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2021 at a Glance: PrescribeIT
January 25, 2022 By Jamie Bruce
2021 was a year to build, reflect and prepare for the realities of a post-pandemic health system. For the PrescribeIT® team, 2021 was a year of rewarding partnerships, ongoing engagements and improvements, and the expansion of our service to more Canadians than ever.
At the end of 2021, we were pleased to report…
8,400+ prescribers enrolled (+54% year over year)
5,900 pharmacies enrolled (+26% year over year)
560+ communities, serving an estimated 6.5M Canadians
PrescribeIT® worked closely with the provinces and territories to expand the service. We are very pleased that PrescribeIT® has memorandums of understanding in place with all 13 provinces and territories. This is a major milestone towards our goal implementing a national e-prescribing service that will benefit Canadians from coast to coast to coast.
Alongside the jurisdictions, we also continued our close collaboration with vendor partners. PrescribeIT® has agreements with 17 electronic medical record (EMR) vendors, representing approximately 95 per cent of the primary care market in Canada; our agreements with eight pharmacy management system (PMS) vendors represent approximately 85 per cent of the retail pharmacy market.
In addition to building upon our relationships with the jurisdictions and vendor communities, we undertook several key research and engagement initiatives in 2021. To better understand the needs and desires of the patients we serve, we commissioned Environics Research to conduct a study into patient prescription experiences. The findings from this research will help inform our understanding of e-prescribing's value and benefits for the general population and help refine our future outreach activities.
We've already completed one of these activities! The "For Citizens" page is an exciting new addition to the PrescribeIT® website. Exploring the benefits of e-prescribing for the general population, it describes how e-prescribing can help support virtual care experiences and shares Infoway research into Canadians' attitudes towards e-prescribing.
We also welcomed Dr. Soreya Dhanji, a primary care physician based in Toronto, to our Ask a Peer program. She details her experience using PrescribeIT® in a new video. Clinicians, we encourage you to submit your e-prescribing questions to Dr. Dhanji and the rest of the Ask a Peer team!
Finishing the year on a high note, we convened the PrescribeIT® Policy and Priorities Table (the "Table"). Bringing together diverse stakeholder perspectives, the Table's purpose was to start a conversation about the future of e-prescribing. Learn more in this summary report.
Much has happened in 2021, but plenty of new developments are underway for 2022. In particular, we are preparing for PrescribeIT's launch in new jurisdictions. We are also exploring opportunities to introduce PrescribeIT® into hospitals.
As we reflect on the past year and the activities ahead, I invite you to read our full 2021 story. You can also learn more about PrescribeIT® by exploring our website.
Have a comment about this post? We'd love to hear from you.
Jamie Bruce
Jamie Bruce joined Infoway on November 25, 2019, as an Executive Vice President. Under his leadership, the PrescribeIT team will build on the success of the initiative and continue to scale and expand Canada's national e-prescribing service across the country.
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History of Ecuador
Historical development of Ecuador
Pre-Columbian Ecuador
Las Vegas Culture
Valdivia culture
Spanish colonization of the Americas
Colonial Ecuador
Viceroyalty of Peru
Viceroyalty of New Granada
Luz de América
Battle of Pichincha
Guayaquil Conference
Ecuador as part of Gran Colombia
Republic of Ecuador
Marcist (March) Revolution
Battle of Guayaquil
Ecuador–Peru conflicts
Demographic history
Ecuador portal
The History of Ecuador extends over an 8,000-year period. During this time, a variety of cultures and territories influenced what has become the Republic of Ecuador. The history can be divided into six eras: Pre-Columbian, the Conquest, the Colonial Period, the War of Independence, Gran Colombia, and Simón Bolívar the final separation of his vision into what is known today as the Republic of Ecuador.
1 Pre-Columbian Ecuador
1.1 Period of Regional Development
1.1.1 La Bahia
1.1.2 La Tolita culture
1.2 Period of Integration and the arrival of the Inca
1.2.1 The Manteños
1.2.2 The Huancavilcas
1.2.3 The Shyris and the Kingdom of Quito
1.2.4 The Incas
2 Spanish discovery and conquest
3 Spanish colonial era
4 Jesuits of Quito during the Colonial era
5 Struggle for independence and birth of the republic
5.1 Gran Colombia
6 The Republic of Ecuador
6.1 The early republic
6.1.1 The era of conservatism (1860–1895)
6.1.2 The liberal era (1895–1925)
6.1.3 Early 20th century
6.1.4 The postwar era (1944–1948)
6.1.5 Constitutional rule (1947–1960)
6.1.6 Instability and military governments (1960–1979)
6.1.7 Return to democratic rule (1979–1984)
6.1.7.1 Economic crisis (1990–2000)
6.1.8 Ecuador since 2000
Pre-Columbian Ecuador[edit]
Main article: Pre-Columbian Ecuador
See also: Indigenous peoples in Ecuador
During the pre-Inca period, people lived in ans, which formed great tribes, some allied with each other to form powerful confederations, as the Confederation of Quito. But none of these confederations could resist the formidable momentum of the Tawantinsuyu. The invasion of the Incas in the 16th century was very painful and bloody. However, once occupied by the Quito hosts of Huayna Capac (1523–1525), the Incas developed an extensive administration and began the colonization of the region. The Pre-Columbian era can be divided up into four eras: the Pre-ceramic Period, the Formative Period, the Period of Regional Development and the Period of Integration and the Arrival of the Incas.
The Pre-ceramic period begins with the end of the first ice-age and continued until 4200BC. The Las Vegas culture and The Inga Cultures dominated this period. The Las Vegas culture lived on the Santa Elena Peninsula on the coast of Ecuador between 9,000 and 6,000 BC. The earliest people were hunters-gatherers and fishermen. Around 6,000 BC cultures in the region were among the first to begin farming.[1] The Ingas lived in the Sierra near present-day Quito between 9000 and 8000 BC along an ancient trade route.[2]
Mortar, Jaguar Valdivia, South Coast (4000 BCE to 1500 BCE).
Ceramic female figurine (2600–1500 BCE).
During the Formative Period, people of the region moved from hunter-gathering and simple farming into a more developed society, with permanent developments, an increase in agriculture and the use of ceramics. New cultures included the Machalilla culture, Valdivia, Chorrera in the coast; Cotocollao, The Chimba in the sierra; and Pastaza, Chiguaza in the eastern region. The Valdivia culture is the first culture where significant remains have been discovered. Their civilization dates back as early as 3500 B.C. Living in the area near The Valdivias, they were the first Americans to use pottery. They navigated the seas and established a trade network with tribes in the Andes and the Amazon.[3] Succeeding the Valdivia, the Machalilla culture were a farming culture who thrived along the coast of Ecuador between the 2nd and 1st millennia BC. These appear to be the earliest people to cultivate maize in this part of South America.[4] Existing in the late formative period the Chorrera culture lived in the Andes and Coastal Regions of Ecuador between 1000 and 300 BC.
Period of Regional Development[edit]
The period of Regional Development is identified for the first time the regional differences in the territorial or political and social organization of people that formed. Among the main towns of this period were the cultures: Jambelí, Guangala, Bahia, Tejar-Daule, La Tolita, Jama Coaque in the coast of Ecuador, in the sierras the Cerro Narrío Alausí; and in the Ecuadorian Amazon jungle the Tayos.
La Bahia[edit]
The figurine of 300 BC – 500 AD) La Chimba is the site of the earliest ceramic northern Andes, north of Quito, and is representative of the Formative Period in its final stage. Its inhabitants contacted several villages on the coast and the mountains, keeping close proximity to the Cotocollao culture, located on the plateau of Quito and its surrounding valleys. The Bahia culture occupied the area that stretches from the foothills of the Andes to the Pacific Ocean, and from Bahía de Caráquez, to the south of Manabi. The Jama-Coaque culture inhabited areas between Cabo San Francisco in Esmeraldas, to Bahía de Caráquez, in Manabi, in an area of wooded hills and vast beaches of their immigrant who facilitated the gathering of resources of both the jungle and the ocean.
La Tolita culture[edit]
Tumaco-La Tolita mythological figure in feathered costume. Between 100 BC and 100 AD. Found in Esmeraldas.
The La Tolita developed in the coastal region of Southern Colombia and Northern Ecuador between 600 bc and 200 AD. A Number of archaeological sites have been discovered and show the highly artistic nature of this culture. Artifacts are characterized by gold jewelry, beautiful anthropomorphous masks and figurines that reflect a hierarchical society with complex ceremonies.[5][6]
Period of Integration and the arrival of the Inca[edit]
See also: Inca Empire
Ingapirca Ruins near Cuenca
Tribes throughout Ecuador integrated during this period. They created better housing that allowed them to improve their living conditions and no longer be subject to the climate. In the mountains Cosangua-Píllaro, the Capulí and Piartal-Tuza cultures arose, in the eastern region was the Yasuní Phase while the Milagro, Manteña and Huancavilca cultures developed on the coast.
The Manteños[edit]
The Manteños were the last of the pre-Columbian cultures in the coastal region existing between 600 and 1534. They were the first to witness the arrival of Spanish ships sailing in the surrounding Pacific Ocean. According to archaeological evidence and Spanish chronicles the civilization existed from Bahia de Caraquez to Cerro de Hojas in the south. They were excellent weavers, produced textiles, articles of gold, silver spondylus shells and mother of pearls. The manteños mastered the seas and created an extensive trade routes as far as Chile to the south and Western Mexico to the north.[7] The center of the culture was in the area of Manta which was named in their honor.
The Huancavilcas[edit]
The Huancavilcas constitute the most important pre-Columbian culture of Guayas. These warriors were noted for their appearance. Huancavilca of culture is the legend of Guayas and Quiles, which gives its name to the city of Guayaquil.
The Shyris and the Kingdom of Quito[edit]
The existence of the Kingdom of Quito[8] was formed by the Quitus, the Puruhaes and Cañari who inhabited the Andean regions of Ecuador by that time. Their main settlement was located in the area now known as the city of Quito, and its inhabitants were called Quitus. The Quitus were militarily weak, and formed only a small, poorly organized kingdom. Because of this it could not raise a strong resistance against invaders, and were easily defeated and subjugated by the Shyris, ancient indigenous people who joined the Kingdom of Quito. The Shyris dominated for more than 700 years, and their dynasty saw the invasion of the Inca Tupac Yupanqui.
The Incas[edit]
The Inca civilization expansion northward from modern-day Peru during the late 15th century met with fierce resistance by several Ecuadorian tribes, particularly the Cañari, in the region around modern-day Cuenca; the Cara in the Sierra north of Quito along with the Quitu, occupants of the site of the modern capital, with whom they had formed the Kingdom of Quito. The conquest of Ecuador began in 1463 under the leadership of the ninth Inca, the great warrior Pachacuti Inca Yupanqui. In that year, his son Tupa took over command of the army and began his march northward through the Sierra.
By 1500 Tupa's son, Huayna Capac, overcame the resistance of these populations and that of the Cara, and thus incorporated most of modern-day Ecuador into Tawantinsuyu, or the Inca empire.[9] The influence of these conquerors based in Cuzco (modern-day Peru) was limited to about a half century, or less in some parts of Ecuador. During that period, some aspects of life remained unchanged. Traditional religious beliefs, for example, persisted throughout the period of Inca rule. In other areas, however, such as agriculture, land tenure, and social organization, Inca rule had a profound effect despite its relatively short duration.[10]
Emperor Huayna Capac became fond of Quito, making it a secondary capital of Tawantinsuyu and living out his elder years there before his death in about 1527. Huayna Capac's sudden death and the death days later of the Incan heir apparent from a strange disease, described by one source as smallpox,[11] precipitated a bitter power struggle between the legitimate heir Huáscar, whose mother was Coya (Empress) Mama Rahua Occillo, and Atahualpa, a son born to a Quitu princess who was reputedly his father's favorite.
This struggle raged during the half-decade before the arrival of Francisco Pizarro's conquering expedition in 1532. The key battle of this civil war was fought on Ecuadorian soil, near Riobamba, where Huáscar's northbound troops were met and defeated by Atahualpa's southbound troops. Atahualpa's final victory over Huáscar in the days just before the Spanish conquerors arrived resulted in large part from the loyalty of two of Huayna Capac's best generals, who were based in Quito along with Atahualpa. The victory remains a source of national pride to Ecuadorians as a rare case when "Ecuador" bested a "neighboring country" by force.
Spanish discovery and conquest[edit]
Main article: Spanish conquest of the Inca Empire
As the Inca Civil War raged, in 1531 the Spanish landed in Ecuador. Led by Francisco Pizarro, the conquistadors learned that the conflict and disease were destroying the empire.[12] After receiving reinforcements in September 1532, Pizarro set out to the newly victorious Atahualpa.
Arriving at Cajamarca, Pizarro sent an embassy, led by Hernando de Soto, with 15 horsemen and an interpreter; shortly thereafter he sent 20 more horsemen led by his brother Hernando Pizarro as reinforcements in case of an Inca attack.[13] Atahualpa was in awe of these men[citation needed] dressed in full clothing, with long beards and riding horses (an animal he had never seen). In town Pizarro set a trap for the Inca and the Battle of Cajamarca began. The Inca forces greatly outnumbered the Spanish; however, the Spanish superiority of weapons and tactics and the fact that the most trusted Inca generals were in Cusco led to an easy defeat and the capture of the Incan Emperor.
During the next year Pizarro held Atahualpa for ransom. The Incas filled the Ransom Room with gold and silver awaiting a release that would never happen. On August 29, 1533 Atahualpa was garroted. The Spanish then set out to conquer the rest of Tawantinsuyu, capturing Cuzco in November 1533.
Benalcázar, Pizarro's lieutenant and fellow Extremaduran, had already departed from San Miguel with 140 foot soldiers and a few horses on his conquering mission to Ecuador. At the foot of Mount Chimborazo, near the modern city of Riobamba (Ecuador), he met and defeated the forces of the great Inca warrior Rumiñahui with the aid of Cañari tribesmen who served as guides and allies to the conquering Spaniards. Rumiñahui fell back to Quito, and, while in pursuit of the Inca army, Benalcázar encountered another, quite sizable, conquering party led by Guatemalan Governor Pedro de Alvarado. Bored with administering Central America, Alvarado had set sail for the south without the crown's authorization, landed on the Ecuadorian coast, and marched inland to the Sierra. Most of Alvarado's men joined Benalcázar for the siege of Quito. In 1533, Rumiñahui burned the city to prevent the Spanish from taking it, destroying the ancient pre-Hispanic city.
In 1534 Sebastián de Belalcázar along with Diego de Almagro established the city of San Francisco de Quito on top of the ruins of the secondary Inca capital, naming it in honor of Pizarro. It was not until December 1540 that Quito received its first captain-general in the person of Francisco Pizarro's brother, Gonzalo Pizarro.
Benalcázar had also founded the city of Guayaquil in 1533, but it had subsequently been retaken by the local Huancavilca tribesmen. Francisco de Orellana, yet another lieutenant of Francisco Pizarro from the Spanish city of Trujillo, put down the native rebellion and in 1537 reestablished this city, which a century later would become one of Spain's principal ports in South America.
Spanish colonial era[edit]
See also: Royal Audience of Quito
Map of Royal Audience of Quito. Most of its Amazonian territory was never under its effective control.
Between 1544 and 1563, Ecuador was a part of Spain's colonies in the New World under the Viceroyalty of Peru, having no administrative status independent of Lima. It remained a part of the Viceroyalty of Peru until 1720, when it joined the newly created Viceroyalty of New Granada; within the viceroyalty, however, Ecuador was awarded its own audiencia in 1563, allowing it to deal directly with Madrid on certain matters. The Quito Audiencia, which was both a court of justice and an advisory body to the viceroy, consisted of a president and several judges (oidores).
The most common form in which the Spanish occupied the land was the encomienda. By the early 17th century, there were some 500 encomiendas in Ecuador. Although many consisted of quite sizable haciendas, they were generally much smaller than the estates commonly found elsewhere in South America. A multitude of reforms and regulations did not prevent the encomienda from becoming a system of virtual slavery of the Native Ecuadorians, estimated at about one-half the total Ecuadorian population, who lived on them. In 1589 the president of the audiencia recognized that many Spaniards were accepting grants only to sell them and undertake urban occupations, and he stopped distributing new lands to Spaniards; however, the institution of the encomienda persisted until nearly the end of the colonial period.
The coastal lowlands north of Manta were conquered, not by the Spanish, but by blacks from the Guinean coast who, as slaves, were shipwrecked en route from Panama to Peru in 1570. The blacks killed or enslaved the native males and married the females, and within a generation they constituted a population of zambos that resisted Spanish authority until the end of the century and afterwards managed to retain a great deal of political and cultural independence.
The coastal economy revolved around shipping and trade. Guayaquil, despite being destroyed on several occasions by fire and incessantly plagued by either yellow fever or malaria, was a center of vigorous trade among the colonies, a trade that was technically illegal under the mercantilist philosophy of the contemporary Spanish rulers. Guayaquil also became the largest shipbuilding center on the west coast of South America before the end of the colonial period.
The Ecuadorian economy, like that in the mother country, suffered a severe depression throughout most of the 18th century. Textile production dropped an estimated 50 to 75 percent between 1700 and 1800. Ecuador's cities gradually fell into ruins, and by 1790 the elite was reduced to poverty, selling haciendas and jewelry in order to subsist. The Native Ecuadorian population, in contrast, probably experienced an overall improvement in its situation, as the closing of the obrajes commonly led Native Ecuadorians to work under less arduous conditions on either haciendas or traditional communal lands. Ecuador's economic woes were, no doubt, compounded by the expulsion of the Jesuits in 1767 by King Charles III of Spain. Missions in the Oriente were abandoned, and many of the best schools and the most efficient haciendas and obrajes lost the key that made them outstanding institutions in colonial Ecuador.
Jesuits of Quito during the Colonial era[edit]
Major square of Quito. Painting of 18th century. Quito Painting Colonial School.
Father Rafael Ferrer was the first Jesuita de Quito (Jesuit of Quito) to explore and found missions in the upper Amazon regions of South America from 1602 to 1610, which at that period belonged to the Audiencia of Quito, that was a part of the Viceroyalty of Peru until the Audiencia of Quito was transferred to the newly created Viceroyalty of New Granada in 1717. In 1602, Father Rafael Ferrer began to explore the Aguarico, Napo, and Marañon rivers ( Sucumbios region in what is today Ecuador and Peru), and set up, between 1604 and 1605, missions among the Cofane natives. Father Rafael Ferrer was martyred in 1610.
In 1637, the Jesuits of Quito, Gaspar Cugia and Lucas de la Cueva began establishing missions in Mainas (or Maynas). These missions are now known as the Mainas missions after the Maina people, many of whom lived on the banks of the Marañón river, around the Pongo de Manseriche region, in close proximity to the Spanish settlement of Borja.
In 1639, the Audiencia of Quito organized an expedition to renew its exploration of the Amazon river and the Quito Jesuit (Jesuita Quiteño) Father Cristobal de Acuña was a part of this expedition. The expedition disembarked from the Napo river February 16, 1639, and arrived in what is today Pará Brazil, on the banks of the Amazon river on December 12, 1639. In 1641, Father Cristobal de Acuña published in Madrid a memoire of his expedition to the Amazon river. The title of the memoire is called Nuevo Descubrimiento del gran rio de las Amazonas, and it was used by academics as a fundamental reference pertaining to the Amazon region.
Between 1637 and 1652, there were 14 missions established along the Marañon river and its southern tributaries – the Huallaga and the Ucayali rivers. Jesuit Fathers de la Cueva and Raimundo de Santacruz opened up 2 new routes of communication with Quito, through the Pastaza and Napo rivers.
Between 1637 and 1715, Samuel Fritz founded 38 missions along the length of the Amazon river, between the Napo and Negro rivers, that were called the Omagua Missions. These missions were continually attacked by the Brazilian Bandeirantes beginning in the year 1705. In 1768, the only Omagua mission that was left was San Joaquin de Omaguas, since it had been moved to a new location on the Napo river away from the Bandeirantes.
In the immense territory of Mainas, also referred to as Maynas, the Jesuitas of Quito, made contact with a number of indigenous tribes which spoke 40 different languages, and founded a total of 173 Jesuit missions with a total population of 150, 000 inhabitants. Because of the constant plague of epidemics (smallpox and measles) and warfare with other tribes and the Bandeirantes, the total number of Jesuit Missions were reduced to 40 by 1744. At the time when the Jesuits were expelled from Spanish America in 1767, the Jesuits of Quito registered 36 missions run by 25 Jesuits of Quito in the Audiencia of Quito – 6 Jesuits of Quito in the Napo Missions and Aguarico Missions, and 19 Jesuits of Quito in the Pastaza Missions and Iquitos Missions of Maynas with a total population of 20,000 inhabitants.
Struggle for independence and birth of the republic[edit]
Main article: Ecuadorian War of Independence
The struggle for independence in the Quito Audiencia was part of a movement throughout Spanish America led by Criollos. The Criollos' resentment of the privileges enjoyed by the Peninsulares was the fuel of revolution against colonial rule. The spark was Napoleon's invasion of Spain, after which he deposed King Ferdinand VII and, in July 1808, placed his brother Joseph Bonaparte on the Spanish throne.[3]
Shortly afterward, Spanish citizens, unhappy at the usurpation of the throne by the French, began organizing local juntas loyal to Ferdinand. A group of Quito's leading citizens followed suit, and on August 10, 1809, they seized power in the name of Ferdinand from the local representatives, whom they accused of preparing to recognize Joseph Bonaparte. Thus, this early revolt against colonial rule (one of the first in Spanish America) was, paradoxically, an expression of loyalty to the Spanish king.
It quickly became apparent that Quito's Criollo rebels lacked the anticipated popular support for their cause. As loyalist troops approached Quito, they peacefully turned power back to the crown authorities. Despite assurances against reprisals, the returning Spanish authorities proved to be merciless with the rebels and, in the process of ferreting out participants in the Quito revolt, jailed and abused many innocent citizens. Their actions, in turn, bred popular resentment among Quiteños, who, after several days of street fighting in August 1810, won an agreement to be governed by a junta composed with a majority of Criollos, although with the Peninsular president of the Royal Audience of Quito acting as its head.
In spite of strong opposition from the Quito Audiencia, the Junta called for a congress in December 1811 and declared the entire area of the audiencia to be independent of any government currently in Spain. Two months later, the Junta approved a constitution for the state of Quito that provided for democratic governing institutions but also granted recognition to the authority of Ferdinand should he return to the Spanish throne. Shortly thereafter, the Junta elected to launch a military offensive against loyalist regions to the south in Peru, but the poorly trained and badly equipped troops were no match for those of the Viceroy of Peru, which finally crushed the Quiteño rebellion in December 1812.
Gran Colombia[edit]
Main article: Gran Colombia
General Antonio José de Sucre, Commander In Chief, División del Sur.
The second chapter in Ecuador's struggle for emancipation from Spanish colonial rule began in Guayaquil, where independence was proclaimed in October 1820 by a local patriotic junta under the leadership of the poet José Joaquín de Olmedo. By this time, the forces of independence had grown continental in scope and were organized into two principal armies, one under the Venezuelan Simón Bolívar in the north and the other under the Argentine José de San Martín in the south. Unlike the hapless Quito junta of a decade earlier, the Guayaquil patriots were able to appeal to foreign allies, Argentina and Gran Colombia, each of whom soon responded by sending sizable contingents to Ecuador. Antonio José de Sucre, the brilliant young lieutenant of Bolívar who arrived in Guayaquil in May 1821, was to become the key figure in the ensuing military struggle against the royalist forces.
After a number of initial successes, Sucre's army was defeated at Ambato in the central Sierra and he appealed for assistance from San Martín, whose army was by now in Peru. With the arrival from the south of 1,400 fresh soldiers under the command of Andrés de Santa Cruz Calahumana, the fortunes of the patriotic army were again reversed. A string of victories culminated in the decisive Battle of Pichincha.
Two months later Bolívar, the liberator of northern South America, entered Quito to a hero's welcome. Later that July, he met San Martín at the Guayaquil conference and convinced the Argentine general, who wanted the port to return to Peruvian jurisdiction, and the local Criollo elite in both major cities of the advantage of having the former Quito Audiencia join with the liberated lands to the north. As a result, Ecuador became the District of the South within the Republic of Gran Colombia, which also included present-day Venezuela and Colombia and had Bogotá as its capital. This status was maintained for eight tumultuous years.
Map of the former Gran Colombia in 1824 (named in its time as Colombia), the Gran Colombia covered all the colored region.
These were years in which warfare dominated the affairs of Ecuador. First, the country found itself on the front lines of Gran Colombia's efforts to liberate Peru from Spanish rule between 1822 and 1825; afterward, in 1828 and 1829, Ecuador was in the middle of an armed struggle between Peru and Gran Colombia over the location of their common border. After a campaign that included the near destruction of Guayaquil, the forces of Gran Colombia, under the leadership of Sucre and Venezuelan General Juan José Flores, proved victorious. The Treaty of 1829 fixed the border on the line that had divided the Quito audiencia and the Viceroyalty of Peru before independence.
The population of Ecuador was divided during these years among three segments: those favoring the status quo, those supporting union with Peru, and those advocating independence for the former audiencia. The latter group was to prevail following Venezuela's withdrawal from Gran Colombia at the very moment that an 1830 constitutional congress had been called in an ultimately futile effort to stem the growing separatist tendencies throughout country. In May of that year, a group of Quito notables met to dissolve the union with Gran Colombia, and in August, a constituent assembly drew up a constitution for the State of Ecuador, so named for its geographic proximity to the equator, and placed General Flores in charge of political and military affairs. He remained the dominant political figure during Ecuador's first 15 years of independence.
The Republic of Ecuador[edit]
The early republic[edit]
Further information: History of Ecuador (1830–1860)
Ecuador in 1830
Before the year 1830 drew to a close, both Marshal Sucre and Simón Bolívar would be dead, the former murdered (on orders from a jealous General Flores, according to some historians) and the latter from tuberculosis.
Juan José Flores, known as the founder of the republic, was of the foreign military variety. Born in Venezuela, he had fought in the wars for independence with Bolívar, who had appointed him governor of Ecuador during its association with Gran Colombia. As a leader, however, he appeared primarily interested in maintaining his power. Military expenditures, from the independence wars and from an unsuccessful campaign to wrest Cauca Province from Colombia in 1832, kept the state treasury empty while other matters were left unattended.
Discontent had become nationwide by 1845, when an insurrection in Guayaquil forced Flores from the country. Because their movement triumphed in March (marzo), the anti-Flores coalition members became known as marcistas. They were an extremely heterogeneous lot that included liberal intellectuals, conservative clergymen, and representatives from Guayaquil's successful business community.
The next fifteen years constituted one of the most turbulent periods in Ecuador's century and a half as a nation. The marcistas fought among themselves almost ceaselessly and also had to struggle against Flores's repeated attempts from exile to overthrow the government. The most significant figure of the era, however, was General José María Urbina, who first came to power in 1851 through a coup d'état, remained in the presidency until 1856, and then continued to dominate the political scene until 1860. During this decade and the one that followed, Urbina and his archrival, García Moreno, would define the dichotomy — between Liberals from Guayaquil and Conservatives from Quito — that remained the major sphere of political struggle in Ecuador until the 1980s.
By 1859 — known by Ecuadorian historians as "the Terrible Year" — the nation was on the brink of anarchy. Local caudillos had declared several regions autonomous of the central government, known as Jefaturas Supremas. One of these caudillos, Guayaquil's Guillermo Franco, signed the Treaty of Mapasingue, ceding the southern provinces of Ecuador to an occupying Peruvian army led by General Ramón Castilla. This action was outrageous enough to unite some previously disparate elements. García Moreno, putting aside both his project to place Ecuador under a French protectorate and his differences with General Flores, got together with the former dictator to put down the various local rebellions and force out the Peruvians. The final push of this effort was the defeat of Franco's Peruvian-backed forces at the Battle of Guayaquil, which led to the overturning of the Treaty of Mapasingue. This opened the last chapter of Flores's long career and marked the entrance to the power of García Moreno.
The era of conservatism (1860–1895)[edit]
Gabriel Garcia Moreno, considered the Father of Ecuadorian conservatism.
Gabriel García Moreno was a leading figure of Ecuadorian conservatism. Shortly after the onset of his third presidential term in 1875, García Moreno was attacked with a machete on the steps of the presidential palace by Faustino Lemos Rayo, a Colombian. As he was dying, García Moreno took out his gun and shot Faustino Lemos, while he said "Dios no muere" ("God doesn't die"). The dictator's most outstanding critic was the liberal journalist, Juan Montalvo, who exclaimed, "My pen killed him!"
Between 1852 and 1890, Ecuador's exports grew in value from slightly more than US$1 million to nearly US$10 million. Production of cacao, the most important export product in the late 19th century, grew from 6.5 million kilograms (14 million pounds) to 18 million kilograms (40 million pounds) during the same period. The agricultural export interests, centered in the coastal region near Guayaquil, became closely associated with the Liberals, whose political power also grew steadily during the interval. After the death of García Moreno, it took the Liberals twenty years to consolidate their strength sufficiently to assume control of the government in Quito.
The liberal era (1895–1925)[edit]
Eloy Alfaro
Antique dug out canoes in the courtyard of the Old Military Hospital in the Historic Center of Quito.
The new era brought in liberalism. Eloy Alfaro, under whose direction the government headed out to aid those in the rural sectors of the coast, is credited for finishing the construction of the railroad connecting Guayaquil and Quito, the separation of church and state, establishment of many public schools, implementing civil rights (such as freedom of speech), and the legalization of civil marriages and divorce.
Alfaro was also confronted by a dissident tendency inside his own party, directed by its General Leonidas Plaza and constituted by the upper middle class of Guayaquil. His death was followed by economic liberalism (1912–25), when banks were allowed to acquire almost complete control of the country.
Popular unrest, together with the ongoing economic crisis and a sickly president, laid the background for a bloodless coup d'état in July 1925. Unlike all previous forays by the military into Ecuadorian politics, the coup of 1925 was made in the name of a collective grouping rather than a particular caudillo. The members of the League of Young Officers came to power with an agenda, which included a wide variety of social reforms, deal with the failing economy, establish the Central Bank as the unique authorized bank to distribute currency, create a new system of budget and customs.
Early 20th century[edit]
Much of the 20th century was dominated by José María Velasco Ibarra, whose five presidential terms began with a mandate in 1934 and final presidency ending in 1972. However, the only term he actually completed was his third from 1952 to 1956.
Much of the century was also dominated by the territorial dispute between Peru and Ecuador. In 1941 Ecuador invaded Peruvian territory, and the Peruvians counterattacked and forced them to retreat into their own territory. At that time Ecuador was immersed in internal political fights and was not well equipped to win its offensive war.
With the world at war, Ecuador attempted to settle the matter by means of a third-party settlement. In Brazil the two countries' negotiations were overseen by four "Guarantor" states (Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and the United States — four of the most powerful countries in the region).[14] The resulting treaty is known as the Rio Protocol. The protocol became the focus of a surge of Ecuadorian national pride and concomitant opposition, which resulted in an uprising and overthrow of the government.
The postwar era (1944–1948)[edit]
The Quiteño multitudes stood in the pouring rain on May 31, 1944, to hear Velasco promise a "national resurrection", with social justice and due punishment for the "corrupt Liberal oligarchy" that had been responsible for "staining the national honor", believed that they were witnessing the birth of a popular revolution. Arroyo partisans were promptly jailed or sent into exile, while Velasco verbally baited the business community and the rest of the political right. The leftist elements within Velasco's Democratic Alliance, which dominated the constituent assembly that was convened to write a new constitution, were nonetheless destined to be disappointed.[3]
In May 1945, after a year of growing hostility between the president and the assembly, which was vainly awaiting deeds to substantiate Velasco's rhetorical advocacy of social justice, the mercurial chief executive condemned and then repudiated the newly completed constitution. After dismissing the assembly, Velasco held elections for a new assembly, which in 1946 drafted a far more conservative constitution that met with the president's approval. For this brief period, Conservatives replaced the left as Velasco's base of support.
Rather than attending to the nation's economic problems, however, Velasco aggravated them by financing the dubious schemes of his associates. Inflation continued unabated, as did its negative impact on the national standard of living, and by 1947 foreign exchange reserves had fallen to dangerously low levels. In August, when Velasco was ousted by his minister of defense, nobody rose to defend the man who, only three years earlier, had been hailed as the nation's savior. During the following year, three different men briefly held executive power before Galo Plaza Lasso, running under a coalition of independent Liberals and socialists, narrowly defeated his Conservative opponent in presidential elections. His inauguration in September 1948 initiated what was to become the longest period of constitutional rule since the 1912–24 heyday of the Liberal plutocracy.
Constitutional rule (1947–1960)[edit]
Galo Plaza differed from previous Ecuadorian presidents by bringing a developmentalist and technocratic emphasis to Ecuadorian government. No doubt Galo Plaza's most important contribution to Ecuadorian political culture was his commitment to the principles and practices of democracy. As president he promoted the agricultural exports of Ecuador, creating economic stability. During his presidency, an earthquake near Ambato severely damaged the city and surrounding areas and killed approximately 8,000 people. Unable to succeed himself, he left his office in 1952 as the first president in 28 years to complete his term in office.
A proof of the politically stabilizing effect of the banana boom of the 1950s is that even Velasco, who in 1952 was elected president for the third time, managed to serve out a full four-year term. Velasco's fourth term in the presidency initiated a renewal of crisis, instability, and military domination and ended conjecture that the political system had matured or developed in a democratic mold.
Instability and military governments (1960–1979)[edit]
Further information: Military Governments of Ecuador (1960–1979)
In 1963, the army overthrew President Carlos Julio Arosemena Monroy, falsely accusing him of "sympathizing with communism". According to former CIA agent Philip Agee, who served several years in Ecuador, the United States incited this coup d'état to eliminate a government that refused to break with Cuba.[15]
Return to democratic rule (1979–1984)[edit]
Jaime Roldós Aguilera, democratically elected in 1979, presided over a nation that had undergone profound changes during the seventeen years of military rule. There were impressive indicators of economic growth between 1972 and 1979: The government budget expanded some 540 percent, whereas exports as well as per capita income increased a full 500 percent. Industrial development had also progressed, stimulated by the new oil wealth as well as Ecuador's preferential treatment under the provisions of the Andean Common Market (AnCoM, also known as the Andean Pact).
Roldós was killed, along with his wife and the minister of defense, in an airplane crash in the southern province of Loja on May 24, 1981. The death of Roldós generated intense popular speculation. Some Ecuadorian nationalists attributed it to the Peruvian government because the crash took place near the border where the two nations had participated in a Paquisha War in their perpetual border dispute. Many of the nation's leftists, pointing to a similar crash that had killed Panamanian President Omar Torrijos Herrera less than three months later, blamed the United States government.
Roldós's constitutional successor, Osvaldo Hurtado, immediately faced an economic crisis brought on by the sudden end of the petroleum boom. Massive foreign borrowing, initiated during the years of the second military regime and continued under Roldós, resulted in a foreign debt that by 1983 was nearly US$7 billion. The nation's petroleum reserves declined sharply during the early 1980s because of exploration failures and rapidly increasing domestic consumption. The economic crisis was aggravated in 1982 and 1983 by drastic climatic changes, bringing severe drought as well as flooding, precipitated by the appearance of the unusually warm ocean current known as "El Niño". Analysts estimated damage to the nation's infrastructure at US$640 million, with balance-of-payments losses of some US$300 million. The real gross domestic product fell to 2% in 1982 and to −3.3% in 1983. The rate of inflation in 1983, 52.5%, was the highest ever recorded in the nation's history.
Outside observers noted that, however unpopular, Hurtado deserved credit for keeping Ecuador in good standing with the international financial community and for consolidating Ecuador's democratic political system under extremely difficult conditions. As León Febres Cordero entered office on August 10, there was no end in sight to the economic crisis nor to the intense struggle that characterized the political process in Ecuador.
During the first years of the Rivadeneira administration, Febres-Cordero introduced free-market economic policies, took a strong stand against drug trafficking and terrorism, and pursued close relations with the United States. His tenure was marred by bitter wrangling with other branches of Government and his own brief kidnapping by elements of the military. A devastating earthquake in March 1987 interrupted oil exports and worsened the country's economic problems.
Rodrigo Borja Cevallos of the Democratic Left (ID) party won the presidency in 1988, running in the runoff election against Abdalá Bucaram of the PRE. His government was committed to improving human rights protection and carried out some reforms, notably an opening of Ecuador to foreign trade. The Borja government concluded an accord leading to the disbanding of the small terrorist group "¡Alfaro Vive, Carajo!" ("Alfaro Lives, Dammit!"), named after Eloy Alfaro. However, continuing economic problems undermined the popularity of the ID, and opposition parties gained control of Congress in 1990.
Economic crisis (1990–2000)[edit]
See also: 1998-99 Ecuador banking crisis
In 1992, Sixto Durán Ballén won his third run for the presidency. His tough macroeconomic adjustment measures were unpopular, but he succeeded in pushing a limited number of modernization initiatives through Congress. Durán Ballén's vice president, Alberto Dahik, was the architect of the administration's economic policies, but in 1995, Dahik fled the country to avoid prosecution on corruption charges following a heated political battle with the opposition. A war with Peru (named the Cenepa War, after a river located in the area) erupted in January–February 1995 in a small, remote region, where the boundary prescribed by the 1942 Rio Protocol was in dispute. The Durán-Ballén Administration can be credited with beginning the negotiations that would end in a final settlement of the territorial dispute.
In 1996, Abdalá Bucaram, from the populist Ecuadorian Roldosista Party, won the presidency on a platform that promised populist economic and social reforms. Almost from the start, Bucaram's administration languished amidst widespread allegations of corruption. Empowered by the president's unpopularity with organized labor, business, and professional organizations alike, Congress unseated Bucaram in February 1997 on grounds of mental incompetence. The Congress replaced Bucaram with Interim President Fabián Alarcón.
In May 1997, following the demonstrations that led to the ousting of Bucaram and appointment of Alarcón, the people of Ecuador called for a National Assembly to reform the Constitution and the country's political structure. After a little more than a year, the National Assembly produced a new Constitution.
Congressional and first-round presidential elections were held on May 31, 1998. No presidential candidate obtained a majority, so a run-off election between the top two candidates – Quito Mayor Jamil Mahuad of the DP and Social Christian Álvaro Noboa Pontón – was held on July 12, 1998. Mahuad won by a narrow margin. He took office on August 10, 1998. On the same day, Ecuador's new constitution came into effect.
In July 1998, Christian Democrat Jamil Mahuad (who was the former mayor of Quito) was elected president. It is facing a difficult economic situation, linked in particular to the Asian crisis. The currency is devalued by 15%, fuel and electricity prices increase fivefold, and public transport prices increase by 40%. The government is preparing to privatize several key sectors of the economy: oil, electricity, telecommunications, ports, airports, railways and post office. The repression of a first general strike caused three deaths. The social situation is critical: more than half of the population is unemployed, 60% live below the extreme poverty line, public employees have not been paid for three months. A further increase in VAT, combined with the abolition of subsidies for domestic gas, electricity and diesel, triggers a new social movement. In the provinces of Latacunga, the army shoots the indigenous people who cut the Pan-American Highway, injuring 17 people with bullets.
The coup de grâce for Mahuad's administration was Mahuad's decision to make the local currency, the sucre (named after Antonio José de Sucre), obsolete and replace it with the U.S. dollar (a policy called dollarization). This caused massive unrest as the lower classes struggled to convert their now useless sucres to US dollars and lost wealth, while the upper classes (whose members already had their wealth invested in US dollars) gained wealth in turn. Under Mahuad's recession-plagued term, the economy shrank significantly, and inflation reached levels of up to 60 percent.
In addition, corruption scandals are a source of public concern. Former Vice President Alberto Dahik, architect of the neoliberal economic programme, is fleeing abroad after being indicted for "questionable use of reserved funds". Former President Fabián Alarcón is arrested on charges of covering more than a thousand fictitious jobs. President Mahuad is implicated for receiving money from drug trafficking during his election campaign. Several major bankers are also cited in cases. Mahuad concluded a well-received peace with Peru on October 26, 1998.[16]
Ecuador since 2000[edit]
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On January 21, 2000, during demonstrations in Quito by indigenous groups, the military and police refused to enforce public order, beginning what became known as the 2000 Ecuadorean coup d'état. Demonstrators entered the National Assembly building and declared, in a move that resembled the coups d'état endemic to Ecuadorean history, a three-person junta in charge of the country. Field-grade military officers declared their support for the concept. During a night of confusion and failed negotiations, President Mahuad was forced to flee the presidential palace for his own safety. Vice President Gustavo Noboa took charge by vice-presidential decree; Mahuad went on national television in the morning to endorse Noboa as his successor. The military triumvirate that was effectively running the country also endorsed Noboa. The Ecuadorean Congress then met in an emergency session in Guayaquil on the same day, January 22, and ratified Noboa as President of the Republic in constitutional succession to Mahuad.
Although Ecuador began to improve economically in the following months, the government of Noboa came under heavy fire for the continuation of the dollarization policy, its disregard for social problems, and other important issues in Ecuadorean politics.
Retired Colonel Lucio Gutiérrez, a member of the military junta that overthrew Mahuad, was elected president in 2002 and assumed the presidency on January 15, 2003. Gutierrez's Patriotic Society Party had a small fraction of the seats in Congress and therefore depended on the support of other parties in Congress to pass legislation.
In December 2004, Gutiérrez unconstitutionally dissolved the Supreme Court and appointed new judges to it. This move was generally seen as a kickback to deposed ex-President Abdalá Bucaram, whose political party had sided with Gutiérrez and helped derail attempts to impeach him in late 2004. The new Supreme Court dropped charges of corruption pending against the exiled Bucaram, who soon returned to the politically unstable country. The corruption evident in these maneuvers finally led Quito's middle classes to seek the ousting of Gutiérrez in early 2005. In April 2005, the Ecuadorian Armed Forces declared that it "withdrew its support" for the President. After weeks of public protests, Gutiérrez was overthrown in April. Vice President Alfredo Palacio assumed the Presidency and vowed to complete the term of office and hold elections in 2006.
On January 15, 2007, the social democrat Rafael Correa succeeded Palacio as President of Ecuador, with the promise of summoning a constituent assembly and bringing focus on poverty. The 2007-8 Ecuadorian Constituent Assembly drafted the 2008 Constitution of Ecuador, approved via the Ecuadorian constitutional referendum, 2008.
In November 2009, Ecuador faced an energy crisis that led to power rationing across the country.
Between 2006 and 2016, poverty decreased from 36.7% to 22.5% and annual per capita GDP growth was 1.5 percent (as compared to 0.6 percent over the prior two decades). At the same time, inequalities, as measured by the Gini index, decreased from 0.55 to 0.47.[17]
Former President Rafael Correa (left) attends President-elect Lenín Moreno's (middle) 'changing of the guard' ceremony. The two PAIS leaders were considered close allies before Moreno's "De-correaization" efforts started after he assumed the presidency.
Beginning in 2007, President Rafael Correa established The Citizens' Revolution, a movement following left-wing policies, which some sources describe as populist.[18][19][20][21][22] Correa was able to utilize the 2000s commodities boom to fund his policies,[21] utilizing China's need for raw materials.[23] Through China, Correa accepted loans that had few requirements, as opposed to firm limits set by other lenders.[23] With this funding, Ecuador was able to invest in social welfare programs, reduce poverty and increase the average standard of living in Ecuador, while at the same time growing Ecuador's economy.[24][25][26] Such policies resulted in a popular base of support for Correa, who was re-elected to the presidency three times between 2007 and 2013.[21] Correa also utilized his popular support to increase power for himself and his 'citizen's revolution', drawing criticism that such acts were an entrenchment of power.[21][27]
As the Ecuadorian economy began to decline in 2014, Correa decided not to run for a fourth term[28] and by 2015, protests occurred against Correa following the introduction of austerity measures and an increase of inheritance taxes.[18][29] Instead, Lenín Moreno, who was at the time a staunch Correa loyalist and had served as his vice-president for over six years, was expected to continue with Correa's legacy and the implementation of 21st century socialism in the country, running on a broadly left-wing platform with significant similarities to Correa's.[27][30][31][32]
In the weeks after his election, Moreno distanced himself from Correa's policies[33] and shifted the left-wing PAIS Alliance's away from the left-wing politics and towards the center.[27] Despite these policy shifts, Moreno continued to identify himself as social democrat.[34] Moreno then led the 2018 Ecuadorian referendum, which reinstated presidential term limits that were removed by Correa, essentially barring Correa from having a fourth presidential term in the future.[27] At the time, Moreno enjoyed an approval rating of 80 percent.[27] Moreno's distancing from his predecessor's policies and his electoral campaign's platform, however, alienated both former President Correa[35] and a large percentage of his own party's supporters.[36][37] In July 2018, a warrant for Correa's arrest was issued after facing 29 charges for alleged corruption acts performed while he was in office.[22][38][39]
Due to increased borrowing by Correa's administration, which he had used to fund his welfare projects, as well as the 2010s oil glut, public debt tripled in a five-year period and with Ecuador eventually coming to use of the Central Bank of Ecuador's reserves for funds.[40][41] In total, Ecuador was left $64 billion in debt and was losing $10 billion annually.[41] On 21 August 2018, Moreno announced economic austerity measures to reduce public spending and deficit.[42][43] Moreno stated that the measures aimed to save $1 billion and included a reduction of fuel subsidies, eliminating subsidies for gasoline and diesel, and the removal or merging of several public entities, a move denounced by the groups representing the nation's indigenous groups and trade unions.[42][43][27]
On 1 October 2019, Lenín Moreno announced a package of economic measures as part of a deal with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to obtain US$4,209 millions in credit. These measures became known as "el paquetazo" and they included the end of fuel subsidies, removal of some import tariffs and cuts in public worker benefits and wages.[44][45][46] This caused mass protests which began on 3 October 2019. On 8 October, President Moreno relocated his government to the coastal city of Guayaquil after anti-government protesters had overrun Quito, including the Carondelet Palace. On the same day, Moreno accused his predecessor Rafael Correa of orchestrating a coup against the government with the aid of Venezuela's Nicolás Maduro, a charge which Correa denied.[47] Later that day, the authorities shut down oil production at the Sacha oil field, which produces 10% of the nation's oil, after it was occupied by protesters. Two more oil fields were captured by protesters shortly thereafter. Demonstrators also captured repeater antennas, forcing State TV and radio offline in parts of the country. Indigenous protesters blocked most of Ecuador's main roads, completely cutting the transport routes to the city of Cuenca.[48]On 9 October, protesters managed to briefly burst into and occupy the National Assembly, before being driven out by police using tear gas. Violent clashes erupted between demonstrators and police forces as the protests spread further.[49][50] During the late-night hours of 13 October, the Ecuadorian government and CONAIE reached an agreement during a televised negotiation.[51] Both parties agreed to collaborate on new economic measures to combat overspending and debt. The government agreed to end the austerity measures at the center of the controversy and the protesters in turn agreed to end the two-week-long series of demonstrations. President Moreno agreed to withdraw Decree 883, an IMF-backed plan that caused a significant rise in fuel costs.[52]
1830 Constitution of Ecuador
Economic history of Ecuador
History of Latin America
Military history of Ecuador
President of Ecuador
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^ a b Uco, Cesar (12 March 2019). "Amid rising protests, Moreno government lays off thousands in Ecuador". World Socialist Web Site. Retrieved 14 October 2019. Moreno was the vice president and hand-picked successor of his predecessor Rafael Correa, who was first elected in 2007 after running as a self-proclaimed socialist on a populist program. The government's reformist promises, made during the commodities boom, ran into the realities of falling oil prices and the deceleration of the Chinese economy. The turn towards austerity measures directed against the working class begun under Correa has been rapidly accelerated under Moreno, who has broken with and turned against the former president.
^ • de la Torre, Carlos (October 2013). "In the Name of the People: Democratization, Popular Organizations, and Populism in Venezuela, Bolivia, and Ecuador". European Review of Latin American and Caribbean Studies. 95: 27–48. Rafael Correa combines the populist with the technocrat in his persona. Self-described post-neoliberal experts occupy key positions in his admin-istration. ... The populist leader and technocrats share a view of society as an empty space where they can engineer entirely new institutions and practic-es. All existing institutional arrangements are thus consider to be corrupt, and in need of renewal.
• Fisher, Max (10 April 2015). "The president of Ecuador just tweeted "Heil Hitler"". Vox. Retrieved 12 October 2019. Correa, in power since 2007, is part of a Latin American tradition of fire-breathing populist, leftist leaders. ... But in practice, Correa has used his populist zeal as a cover for his authoritarianism.
• Jaramillo Viteri, Pablo; Kraul, Chris (5 February 2018). "Onetime popular president eyed a return to power. Ecuador voters had other ideas". The Los Angeles Times. Retrieved 12 October 2019. Correa's reversal of fortune resembles the falls taken by other populist Latin American leaders in recent elections. Their costly social programs, such as those supported by oil revenue in Venezuela, have been undercut by plunging prices of commodities that once made them feasible.
^ Lee, Meredith (3 April 2017). "Ecuador's ruling leftist party celebrates win as opposition alleges fraud". PBS NewsHour. Archived from the original on 18 May 2019. Retrieved 11 October 2019. As Moreno, 64, pledged to build on the polarizing, populist policies of outgoing President Rafael Correa's decade-long "Citizens' Revolution," ...
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^ a b Reid, Michael (September–October 2015). "Obama and Latin America: A Promising Day in the Neighborhood". Foreign Affairs. Vol. 94 no. 5. pp. 45–53. Retrieved 14 October 2019. As China industrialized in the first decade of the century, its demand for raw materials rose, pushing up the prices of South American minerals, fuels, and oilseeds. From 2000 to 2013, Chinese trade with Latin America rocketed from $12 billion to over $275 billion. ... Its loans have helped sustain leftist governments pursuing otherwise unsustainable policies in Argentina, Ecuador, and Venezuela, whose leaders welcomed Chinese aid as an alternative to the strict conditions imposed by the International Monetary Fund or the financial markets. ... The Chinese-fueled commodity boom, which ended only recently, lifted Latin America to new heights. The region -and especially South America- enjoyed faster economic growth, a steep fall in poverty, a decline in extreme income inequality, and a swelling of the middle class.
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^ Valencia, Alexandra; Munoz, Ignacio (2019-10-14). "Ecuador's president strikes 'peace' deal, agrees to change fuel subsidy cuts". Reuters. Retrieved 2019-10-15.
Andrien, Kenneth. The Kingdom of Quito, 16990-1830: The State and Regional Development. New York: Cambridge University Press 1995.
Clayton, Lawrence A. Caulkers and Carpenters in a New World: The Shipyards of Colonial Guayaquil. Ohio University Press 1980.
Gauderman, Kimberly. Women's Lives in Colonial Quito: Gender, Law, and Economy in Spanish America. Austin: University of Texas Press 2003.
Lane, Kris. Quito 1599: City and Colony in Transition. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press 2002.
Milton, Cynthia E. The Many Meanings of Poverty: Colonialism, Social Compacts, and Assistance in Eighteenth-Century Ecuador. Stanford: Stanford University Press 2007.
Minchom, Martin. The People of Quito, 1690–1810: Change and Unrest in the Underclass. Boulder: Westview Press 1994.
Phelan, John Leddy, The Kingdom of Quito in the Seventeenth-Century. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press 1967,
U.S. State Department Background Note: Ecuador
Archaeology of Ecuador
Museum and Virtual Library (Museums of Central Bank of Ecuador) english
Years in Ecuador (1830–present)
Ecuador articles
Gran Colombia (reunification)
Concha Revolution
1922 general strike
Ecuadorian–Peruvian War
Paquisha War
Cenepa War
1998–99 financial crisis
2000 coup d'état
2010 coup d'état attempt and crisis
National Congress (former)
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=History_of_Ecuador&oldid=1000110437"
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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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Q: Ubuntu Phone OS 1.0 makes my Galaxy Nexus a lame duck I am testing Ubuntu Phone OS since 2 months. In this time the speed and reaction of Phone OS increased by every update. Yesterday I made an update to 1.0 via phablet-flash ubuntu-system --no-backup . Now I have a phone OS that is incredible slow. Is this problem known? Are there any options to solve this speed problem? Looking for some answers. Thanks a lot.

A: Yes, it is a known problem:
https://bugs.launchpad.net/mir/+bug/1182930
Unfortunately the Galaxy Nexus is starting to show its age, so certain operations that can run efficiently on newer hardware are problematic on the it.  Things may improve, but I don't know if there is a concrete time line.
As a temporary solution, you could try disabling Mir on the phone by deleting the file /home/phablet/.display-mir and rebooting, which will switch back to the Surface Flinger display server.  Note however that all future development is being done with Mir in mind, so this isn't guaranteed to continue working.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


Every Thursday evening since 2013, a couple of dozen aspiring chefs set up their food stalls in Markthalle Neun, a historic market hall in Kreuzberg, and serve up delicious global street food. Order your favourites, lug them to a communal table and gobble them up with a glass of Heidenpeters, a craft beer brewed right on the premises.
Some of the original food purveyors have enjoyed such roaring success that they have opened brick-and-mortar restaurants around the city.
As its name implies, Markthalle Neun was the ninth (of a total of 14) market halls built in Berlin in the late 19th century. It did a roaring trade for decades, but over time succumbed to competition from supermarkets, eventually becoming the haunt of tacky discount stores. Aside from this weekly street-food event, it also hosts a regular farmers market on Tuesday, Friday and Saturday.


This is an excellent site containing most of the works of Sri Aurobindo in html format with Russian translations.
The sample recording of the first chapter is by Shraddhavan whose permission for uploading the remaining chapters is pending.
Download the CWSA version of Sri Aurobindo's Life Divine.


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BS: Trump Actions and Effects
punkfolkrocker 16 Jan 21 - 11:22 AM
Donuel 16 Jan 21 - 11:13 AM
Stilly River Sage 16 Jan 21 - 10:31 AM
Backwoodsman 16 Jan 21 - 06:08 AM
Bonzo3legs 16 Jan 21 - 05:48 AM
robomatic 15 Jan 21 - 10:32 PM
Donuel 15 Jan 21 - 08:36 PM
gillymor 15 Jan 21 - 04:21 PM
punkfolkrocker 15 Jan 21 - 03:55 PM
Helen 15 Jan 21 - 03:35 PM
Raggytash 15 Jan 21 - 03:25 PM
Stilly River Sage 15 Jan 21 - 02:29 PM
McGrath of Harlow 15 Jan 21 - 12:36 PM
Raggytash 15 Jan 21 - 11:50 AM
Charmion 15 Jan 21 - 11:39 AM
gillymor 15 Jan 21 - 09:18 AM
DMcG 15 Jan 21 - 09:10 AM
McGrath of Harlow 15 Jan 21 - 09:02 AM
Subject: RE: BS: Trump Actions and Effects
From: punkfolkrocker
When does the rest of the world get to declare the USA a rogue failed state,
and send in military peace keeping missions...???
.. at least it's been proven beyond doubt America has stockpiled WMD...
From: Donuel
Even Luxemburg won't allow Pompeo to visit for 'state dept talks'.
"Fascistbook"...
A too easy pun, which is no longer just a glib smartarse remark...
Don't forget the radicalization process was invented by Facebook with alogorhythems that refeed one point of view to maximize their advertising dollar. It is imo the biggest richest enabler.
donald trump.. Public Enemy No. 1...
From: Stilly River Sage
Donuel's list of 15 Jan 21 - 03:50 PM has been in the news the last couple of days as prosecutors and FBI and various state investigators track down hundreds of offenders from the January 6 assault on the Capitol. News of each of their raisons d'être as they are arrested is disheartening. So many nasty groups out there, all unleashed and energized by the cretin Trump.
If that is what the makeup of the Republican party is now, there won't be a quick return to normal for the good people who did a yeoman's job of bashing Trump with the Lincoln Project. As I listened to them talk in interviews I was aware that once Trump is out, they would restore the GOP to it's old self - but now it's looking like that won't be so easy.
On my radio just now - "Pompeo spoke on Voice of America recently . . ." damn, that's another broken agency. Trump's folks trashed it into a horrible source of vitriol for the world, no news or leading by example. One more thing for the "to do" list.
Subject: RE: BS: A very important post
IF TRUMP CAN RESPOND TO A NATIONAL EMERGENCY he could declare a National emergency and thus impose martial law keeping Biden from assuming control.
This is why there is an overwhelming presence of national guard in DC so a national emergency of riots can not take place.
There is chatter and intelligence to support this scenario.
Mike Lindell was at the White House yesterday and supports the martial law plan according to the Washington Post.
Because Trump's Plan A failed to kill lawmakers on DC a second wave of Inauguration riots seems like plan b.
I don't know if a hypothetical takeover of the Madison Wisconsin capitol building would be enough to justify National Emergency martial law.
Trump is so virulent he got a second dose of impeachment this week just like the
Covid vaccine.
Protest and dissent is at a new low. Dissent merchandise sold on the internet are things like small buttons that say "science is real"
How provocative is that?
operation warp speed should be called warped greed.
There are no US government reserve vaccines left.
From: Backwoodsman
For once, Bonz, we are in agreement.
From: Bonzo3legs
So the last execution has taken place under fucking shit trump, of a man convicted 24 years ago, which is cruelty beyond belief.
Thanks Robo.
From: robomatic
Doug Chadwick:
My reference to "pull 'is own 'ead off rather than see Doug" was a reference to an old Monty Python sketch on how non-desirous a criminal was to have to answer to the master criminal Doug Piranha who used...............sarcasm. "'E knew all the tricks, metaphor, pathos, pun, litotes, and satire!"
The regular practise of Question Time seems to be somewhat more erudite and brassy than American legislators are wont to endure in modern times. The mastery both questioner and PM have to have to endure this swift repartee seems to be well beyond what puffed up yankee solons can view with impunity.
As to harsh desires some of us may have regarding our outgoing President and his 'sisters and his cousins and his aunts' (That's a Gilbert and Sullivan reference). some of you might enjoy the recent "Squeeze Me" novel by Carl Hiaasen in which the Current Occupant runs into problems on his golf resort when large burmese pythons begin to show up, apparently by invitation, to embarrass him and his supporters, to say the least.
In the meantime, yesterday I got my first covid vaccine shot from an Anchorage school system nurse. Reported on in the vaccine thread.
There is a definate over reaction show of force in DC.
There is also a over reaction by Fox News accusing Democrats of lies, riots and a plan to frame Trump. btw they say lockdowns are a lie and don't work. who knew
what happened to tar and feathers?
Really? What happened to tar & feathers and a rail?
I like parades!
From: gillymor
Now the old dickhead wants a military send-off on inauguration day and I think we should give it to him. Strap him to an ICBM, point it towards Mar a Lago and start the countdown.
Like ancient world god-like emperors
decreeing their families, servants, soldiers, horses, and dogs
be entombed with them
when they die...
Who are the extremist rioters?
They are extremely varied-
Qanon- a virtual religious cult of Trump prophecies and magical thinking
Nazis- are under diffrent titles; boogaloo boys, proud boys and KKK spin offs
Tea party mutants- people who had truth decay from the start and evolved into predators
Religious right- From Jerry Falwell to Bob Jones protestant graduates
2nd Amendment fans- Paranoid since Obama who prefer Sandy Hooks to gun control
Rush Limbaugh veterans- People who always hated women and others smarter than themselves
Typical racists- Exploiters and folks secretly envious of blacks
Militias- 1%'s, oath keepers and lodges that play soldier on weekends.
AK 47 - enthusiasts looking for a reason
There are others of course but the main thing is that they do not get along with each other or authorities.
Americans- Exposed to media that shapes their hate strategicly
From: Helen
As witnessed, Raggytash, by the fact that Trump said he would be there with them at the Capitol and then held a big party and watched it all on television and delayed calling in the National Guard until Mike Pence finally did it.
Yep, pfr, very similar to the Jonestown massacre.
I always knew Trump was stupid, but how stupid is it to kill off your own fan base by denying that the virus is real and deliberately putting them in danger? I don't think rational thinking is in his repertoire either.
From: Raggytash
Trump is like all bullies, he is a coward. He will never put himself in physical danger.
He might put his wife or his children in that position but never himself.
Helen - yeah.. trump's larger mass scale equivalent of the cult poison suicide Jonestown Massacre..
..or if he goes for the 'Alamo option'.. the Waco siege...
pfr said, "The threat of time on death row might appeal to his instinct for cutting a deal for clemency
on condition he fucks off into quiet exile...???"
But, what's the probability of Trump being able to stay out of trouble and keep his big mouth shut for any length of time, let alone the rest of his life. And as leeneia said, the Hydra effect would kick in and the Trump sprogs would kickstart their political careers.
As Raggytash said about seeing "Trump and his followers humiliated and repentant" those two responses are not in a sociopath's repertoire.
And pfr, "But with all the trumpzi internal terrorists at large, you might need a bigger camp... " don't forget to factor in the superspreader events facilitated by Trump for his massive fan base. Sadly, the massive fan base might be drastically reducing day by day and the blame for that lies squarely in Trump's lap.
They need to close Guantanamo and use the prisons for people who really need to be in there (Trump domestic terrorists) now that they will hopefully release those charged wtih minor drug offenses that were way over-prosecuted.
It's quite handy trump decreed Guantanamo Bay should remain open for business..
But with all the trumpzi internal terrorists at large, you might need a bigger camp...
Thanks, elf.
The ? in my last post was meant to be a smiley face.
They don't show; I edited in a text version of it for you. ;-) ---mudelf
I'm glad the Nurmemburg trials didn't sentence Goering to humilliation, atonement and repentance.
Nazi sympathsizers and white supremists come in many flavors I guess.
Or am I being too harsh on Rudy and friends?
Kids torn from their parents and put in barb wire camps have still not been reunited.
pfr, your fun game might be more fun if the answer weren't so obvious. :-)
When trump contracted COVID-19 I hoped it would croak him because given his continuing disinterest in dealing with the virus as a public health issue his death would have saved a lot of innocent lives and we wouldn't be in this dire situation now. When and how he sheds this mortal coil is now of no consequence to me as long as he's gone.
A Pew Poll conducted from Jan.8-12 has him a at a 29% approval rating, the lowest of his term with a note worthy decline among Republicans.
From: McGrath of Harlow
Repentant is too much to ask for. Humiliated perhaps not.
But what's really needed is to find some way to open the eyes of some of his supporters. There is always a significant number of people in any society who are basically lost souls when it comes to thee kind of things. But generally they are a relatively small proprtion - call them a fringe, call them a gardcore, but there aren't tgat geat a proprtion.
But what is frightening is that belief in Trumpism and the lies of Trump appear to be actually shared by the large majority of those who voted for Trump. It was easy enough to imagine why people might choose to opt for either of the candidates in both Presidential elections, as in any election, But this kind of brand loyalty is very hard to make sense enough. Hold your nose and vote for what seems like the lesser of two evils - but to actually like and Trust someone like Trump, that is unconceivable.
"Me, I want to see Trump and his followers humiliated and repentant. They can't atone for their sins if they're dead."
Charmion, we have an expression this side of the pond "in your dreams" which means that is absolutely not going to happen.
Abraham bound his son Isaac on an altar at Moriah long ago, as he had been instructed by God. An angel stopped Abraham when he was about to slay his son and switched Isaac with a ram!
Donald bound his son Donald on an alter in Maralago, as he had been instructed by Satan. A demon stopped Donald when he was about to slay his son to reverse election results and switched Donald with Donald!
From: Charmion
I'm with Doug Chadwick on refraining from wishing death on others.
According to the New York Times and the Wall Street Journal, Mr T's supporters in Congress are claiming that his inflammatory rhetoric is just colourful figurative talk, and it's not his fault certain people took him seriously.
Me, I want to see Trump and his followers humiliated and repentant. They can't atone for their sins if they're dead.
trumpzi militia guerillas would be taking semi auto machine guns, hunting rifles, and body armour
to a Drones and Cruise missiles fight...
donald trump, Messianic leader of a death cult...???
Most people know that the 3rd Reich soldiers took Pervatin (crystal meth) and later oxycodone. It seems the rag tag nazis in America do too.
I wwwould hope they will also use Himmler's little helpers (cyanide)
Comedic relief can cause some grief
but is worth the needed release
Pense was seconds away from a crossfire and lynching event.
It would have changed the nature of the gallows humor if he had been shot or hung.
Doug - Not a time for squeamish moral superiority bollocks..
I am a pacifist, but not an absolutist pacifist.
As a general rule I would prefer not to wish death on anybody.
I am anti death penalty,
but accept there are valid extreme exceptions when it may be a last resort viable pragmatic solution...
trump may be one of them..
The threat of time on death row might appeal to his instinct for cutting a deal for clemency
on condition he fucks off into quiet exile...???
Here's a fun game..
Let's guess trump's response to being told by a higher authority
that he could make things right again
by either sacrificing his own, or his son's life...???
PFR,
I know you like to use sarcasm to make your point, but some of your last few posts, on how to get rid of Trump and his close supporters, seem decidedly unpleasant. I am sure you can find some valid points to make without hoping for people's deaths.
Ideally, trump and his close allies choose a glorious Alamo style last stand on one of his estates..
Get it over quick, done and dusted..
Start slowly rebuilding the US...
Some worshippers would write the history of his heroic martyrdom.
Most of the world would write him off as a pathetic failed tyrant..
.. adding, trump to the list of saddam, gadafi, bin laden, etc...
If the Senate trial fails to convict, he couldn't claim double jeopardy as that trial is not related to due process in the criminal justice system, but it would be grist to the mill of Trump and his supporters in the event of a criminal trial. I agree with gillymor about having the courage to go for him fully, but there will be consequences: it keeps him prominently in the public eye for a protracted period - think of the headlines week after week - and it would very likely whip up whatever supporters he would still have by then. I suspect it would still be tens of millions.
.. quick googling suggested the ultimate sentence for sedition in the USA
is death...???
trump has shown himself to be a very enthusiastic supporter for the death penalty..
.. just saying..
Many, many, Americans have been executed for far lesser crimes
than the accumulation trump is guilty of...
.. and if his most fanatical acolytes pledge to sacrifice their lives for him as wannabe civil war martyrs..
That's their choice...
"I could easily see it being claimed as another QAnon/"biggest witch hunt in history"/Elitist plot."
Of course it will be but we've got to stop cowering before this would-be dictator if we're ever going to be rid of him.
From: DMcG
The link Donuel shared makes it fairly clear that the double jeopardy defence would not apply in law, at least in the opinion of Cornell Law School. Whether that would mean Trump's lawyers and any media he still has on side would not claim it "in the court of public opinion" is quite another matter. I could easily see it being claimed as another QAnon/"biggest witch hunt in history"/Elitist plot.
" I think you'd be in a big mess if you tried putting him in the dock."
It's all a big mess whatever happens. But the fact that the Senate might fail to support the impeachment need not in any way interfere with a court trial. I can't see how it could be seen as double jeopardy. The impeachment isn't a criminal prosecution. And the difference from the last impeachment is that this time it is pretty evident there will be a majority vote against him, just not enough to reach the two-thirds level.
Getting a jury together might be a bit tricky. I doubt if there are many people in Amerca who haven't pretty firm settled opinions about these issues.
Agreed, Donuel, this can't be a quickie trial. There were reports from White House workers that trump, instead of calling for aid in quelling the riot, was tromping around the place wondering why everyone wasn't more excited about the storming of the Capitol. These people need to be deposed, they can't just rely on trump's pre-riot speech. Fortunately McConnell won't be setting the agenda this time around.
The worst scenario is a NYT headline of TRUMP ACQUITED TWICE
A rushed impeachmnt has its risks compared to waiting to see more evidence of collusion with sedition and mob attacks.
Lyndsy Graham says be afraid our mob will get you if you impeach (paraphrase)
But trump is a one trick pony and does not have time to assemble more death marches. If the fascists were going to openly shoot they would have alraedy. That does not preclude cowardly snipers.
Same with the Qanon shaman wearing horns did not stab anyone with his spear.
Legislators and prosecutors need to do their constitutional duty regardless of where it leads, we've had enough lawlessness these past 4 years.
If next week goes peacefully, I think we could have a bit more confidence that things will settle.
Be careful what you charge him with!
I don't really give a shit about that, when you back down from terrorists where does it stop. I'm more focused on the 80 plus million who voted for Biden and the fact that under trump the GOP lost the midterms, the White House and control of the Senate.
And while you're munching the popcorn, better look over your shoulder. A trial is sure to galvanise an awful lot of those 70-odd million supporters of his.


It's picnic season, otherwise known as play hooky and get thee to a patch of grass.
With or without companions. A book will do fine.
Bring a tablecloth. Grass is only charming for toddlers, golfers and romantic comedy screenwriters.
Pack ice packs to keep food cool. Nothing kills a picnic quicker than lukewarm food.
There is no such thing as standard picnic fare. Think beyond sandwiches. Crab salad, sushi, cold chicken, tomato salad, marinated veggie and goat cheese baguettes: be creative.
Don't forget cold drinks. Lemonade is a clincher.
Pack extra napkins, wipes, straws, utensils. A sharp knife comes in handy and no, it's not for stabbing ants.
Always bring a surprise treat.
Eating outside is just peachy.
1. Preheat oven to 350 degrees F for at least 15 minutes.
2. Grease a 9-inch square baking pan.
3. Beat butter and sugar for 5 minutes in mixer until fluffy.
4. Add eggs, one at time, beating well after each.
5. Add sour cream and vanilla and mix until smooth.
6. In separate bowl, sift together flour, baking soda and baking powder.
7. Add dry ingredients to batter, blending just until combined.
8. Make topping: combine 1/2 cup sugar and 1 tsp cinnamon in small bowl.
9. Spread half the cake batter in prepared pan. Top with half of the sliced peaches, then sprinkle with 2/3 of sugar topping.
10. Spread the remaining batter on top then arrange the remaining peaches on top and sprinkle with remaining sugar topping.
11.Top with toasted pecans ( optional).
12. Bake for 45 minutes until toothpick in centre comes out clean.
13. Serve warm with dollop of good vanilla ice cream.
Serve at room temperature at your next picnic.
Canadian picnic season is short. What are you waiting for?
* Fresh peaches are not in season here in our Canadian spring but I keep mine in the freezer, sliced and flash frozen in ziploc bags.


text:
Would The Entire Transmission Explode?
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Market participant agents obtain market information from the exchange, apply their buying and selling coverage to resolve on which actions to take and send their directions to the exchange. Part II proposes an energy sharing mechanism contemplating community constraints; properties of its market equilibrium are mentioned in Section III, revealing the opportunity of market failure, inefficiency, and instability; to beat this drawback, a value regulation coverage is offered and confirmed to be efficient in Section IV; a bidding course of to achieve the improved equilibrium is introduced in Part V; numerical case research are carried out in Section VI; Part VII concludes the paper. He constructed the Boynton Resort, which carried via till 1925. The city has managed to retain some of the previous Florida charm as a community, which has many retirees and a various neighborhood of individuals of all ages. At the outbreak's onset, Abe was sluggish to close Japan's borders and implement a state of emergency urging people to remain residence and outlets to shut.
This sector of our economy has been a blessing to many individuals who had been jobless earlier than. Thus, market members are become prosumers who can each produce and devour resources. It will also be seen that the distinction between the entire and kernel execution times is higher than with earlier variations, it is because now complete runtime additionally contains the time required to reorder input information on the host before switch, and reordering of end result information after kernel execution because of the revised information structure depicted in Figure 2. Likewise energy for these reordering activities is also included as a part of total vitality in Table 3. Nonetheless the longstaffSchwartzPathReduction function was filling the utmost values over assets in every batch of paths. The result is that they cause about half the drag of standard tires. A generalization of this end result led to another algorithm by Berger et. Examples of portfolios, as well as their empirical outcomes, are given, with the evidence that, in addition to measurement, the value factor does affect the efficiency of the portfolio. Are we on the brink of the flying automobile? In 1958, Ford launched the Nucleon, a automobile that was powered by an atomic reactor and obtained 5,000 miles (8,047 kilometers) per charge of uranium (or no matter radioactive materials it used to make itself go).
entire, explode, transmission, would


@slubman great find. Thanks for sharing.
Marcio B. Jr., mwgamera, Alessandro Matsetes Mazza, Nick T. and 7 others likes this.
a(n) person, a(n) person, grmpyoldman (Tysk Gamlingen), Aleksej and 7 others shared this.
@rysiek There are Vorbis downloads, but they're very well hidden.
So true. There is the same kind of problem with Wordpress in its sharing feature.
Alexandro P., mwgamera, Cyber Killer, Carlos Solís and 2 others likes this.
Arndt Heuvel, Arndt Heuvel, Alberto Maturano, Alberto Maturano and 8 others shared this.
:-) Printers are still annoying in general, even today?
Gerard Ryan, Dvd Mrsdn, Pejman Moghadam, Idle Revolutionary and 14 others likes this.
sofias. pink, sofias. pink, Pejman Moghadam, Pejman Moghadam and 20 others shared this.
Capital of Nasty, anagarjuna, Bruce Cowan, Bradley M. Kuhn and 3 others likes this.
@con #Ubuntu like a sort of little new #Microsoft?
forest mars, Bruce Cowan, Evan Prodromou, The Anarcat and 6 others likes this.
@mjjzf FYI - I'm writing a chapter for the forthcoming Ubuntu Manual, so I'm trying to do exactly that!
@mjjzf yes, yes indeed, and dont tell me to RTFM when there isnt one!