text:
The effects of youth training on risk behavior: the role of non-cognitive skills
Carla Calero1 &
Sandra V. Rozo2
This paper uses unique experimental data from a youth training program in the Favelas, Brazil, to examine whether youth training programs can prevent treatment recipients from engaging in risk behavior—i.e., cigarettes, alcohol, and hard drug utilization, as well as witnessing or being a victim of violent crime. Although the program was successful in increasing income, we find that it only improved risk behavior of the treated individuals with higher levels of socio-emotional skills.
JEL Classification: O11, O22, O17
The young are the segment of the population that has the highest use of illegal drugs, marijuana, cigarettes, and alcohol. They also have the highest crime rates and make up the greatest proportion of crime victims.1 Consequently, in recent years, interest has grown in the field of economics for identifying the means to prevent at-risk young adults from engaging in risk behavior. For economists, a natural question is whether labor market incentives can prevent risk behavior (see a recent review by Blattman et al. 2015). However, little evidence currently exists on the causal effects of labor market incentives on risk behavior because of the difficulty in finding exogenous sources of variation on factors such as employment and income.
Youth training programs have been widely implemented in developing countries to help disadvantaged young individuals find employment or improve their earnings (Kenneth and Palmer 2010). In that sense, it might be expected that, if youth training programs help young individuals in improving their economic conditions—as has been extensively documented by Card et al. (2011), Attanasio et al. (2011), Ibarrarán et al. (2012), Hirshleifer et al. (2015), Ibarrarán et al. (2015), and Kugler et al. (2015)—then they could possibly improve the risk behavior of this population. Because youth training programs primarily aim at improving participants' employability, there is little evidence on their unintended effects on other outcomes such as risk behavior.
This paper contributes to the literature in three main ways. First and foremost, it takes advantage of unique data from a randomized trial, to study the effects of youth training programs on risk behavior. Second, by relying on individual data, our paper overcomes the confounding biases of studies that employ regional aggregate data to study risk behavior. As suggested by Blattman et al. (2015), studies that employ aggregate regional data make it impossible to distinguish whether changes in individual decisions or on other market forces drive changes in risk behavior. For example, if a municipality experiences lower risk behaviors, it is not possible to determine if the individuals themselves are behaving differently or if the opportunities for risky activities are dropping. Since our analysis is based on surveys collected at the individual level, we are able to examine the direct effect of youth training programs on an individual's decision to engage in risk behavior.
Third, we study whether youth training programs may be more successful in deterring risk behavior for individuals with better socio-emotional skills. Our interest in these types of skills is motivated by recent findings on the strong correlation between socio-emotional skills and youth risk behavior (Blattman et al. 2015; Cook et al. 2014; Heller et al. 2015; Ludwig and Shah 2014). This correlation arises from two bases. First, recent findings suggest that youth discount the future more than adults (myopia), which prompts intrapersonal conflict between "selves." This conflict is apparent in decisions made at separate times—a decision made by today's self for tomorrow might differ from one made by tomorrow's self. These limitations could lead to poor decision-making, particularly with regard to risk behaviors (JPAL 2013). Young individuals with higher socio-emotional skills have also lower myopia, which could allow them to make better decisions and vice versa. The importance of socio-emotional skills is also supported by findings in neuroscience that demonstrate the malleability of the prefrontal cortex—the region of the brain in charge of emotions and self-regulation—until the early twenties and the strong association between the development of the prefrontal cortex with preventing risk behavior (Almlund et al. 2011; Cunha et al. 2006; Heckman 2008). Hence, it is likely that higher levels of employment and income (induced by the participation in youth training programs) could have differential effects on youth risk behavior based on their heterogenous socio-emotional skills.
We use experimental data from the youth training program Galpão. The program was designed to improve the employment and earnings of at-risk youth living in the Favelas in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. The program's sole main objective was to improve the employability of young marginalized adults. Galpão was not intended to reduce the risk behavior of the treatment recipients directly. Calero et al. (2015) evaluated the impact of the program on earnings and employment. In contrast to other interventions that show modest effects from these types of programs (see Kenneth and Palmer 2010), Galpão was effective in increasing employment and earnings. We use the exogenous source of variation induced by the experiment to examine the effects of youth training programs on risk behavior.
Brazil presents an interesting context for studying youth risk behavior because it ranks 11th among 90 countries in the rate of firearm-related deaths, with 21.9 deaths per 100,000 inhabitants (Waiselfisz 2015). Victims of this violence are more likely to be among the young, and youth violence has shown a sharp increase in the last three decades. According to Waiselfisz (2015), the homicide rate by firearms rose from 12.8 to 47.6 per 100,00 inhabitants between 1980 and 2012—an increase of 271.8 % (see Fig. 1). Higher rates of violence have also exposed youth to other types of risks. For instance, the use of illegal drugs (e.g., marijuana or cocaine) has also increased in recent years among the young,2 and criminal organizations continually recruit young individuals, particularly those with low income, little education, and no religious attachment (Carvalho and Soares 2013).
Brazilian mortality rate from firearms per 100,000 inhabitants (1980–2012). Notes: Mortality rates come from Waiselfisz 2015
We find no evidence that the program was successful in directly reducing risk behaviors such as smoking, casual alcohol consumption, hard drug consumption, or crime victimization, despite increasing employment for treatment recipients. We were not able, however, to rule out significant effects of the program on high alcohol consumption and fight participation. We also check if the program had a significant effect on socio-emotional skills, but we find no evidence of such an effect. We then proceed to examine if the program had differential effects on treatment recipients who had heterogeneous levels of socio-emotional skills. We find that individuals with higher socio-emotional skills who participated in the program, reduced their alcohol consumption and had lower crime victimization.
When analyzing which type of personality traits (socio-emotional skills) is more important in predicting risk behavior, we find that consistency of interests and empathy show the highest correlation with all measurements of risk behavior. Consistency of interest is defined as the capacity of maintaining constant interest in goals and projects and keeping stability in their actions and thoughts concerning goal achievement (Duckworth and Quinn 2009). Empathy measures the capacity to understand and accept other individuals, to consider their point of view, as well as showing respect for opinions which differ to your own (Brea 2010). These findings suggest that consistency of interest and empathy should receive higher emphasis when trying to modify the risk behavior of young individuals.
From a policy perspective, our results suggest that reducing risk behavior for youth may go beyond offering youth training programs, helping them find a job, and subsequently increasing their income. In particular, socio-emotional skills have a crucial role in guiding an individual's decision to engage in a risk behavior. Hence, further efforts should be directed at understanding how socio-emotional skills can be improved more efficiently.3
We contribute to two groups of literature. First, we contribute to the literature on the link between income and risk behavior. Most of the relevant work in this area focuses on the associations between poverty, violent crime, and conflict (see Bazzi and Blattman 2014; Berman and Couttenier 2015; Dube and Vargas 2013; Iyer and Topalova 2014; Miguel et al. 2004). Most of these studies show that unexpected negative changes in income or unemployment increase violent crime and conflict. We instead analyze the effects of a positive income shock (caused by higher employment due to the youth training program) on risk behavior of young adult men.
Second, we contribute to the group of studies that examine the unintended effects of youth training programs. The most closely related papers in this area are Ibarrarán et al. (2012) and Novella and Ripani (2014), who study the training program Juventud y Empleo. The former is a preliminary exploration on the effects of the program on teenage pregnancy rates; it finds small but significant effects. The latter examines the effect of the program on teenage pregnancy in more detail. The authors report that the program effectively reduces teenage pregnancy rates, particularly for teenagers with higher self-esteem scores.4
The rest of the paper is structured in six additional sections. Section 2 describes the program, Section 3 describes the data, and Section 4 presents the research methodology. Section 5 studies the effects of the program on risk behavior. Section 6 studies the heterogeneous effects of the program by socio-emotional skills. It also studies which personality traits (non-cognitive behavior) are better predictors of risk behavior. Finally, the last section presents the conclusions.
Background and context of the intervention
The Instituto Stimulu Brazil, a small-scale Brazilian non-governmental organization and the Inter-American Development Bank launched the Galpão program in 2009. It was designed with the sole primary objective of improving the employment and labor earnings of at-risk youth living in the Favelas (squatters' slum) in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil.5
In comparison with other youth training programs in Latin America (LAC), Galpão offers treatment over a long time frame.6 Participants remain in the program 6 months, 5 h a day, 5 days a week. The training includes 300 h of vocational or technical skills, 180 h of training on academic or basic skills, and 120 h on socio-emotional skills. The vocational or technical training prepares youth for jobs mainly in the areas of construction and soldering. The academic or basic skills training includes remedial courses in mathematics and Portuguese. Some of the concepts that the participants learn in these courses are used in the vocational training. For example, to build a metal bench, they use basic concepts from geometry such as an understanding of angles. The socio-emotional skills classes emphasize certain values and basic principles like respect, tolerance, confidence, prudence, courage, ethics, and civic responsibility.
The novel dimension of the project is the pedagogical approach, which makes extensive use of arts and theater. Almost all sessions start with group activities to facilitate the understanding of skills and concepts. The activities include exercises that make extensive use of artistic and theatrical techniques and are directed by program instructors with an artistic background.7
Unlike other youth training programs, the project did not have an explicit job placement service or a formal internship program. Rather, it relied on informal contacts with private-sector partners and partnerships with local firms.
The program's facilities were located in the port area, away from the Favelas. Because of the high incidence of violence in the Favelas and the youth being unable to move among communities owing to the existence of gangs, the location was chosen in a neutral downtown space. Recognizing that this might be a constraint to participation, the program covered the transportation costs of the participants.8
Galpão's participants are selected in a two-stage process. In the first stage, all individuals interested in the program fill a "pre-inscription" questionnaire that includes information related to the personal and household situation, current employment, and education status, among other factors. This information is used to identify individuals with a monthly household income under two minimum salaries and between 17 and 29 years old. Those who meet these criteria are considered for the next phase.
In the second stage, individuals are invited to take mathematics and Portuguese tests on basic concepts. They also go through an interview process. The interview attempts to identify youth who are involved in criminal activities. If the interview reveals that the person is involved in such activities, he is not invited to participate in the program—regardless of his performance on the tests. The youth who perform best on the tests are invited to enroll in the program. Given that the number of eligible individuals is greater than the number of slots available in the program, youth are randomly assigned to the program.
This paper uses experimental data collected through the randomized trial of Galpão. Given that the number of eligible individuals was greater than the number of slots available in the program, youth were randomly assigned to either the treatment group or the comparison group. In total, 451 youth were eligible. Approximately half of them were randomly assigned to the treatment group and the other half to the control group. There are data for the three cohorts implemented in 2012: the first cohort began in April, the second in June, and the third in July. Around 90 % of the treatment group attended the training, and none of the individuals of the control group participated in the program. The data include the socio-demographic characteristics of the individuals as well as information on their cognitive skill (a cognitive test), socio-emotional skills (Grit Scale and a Social and Personal Competencies Scale), risk behavior, earnings, and employment status.
A baseline survey and two follow-up surveys were conducted by a Brazilian firm (Overview Pesquisa). The baseline data were collected between June and October 2012 on a rolling basis.9 Overview Pesquisa was able to interview 84 % of the initial group. The first follow-up survey took place between 2 and 5 months after the end of training, and the second was between 11 and 13 months. A total of 348 youth responded to the first follow-up survey and 299 individuals to the second. The attrition rates, relative to the baseline sample, at the first follow-up (8 %) and the second follow-up (21 %), are comparable to other impact evaluations of youth training programs.10
Measuring risk behavior
We use self-reported measures of risk behavior collected in the baseline survey and all the follow-up surveys. Eight variables are available, including indicator variables for (i) ever smoking; (ii) casual alcohol consumption in the last week; (iii) high alcohol consumption in the last week; (iv) smoking marijuana during the last week; (v) ever consuming any type of hard drug, including cocaine, heroin, ecstasy, or sniffing glue; (vi) participating in a physical fight in the last month; (vii) witnessing a crime in the last year (including carrying weapons, sexual violence, physical aggression, robberies, homicides, corruption, or police misbehavior); and (viii) being the victim of a crime in the last year (including verbal or physical abuse, threat, being chased, or being injured by any weapon).
In addition to these measures, we constructed a summary index of risk behavior defined to be the equally weighted average of the z-scores of its components (i.e., the eight measures of risk behavior), with the sign of each measure oriented so that higher risk behaviors have higher scores (following Kling et al. 2007). The z-scores are calculated by subtracting the control group mean and dividing by the control group standard deviation. Thus, the index has a mean zero and standard deviation of one for the control group. As pointed out by Kling et al. (2007), the aggregation improves statistical power to detect effects that go in the same direction within a domain.
Despite the fact that these are the good proxies of risk behavior, it is worth pointing out that they are self-reported, and as such, some of them may be biased towards zero. This is a particular concern for the questions that measure behaviors which are socially regarded as inadequate or are illegal, such as marijuana consumption, hard drug consumption, or participation in physical fights, for which the individuals may refrain to report the truth. It is less of a concern for the variables that measure witnessing a crime or violence victimization or for such behaviors that are legal and commonly observed in young individuals (such as smoking or having a casual drink).
Measuring socio-emotional skills
We base our analysis on two measures of socio-emotional skills:11 the Social and Personal Competencies Scale and the Grit Scale. The Social and Personal Competencies Scale (CPS for its acronym in Spanish, Escala de Competencias Personales y Sociales) was developed in 2010 (Brea 2010; Ibarrarán et al. 2012). It was designed to measure the effectiveness of the life skills module of the youth training program Juventud y Empleo in the Dominican Republic in modifying personality traits. For Galpão's evaluation, the test was translated from Spanish to Portuguese and adapted to the local context, a process involving a group of experts in psychology and language.
The CPS scale measures six basic competencies: (i) leadership, (ii) behavior in situations of conflict, (iii) self-esteem, (iv) abilities to relate with others, (v) orderliness, and (vi) empathy and communication skills. It contains 44 questions to which respondents are asked to answer using a four-point (i.e., forced) Likert scale, expressing whether they strongly agree, agree, disagree, or strongly disagree with the specific statement. The responses are used to generate a general score as well as specific scores for each of the six dimensions. A higher score reflects a higher level of development in the social and personal competencies.
The Grit Scale was developed by Duckworth et al. (2007) and Duckworth and Quinn (2009). "Grit" is defined by the authors as "...perseverance and passion for long-term goals. Grit entails working strenuously toward challenges, maintaining effort and interest over years despite failure, adversity and plateaus in progress." The scale, designed for adolescents and adults, measures persistency of effort, enthusiasm about long-term goals, consistency of interests, and ambition. It is a self-reported test. As Duckworth et al. (2007) point out "...grit is expected to be associated with Big Five Conscientiousness and with self-control but, in its emphasis on focused effort and interest over time, to have incremental predictive validity for high accomplishment over and beyond these other constructs." In general, the authors find that the Grit Scale accounts for more variance in socio-emotional behavior than the Big Five Conscientiousness. The respondent provides a self-rating on a series of items using a five-point Likert scale where "1" refers to disagree strongly and "5" to agree strongly; "3" is the neutral option. In the literature, several versions of the test exist, and the number of questions ranges from 10 to 17. In this study we use a 13-item scale. Higher scores on the scale are associated with higher levels of motivation and determination over years despite failure or adversity.
Measuring cognitive skills
Cognitive skills are measured by a multiple choice test. The cognitive test was developed by the MIDE UC at the Department of Psychology of the Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile and applied in Busso et al. (2012). The test has previously been used in individuals between 25 and 30 years of age in Argentina and Chile, and it was chosen among 48 possible questions that were tested in those countries. It measures general intellectual ability through questions designed to assess analytic and abstract reasoning. Most of the questions correspond to analogies and figures. Each question presents one pair of related terms, followed by a second term that should be related to one of the four alternatives presented. There is only one correct answer per question. For this study, we used 12 questions (four verbal and eight figures). The total cognitive score was constructed as the sum of the correct answers for each individual—the mean score was 3.98 (s.e. 2.00). The cognitive test was conducted only in the second follow-up survey, which should not be a source of concern because Duflo et al. (2007) suggest that successful randomization makes baseline surveys unnecessary.
Table 1 shows descriptive statistics for the baseline survey for the treatment and control groups. Individuals targeted by the program were single men of approximately 24 years with low levels of education and income. Additionally, approximately 20 % of the individuals in the sample have smoked, 30 % consumed alcohol in the last week, 50 % had more than five drinks in the last week, and at least 3 % reported smoking marijuana in the last week, had consumed hard drugs, or had been part of a fight in the last month. The variables of hard drug consumption or fight participation should be analyzed with caution since the information is self-reported and individuals may refrain from reporting a negative behavior for fear of being excluded from the program. As expected, the variables of witnessing or being a victim of a crime, for which individuals may not have issues with reporting the truth, show substantially higher risk exposure. More particularly, approximately 50 % of the individuals witnessed a crime and 30 % were victims of a crime in the last year.
Table 1 Testing for balanced covariates—mean difference test
The motivation for relying on randomized variation to identify the effects of youth training programs on risk behavior follows standard concerns of selection biases. Individuals who voluntarily enroll in youth training programs may be different, or may be trending different, than those who choose not to engage in these programs. Since at least some of these characteristics may be unobserved for the researcher, the estimates of the causal effects of youth training programs on risk behavior will be biased if these differences are ignored.
Biases are expected to overestimate the effects of the program. In general, individuals who self-select in youth training programs may make better choices and, hence, should show lower levels of risk behavior. Hence, a simple comparison on the risk behavior of individuals who are treated by the youth training program and those who are not is likely to overestimate the effects of the program. Differences on the risk behavior between treatment and control groups may also be exacerbated in time. As individuals receive more training, for example, they could also become more informed on smart choices subsequently reducing their risk behavior and, hence, may decide to receive further training reducing their risk behavior even more, and so on.
We exploit the random variation induced by the Galpão program to analyze the effects of youth training programs on risk behavior. For this purpose, we use the following two specifications:
$$ Y_{it}=\alpha_{0}+\beta T{i}\times \text{Post}_{t}+\gamma_{t}+\gamma_{i}+\epsilon_{it} $$
$$ Y_{it}=\beta_{0}+\beta_{1} T_{i}\times \text{First~Follow-up}_{t}+\beta_{2} T_{i}\times\text{Second~Follow-up}_{t}+\gamma_{i}+\gamma_{t}+\mu_{it} $$
where i stands for individual, t stands for the survey wave (baseline, first, and second follow-ups), Y it is the outcome of interest, T i is a dummy variable for treatment recipients, Post t is a dummy variable that takes the value of one after the treatment was implemented (first and second follow-ups), and First Follow-up t and Second Follow-up t are dummy variables for the post-treatment periods. The specification in Eq. (1) tests for the total effects of the program, whereas the specification in Eq. (2) tests for the dynamic effects of the program for the first and second survey waves. Standard errors are clustered at the individual level.
In this context, β, β 1, and β 2 will be unbiased estimates of the effects of the program if the treatment randomization was effective.
Evidence on the randomization effectiveness
We first use the baseline sample to show the effectiveness of the randomization in the Galpão program by estimating the mean difference test for the observable variables. The observable covariates in the baseline can be grouped in sociodemographic characteristics, non-cognitive skills, and risk behavior. Table 1 shows evidence of a successful randomization.
Effects of the program
Employment, cognitive, and socio-emotional skills
We first estimate the effects of the program on labor outcomes, socio-emotional skills, and cognitive skills. The results are presented in Table 2. The table suggests that the Galpão program had a positive impact on the probability of having a job in the last week and, hence, on unconditional income (conditional income only includes the observations of the employed individuals). More particularly, we find that the individuals treated by the program saw an additional 10 percentage point likelihood of being employed. In analyzing the dynamic effects of the program, it is clear that the changes in employment are mainly observed in the second follow-up (11 to 13 months after the treatment implementation). This is not surprising since the effects of the program may not be directly observable immediately after the program was implemented (3 to 5 months in the first follow-up survey), but they may instead require some months to occur.12
Table 2 Effects of the Galpão program
We also find no evidence of significant effects of the program on socio-emotional skills or cognitive skills. We hypothesize that the absence of consistent effects of the program on cognitive and non-cognitive skills suggest that, although these variables are evolving through the life cycle as shown by Almlund et al. (2011), they may be difficult to shape in the short to medium term.
Risk behavior
We present our estimates of the effects of the program on risk behavior in Table 3, finding no direct effects of the program on risk behavior improvements. More particularly, we observe that smoking consumption, witnessing a crime, or being a victim of a crime actually increases for the individuals treated by the program.13 We hypothesize that the increments observed on smoking consumption and crime victimization may be explained via the positive income effect of the program. Since the program increased employment probability and, thus, unconditional income, the individuals treated by the program may have higher purchasing power (to buy goods such as cigarettes) and may also become targets of crime.
Table 3 Effects of the program on risk behavior
Since the Galpão program was a pilot project, our sample has a small size. This might create concerns of low power in our estimates given the large size of the standard errors. Our results in Table 3, however, allow us to reject the possibility that the program induced a reduction in the risk behavior for most of the observable measures given that the coefficients for the effects of the program are mostly positive (with the exception of high alcohol consumption and fight participation). Specifically, for the case of high alcohol consumption, we cannot rule out zero effects of the program but neither can we reject large effects as the coefficient takes a value of 8 % (see column 3). For the case of fight participation, we cannot rule out a significant effect of the program (although if significant, these effects are small).
Effects of Galpão by type of socio-emotional skills
We now proceed to check whether the program was able to modify risk behaviors when complemented with high socio-emotional skills. The answer to this question is of relevant policy value as targeting individuals with heterogeneous levels of socio-emotional skills may be an effective way of reducing risk behavior. In addition, recent literature has found a strong and large predictive power of socio-emotional skills on risk behavior and crime (Blattman et al. 2015).
Before we move on to present the main analysis, it is worth pointing out that when the RCT (Randomized Control Trial) was originally designed the analysis of the effects of the program on the subgroup of individuals with heterogeneous levels of socio-emotional skills was not conceived. This was only a question in which we became increasingly interested in after the RCT was implemented. Hence, the evidence presented in this section should be considered a first exploratory attempt to tackle this question. Future research, however, should attempt to solve this caveat by designing RCT interventions that are stratified by socio-emotional skills. We only test for the heterogeneous effects of the program by socio-emotional skills to alleviate concerns of data mining (as pointed by Deaton 2010).
To test whether the program was more effective in reducing risky behaviors for individuals with higher socio-emotional skills, we run a reduced form regression of the risk indicators on the triple interaction of a treatment dummy, a post-treatment time dummy, and the CPS or Grit Scales. The results of the exercise are only informative on the effects of the Galpão program on individuals that have heterogeneous levels of socio-emotional skills.
The results of the exercise are presented in Table 4. They suggest that individuals with higher levels of socio-emotional skills who were treated by the program had a lower probability of consuming alcohol, had a lower probability of participating in fights, and faced a lower probability of being victims of crime.
Table 4 Effects of the program on risk behavior (by type of socio-emotional skills)
To understand what types of personality traits are more related with risk behavior, we test for the correlation between the different types of socio-emotional skill and our multiple measures of risk behavior. Table 5 presents a panel regression of each risk behavior indicator on the z-scores for the socio-emotional tests (including fixed effects by individual and period of data collection—i.e., baseline, first, or second follow-up). In general, the estimates show a strong and negative correlation of the non-cognitive tests and risk behavior. The correlation is particularly strong for the CPS subscale measurements of empathy and the Grit subscale measurements of consistency of interest. Empathy measures the capacity to understand and accept other individuals, to consider their point of view, and to show respect for opinions that differ from one's own. Consistency of interest measures the capacity for maintaining constant interest in goals and projects and keeping stability in actions and thoughts concerning goal achievement.
Table 5 Correlation between risk behavior and non-cognitive skills
Hence, targeting changes in empathy and consistency of effort may be an effective way of reducing the risk behavior of young individuals. Our results are in line with evidence by (Dodge et al. 2014), who carried out a randomized controlled trial to test the efficacy of an early intervention to prevent adult psychopathology and to improve well-being in children with early-onset conduct problems. The authors find that early interventions to improve soft skills such as self-control and empathy are crucial for preventing future risk behavior.
We also study the predictability of socio-emotional skills on the risk behavior of individuals that belong to different age, gender, or income groups in the Appendix. The results suggest that higher socio-emotional z-scores on empathy and consistency of effort are strongly associated with lower risk behavior for males in their upper twenties (25 to 29 years) with low levels of income.
We use experimental data for the youth training program Galpão, implemented in the Favelas in Brazil, to explore the causal relationship between youth training programs and risk behavior. Our results suggest that the youth training program was not successful in reducing risk behaviors such as smoking, casual alcohol consumption, drug consumption, or crime victimization. However, we were not able to rule out significant effects of the program on high alcohol consumption and fight participation. We also find that those individuals that had higher levels of non-cognitive skills show relevant reductions in their risk behavior.
It is of crucial importance to note here some caveats of our analysis which could be improved in future research. First, despite using a credible source of identification, the Galpão program was a pilot intervention, and as such, it only treated a small sample of individuals. Future research examining similar questions should attempt to increase the sample size to alleviate small sample bias concerns. Second, our measures of risk behaviors are self-reported which can be biased approximations of the true risk behavior of the individuals that were surveyed. This is a special concern for the self-reported variables of risk behavior that are illegal such as hard drug consumption or participation in physical fights. It is less of a concern for variables that are socially accepted and legal (such as smoking or alcohol consumption) as well as for those that measure witnessing a crime or victimization. Future research should attempt to measure risk behavior directly.
1As suggested by UNODC (2014) considering the homicide rates of 219 countries, involvement in crime tends to peak in adolescence and decline thereafter.
2For a comprehensive review of crime and violence trends in Brazil, see Murray et al. (2013).
3 Heckman and Masterov (2007) and Heckman and Carneiro (2003) study when in life socio-emotional skills develop and stress the importance of early investments in both cognitive and socio-emotional skills.
4More particularly, they find that females aged 16–19 years in the treatment group are six percentage points less likely to be pregnant at the time of the follow-up survey on average. This corresponds to a 48 % drop compared to the average pregnancy rate in the same age group in the control group.
5 According to the last census, in 2010, approximately 11.4 million people live in Favelas, which represents 6 % of Brazil's population.
6For example, Juventud y Empleo in the Dominican Republic includes 225 h of a wide range of job training courses divided into 75 h of life skills training and 150 h of technical or vocational training (Card et al. 2011; Ibarrarán et al. 2012). In Argentina, entra21 comprises 100 h of technical training, 64 h of life skills training, and 16 extra hours depending on the type of course (Alzua et al. 2015).
7For instance, during the socio-emotional training, the class is divided into small groups. The instructor has the participants act out short plays in which they demonstrate a value (e.g., courage) in their daily lives. The next session starts with the same exercise focused on a different value (e.g., prudence). Then the participants discuss the stories. For example, in a particular session, one group dramatized a youth witnessing an assault and intervening to stop it, showing courage. They reflected upon it. Was it appropriate to be courageous in such a situation? Did he put his own life in danger? They then concluded that he risked his life in the situation, and he should have acted with prudence. This type of exercise teaches participants to reflect, analyze, and identify the appropriate values for different situations. The academic training relies on different activities. For example, to introduce the equation concept, the instructor uses a weight scale and explains to the participants that equilibrium requires both sides of the scale bear equal loads. Thus, an abstract concept is taught in an experimental way.
8Based on administrative data, the cost per participant is R$ 810 (USD 385) a month or R$ 4680 (USD 2225) for the entire training. Transportation costs represent around 27 % of the monthly cost.
9In the case of the first cohort, the survey was done after the training began. Although randomization makes baseline surveys unnecessary in principle (Duflo et al. 2007), the questionnaire included retrospective time frames to capture information before the program started. Furthermore, a balance check between the treatment and control groups from the first cohort versus the other two cohorts reveals no differences, particularly in time-variant variables.
10 These attrition rates are comparable to other impact evaluations of youth training programs in Latin America (38 % in Card et al. (2011); 18.5 % in Attanasio et al. (2011); 18.5 % in Alzua et al. (2015); and 20 % in Ibarrarán et al. (2012)).
11 Non-cognitive skills are difficult to define and generally are associated to work and study habits (i.e., motivation discipline) and behavioral attributes like self-esteem, locus of control, socio-emotional regulation, and self-control (Heckman 2008; Holmlund and Silva 2014).
12This results are in line with the results presented in the impact evaluation of the Galpão program by (Calero et al. 2015).
13We also adjust the significance level to correct for multiple testing using Bonferroni's correction. When this adjustment is included, none of the coefficients presented in Table 3 are statistically significant.
Appendix: non-cognitive skills and risky behavior
Table 6 Correlation between risky behavior and non-cognitive skill (ages < 20)
Table 7 Correlation between risky behavior and socio-emotional skills (age 20 to 24)
Table 9 Correlation between risky behavior and socio-emotional skills (men)
Table 10 Correlation between risky behavior and socio-emotional skills (women)
Table 11 Correlation between risky behavior and socio-emotional skills (income quintile 1)
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We would like to thank Silvia Barcellos, Leandro Carvalho, Odilon Camara, Steve Raphael, and Yongxiang Wang as well as the participants of the 2016 Annual Meeting of the Society of Labor Economists for useful discussion and suggestions. We are also grateful to the anonymous referee as well as to David Lam for their useful comments and suggestions.
The opinions expressed in this publication are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Inter-American Development Bank, its Board of Directors, or the countries they represent. The paper is the sole responsibility of the authors, who are responsible for any errors or omissions.
The IZA Journal of Labor & Development is committed to the IZA Guiding Principles of Research Integrity. The authors declare that they have observed these principles.
Inter-American Development Bank, 1300 New York Avenue, N.W. Washington, D.C., 20577, USA
Carla Calero
USC Marshall School of Business, Finance and Business Economics Department, 701 Exposition Blvd, HOH-804, Los Angeles, 90089-1422, CA, USA
Sandra V. Rozo
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Correspondence to Sandra V. Rozo.
Calero, C., Rozo, S.V. The effects of youth training on risk behavior: the role of non-cognitive skills. IZA J Labor Develop 5, 12 (2016) doi:10.1186/s40175-016-0058-6
Youth training programs
Socio-emotional skills


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The victorian christmas facts
Dec 23, 2016. Thus, it is thanks to the Victorian era that most of our beloved Christmas traditions, such as Christmas cards, gifts, and Boxing Day, are popular. History 10 Strange Christmas Traditions From The Victorian Era. before the Victorian era, Christmas was only ever really minimally celebrated in Britain.
The celebration of Christmas was very important to the Victorians. Here are some facts about the different traditions and activities associated with Christmas in Victorian times.
Victorian Christmas The significance of the Victorian era and their impact on the way we operate in modern day society cannot be measured.
It was an important era for us all. How can the answer be improved? The Victorians began our beloved Christmas traditions, the turkey, the Christmas Tree, mulled wine. Learn more about the history of Christmas and Victorians. Merry Christmas; Licensed to YouTube by AdRev for a 3rd Party, APM Music (on behalf of Sonoton Music); AdRev Publishing, and 8 Music Rights Societies. Victorian Farm Christmas Episode I. As this all suggests, the Victorian Christmas was a mixture of both religious and secular ideas, which is one of the reasons why it became so popular.
Image by John Stratford, Flickr Invented traditions of Oxford No Christmas cards were sent and most people did not have holidays from work. The wealth and technologies generated by the industrial revolution of the Victorian era changed the face of Christmas forever. Prince Albert, husband of Queen Victoria, decorated the first Victorian Christmas tree at Windsor Castle, duplicating a German tradition. Many of the Christmas traditions followed today date back to the Victorian era.
Check out these eight ways to celebrate a Victorian Christmas. Victorian Christmas Traditions Although the birth of Christ has been celebrated for the best part of 2, 000 years, it only became a festival as we know it in Victorian times. Imagine a Christmas with no Christmas tree, no crackers, no Christmas cards and no time off work! The History of Christmas Tree Ornaments, dating as far back as the Seventh Century, all the way through World War I and World War II, to present day.
An excellent read! Prince Albert, husband of Queen Victoria, decorated the first Victorian Christmas tree at Windsor Castle, duplicating a German tradition. The spectral tradition shows up in many Victorian novels, A Christmas Carol being just one of them. Susan Hill's The Woman in Black has a frame narrative; the narrator tells the story to his friends on Christmas Eve. The Victorian Farm Team have come up with 25 Christmas activities for you to make your very own Victorian Christmas.
See them all here. Just how different was Christmas 120 years ago? We go back to Victorian times at Craigdarroch Castle to find out. How the tradition of sending Christmas Cards started and the history of Christmas Cards. The History of Christmas Cards. In late Victorian times, robins (a. Aug 25, 2018. Many of the Christmas traditions followed today date back to the Victorian era.
Check out these eight ways to celebrate a Victorian Christmas. Victorian Era Christmas Carols: Popular Christmas songs, Singing Celebrations Skip to content The Victorian Era England facts about Queen Victoria, Society& Literature In the history of the United Kingdom, the Victorian era was the period of Queen Victoria's reign, from 20 June 1837 until her death on 22 January 1901.
Victorian Christmas Stroll. General Information. It's hard to imagine now, but at the beginning of the 19th century Christmas was hardly celebrated. Dec 7, 2016. Christmas celebrations were very different before the Victorian era. We take a look at 5 traditions and how they changed during the 19th.
Dickens wrote the most famous Victorian ghost story, The Christmas Carol in 1843 followed by The Cricket on the Hearth: A Fairy-Tale of Home in 1846. This was the. Victorian Christmas Crackers If there is one thing inseparable from a traditional Victorian Christmas, it is — the Christmas cracker. The original crackers were love tokens; neither more nor less. Christmas as we celebrate it today has its origins in Victorian Britain.
It's hard to imagine now, but at the beginning of the 19th century Christmas was hardly celebrated. Many businesses did not even consider it a holiday. Victorian Christmas. This cover illustration from The Christmas tree quadrille shows what a Christmas tree might have looked like in the late Victorian. The wealth and technologies generated by the industrial revolution of the Victorian era changed the face of Christmas forever. Sentimental do-gooders like. Sep 26, 2012.
The celebration of Christmas was very important to the Victorians. Here are some facts about the different traditions and activities associated. No era in history however, has influenced the way in which we celebrate Christmas, quite as much as the Victorians. Before Victoria 's reign started in 1837 nobody in Britain had heard of Santa Claus or Christmas Crackers. A comprehensive Victorian Children history guide with facts and information on how the Victorian times impacted children in work, play, education and home life.
Facts and worksheets about aspects of Victorian Christmases. What the Victorians Did for Christmas. We often assume that the Victorian Age was a time of unrelenting gloom, but perhaps it is that very gloom that meant that when they came to a feast such as Christmas, they rather let their hair down. Although some Victorian families celebrated Christmas with roast goose or beef, it was in Victorian times that roast turkey became the main part of the Christmas dinner.
By the end of the Victorian period, most families would roast a turkey for Christmas. Other Facts About Christmas in Victorian Times. The family was really important to the Victorians.
Prince Albert& Christmas Traditions. Victorian Christmas Tree On 10 February 1840, Victoria married Albert of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha, her maternal cousin. The Victorian Christmas - Kindle edition by Anna Selby. Download it once and read it on your Kindle device, PC, phones or tablets. Use features like bookmarks, note taking and highlighting while reading The victorian christmas facts Victorian Christmas.
For its December 25th, 1840 edition, the Morning Chronicle polled workhouse managers to discover what the poor of London could expect for their Christmas Day. The following The victorian christmas facts an extract of their. Victorian Christmas History Queen Victoria's reign, which started in 1837, saw the celebration of Christmas on a wide and elaborate scale.
Victorian Christmas history tells us that Christmas was not so elaborate before. Victorian Christmas The significance of the Victorian era and their impact on the way we operate in modern day society cannot be measured. It was an important era for us all. Victorian Christmas Stroll. General Information. It's hard to imagine now, but at the beginning of the 19th century Christmas was hardly celebrated.
The Victorians created Christmas as we know it – from Christmas cards and crackers to the decorated Christmas tree. The Victorians created Christmas as we know it – from Christmas cards and crackers to the decorated Christmas tree A Victorian Christmas: Thackeray goes to the pantomime In this extract from Roundabout Papers, William Makepeace Thackeray describes a festive entertainment which takes liberties with history.
Not that Thackeray is above taking a few liberties of his own. The Victorians began our beloved Christmas traditions, the turkey, the Christmas Tree, mulled wine. Learn more about the history of Christmas and Victorians used to celebrate it Victorian Christmas. The significance of the Victorian era and their impact on the way we operate in modern day society cannot be measured. It was an important. Enjoy the olde days with these lovely Victorian Mickey Christmas ornaments.
Old World Christmas Victorian Stocking Glass Blown Ornament. by Old World Christmas. This cover illustration from The Christmas tree quadrille shows what a Christmas tree might have looked like in the late Victorian. of a Victorian Christmas. the origins of victorian caroling Many of the Christmas carols that we sing today originated during Victorian times.
The Victorians loved music and, as part of their holiday celebrations, began to revive old medieval English carols. Victorian advancements in technology, industry and infrastructure – as well as having an impact on society as a whole – made Christmas an occasion that many more British people could enjoy. One of the most significant seasonal traditions to emerge from the Victorian era is the Christmas card.
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200 U.S. 179 - Cincinnati Portsmouth Big Sandy Pomeroy Packet Company v. George W Bay
200 US 179 Cincinnati Portsmouth Big Sandy Pomeroy Packet Company v. George W Bay
CINCINNATI, PORTSMOUTH, BIG SANDY, POMEROY PACKET COMPANY, Plff. in Err.,
GEORGE W. BAY and William Bay.
Argued December 15, 1905.
Decided January 2, 1906.
Messrs. Ledyard Lincoln and Julius L. Anderson for plaintiff in error.
Messrs. Joseph Spencer Graydon and Lawrence Maxwell, Jr., for defendants in error.
Mr. Justice Holmes delivered the opinion of the court:
This is an action upon a contract, brought by the defendants in error to recover an instalment of money due by its terms. A judgment in their favor was sustained by the supreme court of the state, although the petition in error to that court set up that the contract was illegal under the act of Congress of July 2, 1890, chap. 647. 26 Stat. at L. 209, U. S. Comp. Stat. 1901, p. 3200. No opinion was delivered, but a certificate that this objection was relied upon, and that it necessarily was considered, was made part of the record by that court. Therefore the present writ of error properly was allowed. The record shows that the question was raised, and the certificate shows that it was not treated as having been raised too late under the local procedure, a point upon which the state court is the judge. It is enough that the Federal question was raised and necessarily decided by the highest court of the state. Farmers' & M. Ins. Co. v. Dobney, 189 U. S. 301, 47 L. ed. 821, 23 Sup. Ct. Rep. 565.
The contract was an indenture between the Portsmouth & Pomeroy Packet Company, George W. and William Bay, of the first part, and the Cincinnati, Portsmouth, Big Sandy, & Pomeroy Packet Company, of the second part. By this instrument the parties of the first part sell to the latter two steamers, two deck barges, two coal flats, and $500 in the stock of the Coney Island Wharf Boat Company, for $30,500, to be paid as therein provided. The party of the second part also agrees to pay to the Bays $3,600 annually in advance for five years, provided, however, that in case of opposition to its boats by other boats running from Cincinnati to Portsmouth, Ohio, or to points above Portsmouth, not including points above Syracuse, Ohio, causing it to carry freight and passengers at certain exceedingly low rates, the time of payment of the instalments shall be postponed until the opposition has ceased. It is further agreed that if the opposition continues for two years without interruption, and no annual payment be made, the Bays may cancel the agreement.
'It is also agreed as a part of the consideration of this agreement' that for five years the parties of the first part, or either of them, shall not be 'engaged in running or in operating, or in any way be interested in any freight and passenger packet or business, or either of them, at and from Cincinnati, Ohio, to Portsmouth, Ohio, and intermediate points; nor at and from Portsmouth, Ohio, to Cincinnati, Ohio, and intermediate points; nor at and from Syracuse, Ohio, or points between Syracuse and Portsmouth, Ohio, to or for points below Portsmouth, Ohio,' with a qualification as to the towing and barge business, so long as it does not interfere with the other party's freight and passenger business from Portsmouth to Cincinnati. 'It is also understood in this agreement that the party of the second part will maintain the rates charged by the parties of the first part on business above Portsmouth, Ohio, said rates, however, never to exceed railroad rates between said points.' The last-mentioned covenants, set forth in this paragraph, are especially relied upon as making the contract illegal, as in restraint of trade. The previously mentioned suspension of instalments in case of opposition rising to a certain height also is referred to as a combination to aid the purchaser in getting a monopoly of river trade between Portsmouth and Cincinnati, including, it is said, some Kentucky ports.
It might be enough, perhaps, to answer the whole contention, that it does not appear on the record that the contract necessarily contemplated commerce between the states. It would be an extravagant consequence to draw from Hanley v. Kansas City Southern R. Co. 187 U. S. 617, 47 L. ed. 333, 23 Sup. Ct. Rep. 214,—a case of a state attempting to fix rates over a railroad route passing outside its limits,—that the contract was within the Sherman act because the boats referred to might sail over soil belonging to Kentucky in passing between two Ohio points. It may be noticed further that Ohio equally has jurisdiction on the river. Wedding v. Meyler, 192 U. S. 573, 48 L. ed. 570, 66 L. R. A. 833, 24 Sup. Ct. Rep. 322. A contract is not to be assumed to contemplate unlawful results unless a fair construction requires it upon the established facts. Technically, perhaps, there might be some trouble in saying that the supreme court of Ohio did not decide the case on the ground that the illegality was not made out as matter of fact.
But we do not like to put our decision upon technical reasoning where there is at least a fair surmise that such reasoning does not meet the realities of the case. We will suppose, then, that the contract does not leave commerce among the states untouched. But even on this supposition it is manifest that interference with such commerce is insignificant and incidental, and not the dominant purpose of the contract, if it actually was thought of at all. The route mentioned is between Ohio ports. The contract, in what it especially contemplates, is a domestic contract, and, so far as it is so, is shown to be valid under the local law by the decision of the Ohio court. The chief and visible object of its provisions has nothing to do with commerce among the states. That which suspends payment of instalments in case of very serious opposition is security against a losing bargain, not a combination to gain a monopoly. The withdrawal of the vendors from opposition for five years is the ordinary incident of the sale of a business and good will.
It is argued, to be sure, that the lastmentioned covenant is independent and not connected with the sale of the vessels. The contrary is manifest as a matter of good sense, and is proved even technically by the words 'it is also agreed as a part of the consideration of this agreement.' By these words the covenant not to do business between Cincinnati and Portsmouth for five years is imported into the sale of the ships, and made one of the conventional inducements of the purchase. The price is paid not for the vessels alone, but for the vessels with the covenant. So, still mere clearly, the parallel instalments for five years are paid for the covenant, at least in part. It is said that there is no sale of good will. But the covenant makes the sale. Presumably all that there was to sell, beside certain instruments of competition, was the competition itself, and the purchasers did not want the vendors' names.
This being our view of the covenant in question, whatever differences of opinion there may have been with regard to the scope of the act of July 2, 1890, there has been no intimation from anyone, we believe that such a contract, made as part of the sale of a business, and not as a device to control commerce, would fall within the act. On the contrary, it has been suggested repeatedly that such a contract is not within the letter or spirit of the statute (United States v. Trans-Missouri Freight Asso. 166 U. S. 290, 329, 41 L. ed. 1007, 1023, 17 Sup. Ct. Rep. 540; United States v. Joint Traffic Asso. 171 U. S. 505, 568, 43 L. ed. 259, 287, 19 Sup. Ct. Rep. 25), and it was so decided in the case of a patent (E. Bement & Sons v. National Harrow Co. 186 U. S. 70, 92, 46 L. ed. 1058, 1069, 22 Sup. Ct. Rep. 747). It would accomplish no public purpose, but simply would provide a loophole of escape to persons inclined to elude performance of their undertakings, if the sale of a business and temporary withdrawal of the seller, necessary in order to give the sale effect, were to be declared illegal in every case where a nice scrutiny could discover that the covenant possibly might reach beyond the state line. We are of opinion that the agreement before us is not made illegal by either of the provisions thus far discussed.
It only remains to say a word as to the agreement to maintain rates. This is a covenant by the purchaser, the plaintiff in error. It is not the covenant sued upon. It is not declared to enter into the consideration of the sale. If necessary, we should be astute to avoid allowing a party to escape from his just and substantially legal undertaking on such a ground. The argument on the other side requires us to import a subordinate undertaking of the buyer into the consideration for that which was the consideration of his debt, and, in that roundabout way, to make the debt unlawful. We shall not go into such niceties beyond noticing that they are not encouraged by the cases. Oregon Steam Nav. Co. v. Winsor, 20 Wall. 64, 22 L. ed. 315; Bank of Australasia v. Breillat, 6 Moore, P. C. C. 152, 201; Pigot's Case, 11 Coke, 26b, 27b. The plaintiff in error did business between Cincinnati and Syracuse, Ohio, and the rates referred to must be assumed to be rates within those points. If the covenant had any direct bearing on commerce with another state, what we have said sufficiently explains why we deem it insufficient to make the whole agreement void.


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Arsenal to make transfer target highest paid player ever
By TT Staff
Metro have a rather fascinating claim for us here in the Football Transfer Tavern as they note that Luis Suarez could well become Arsenal's highest ever paid player.
The Liverpool forward has been trying to push through a transfer to the Emirates Stadium all summer and now it seems that he will be rewarded for that – should he actually succeed of course.
As we all know, Arsenal have one of the most rigid wage structures in the top flight and that is currently capped at £100,000 per week –which the likes of Lukas Podolski and Theo Walcott are currently earning.
Now it seems Wenger is willing to turn his back on that and make a special exception for the man he has risked it all on this summer.
Suarez will cost the Gunners in excess of £40 million should they land him and they are prepared to add to that by offering the forward £160,000 per week – an amount that would blow the £120,000 Liverpool pay him – out of the water.
Liverpool may still be standing firm on their reluctance to allow Suarez to leave, yet as one of our punters quips, the Uruguayan forward seems hell bent on getting out of Anfield and given Brendan Rodgers has told him to apologise to team-mates and to the club for his behaviour before returning to the first team, we think that could be a while off yet.
Arsenal fans. What is your gut feeling regarding the Suarez deal? Can it come off or is there simply no hope? Let us know your thoughts below.
Can you work out who these four Premier League mascots are? CLICK BELOW to enter the competition!
Related Items:Anfield, Arsene Wenger, Brendan Rodgers, emirates stadium, Gunners, Luis Suarez, lukas podolski, Merseyside, Reds, Theo Walcott
Potential consequences: Arsenal interest in Ruben Loftus-Cheek
Liverpool fans are delighted after good Sadio Mane news emerges
Laurent Koscielny could be the missing link between success and failure for Arsenal this season


When data for the Report Keeps History and its data is uploaded from a CSV file, there are different rules. See Delete Instances and/or Data Files from a Report Sourced from a CSV File for details.
1.1. Select option to Delete "All"
In this example, we deleted all data from 2013 and 2014.
Instances previously deleted have been re-collected.


For all of our lovely brides in search of winter wedding inspiration, look no further than this elegant, rustic winter wedding shoot captured by Deisy Photography and styled by Blair Sims Events! Set amidst a tree-lined spot at The Stone Barn, the crisp, earthy feel of winter foliage grounded the shoot, specifically centering around the use of frosted pine cones. Used as place card holders, table decor and in the greenery and white floral arrangements by Trochta's Flowers, these traditional winter decor staples brought an undeniably festive feel to the setting. Hand written calligraphy vows from Rachel Kathryn Designs were used as unique table decor, while a gorgeous three-tier, evergreen and gold foil cake from Brown Egg Bakery served as a festive centerpiece to a glittering tabletop lit with candles and silver lanterns. Most dazzling of all was the model bride's modern two-piece look, complete with lacy long sleeves, a trailing skirt and appliqué shawl to match from Prescott Bridal. She and her bridesmaids' ethereal hair and makeup looks from Lexi Faught were the perfect complement to the rustic woods setting. We can't get enough of this winter wedding beauty! Enjoy!


My friend and client Jen came in today to have her fingers and toes done, ready for her holiday with her family. Jen has moved from having classic pink and white enhancements to always having a colour over them and often glitter, foil or some sort of nail art.
Jen chose CND Shellac in Wisteria Haze and Creekside. I applied Lecente Iridescent Glitter in Baby Blue over Wisteria Haze which is absolutely stunning and something you definitely need to have a colour pop of, ready to show clients. I printed a design from MoYou London Pro Collection Plate 23 in silver over Creekside.
I've always loved Wisteria Haze since I very first saw it but honestly, seeing it on Jen's nails it's really given me the urge to apply it to my own next but we shall see!


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Rendzina Soil and the Wokewine Mountains: the Robe GI
The historic Cape Dombey Obelisk in Robe, South Australia
Robe—one of the six wine regions located in South Australia's Limestone Coast Zone—is named for the small township of Robe, located on the shores of Guichen Bay. Robe was named after the fourth Governor of South Australia, Major Frederick Robe, who chose the site as a port in 1845.
The area—with its unspoiled, rugged coastline and multiple lakes—has a long history of aquaculture, agriculture, and tourism. Robe bills itself as "Australia's Favorite Seaside Town" and is listed as one of the "Top 50 small towns in Australia." Fishing, boating, hiking, camping, and sea-side conservation areas are a big deal in Robe.
As might be expected, the area enjoys a degree of fame for its seafood—particularly the lobster—but viticulture is a fairly new arrival to the area.
Photo of the seaside town of Robe by Kym Farnik via Wikimedia Commons
The area's first vineyards were planted as recently as 1989, with the first commercial vineyards planted by Penfolds in 1994. Other (mostly independent) wineries followed suit and today you can find several wineries—including Karatta Wines, Woodsoak Wines, and Governor Robe Wines—in the area. The Robe wine region, which stretches along the coast from the town of Robe to the town of Beachport in the south, was officially recognized as a Geographical Indication in 2006.
This coast-side location makes for a cool climate and resultant long ripening season. However, the area's commercial vineyards are planted on the eastern (inland) side of the Wokewine Mountains, which provide a bit of a barrier to the cool ocean breezes. The mountains also provide a small degree of altitude—many vineyards are planted at elevations of 164 feet (50 m) to as high as 495 feet (51 m)—as well as some areas of northern exposure ideal for red grapes (remember, we are in the Southern Hemisphere so northern exposure = more sun). The many large lakes located between the mountains and the coast also help moderate the climate somewhat.
Map of the Robe GI via: Phylloxera and Grape Industry Board of South Australia
The area has a wide range of soil types, which includes the famous terra rosa found throughout much of the Limestone Coast Zone. Many vineyards are planted on rendzina soils, a specific type of darkly-colored clay-and-humus-rich terra rosa found mainly in mountainous regions.
Today, there are a total of 1,705 acres (690 ha) of vines planted in the Robe G.I. Of these, 72% are planted to red grapes, led by Cabernet Sauvignon, Shiraz, Pinot Noir, and Merlot (in that order). Of the 28% planted to white grapes, Chardonnay makes up the great majority, followed by Sauvignon Blanc, Pinot Gris, and Semillon.
Many of the grapes grown in the Robe area are used, somewhat anonymously, for wines labeled under the Limestone Coast, South Australia, or South Eastern Australia Geographical Indications. However, those bottled under the Robe G.I. are worth seeking out. If you find yourself in South Australia sometime soon, you'll want to make sure to treat yourself to some of that Guichen Bay lobster and a bottle of Robe Chardonnay.
This is the sixth and final installation in our six-part series on Australia's Limestone Coast. Click here for the first article, on the Mount Benson GI, click here for the article on Mount Gambier, here for the article on Coonawarra, here for the article on Wrattonbully, and here for the article on Padthaway.
https://www.wineaustralia.com/au/discover-australian-wine/south-australia-wines/robe
http://www.robe.com.au/
https://www.governorrobe.com.au/
http://woodsoakwines.com.au/
https://karattawines.com.au/
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rendzina
Filed under Travels in Wine World, WineGeo Tagged with Limestone Coast, Robe, South Australia
Limestone Caves, Bent-Wing Bats, and Cabernet: the Wrattonbully GI
Wrattonbully, one of the six wine regions located in South Australia's Limestone Coast Zone, is located between Coonawarra (to the south) and Padthaway (to the north). The eastern edge of the region forms a portion of the border between the states of South Australia and Victoria.
The Aboriginal population of Australia recognized the region's potential and settled in the area long before the first European settlers arrived—mostly from Scotland—in 1842. A few decades later—in 1885—the first grapevines in the area (about five acres of Muscat) were planted by George McEwin. McEwin planted other fruit as well, and used the grapes and the fruit to make preserves under the brand name Glen Ewin Jams.
It is believed that grapes for wine were first planted in 1969 by the Pender Family; soon thereafter John Greenshields of Koppamurra Vineyard followed suit. These early vineyards were mainly Cabernet Sauvignon, with some Chardonnay and Shiraz.
A few decades later, large tracts of terra rosa soil (extending northward from Coonawarra, just to the south) were uncovered in the region and wine companies from all over Australia started investing—and planting—in Wrattonbully. Today, Wrattonbully has over 20 wine estates and 6,400 acres (2,590 ha) planted to vines. The region was officially recognized as a Geographical Indication in 2005.
Wrattonbully is largely red wine country; in fact, 86% of the current vineyards are planted to red grapes—led by Cabernet Sauvignon, Shiraz, and Merlot (in that order). The remaining 14% of the vineyards are planted to white grapes—mostly Chardonnay, Pinot Gris, and Sauvignon Blanc.
Rolling hills dominate the region, which spans across a portion of South Australia's Naracoorte Mountain Range. Many vineyards are planted at the hillside "sweet spot" mid-way up the slopes at altitudes ranging from 245 to 295 feet (75 to 95 m).
Located just 45 miles inland from the Great Australian Bight, Wrattonbully enjoys a mostly maritime climate—which allows for a long growing season—with some Mediterranean influences that keep the summers warm and dry.
Limestone caves are a feature of this region, including the Naracoorte Caves, a UNESCO World Heritage site. The Naracoorte Caves—a complex of over 26 caves—are preserved within the Naracoorte Caves National Park. These caves contain the most complete fossil record of Australia's past, spanning several ice ages, the arrival of humans in the area, and the extinction of Australia's megafauna (large animals such as flightless birds and giant reptiles that lived after the extinction of the dinosaurs) roughly 60,000 years ago.
The first cave in the area to be discovered by Europeans was Blanche Cave, discovered in 1845. According to legend, a shepherd had gone in search of some missing sheep, and found them in the antechamber to the deep, stalactite and stalagmite-filled cave. Another cave—known as Bat Cave—provides one of only two breeding grounds for the Southern Bent-Wing Bat (and they all come home to roost every spring).
Guided tours of many of the caves located within Naracoorte National Park—including Victoria Fossil Cave, Alexandra Cave, and the Bat Cave—are available year-round. Guided "adventure caving" (meaning crawling around in the dark) is available at the Stick-Tomato Cave, the Wet Cave, and the Starburst Chamber of the Victoria Fossil Cave.
If you decide to visit the Naracoorte Caves—whether it be to watch the bats leave the cave at sunset, go crawling through a cave, or even just wander the fossil fields—you might want to make sure you have a nice bottle of Wrattonbully Cabernet waiting for you when you return, just in case you need to unwind a bit after all that adventure!
Map via: http://www.wrattonbullywineregion.com
This is the fifth installation in our six-part series on Australia's Limestone Coast. Click here for the first article, on the Mount Benson GI, click here for the article on Mount Gambier, here for the article on Coonawarra, and here for the article on Padthaway.
http://www.wrattonbullywineregion.com/region/
https://www.wineaustralia.com/discover-australian-wine/south-australia-wines/wrattonbully
http://www.environment.sa.gov.au/naracoorte/Home
Filed under Context is queen, Travels in Wine World Tagged with Limestone Coast, South Australia, Wrattonbully
Red Soil, Red Wine: the Coonawarra GI
Photo of Wynns Coonawarra vineyards by Alpha, via Wikimedia Commons
The story of how Coonawarra—by far the most famous and most prolific of the Limestone Coast GIs—became a modern wine-production powerhouse begins back in 1861 with a man named John Riddoch. That was the year Riddoch, a Scottish immigrant, purchased 35,000 acres (141,000 ha) of sheep grazing land and began to amass a huge flock of sheep (and even more land).
By 1890 Riddoch had founded the Pensacola Fruit Colony and divided 1,000 acres into 10-acre plots. He planted vineyards in some of the plots himself and leased out the rest to 26 independent farmers. A report from 1896 states that over 95,000 vines and 10,000 fruit trees were planted in that first year. Riddoch also produced wine, and built a distinctive triple-gabled winery known as the Chateau Comaum. The historic building is now in the hands of Wynns Coonawarra Estate and recognizable from the Wynns label and logo.
After John Riddoch passed away in 1901, the grapes grown in the vineyards of the Pensacola Fruit Colony were primarily used in the production of fortified wine and brandy,. However, all that changed in 1951 when Samuel and David Wynn purchased the original Riddoch property. The Wynns began to restore the vineyards and the winery, and soon became the first Australian winery to use the term "estate" to indicate a locally-grown and produced wine. In the 1970's and 80's, other wine producers (including Penfolds, Lindeman's, and Yalumba) joined the Wynns in planting vineyards and making wine in Coonawarra.
Image via: https://www.wynns.com.au/en/.
The Coonawarra region—named after an Aboriginal word meaning honeysuckle—is located about 50 miles (80 km) inland, along the eastern border of the state of South Australia (with the state of Victoria to the east). It is tucked between the Wrattonbully GI (to its north) and the Mount Benson GI (to its south). The area enjoys a cool, maritime climate with warm, dry summers reflecting some Mediterranean influences. The area is fairly flat—its elevation tops out at about 165 feet (50 m).
Coonawarra —particularly renowned for its red wines grown on the region's famous reddish topsoil—is considered to be one of the most terroir-specific wine regions in Australia. The best vineyards of Coonawarra are planted atop part of a cigar-shaped 7½-mile–long by 1¼-mile–wide (12-km long the 2-km wide) low-rise swath of red sandy loam over limestone (possibly the remnant of an old reef). This soil phenomenon is officially referred to as "shallow stony red sandy loam on calcrete" but it is better known to wine lovers as the well-drained, low-vigor terra rosa of Coonawarra and Australia's Limestone Coast.
Today there are over 14,840 acres (6,005 ha) of vines in Coonawarra. A great majority— 90%—of the vineyards are planted to red grape varieties. Cabernet Sauvignon is by far the dominant variety—and by itself accounts for over 60% of the region's vines. Shiraz is the next most-planted (and by itself accounts for another 20% of the area's vines). The remainder of the red vines are mostly planted to Merlot, with Pinot Noir, Cabernet Franc, and Petit Verdot filling in the gaps. Of the 10% of the vines that are planted to white grapes, Chardonnay is the leader, followed by Sauvignon Blanc and Riesling.
Coonwarra became an official Geographical Indication in 2003.
This is the fourth installation in our six-part series on Australia's Limestone Coast. Click here for the first article, on the Mount Benson GI, click here for the article on Mount Gambier, and here for the article on Padthaway.
https://www.wynns.com.au/
https://coonawarra.org/
https://www.wineaustralia.com/discover-australian-wine/south-australia-wines/coonawarra
https://www.wineaustralia.com/au/coonawarra
Filed under Travels in Wine World Tagged with Coonawarra, John Riddoch, Limestone Coast
Good Water and the Riddoch Highway: the Padthaway GI
Photo of Henry's Drive via: https://www.henrysdrive.com/media-and-trade
Padthaway is a wine region in South Australia, located just to the north of Wrattonbully and about 40 miles (64 km) inland from the coast. The area is flat, with the highest elevation reaching just 165 feet (50 m) high. Most of the area sits atop a shallow ridge located along the western slope of West Naracoorte Range—which runs parallel to the ocean. The climate has both maritime and Mediterranean influences, and there are a variety of soil types as well—including the famous terra rossa shared with Coonawarra and Wrattonbully, its neighbors-to-the-south.
Padthaway—as would be expected due to its flat terrain and slightly-inland setting—is the warmest of the six wine regions located in Australia's Limestone Coast Zone. The first vineyards of the area were planted by Karl Seppelt in 1963, and soon thereafter many of Australia's other big-name wine companies—including Wynn's, Lindeman's, Hardys, and Penfolds—soon followed suit. The area was officially declared the Padthaway Geographical Indication in 1999.
While many of the grapes grown in the Padthaway Region still make their way to large wineries in other regions, Padthaway now has about two dozen small producers making local wine. These include Henry's Drive Vignerons and Padthaway Estate—both of which offer tastings at the cellar door.
Map of Padthaway via: Phylloxera and Grape Industry Board of South Australia
The name Padthaway—meaning "good water"—was bestowed upon the region by its original inhabitants, the Potawurutj Aboriginines. The shape and size of the area is unique—long and narrow, stretching for over 38 miles (62 km) following the Riddoch Highway from the town of Naraccorte to just north of the town of Padthaway. By contrast, the region is a mere 5 miles (8 km) wide at its widest point. The Riddoch Highway is named after John Riddoch, a businessman who—in the 1890's—planted the first vineyards in the area, in what is now known as Coonawarra.
The Padthaway GI currently has about 10,000 acres (4,050 ha) planted to vines. About 60% of the vines are red grapes, led by Shiraz and Cabernet Sauvignon with a bit of Merlot and Pinot Noir in the mix. Of the 40% planted to white grapes, the majority are Chardonnay—along with a smattering of Riesling, Pinot Gris, Semillon, and Sauvignon Blanc.
We seem to be publishing a series of posts on Australia's Limestone Coast. Click here to read the first installment (Mount Benson) and here to read the second (Mount Gambier). Soon to come: Coonawarra, Wrattonbully, and Robe.
http://www.padthawaywineregion.com/producers.htm
http://southaustralia.com/places-to-go/south-australia/wine-regions/padthaway-wine-region
https://www.henrysdrive.com/our-story/name
Filed under WineGeo Tagged with Limestone Coast, Padthaway


text:
A genetic profile of contemporary Jewish populations
Harry Ostrer
The Jews are an ancient people with a history spanning several millennia. Genetic studies over the past 50 years have shed light on Jewish origins, the relatedness of Jewish communities and the genetic basis of Mendelian disorders among Jewish peoples. In turn, these observations have been used to develop genetic testing programmes and, more recently, to attempt to discover new genes for susceptibility to common diseases.
Nature Reviews Genetics
https://doi.org/10.1038/35098506
Genetics(clinical)
10.1038/35098506
Dive into the research topics of 'A genetic profile of contemporary Jewish populations'. Together they form a unique fingerprint.
Jews Medicine & Life Sciences 100%
Genetic Profile Medicine & Life Sciences 92%
Genetic Testing Medicine & Life Sciences 73%
History Medicine & Life Sciences 53%
Ostrer, H. (2001). A genetic profile of contemporary Jewish populations. Nature Reviews Genetics, 2(11), 891-898. https://doi.org/10.1038/35098506
A genetic profile of contemporary Jewish populations. / Ostrer, Harry.
In: Nature Reviews Genetics, Vol. 2, No. 11, 01.11.2001, p. 891-898.
Ostrer, H 2001, 'A genetic profile of contemporary Jewish populations', Nature Reviews Genetics, vol. 2, no. 11, pp. 891-898. https://doi.org/10.1038/35098506
Ostrer H. A genetic profile of contemporary Jewish populations. Nature Reviews Genetics. 2001 Nov 1;2(11):891-898. https://doi.org/10.1038/35098506
Ostrer, Harry. / A genetic profile of contemporary Jewish populations. In: Nature Reviews Genetics. 2001 ; Vol. 2, No. 11. pp. 891-898.
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doi = "10.1038/35098506",
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Erick Winkowski blasting a backside air over the shallow end stairs! Photo by Thrasher Magazine.
Drew and Aaron are back with another session! Some of the topics in today's episode are: The amazing Erick Winkowski and his recent parts and photos; The Dew Tour stop in LA; Tony Hawk and his recent NBD; perspectives between skate photography and videography; the now ready ODS shirts!
Thanks to our good friend and fellow skater with Skatosis, Jeff Rupard, for the killer intro/outro from his band Black Caverns!
Shop at Old Dude Skate Co!
One the Pew with the Barn Burner Crew!


text:
Le HNoMS Valkyrjen était un destroyer torpilleur de la Marine royale norvégienne, construit au chantier naval F. Schichau à Elbing, en Allemagne. Les fonds pour le navire avaient été recueillis par les femmes de la Norvège et le navire a été nommé Valkyrien en leur honneur. Il était également surnommée Damernes krigsskib (littéralement "Le navire de guerre des demoiselles"). Le navire a eu son premier essai en mer le 11 mai 1896 et a été rapidement approuvé. Il a été achevée à Horten, en Norvège, et livrée au ministre de la Défense à Christiania (Oslo), le 17 mai 1896. Le navire a été ouvert au public pendant deux jours avant de retourner à Horten.

Le Valkyrjen avait un déplacement de 415 tonnes. Ses dimensions étaient de 59,4 × 7,4 × 2,6 mètres et elle avait une vitesse de pointe de . Elle était dirigée par un équipage de 59 personnes. Son armement comprenait deux canons de 76 mm et quatre 37 mm en plus de deux lance-torpilles.

En août 1920, le Valkyrien a effectué des exercices sur la côte ouest avec le  et , et après son retour à Bergen, il a été mis hors service le 27 septembre 1920. En 1922, le Valkyrien a été dépouillé de tous les matériaux réutilisables, puis vendu à la ferraille en 1923.

Références

Navire construit à Elbing
Bateau lancé en 1896

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


The Eastern Surfing Association 2013 Easterns® Surfing Championships at Jennette's Pier in Nags Head, North Carolina finished up on Saturday with an exciting day of youth finals. The event showcased the best amateur surfers from the entire East Coast, including the Great Lakes and Alabama.
"The weather and waves cooperated for the last few days of competition and the surfers really gave it their all," said ESA Executive Director, Michelle Sommers. The wind was a factor on Wednesday for the Open and SUP divisions, but lightened for all the youth divisions on Thursday, Friday and Saturday. "The beach was crowded and there was plenty of surf throughout the entire week," adds Sommers.
A live webcast provided by Space Coast Productions reached over 17,000 viewers during the event, with all the action currently replaying on the ESA website atwww.surfesa.org throughout the next week. "It's great to be able to allow the competitors to view the webcast of the event as it was originally shown," says Sommers. "We are also posting tons of photos of the competitors and other event happenings by official event photographer, Mickey McCarthy on our website and Facebook page.
In Wednesday's Open Shortboard Final, Tyler Faulkner took first, beating Chuck Barend, who finished second, with Jared Bono in third and Parker Greenwood in fourth. CFL's Kieran Grant grabbed first in the "Jimmy Lewis" Open SUP Division with Craig Leider, Michael Carter and ESA All-Star Fisher Grant finishing second, third and fourth, respectively.
Saturday's Menehunes Final saw Micha Cantor claim first, followed by Noah Dovin, Blake Elmore and Christian Daniels. Nick Groshell finished first in the Boys Final, with Chase Stevens in second, Jordan Montgomery in third and Boyd Brown in fourth. Tyler Faulker took the "Under Armour" Junior Mens event, followed by CFL's Fisher Grant, Tyler Clazey and Hobie Sears in second, third and fourth, respectively.
Shealyn Cunningham led the Girls Division, with Lily Whatley claiming second, Laney Brooks in third and Kathryn Neff in fourth. In Junior Womens, the ESA's first-ever all ESA All-Star Final saw Cassidy McClain claiming first, followed by fellow All-Stars Grace Muckenfuss, Darsha Pigford and Piper Austin in second, third and fourth, respectively.
The waves were clean and plentiful for the Longboard Finals, with Nick Copenhauer, CFL's Fisher Grant and ESA All-Star Jazmine Dean each taking first place in the Menehune, Junior and Junior Womens Longboard divisions, respectively. ESA All-Star Simon Hetrick claimed the win in Menehune Bodyboard, along with a second in Menehune Longboard and third in Open Bodyboard. Noah Fielder took first in Open Bodyboard, followed by Chris Makibbin in second and Carlisle Carter in fourth.
The Youth and Adult Iron Man awards were presented to Jared Bono and Michael Foard, respectively. There was a tie for Iron Woman between Georgia Cook and Kathryn Neff. The Hot Wave Award was also tied, with a total of 9.33 for both Tyler Faulkner and Austin Hollingshead.
ESA All-Star Team member Ana Barend and her husband, Chuck, were jointly presented with the Easterns® Sportsmanship Award for going above and beyond throughout the week in support of the event and their fellow competitors.
A complete list of all the results can be found at www.surfesa.org. The ESA would like to thank Plak That and Schoppy's for going out of their way to create unique youth and adult awards.
Special thanks also go out to the Town of Nags Head, Sun Realty, The Outer Banks Tourism Bureau, Kitty Hawk Surf Company, Café Lachine, Waveriders Coffee, Hatteras Island Christian Fellowship, along with all the local sponsors who helped make the event a success. ESA National Sponsors include Under Armour, Sun Bum, Hyperflex Wetsuits, Starboard Surfboards, Boardstix, Inc., Coca-Cola, Jimmy Lewis SUP, Catch Surf, Surfer Magazine and Swellinfo.