an ad. Call him at (419) 468-6773 for details before May 15 or visit http://www.historicbyway.com/.
Sunday's Cedar Rapids Gazette ran a story about the Lincoln Cafe, along the Lincoln Highway in Mount Vernon, Iowa. Owner and chef Matt Steigerwald won the Cochon 555 competition held in Des Moines on April 19. Below is the story and a photo of the place by PBS producer Rick Sebak.
Cochon is French for pig, so 5 competing chefs prepared a Heritage Pig for judging and public tasting. Steigerwald was the only chef not from Des Moines. The chefs prepared the pigs in their own restaurants and transported them to the competition—for Steigerwald, a 2-hour drive. Some of the items Steigerwald made were pozole (a Mexican soup made with pork and hominy), a pork belly confit, biscuits made with lard, head cheese and Carolina pork barbecue.
Steigerwald took home a bottle of Templeton Rye and a trophy that declared him the "Prince of Porc." The competition is traveling nationally and will be in Chicago next on May 24. For more information go to www.amusecochon.com/.
By now, you've read here about the recreation of Alice Ramsey's pioneering drive in 1909, making her the first woman to drive across the U.S. Most of her route west of Ligonier, Indiana, would become the Lincoln Highway four years later.
This summer, Emily Anderson, 38, of Seattle, will retrace Alice's trip in an identical 1909 Maxwell, thanks to her father Richard's expert efforts to create one from parts. The Cedar Rapids Gazette has a nice article about local efforts to welcome the Maxwell when it arrives there June 18, 2009. The writer gives a nod to Gregory Franzwa's reprinting of Alice's memoir of the trip.
The trip launches June 9 from Broadway in New York City. Read more at aliceramsey.org including how they're test driving it for 1,000 miles before the big trip.
Allen County Public Library (Fort Wayne), Sunday April 26, 2 p.m.
The History Center (Fort Wayne), Saturday May 9, 2 p.m.
For more information, call (260) 471-5670.
Jan is a native of northern Indiana and her family has roots in the state's automotive history. She is a past president of the Lincoln Highway Association and past director of the Indiana Lincoln Highway Association. She serves on the northern Regional Council for Historic Landmarks Foundation of Indiana. Her book covers both the original route across northern Indiana and the 1926 mid-state realignment.
A number of Model Ts were on display and can be seen through Sunday May 3 as part of A Revolution on Wheels: The Model T at 100. The Frick has borrowed four vintage autos to supplement the 1914 Model T Touring car already in its collection: a 1909 Model T Touring Car, a 1917 Model T Runabout, a 1925 Model T Depot Hack, and a 1926 Model T Coupe.
Visit the Frick's Car & Carriage Museum at 7227 Reynolds St., Point Breeze, www.frickart.org, (412) 371-0600.
The Car and Carriage Museum at the Frick Art & Historical Center is hosting a weekend-long Model T Jubilee. The celebration and activities on Saturday and Sunday celebrate the exhibit "A Revolution on Wheels: The Model T at 100," which opened in October to commemorate the 100th anniversary of the 1908 Model T. The exhibit, which contains five Model T Fords ranging from 1909 to 1926, will close on May 3. The museum is along the Lincoln Highway in the Point Breeze section of Pittsburgh, Pa.
ABOVE: Model T Fords at the Frick's Car and Carriage Museum. Photo by Pytlik Design Associates.
The Model T Jubilee is free; Sebak's talk is $10, $8 for members. The Frick is at 7227 Reynolds St., Point Breeze, www.frickart.org, (412) 371-0600.
The Lincoln Highway Heritage Corridor has announced that the first of the Roadside Giants student sculptures has been installed along the Lincoln Highway west of Ligonier, Pennsylvania. The Roadside Giants program encourages students from vocational and technical schools along the Lincoln Highway (US 30 in PA) to design and create sculptures that will line the road. They are named for the larger-than-life buildings and statues that are used to attract travelers to stop and spend some time and money, documented in such esteemed books as Roadside Giants — yes, written by me and my wife Sarah.
The first Giant, from the Eastern Westmoreland Career & Technology Center, is a replica 1940s Bennett Gas Pump at the future site of the Lincoln Highway Experience, a welcome center and attraction in Ligonier Township. It's at the intersection of US 30W and Route 259, near the Idlewild Park entrance. Ligonier Living also wrote a story about it.
• Franklin County Career & Technology Center built a replica 1921 Selden Apple Truck like the ones used to haul produce at Chambersburg's orchards.
• Central Westmoreland Career & Technology Center wanted to design a Lincoln Highway-era figure, so they chose a Packard Car with Driver.
The Veterans Memorial Bridge linking Columbia with Wrightsville, Pennsylvania, may soon be getting a facelift. The Lancaster Intelligencer Journal reports that on April 30, 3 pm, at the Columbia Borough building, the nonprofit Lancaster-York Heritage Region will unveil plans for the renovation of the bridge and ask for public input.
Plans call for a three-phase project. In the first phase, workers would replace the "cobra" streetlights put in during the 1970s with reproductions of the original art deco lights used when the bridge first opened to traffic in September 1930….
The second phase would concentrate on the "travel plazas" at either end of the bridge, including upgrades such as new landscaping and pedestrian improvements such as traffic islands or "roundabouts" like those found in Gettysburg and Abbotstown.
The project's final phase would involve "under-lighting" the bridge's reinforced concrete arches. "This last phase would be aimed at travelers going across the nearby Route 30 bridge," Pinkerton said.
I am also quoted in the article, in varying degrees of accuracy.


text:
Linda Timmons, President and CEO
Kelly Will Not Be Held Back
While the COVID-19 pandemic may have kept people home, Kelly Brady, who is served by Mosaic, didn't let it hold her back.
Kelly used the time to learn to read.
She lives with Sheryl and Steinar Grimstad, who support Kelly through our Mosaic at Home program. Sheryl knew Kelly had a goal to learn to read. When the COVID restrictions hit and Kelly could not participate in her usual activities, Sheryl said, "Kelly, this would be a good time for you to learn how to read."
They started by using flashcards and learning words. Then Sheryl starting reading books with her. It was a team effort. "I read along with her," Sheryl said. "I let her read and I'd help her with the words. Proper names and big words were the hardest part."
By the end of October, Kelly had read 251 books since the start of the pandemic. Pretty impressive, isn't it?
A few years ago, we shared a video about Kelly and the Grimstads, who have a special bond.
Sheryl and Steinar had moved into retirement a few years ago. They were not able to have children, but feel a bit like parents now that they care for Kelly. The love between them is evident – even strangers comment on the joy they see in the relationship, Sheryl said.
"I couldn't ask for better people," said Clarence Brady, Kelly's father. "They're fabulous people."
People like Sheryl and Steinar amaze me, too. Like so many of the direct support professionals at Mosaic, they have a lot of love to give.
"We love Kelly," Sheryl said, adding that caring for Kelly gives them a purpose.
There is much more to Kelly's story. The last year has been tough on her. She's fought cancer, a torn Achilles tendon and a broken elbow.
But those challenges didn't hold her back. In addition to learning to read, Kelly has used the time crafting bracelets and potholders, and dabbling in different art forms such as painting.
"She's got all of her Christmas gifts made," Sheryl said.
Kelly is also eager – like most of us – to get back out and do things. Although her Special Olympics team isn't back in play yet, Sheryl and Steinar did take Kelly bowling – when there were very few people at the alley, Sheryl noted. She was so happy to be there, Kelly bowled four games.
Kelly's story is a great example of HOPE without measure. At Mosaic, we are grounded in hope, knowing that there is good in the future because of God's promises.
With her host couple, Kelly was able to turn a difficult time into a time of learning, a time of growing. That is HOPE.
Stories like Kelly's happen because of the great people who are a part of this mission, including our donors. If you would like to be a part of success stories like this, please put Mosaic on your list of holiday giving. Your gifts help us make beautiful stories like Kelly's real.
It's what we believe in – Real life. Real possibilities.
Mosaic at HomeVolunteer/Donors
Tags: Hope, Hope Beyond Measure, Kelly Brady, Mosaic at Home, One Mosaic
The Complex World of Simply Serving People
'Promise' Focuses on Why Our Mission Works
'Promise' Focuses on Why Our Missio...
'Angels' at Work in Northeast Kansas


text:
10-та флотилія МАС () або ж традиційне написання з використанням римської цифри Xª flottiglia MAS. MAS абревіатура від  або штурмові засоби; також є варіант  — озброєні торпедні катери — спеціальний підрозділ Королівських військово-морських сил Італії для проведення розвідувальних і диверсійних операцій проти військово-морських сил противника та його інфраструктури. Вважається одним із найбільш ефективних і новаторських спеціальних підрозділів на морі часів Другої світової війни.

Передісторія
Географічно Італія омивається Середземним і Адріатичним морями, а тому з моменту свого заснування в 1861 році країна стала претендувати на статус морської держави, яка має інтереси в даному регіоні. Багато в чому цьому сприяла і колоніальна політика країни, спрямована насамперед на Африку. З цього часу італійці почали закладати потужний військово-морський флот. Перша світова війна, у яку Італія вступила в 1915 році на боці Антанти, стала полігоном для створення і випробування різних нових видів зброї, в тому числі і у військово-морському флоті.

В 1918 році в ініціативному порядку офіцери військово-морських сил Королівства Італія Раффаеле Паолуччі і Раффаеле Россетті створили першу керовану людино-торпеду, названу «Mignatta», яка 1 листопада потопила лінкор «Югославія» (колишній австро-угорський «Вірібус Юнітіс») військово-морських сил тільки утвореного Королівства Югославія. Першою людино-торпедою екіпаж керував в надводному положенні, оскільки мобільних аквалангів тоді ще не було. Незважаючи на полон югославами Паолуччі і Россетті, операція пройшла успішно і показала ефективність нової зброї. Однак незабаром Перша світова війна закінчилася, а з нею припинилися всі подальші роботи.

Історія створення
До питання використання підводних бійців і спеціальних диверсійних засобів на море італійці повернулися лише в середині 30-х років. На хвилі погіршення відносин з європейськими країнами і особливо з Великою Британією у зв'язку з Другою італо-ефіопською війною, італійське військове командування схвалило підготовку до створення спеціальних диверсійних підрозділів військово-морського флоті. У 1939 році в результаті дослідницьких робіт інженерів Тезіо Тезеї і Еміліо Туги заснованих на досвіді Паолуччі і Россетті була створена так звана 1ª Flottiglia Mezzi d Assalto (1-ша військова флотилія). У свою чергу, в березні 1941 року вона була перетворена в 10-у флотилію MAS, розділену на чотири основні групи: надводних робіт (катера з вибухівкою), підводних човнах (людино-керовані торпеди), надмалих підводних човнів і так звана «група Гамма» (плавці-підривники).

Для доставки на місце проведення людино-керованих торпед та їх екіпажів була спеціально переобладнано дизель-електричний підводний човен «Шире». Також для операцій флотилії у компанії Caproni були замовлені спеціальні малі субмарини типу «СА», а пізніше і «СВ». Використовувала 10-та флотилія і малі торпедні катери.

У флотилію набиралися в основному добровольці з числа випускників Королівської військово-морської академії в Ліворно, які мали відмінне здоров'я і ідеологічно перевірені — переконані фашисти.

Робота бойових плавців була фізично важкою, шкідливою для здоров'я, дуже складною і небезпечною через недосконалість застосовувався тогочасного устаткування. Наприклад, в дихальних апаратах плавців використовувався чистий кисень, який шкідливий в підводних умовах для організму, але тоді це було ще не вивчено. Так, на Мальті в 1941 році при проведенні операції проти британської військово-морської бази загинув Тезіо Тезеї — один із засновників флотилії. З травня 1943 року флотилію очолив князь Юніо Валеріо Боргезе. Завдяки його зв'язкам флотилія отримала свій розвиток, а сам же «Чорний князь» надавав плавцям за свій рахунок відпочинок, лікування і перебування в кращих італійських готелях і на курортах. Їм виплачувалася гарна платня, дарувалися пам'ятні сувеніри.

Техніка та озброєння
До послуг 10-ї флотилії МАС були надані найбільші порти Італії і насамперед Генуя, а також суднобудівні верфі та інші італійські військові компанії.

Оскільки сформована з 1941 року X флотилія МАС була розділена на чотири групи, то на озброєнні вони мали наступні види техніки і обладнання:

 Спеціальні катери типу MT, начинені вибухівкою масою до декількох сотень кілограм. Принцип їх дії був простим, вони були подібні торпедам, тільки керованим. Ними управляв плавець, який направляв їх до ворожого судна, після чого зафіксувавши курс і застопоривши кермо, стрибав за борт. Катер врізався в борт судна і вибухав, роблячи велику пробоїну. Однак успішним їх застосування було лише на самому початку, оскільки, отримавши досвід, британці могли вчасно виявити катер і розстріляти його корабельними гарматами.
 Людино-керовані торпеди або Майале. Вони були більш ефективними, оскільки застосовувалися тільки в підводному положенні, однак вимагали і більш високого професіоналізму від плавців, оскільки ними було набагато складніше керувати. Доставлялися до місця операції на великому підводному човні «Шире» в спеціальних контейнерах.
 Малі дизель-електричні підводні човни типу «СА» і «СВ» виробництва компанії Caproni. Малопомітні через свої розміри, вони застосовувалися як транспорти для доставки 100-кілограмових підривних зарядів.
 Спеціальне підводне спорядження. Багато в чому новаторське для того часу. Відносно компактні дихальні глибоководні апарати, які дозволяли керувати торпедами Майале і перебувати довгий час під водою. Все це створювалася шляхом проб і помилок, деякі з яких коштували здоров'я і навіть життя плавців.

Участь у Другій світовій війні

Вступивши у Другу світову війну 10 червня 1940 року на боці Німеччини, Королівство Італія активізувало свій флот, але оскільки більша частина підводного флоту країни була відправлена на базу BETASOM для бойових дій в Атлантиці, то в Середземному морі з 1941 року почалася посилена робота для 10-ї флотилії. Спочатку 10-у флотилію не супроводжувала удача. Однак до кінця 1941 року ситуація змінилася. Одними з найбільш яскравих перемог спецпідрозділу стали Атака в бухті Суда, де були застосовані катери з вибухівкою і рейд на Александрію в грудні 1941 року, де італійцями були вдало використані людино-керовані торпеди «Майале». В результаті цих операцій ВМС Великої Британії втратили два лінкори і танкера та один крейсер.

Поява у супротивника морських диверсантів для англійців було повною несподіванкою, тому вони самі почали створення аналогічних підрозділів, які змогли б протидіяти італійським бойовим плавцям та їх засобам. У 1942 році віддавши своєму заступнику Сальваторе Тодаро, керівництво всіма надводними силами флотилії Боргезе очолив її підводні підрозділи.

У період з 1941 по 1943 роки флотилія здійснила ряд диверсійних операцій в портах і акваторіях Александрії, Севастополя, на Гібралтарі, на Мальті, Алжирі, Туреччині, спрямовані проти суден флотів Великої Британії, США та СРСР.

Нижче наведена таблиця деяких операцій:

Інші підрозділи флотилії
Крім основної 10-ї флотилії, в 1941—1942 роках у її складі були створені і діяли 12-та ескадра МАС (торпедні катери), яка діяла на Ладозькому озері, сприяючи блокаді Ленінграда і протидіючи радянській Ладозькій флотилії, і складалася з торпедних катерів типу MAS 526. А також 4-та ескадра МАС (торпедні катери), яка діяла в окупованому Криму.

Флотилія в 1943—1945 роках
У 1943 року члени флотилії готувалися до масштабних диверсійних операцій проти кораблів, які  стоять на рейді в Нью-Йорку. Передбачалося заснувати поблизу порту міста секретну базу, з якої здійснювати диверсії проти судів.

Переворот в Італії 25 липня 1943 року, арешт Муссоліні, відсторонення від влади фашистів, а пізніше і капітуляція країни перед країнами Антигітлерівської коаліції, не змусили відмовитися Боргезе і його підлеглих від своїх переконань. Хоча деяка частина з них визнала новий уряд маршала Бадольо, але більша частина на чолі з Боргезе залишилася вірна німецьким союзникам. Вже 23 вересня того ж року після звільнення Муссоліні з-під арешту і німецької окупації Півночі Італії була проголошена Італійська Соціальна Республіка або Республіка Сало — маріонеткова держава, де реальна влада була в руках німецької військової адміністрації. Тут же розвернувся і антифашистський партизанський рух.

Саме німцям 10-та флотилія й почала підпорядковуватися. Отримавши статус елітного підрозділу, повністю відданого фашизму, але багато в чому скоротивши серйозні диверсійні операції на морі, флотилія до 1944 року стала фактично виконавчим каральним органом ІСР (зразок німецького СС). Бійці 10-ї флотилії за наказом німецького командування проводили антипартизанські операції, акти масового терору і насильства, каральні операції і страти, в тому числі і цивільних осіб, викритих в допомозі партизанам.

 У місті Масса бійцями флотилії страчено 68 осіб, переважно цивільних осіб.
 У місті Удіне масові вбивства населення, підозрюваного в допомозі партизанам-антифашистам.
 У містечку Борто Тічино разом з СС страчено 12 мирних жителів, підпал будинків, в помсту за поранення трьох німецьких солдатів партизанами.
 У Кастелетто Тічино показово стратили п'ятеро дрібних злочинців для демонстрації решті населення.

Також бійці 10-ї флотилії воювали на фронті проти союзників на Готській лінії і в Анціо. В останні місяці війни бійці флотилії були використані на Італо-югославському кордоні проти югославських партизанів, які звільнили Історію і Венецію Джулію.

26 квітня 1945 року 10-та флотилія МАС була офіційно розформована. Сам Боргезе був заарештований партизанами, а потім переданий союзникам. Згодом він був засуджений на 12 років ув'язнення за військові злочини, але звільнений у 1949 році.

Командири

 Паоло Алоїзі (квітень 1939 — лютий 1940)
 Маріо Джорджині (лютий 1940 — вересень 1940)
 Вітторіо Моккагатта (вересень 1940 — липень 1941)
 Ернесто Форца (жовтень 1941 — квітень 1943)
 Юніо Валеріо Боргезе (травень-вересень 1943, вересень 1943 — квітень 1945)

Оцінка діяльності

Досвід флотилії з диверсійних і розвідувальних операцій на морі був багато в чому унікальним і безцінним, і багато з його епізодів увійшли в підручники військових спеціальних підрозділів багатьох країн світу. Боргезе і його 10-та флотилія отримали визнання і повагу не лише у німців, але й у противників: англійців і американців. Багато італійцями створювалося вперше: унікальні керовані торпеди, водолазне спорядження, досвід по створенню і маскування секретних баз (наприклад, епізод з напівзатопленным пароплавом «Ольтерра»). Не в змозі успішно застосовувати свій флот і програючи більшу частину морських битв, італійці компенсували застосуванням раптовості, скритності, застосовуючи при цьому передові рішення і технології.

З іншого боку флотилія заплямувала свою репутацію вже тим, що була створена у фашистській державі і служила фашизму. А до 1944 року, була прихильником і союзником Гітлера і припинивши, фактично, операції на морі, перейшла до дій на суходолі, зокрема проводила масові страти цивільного населення Італії, жорстокі розправи над італійськими партизанами-антифашистами та інші військові злочини. Після розгрому Німеччини та Італії і закінчення війни флотилія припинила своє існування, проте, після початку Холодної війни і вступу Італії в НАТО, досвід 10-ї флотилії був застосований при створенні спеціального підрозділу Італійських ВМФ COMSUBIN в 1952 році.

Сьогодні деякі історики та військові сходяться на думці, що вибух на радянському лінкорі «Новоросійськ» (колишньому італійському флагмані «Джуліо Чезаре») в 1955 році справа рук колишніх бійців 10-ї флотилії МАС, які мали за плечима величезний досвід такої діяльності в роки Другої світової війни. Також діяльність Боргезе і його колег знайшла своє відображення в кінематографі. Наприклад, у радянському художньому фільмі «Їх знали тільки в обличчя», в ролі прототипу Боргезе виступає князь Віктор дель Сарто, командир бойових плавців групи «Гамма» в окупованому Криму.

Див. також

 Королівські військово-морські сили Італії
 Італія у Другій світовій війні
 Середземноморський театр військових дій Другої світової війни

Література

 «Frogmen First Battles» by retired U. S Captain William Schofield's book ()
 «The Black Prince and the Sea Devils: The Story of Valerio Borghese and the Elite Units of the Decima Mas», by Jack Greene and Alessandro Massignani, Cambridge, Mass.: Da Capo Press, 2004 284 pages, hardcover ()
 «Sea Devils» by J. Valerio Borghese, translated into English by James Cleugh, with introduction by the United States Naval Institute ()
 Paul Kemp : Underwater Warriors (1997)

Військово-морські сили Італії
Військові формування, розформовані 1945
Військові формування, засновані 1939
Засновані в Італії 1939


On Wednesday 5th December, the South East's best tourism businesses celebrated success at The Beautiful South Awards 2018/19. The awards, hosted at the Grand Hotel Brighton, saw 74 businesses and tourism professionals receive trophies for their hard work and achievements in the industry.
Run by Tourism South East and in partnership with Services for Tourism Ltd, The Beautiful South Awards not only recognise achievements in the tourism industry, but they help to drive the ambitions of businesses throughout the area – encouraging them to evolve and improve.
JAZZ ON THE PANTILES WINS SILVER!
Jazz on The Pantiles was nominated in the 'Tourism Event/Festival of the Year' category at The Beautiful South Awards. Jazz on The Pantiles is a hugely popular event that runs from May to September each year on the bandstand in the centre of The Pantiles.
The free-to-attend Thursday night shows, begin at 7pm and have showcased an array of local, national and international talent over time.
Performers include The Skatonics, The Fontanas, Spice Fusion, Derek Nash, Lipstick & Beatniks, The Vince Dunn Orchestra, Project 5 and many more.
Members of The Pantiles' management and events team went along to the awards night in hope of success. They weren't disappointed! Jazz on The Pantiles secured a silver award in its category.
To keep updated on 2019's Jazz on The Pantiles season, be sure to keep an eye on the events page on ThePantiles.com.


text:
Tagged 'Martin Luther King'
MoveOn.org, Neo-Liberalism and the Defanging of Feminism, Occupy Wall Street, Otpor | Canvas, Pacifism as Pathology, USAID
99% Spring campaign Bill McKibben Birmingham Book Review Civil Disobedience Democracy Spring Department of Defense Euromaidan Ferguson Gene Sharp Martin Luther King MoveOn.org Naomi Klein NATO NVDA Otpor Re-branding Revolt Service Employees International Union (SEIU) Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) United States Institute of Peace (USIP) USAID "negotiated management"
Bloodless Lies
The New Inquiry
By Lorenzo Raymond
This is an Uprising, a widely celebrated new book about how social movements change history, distorts their histories to celebrate non-violence
The black revolt of 2014 was a turning point in how Americans discussed the use of force in social movements. In the pages of the Atlantic, Ta-Nehisi Coates acknowledged that "violence works." Rolling Stone and the Huffington Post echoed much the same sentiment. Laci Green–a YouTube star and one of the "30 most influential people on the Internet," according to Time–posted a popular video drawing favorable comparisons between the Ferguson riots and the revolution depicted in The Hunger Games. This sea change was led by the movement itself as African American youth in Ferguson rejected Al Sharpton and other older leaders, partly due to disagreement on strict nonviolence.
Mark Engler and Paul Engler, This Is an Uprising. Nation Books. 2016. 368 pages.The notable exceptions to this trend were those who spoke for the state. These parties advocated for nonviolent action in a most conspicuous way. On the eve on the announcement of the non-indictment of Officer Darren Wilson, the killer of Mike Brown, Attorney General Eric Holder solemnly intoned that "history has shown us that the most successful and enduring movements for change are those that adhere to non-aggression and nonviolence." In an ABC interview on the same day, President Obama urged that the "first and foremost" responsibility for Americans reacting to the verdict was to "keep protests peaceful."
It shouldn't be necessary to remind people of major public discussions from two years ago, but America is a notoriously forgetful nation. And when it comes to matters of protest, politics, reform, and revolt, many people are invested in this kind of forgetting. The stated purpose of Mark and Paul Engler's new book This Is an Uprising (2015) is to work against this historical amnesia. The Engler brothers profess to build "a healthy movement ecology [which] preserves the memory of how past transformations in society have been achieved." This is a worthy goal, and the brothers appear well-placed to realize it: one is a professional community organizer while the other is a fixture of progressive publications including Dissent and Yes! Magazine. The book has been praised effusively by lefty celebrities, including Bill McKibben and Naomi Klein, as the new authoritative text for mass civil disobedience. Yet rather than building on the nuanced understanding of street tactics that developed in the wake of Ferguson, the Englers selectively distort social movement history in a blind commitment to a particular kind of direct action.
The opening chapters are an introduction to the modern history of tactical pacifism as embodied in the practice of Martin Luther King's Birmingham campaign and, later in the 1960s, by the theories of political scientist Gene Sharp. The authors contend that both these figures abandoned religious nonviolence to develop a rational, realist praxis known as "civil resistance," not "pacifism." The principle reason for this name change is that Gene Sharp rejected the P-word, arguing that the term only applied to private individuals operating from spiritual inspiration. The Englers affirm that Sharp's "politics of nonviolent action" are distinct from pacifism because the latter is essentially apolitical.
What the Englers fail to acknowledge, however, is that virtually all the 20th century activists whom Sharp and his school hold up as role models did call themselves pacifists. A.J. Muste, Bayard Rustin, Martin Luther King, and even Daniel Berrigan (who for a time defied strict Gandhism by fleeing imprisonment after an act of property destruction) all called themselves pacifists. When scrutinized, the switch from "pacifism" to "nonviolent action" appears to be a case of re-branding in response to the poor reputation pacifism had among young people by the end of the 1960s. This was hardly the first time pacifism was renamed rather than critically challenged: Leo Tolstoy referred to the use of civil disobedience without violence as "non-resistance." Gandhi rejected that name, but employed essentially the same strategy; Tolstoy and Gandhi exchanged correspondence and agreed on practically all points.
In the 21st century, the term du jour is "civil resistance" and sometimes "people power," yet the method's founding father is still considered to be Gandhi. It also seems significant that in spite of "breaking from the earlier traditions of moral pacifism," as the Englers put it, many of the major proponents of civil resistance, from Gene Sharp to George Lakey to Bill Moyer to Chris Hedges, come from highly religious backgrounds.
In addition to a re-branding, "civil resistance" is also a misbranding. The term is adopted from Thoreau's 1849 essay "On Resistance to Civil Government," but his use of "civil" referred to the type of domestic government being resisted, not to the method of civility deployed. Thoreau himself later said that John Brown's violent lack of civility was the best thing that ever happened to the abolitionist movement.
These contradictions aside, the Englers trace how "civil resistance" has become increasingly accepted in mainstream political science. To demonstrate this, they introduce us to Erica Chenoweth, now one of the most celebrated social movement theorists working in the field. Chenoweth got her start producing the widely cited study Why Civil Resistance Works (2011) in collaboration with Maria J. Stephan of the U.S. State Department. According to the Englers, the study proved that "nonviolent movements worldwide were twice as likely to succeed as violent ones." But the sample size of the study is far too narrow to prove such a sweeping claim. There are no civil rights or labor struggles included in the Chenoweth data set, which is focused exclusively on regime change. And, as Peter Gelderloos pointed out in his book The Failure of Nonviolence (2013), the outcomes of the nonviolent revolutions cited by Chenoweth have little to do with social justice or liberation. At best they replace one oligarchy with another, with no radical change in social relations or even net gains in quality of life.
At one point, the Englers note that the same political science prize that Chenoweth won–the Woodrow Wilson Foundation Award–was previously bestowed on Henry Kissinger. This, for them, is the height of irony: Chenoweth is, after all, the opposite of the Kissingers of the world. But while they may represent different sides of the aisle in terms of American political divisions, Chenoweth's work is, in many ways, just as useful to the U.S. empire.
At the height of the Cold War, the government used Kissinger's work to justify the "hard power" of the arms race and violent intervention against communist regimes. Today Chenoweth's work helps to justify–and in this case, mystify–Obama's "soft power" agenda of "democracy promotion" exercised through seemingly benign agencies like the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and the United States Institute of Peace (USIP)–the former organization was recently caught covertly organizing against the Castro government in Cuba. And while direct U.S. government involvement with pacifist academics is a relatively new development–emerging in the mid-2000s, around the same time that Gelderloos first observed that "nonviolence protects the state"–their financial relationship goes back at least to Gene Sharp's first doctoral work in the late 1960s, which was funded by the Department of Defense.
But if the American empire promotes strictly nonviolent movement-building to overthrow its enemies, wouldn't that demonstrate that it's as powerful a method as its proponents say it is? The short answer is no. When civil resistance works–and when the U.S. government deploys it abroad–it's almost always in combination with more violent forms of pressure. To illustrate this, one need look no further than the Yugoslav movement to unseat President Slobodan Miloševi?, which figures prominently in Chenoweth's famous study and takes up more than thirty pages in This Is an Uprising. In the Englers' version, this regime change is primarily attributable to Otpor, a "leaderless" student group from Serbia. Otpor promoted nonviolence in the Sharpian model, with an official policy to submit to arrest and abjure any kind of self-defense, even when the police physically abused them. In this way, they won the sympathy of the public and even the Serbian establishment.
But Otpor didn't operate in a vacuum. Not only did they overthrow Miloševi? in the period when he had just lost a war with NATO, but also, in the midst of Otpor's campaign, Miloševi? was being challenged by the armed insurgency of the UÇPMB (successor group to the Kosovo Liberation Army). On top of this, militant groups in Montenegro threatened to secede if he was re-elected. The Englers quote Otpor veterans' claims that the NATO raids undermined the opposition and strengthened the regime, but the record shows that Otpor prospered in the aftermath of the bombing. One prominent civil resistance study acknowledges that "a number of middle and higher-ranking police and army officers made secret pacts with the democratic opposition and helped the movement forward." Furthermore, Otpor's victory was not strictly nonviolent: Anti-Miloševi? protesters rioted in October 2000 when the president refused to concede the election. The Englers admit, in passing, that things "got a little out of hand," but they fail to describe the full extent of the insurrection: not only was there arson and other property destruction in Belgrade, but also the fact that an Otpor supporter killed a civilian by driving over him with a bulldozer.
This cherry-picked example of civil resistance winning its demands occurred in a context where both NATO and an armed guerilla group simultaneously made the same demand. And yet, under today's political science taxonomy, this is what's considered a nonviolent victory. Such dubious classification is common in the civil resistance world: Peter Ackerman, the venture capitalist who has funded much of Gene Sharp's work, once claimed that Ukraine's Euromaidan movement should be considered nonviolent because only a minority of the protesters threw firebombs and brandished guns.
A good faith argument for pacifist success in such cases would credit the intervening factors as a diversity of tactics supporting a nonviolent core, or attribute it to what is known in social movement theory as the "radical flank effect," which argues that the presence of radical militants in a social movement helps make the less militant actors seem reasonable and worthy of having their demands met. Yet not only do the Englers undervalue such phenomena, they actively denounce them.
In spite of primarily advocating for nonviolent direct action, the Englers express support for electioneering, stating that while it is a separate tactic, it can complement civil resistance. If they are genuinely non-ideological strategists, they should take the same position towards guerilla activity. But, while the Englers repeatedly speak of the need for movements to "escalate," they jerk back from any overlap with property destruction. This flinching is excused with a fable of the radical environmental advocacy movement Earth First! in the 1990s. The Englers paint the picture of a movement with a macho fetish for violence that was set right by the influence of the more moderate feminist Judi Bari, who enforced nonviolence and built the populist Redwood Summer campaign of 1990, winning political victories against logging in the Pacific Northwest. This success, the Englers claim, was in marked contrast with the Earth Liberation Front (ELF), the monkeywrenching eco-saboteurs who left defected from Earth First! after the rise of Bari.
The ELF is portrayed as a gang of clowns who accomplished nothing besides getting themselves imprisoned. Yet the Englers also tell us that "in the end, Redwood Summer did not produce immediate legislative gains." The best they can claim for the nonviolent campaign is "a 78 percent drop in logging in national forests." The ELF began carrying out its arson and sabotage attacks on the logging and tourism industries in the Pacific Northwest in 1996; these years of victory were among ELF's peak years of activity, when it was clearly functioning as the radical flank of Earth First! But the Englers' attitude towards militants is eliminationist, not just separatist: the ELF shouldn't have just left Earth First!, they should have ceased to exist at all. Such absolutism is completely contrary to Bari's actual policy: "Earth First!, the public group, has a nonviolence code," she wrote in 1994, "monkeywrenching is done by [the] Earth Liberation Front […] Civil disobedience and sabotage are both powerful tactics in our movement."
The double standards that the authors apply between violent and nonviolent actors undermine their claims of unbiased pragmatism. When pacifist organizers provoke violent repression, the Englers regard it as a necessary cost of the campaign–"leading proponents of civil resistance emphasize that strategic nonviolent action […] may result in serious injuries and even casualties"–but when black blocs draw repression, it's completely unacceptable. ACT UP are praised as "desperate, aggressive, and often exceptional young men," who had the courage to risk "potentially alienating the very people that advocates want to win over." The ELF, on the other hand, are pictured as fanatics with no strategy. When the civil rights movement employed "often unpopular" tactics, generating "overwhelmingly negative" reaction in public opinion polls, this was admirable; when the Weather Underground and other Vietnam-era militants defied public opinion, they were simply out-of-touch adventurists (even though the latter's action led to massive troop withdrawals and a constitutional amendment to lower the voting age).
The Englers, it must be noted, have attempted to apply their precepts, not merely theorize them. In the wake of Occupy Wall Street, they helped organize the 99% Spring campaign, a coalition dominated by Moveon.org that aimed to put "hundreds of thousands" of people in the streets to change foreclosure policy. Coalition spokesman and Service Employees International Union (SEIU) executive Stephen Lerner promised to "engage the millions of people we need to do [sic] to build the kind of movement we need at this time in history." According to him, this was a job that Occupy was not capable of doing without their guidance. In the end, the 99% Spring mobilized a few thousand people–far less than Occupy did nationwide–and had no impact on banking foreclosure policies, which remained abysmal. More recently, the brothers were involved with a nearly identical coalition–Democracy Spring/Democracy Awakening–based around campaign-finance reform. Initially, Democracy Spring seemed more tactically ambitious with a program of organizing mass civil disobedience at the Capitol Building. However, press coverage of the arrests turned out to be so meager that most of the campaign's supporters were left distraught.
As historians and theorists of social movement, the Englers might have been able to see this failure coming, since they actually describe a precedent for their ineffectual campaigns in This Is an Uprising. In his 1962 project in Albany, Georgia, Martin Luther King and his Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) left a yearlong campaign with no tangible civil rights advances achieved. King had been thwarted by Chief of Police Laurie Pritchett, who capitalized on SCLC's nonviolent strategy by avoiding any appearance of brutality and de-escalating conflict between police and protesters, thereby pre-empting any dramatic scenes that could draw national attention. King's reputation within the movement declined until the spectacular victory of the following year's Birmingham campaign. The Englers spend over twenty pages on Birmingham, promising to demonstrate just why it succeeded while Albany failed, but they never do.
In truth, the Birmingham campaign benefitted from having both a police force and a protest movement that was markedly less peaceful than in Albany. King wasn't able to get consistent media coverage until after protests became, as Taylor Branch put it, "a duel of rocks and fire hoses." One of King's aides, Vincent Harding, later acknowledged that the black youth who came to dominate the campaign's street action were "the children of Malcom X" and that their escalation to "a burning, car-smashing, police-battling response" marked Birmingham as "the first of the period's urban rebellions." Historian Glenn Eskew wrote that "the aftermath of national protest, international pressure, and inner-city riot convinced a reluctant Kennedy administration to propose sweeping legislation that, once passed as the Civil Rights Act of 1964, marked a watershed in race relations."
Yet these events of the Birmingham campaign are never mentioned in the Englers' book in any form. It is here that the brothers step into outright dishonesty: they know very well that the scholarly consensus on Birmingham is that the violent protesters made an invaluable contribution (Eskew's book is one of their sources). Yet in spite of spending a tenth of their book's text on Birmingham, they refuse to even acknowledge the violent protesters' existence.
Such historical censorship rationalizes the choreographed civil disobedience that the Englers help organize today, which quarantines "good protesters" from "bad protesters." This, in turn, enables the same counter-strategy that Laurie Pritchett employed so effectively against King in Albany. What the Englers call "discipline" is actually de-escalation that facilitates police crowd control. Indeed, there is now a fully developed police doctrine known as "negotiated management" based on the avoidance of direct conflict with protesters. The National Lawyers' Guild official, Traci Yoder, has written that negotiated management "is in many ways more effective […] in neutralizing social justice movements" than overt state repression.
But while the brothers focus on the SCLC at length, they fail to discuss the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) who, the brothers passingly admit, pushed SCLC into its most productively confrontational actions. This is not only because the history of SNCC began with Gandhian practice, but also because it rapidly progressed beyond it. Although its militancy is sometimes attributed to Black Power-era missteps, SNCC's commitment to a genuinely grassroots politics led it to work with openly armed African Americans as early as 1961 in Monroe, North Carolina, as well as with more discreetly armed black peoples all over the South. By spring 1964, SNCC associates in Cambridge, Maryland were having gunfights with the National Guard and one of the group's advisers, Howard Zinn, noted that the movement had reached "the limits of nonviolence." But it was crucial that those limits were reached, or there wouldn't have been a Civil Rights Act.
In spite of its name, SNCC's principles always had less to do with nonviolence than with organizing from the bottom-up. The group's guiding light was Ella Baker, arguably the most important African American leader of the 20th century. As many have noted, Baker preached neither strategic nonviolence nor strategic violence. Drawing from her decades of experience, Baker counseled SNCC organizers to distance themselves from institutional power; they might maintain dialogue with the establishment left–trade unions and NGOs tied into what she called "the foundation complex"–but they should be wary of entering into partnerships with them. Instead they should follow the lead of working-class communities on the ground. This repeatedly led SNCC organizers away from nonviolence. Then as now, serious movements make serious enemies (think of the shootings last year in Charleston and Minneapolis) and self-defense quickly becomes paramount for frontline activists. Baker's longtime friend and biographer Joanne Grant recounted that as pacifism faded away in SNCC, Baker "turned a blind eye to the prevalence of weapons. While she herself would rely on her fists […] she had no qualms about target practice." At the same time, the failure of peaceful reform logically led oppressed communities towards insurrection.
It is often said that without the guidance of an anti-authoritarian and non-ideological figure like Ella Baker, the Black Power militants of SNCC began to lose perspective. Yet it can equally be said that the pacifists lost their way as well. The cause of social justice in America has been suffering from believing the former but not reckoning with the latter for the past forty years.
[Lorenzo Raymond is an independent historian and educator living in New York City. Lorenzo blogs at Diversityoftactics.org]
Capitalism Civil Rights Movement Democratic Party March on Washington Martin Luther King NAACP New York City's United Federation of Teachers Syria The International Socialist Organization (ISO) United Auto Workers
Organizers of March on Washington Commemoration Defend a Criminal Administration
Dorothy Meekins holds up the national flag with the picture of President Barack Obama as she attends the rally, commemorating the 50th anniversary of the 1963 March on Washington at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, Saturday, Aug. 24, 2013. Organizers have planned for about 100,000 people to participate in the event, which is the precursor to the actual anniversary of the Aug. 28, 1963, march. It will be led by the Rev. Al Sharpton and King's son Martin Luther King III. (AP Photo/Jose Luis Magana)
By Sandy English
On Saturday, tens of thousands of workers and young people marched to the Lincoln Memorial in Washington DC to commemorate the 50th anniversary of the March on Washington, led by Martin Luther King, Jr. in 1963.
The presence of working people expressed the powerful hold on popular consciousness of the ideals of democracy and equality that animated the mass movement for civil rights in the 1950s and 1960s and are associated with the event that culminated in King's famous "I have a dream" speech.
However, the politics that dominated Saturday's march, promoted by the organizers and the collection of Democratic politicians, official "civil rights" leaders and union bureaucrats who spoke from the podium, were the antithesis of those ideals. The organizers sought to exploit the anniversary by staging an event backed by the White House whose aim was to channel growing political and social opposition behind a government that is carrying out an unprecedented assault on democratic rights and a further growth of social inequality.
The event took place under the shadow of a new campaign of lies by the Obama administration to justify the launching of a war against Syria—something that no speaker so much as mentioned, doing a further disservice to the memory of King, who opposed the US war in Vietnam. →
Non-Profit Industrial Complex
Capitalism Classism Co-optation Gentrification Imperialism Martin Luther King MLK Mumia Abu-Jamal Political Prisoners Racism Reparations
WATCH: THE REAL Dr. MARTIN LUTHER KING | Dr. Tony Monteiro
This is a presentation given by Dr. Tony Monteiro at the January 15th, 2012 gathering of the Philadelphia Chapter if N'COBRA , (The National Coalition of Blacks for Reparations in America.), titled "THE REAL REVEREND Dr. MARTIN LUTHER KING, Jr." Also in the panel discussion was Attorney Michael Coard, Sister Nadine Lester, and Dr. Faruq Iman.
A complete recording of this event is available … Please email for more information…www.ncobraphiladelphia.org
See also "DON'T LET CONSERVATIVES CO-OPT DR. KING'S PROGRESSIVE SOCIAL JUSTICE LEGACY" and "The Revolutionary MLK":
http://wrongkindofgreen.org/2012/01/19/the-co-opted-mlk/
Branding Co-opting Martin Luther King MLK
The Co-Opted MLK
Don't Let Conservatives Co-Opt Dr. King's Progressive Social Justice Legacy
By Winning Progressive
"I must confess that over the past few years I have been gravely disappointed with the white moderate. I have almost reached the regrettable conclusion that the Negro's great stumbling block in his stride toward freedom is not the White Citizen's Counciler or the Ku Klux Klanner, but the white moderate, who is more devoted to "order" than to justice; who prefers a negative peace which is …the absence of tension to a positive peace which is the presence of justice; who constantly says: "I agree with you in the goal you seek, but I cannot agree with your methods of direct action"; who paternalistically believes he can set the timetable for another man's freedom; who lives by a mythical concept of time and who constantly advises the Negro to wait for a "more convenient season."
One of the most outlandish conservative arguments we've heard over the past few years is that Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. should somehow be considered a conservative. Dr. King was perhaps our nation's leading advocate of social justice and equality in the 20th century. Through his philosophy of non-violent civil disobedience, his leadership abilities, and his amazing oratorical skills, Dr. King was the primary (though far from the only) leader of the Civil Rights movement that fundamentally transformed American society and ended the injustice that was legal segregation in America. Dr. King also worked hard to alleviate the economic inequality that denied too many Americans a fair chance in life, and to end a militaristic foreign policy that denied justice to people overseas and deprived our country of the resources needed to achieve justice here in the U.S.
The conservative attempt to co-opt Dr. King as one of their own appears to be based on two points. The first is Dr. King's famous quote about judging people based on the content of their character rather than the color of their skin, which conservatives take to be a statement in favor of individualism and in opposition to things such as affirmative action. But such a reading ignores the fact that Dr. King was identifying such colorblindness as an ultimate goal that was going to require massive societal and individual action, and a radical transformation in values to achieve. To extrapolate conservatism from that quote while ignoring the civil disobedience, political organizing, and speeches that Dr. King carried out to get to the goal identified in that quote is facile at best.
The second basis for the conservatives' attempted co-opting is the fact that Dr. King was motivated by strong religious values and spoke frequently of a moral code from God that we must follow. But this argument ignores the fact that many progressives are highly religious people whose progressivism is motivated by their religious faith. The fact that one has religious faith does not necessarily make them either a conservative or a progressive. Instead, the question becomes whether that faith led them toward one political side or the other.
In addition to ignoring the entire context of Dr. King's work, the conservatives' argument blithely skips over the historic reality that it was conservatives who fought Dr. King and the Civil Rights movement every step of the way. For example, one of the leading conservative magazines, the National Review, made a habit of attacking Dr. King, including publishing the following commentary in 1965 after Dr. King won the Nobel Peace Prize:
For years now, the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King and his associates have been deliberately undermining the foundations of internal order in this country. With their rabble-rousing demagoguery, they have been cracking the "cake of custom" that holds us together. With their doctrine of "civil disobedience," they have been teaching hundreds of thousands of Negroes — particularly the adolescents and the children — that it is perfectly alright to break the law and defy constituted authority if you are a Negro-with-a-grievance; in protest against injustice. And they have done more than talk. They have on occasion after occasion, in almost every part of the country, called out their mobs on the streets, promoted "school strikes," sit-ins, lie-ins, in explicit violation of the law and in explicit defiance of the public authority. They have taught anarchy and chaos by word and deed — and, no doubt, with the best of intentions — and they have found apt pupils everywhere, with intentions not of the best. Sow the wind, and reap the whirlwind.
Other attacks on the Civil Rights movement by the National Review have been compiled by Brad Delong here and includes the absolutely hideous 1957 piece entitled "Why the South Must Prevail."
The conservatives' attempted co-opting also ignores Dr. King's message, which was decidedly progressive and contrary to conservative values in that it pushed for concerted effort to quickly achieve social change. For example, Dr. King spoke frequently about how all individuals and communities are interrelated, as this quote from the 1963 Letter From a Birmingham Jail makes clear:
Moreover, I am cognizant of the interrelatedness of all communities and states. I cannot sit idly by in Atlanta and not be concerned about what happens in Birmingham. Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere. We are caught in an inescapable network of mutuality, tied in a single garment of destiny. Whatever affects one directly, affects all indirectly.
Similarly, in announcing his opposition to the Vietnam War, Dr. King explained how militarism was sapping resources away from the "shining moment" in which it appeared that government was finally serious about tackling poverty:
A few years ago there was a shining moment in that struggle. It seemed as if there was a real promise of hope for the poor — both black and white — through the poverty program. There were experiments, hopes, new beginnings. Then came the buildup in Vietnam, and I watched this program broken and eviscerated, as if it were some idle political plaything of a society gone mad on war, and I knew that America would never invest the necessary funds or energies in rehabilitation of its poor so long as adventures like Vietnam continued to draw men and skills and money like some demonic destructive suction tube.
Also, in direct contrast to conservatism, which tends to prioritize social order and stability over the rapid change or disruption in the established social order that is often necessary to achieve justice, Dr. King urged fast action on civil rights and social justice, as he stated here in the Letter From a Birmingham Jail:
And in his final address to the Southern Christian Leadership Council, Dr. King not only advocated for a national guaranteed minimum income, but he also made clear that his vision required a major transformation of our society into one that better balances the individual ethos of free-market capitalism with more communitarian policies that help ensure that the benefits from society are enjoyed by all.
I want to say to you as I move to my conclusion, as we talk about Where do we go from here, that we honestly face the fact that the movement must address itself to the question of restructuring the whole of American society. There are forty million poor people here. And one day we must ask the question, Why are there forty million poor people in America? And when you begin to ask that question, you are raising questions about the economic system, about a broader distribution of wealth. When you ask that question, you begin to question the capitalistic economy. And I'm simply saying that more and more, we've got to begin to ask questions about the whole society. We are called upon to help the discouraged beggars in life's marketplace. But one day we must come to see that an edifice which produces beggars needs restructuring. It means that questions must be raised. You see, my friends, when you deal with this, you begin to ask the question, Who owns the oil? You begin to ask the question, Who owns the iron ore? You begin to ask the question, Why is it that people have to pay water bills in a world that is two-thirds water? These are questions that must be asked.
Now, don't think that you have me in a bind today. I'm not talking about communism.
What I'm saying to you this morning is that communism forgets that life is individual. Capitalism forgets that life is social, and the kingdom of brotherhood is found neither in the thesis of communism nor the antithesis of capitalism but in a higher synthesis. It is found in a higher synthesis that combines the truths of both. Now, when I say question the whole society, it means ultimately coming to see that the problem of racism, the problem of exploitation, and the problem of war are all tied together. These are the triple evils that are interrelated.
Dr. King's legacy was that of a social justice leader who understood that a social movement based on civil disobedience and pushing for government action was needed quickly to bring about the kind of equality and fairness that had been denied to oppressed people for far too long. In short, Dr. King was pretty much the exact opposite of the conservatives of today.
http://www.addictinginfo.org/2012/01/13/dont-let-conservatives-co-opt-dr-kings-progressive-social-justice-legacy/
The Revolutionary MLK
TRNN REPLAY: Jared Ball: Martin Luther King Jr. stood for revolutionary transformation; he is used today to support policies that he fought against:


text:
A Giant Art Installation With 250 Plants — and Live Jazz
https://nyti.ms/2cx4s4G
Rashid Johnson's "Fly Away"
View Slide Show ›
Martin Parksekian, courtesy the artist and Hauser & Wirth
By Gay Gassmann
On the Friday before Labor Day, the New York-based artist Rashid Johnson was shooting hoops outside the city and talking about his new show at Hauser & Wirth that comprises 14 new pieces, including a monumental sculpture installation that integrates a live piano performance. Music has always been an inspiration for Johnson, who first made art-world waves when three of his large-scale photographic portraits were included in Thelma Golden's landmark 2001 "Freestyle" exhibition at the Studio Museum in Harlem. And it's often been physically represented in his practice: Album covers have prominently figured into his installations in the past. But the live audio element of the upcoming Hauser & Wirth show — one of the New York art season's most anticipated, named "Fly Away" after the gospel hymn — is a first for the artist.
At the opening tonight, the musician Antoine Baldwin will play an upright piano situated on the second level of "Antoine's Organ," a giant sculpture created in a 3-D steel grid 28 feet wide and more than 10 feet tall, which houses over 250 plants brought from Florida and planted in pots made by Johnson himself. It's a sensory, immersive installation, incorporating books, wood, shea butter, video (including "The New Black Yoga," which you can watch in full at the end of this post) and grow lights studded throughout — along with the plants and, of course, the music. Baldwin will continue to drop in on the show throughout its run to contribute live performances of his original jazz compositions. Listen to a recording of Baldwin playing for Johnson, in Brooklyn earlier this year, below.
The artist and the musician met through a mutual friend, the music producer Anthony "The Twilite Tone" Khan, who suggested they work together — so Johnson rented a practice space and a piano and asked Baldwin to play for him. "Here was this dynamic, young pianist, and I felt the relationship to sculpture and realized that a live musical performance could bring my sculpture to life in a way I hadn't considered," Johnson recalls. "He didn't know me, nor my work, and the New York show was already on the books. I was already thinking about the major installation and thinking about the New York show and how this sculpture could be different from the Moscow one shown earlier this year. Although the Moscow piece, 'Within Our Gates,' is also a large grid structure with plants, it used film at its core — and the New York piece became a music box."
Baldwin did more than add to the show — he was a present influence during Johnson's process of creating it, too. "I bought a piano and put it in my studio and he would come and play and I worked," he says. "He kind of inspired what I was making."
The New Black Yoga
A 2011 video work.