Translation from Revista Brasileira de Ciências Sociais, São Paulo, v.19, n.54, p.5-22, Feb. 2004.
Keywords: Globalization; Modernity; Culture; National identity.
O presente artigo é uma reflexão sobre o predomínio da língua inglesa no contexto da globalização, analisando particularmente as implicações desse fenômeno para as ciências sociais. Na primeira parte faz-se uma análise crítica da literatura elaborada pelos lingüistas em relação à expansão da língua inglesa no mundo contemporâneo, focalizando-se particularmente a passagem do inglês como língua internacional para o inglês como língua mundial. Na segunda, discute-se a supremacia do inglês nas ciências da natureza e nas ciências sociais. O argumento central é que essas duas práticas científicas são distintas, isto é, se o inglês pode funcionar como língua franca nas ciências da natureza, isso é impossível no âmbito das ciências humanas. Nesse sentido, como a construção do objeto social se faz por meio da língua, como ele encontra-se ainda referido a um contexto histórico-geográfico específico, a produção em ciências sociais deve manter uma pluralidade de idiomas na sua confecção. Porém, se o predomínio de uma língua se impõe, isso se dá em função de uma hierarquização de poder no mercado de bens lingüísticos, no interior do qual elabora-se uma falsa aproximação entre a idéia de universal e de global.
Cet article est une réflexion à propos de la prédominance de l'anglais dans le contexte de la globalisation. L'auteur analyse, en particulier, les implications de ce phénomène sur les sciences sociales. Dans une première partie, il propose une analyse critique de la littérature élaborée par les linguistes par rapport à l'expansion de la langue anglaise dans le monde contemporain, s'attachant spécifiquement au passage de l'anglais, langue internationale, à l'anglais, langue mondiale. Dans la seconde partie, l'auteur discute la suprématie de l'anglais dans les sciences de la nature et les sciences sociales. L'argument central est que ces deux pratiques scientifiques sont distinctes, c'est-à-dire, si l'anglais peut fonctionner comme langue franche dans les sciences de la nature, cela est impossible dans le cadre des sciences humaines. Comme la construction de l'objet social se fait par la langue - car il se trouve toujours lié à un contexte historique et géographique spécifique - la production dans les sciences sociales doit maintenir, dans son élaboration, une pluralité de langues. Néanmoins, si la prédominance d'une langue s'impose, cela a lieu en fonction de la hiérarchisation du pouvoir du marché de biens linguistiques à l'intérieur duquel se crée un faux rapprochement entre l'idée de l'universel et celle du global.
Globalization is preferably declinable in English. Preferably, I say, for the presence of other languages is a characteristic of our times, and, nevertheless, a sole language, among so many, holds a privileged status. There are objective reasons for things having developed in this fashion, and those reasons have nothing to do with phonetic or grammatical groundings; although many have done so, it would be foolish to think about the existence of the languages in a substantialistic way. Linguists teach us that every language is able to express the human experience under the form of concepts, so there is no such thing as a superior language. Furthermore, we know that only humans have a language coherently articulated in a complex system of signs, and that the diversification of the languages is something that has occurred quite early in the societies of the past. Regardless of the available and not confirmed hypotheses about the origin of the languages – monogenesis or polygenesis --, the truth is that, as soon as they were put into action, they evolved in separate communities, spreading across several regions of the planet (currently there are some 6,500 languages being spoken in the world). Taking into consideration such diversity and the impossibility of the existence of a universal language – it would be necessary that all human experiences converged to a sole source of meaning – it would be unwise to base our discussion on the proposition of a univocal world. The globalization process is not a synonym of homogenization, nor of Americanization; it is a condition in which the hierarchies and force lines surely exist and are unequal, but they do not necessarily imply the elimination of the diversities. In this sense, the disappearance of the national languages, idealized by some as equivalent to the universal brotherhood (that was the belief of Kautsky and many scholars of the II International), and by others as a nightmare, is a false problem. Notwithstanding, this introductory note of caution does not elucidate much about the topic in question, for it does not regard the unicity of the languages, but concerns the fact that they participate in a globalization situation marked by power relationships.
The diligent, patient, reader notices that the best part of a whole literature regarding the scattering of English across the world is relatively recent. It developed particularly in the late seventies and along the eighties, when a series of books was published about such scattering in an international scale.1 The authors wished to document empirically the presence of English in several countries and spheres of activity – from science to propaganda – as well as understand the reasons leading it to occupy such situation of preponderance. Two factors stand out in this kind of study. The first one concerns the standard; in face of the existence of established references – the British and North-American standards --, the diffusion of English raised a problem: how to understand the idiomatic variations, which did not fit in the model, existing in countries whose official language was the English one? Would it be more appropriate to use the expression "English language" or "English languages", singular or plural?2 Kachru, an Indian linguist, considers that the nativization of English would result in the creation of an autonomous model, original, different from the British legacy, but equally valid. Others extrapolate their investigation methodology, applying it to different regions of Asia, which means putting up the legitimacy of regionally developed varieties to the level of the exporting matrices, England and United States (Kachru, 1982; Parakram, 1995). Therefore, there is a dispute between the English speaking countries about the existence or inexistence of a sole standard (or two, at the most), which is able to classify the hierarchy of the speeches. The discussion about the standard, predominant among the foreign languages teachers (they seek "the best" for their pedagogical activities, reaffirming the North-American and British excellence all the time), is based on a misconception, whose concealing generates political and cultural dividends. It is the ratification of a hegemony travestied as a linguistic truth. This discussion comes from ancient times. Since the formation of the nation-state, in which the language monopoly was one of the ultimate traits in the process of national integration, the demand for a reference generalized to everybody aims at opposing the other existing speeches. Bourdieu reminds us that the French Revolution had as a purpose to impose a legitimate language against the regional idioms and dialects: "the conflict between the French language of the revolutionary intelligentsia and the idioms is a conflict regarding the symbolic power, whose objective is the formation of the mental structures. It is not just about communicating, but also about recognizing a new discourse of authority" (Bourdieu, 1982, p. 31). Those tensions are not situated only in the past; in a recurrent fashion, they are updated in face of the proliferation of conflicting languages within the same geographic area. That is what occurs in the United States, where the English Only movement, an ardent advocate of the monolingualism, has established as a goal to disqualify and restrain the immigrants' demand for a bilingual education (Willey and Lukes, 1996). On what concerns to English as the international language, the dispute regarding authority is not confined to the boundaries of a nation; it involves countries with differentiated histories and cultures. However, the terms of the discussion are similar, for, after all, the postulated standard has no empirical reality; it is simply a concept imagined by those holding a position of power, who believe that such standard confers them a certain ability – the ability of "correcting" others. Its existence is invoked as a justification for the control and safeguard of the language of origin. The controversy with regard to the existence or inexistence of a standard occurs especially when the speakers are involved in the dispute. That is why, up to this day, in moments of tension (a globalization situation), the controversy reappears in full force, and often with switched signals. As an example, we have the dispute developed about the Toulon Law, which officially regulated the utilization of foreign terms by the French language. Here, the notion of standard is recovered as a previous stage of "purity" being threatened and corrupted by the excessive use of English (Durand, 1996).
] That is why the data of a specific context should be regarded as secondary, as a matter of fact very distant from the quotidian arena in which the languages are learned and abandoned (Fishman, Cooper and Rosenbaum, 1977, p. 106).
Thus, the use of English would originate from the advantages that it offers to its users. Its statute is, therefore, of neutrality, and it functions mostly as a more comprehensive means of communication. At this point, linguists with different theoretical trends converge to a same diagnosis. It is the case of Kachru, an unyielding opposer to the concept of the existence of a British or North-American standard. When it comes to understanding its presence in India, in contraposition to other existing languages, he tells us: "English possesses a clear linguistic advantage: within the context of the native languages, dialects and styles that often present an undesirable connotation, it has acquired a linguistic neutrality [...]"(apud Pennycook, 1998, pp. 9-10). This is obviously illusory, for its use in India is marked by political contradictions and ideological controversies (Sonntag, 2000). However, it is important to emphasize that the previous argument, the one about the functional neutrality, is reaffirmed. From this perspective, the expansion of English would nor simply be something to be proved, but a benefit for everyone. The linguists seem to reason just like the culturalist anthropologists of the forties, who assumed that the acculturation process derived exclusively from the contact between two different cultures, regardless of the context in which such interaction occurred. Thus, the explanations regarding the religious syncretism, the African messianism, had nothing to do with the colonial situation of the involved actors; the facts of such nature were seen as external, alien to what was happening.3 That is why among the culturalist anthropologists, as well as among the linguists, colonialism and imperialism are taboo themes; after all, as a last resort, they would have a relationship of exteriority to what one sought to understand.
]. English contains the greatest variety of incisive sentences and simple words, which may be chosen for the use of the communication media, as compared, for example, to French; the version in English is usually more concise than in any other language. Furthermore, English possesses the simplest grammar in comparison with any other competing language, such as Russian. The English language is the one that best suits the comics, newspaper headlines, impressive phrases, picture subtitles, pop songs, disc-jockey jests, flashes and songs for advertisements (Tunstall, 1977, pp. 127-128).
]. The technology, in the form of movies and disks, has canalized the new forms of mass entertainment, which had a worldly impact. The impulse to the science and technology progress has created an international research environment, granting to the academic knowledge a high degree of development. In the center of such explosion of international activities, any language would be suddenly raised to a global status (Crystal, 1997).
] diffusion is the process by which the cultural elements or systems spread. It is obviously connected to tradition, since the material culture is transferred from one group to another. However, as it is usually construed, tradition regards the transmission of cultural contents from one generation to the next (within the same group of population); the diffusion occurs from one population to another. Essentially, tradition works in terms of time; diffusion, in terms of space (Kroeber, 1963, p. 139).
Therefore, the definition presupposes the existence of an irradiating center and of a common space shared by distinct cultures. That is why the diffusionism is so interested on the comparison between civilization areas and the migration of cultural traits from a given area to another (acculturation and syncretism). The argument postulates as well a clear distinction between internal and external, the elements pertaining to a "starting-system", source of the irradiation, and those situated at the "finishing-point". The diffusion would express the moment of contact between two cultures, two civilizations. The linguists ratiocinate in a similar way. English is a language that possesses its own history and centrality, and which, by different mechanisms (schools, institutions, religious missions, etc.), is diffused around the world. At the point of contact, when it comes across other languages, the diglossia or assimilations occur. From the speakers' point of view, this means that it is a language distinct from theirs. The criticism performed by the anti-imperialist view is based on the same propositions (Ortiz, 2002). The concept of imperialism presupposes the existence of a center, the nation; it is the nucleus of a domain that encompasses the whole planet, apportioning it in accordance with the unscrupulous appetite of a few industrialized countries. Therefore, the imperialism has an identity: it is English, North-American, German, French, Japanese. Each focus of diffusion seeks to propagate and impose its ideas and its way of life to the peripheral nations. What is external to the national reality of the peripheral countries can then be seen as an alienation, as something extraneous, separated from its "authenticity" (I wish to remind you that the concept of alienation was crucial in the thought of the Third World, both in Latin America and in Africa – it is the case of Franz Fanon).
However, the globalization phenomenon is different from the internationalization one. In the globalization, the nations cease to be autonomous, independent entities, which interact with each other, and become territories washed by the flow of the world modernity. In such context, it is somehow senseless to talk about a diffusing centrality or about a clear opposition between external and internal, foreign and autochthonous. Saying that English is an international language means considering it in its intrinsic integrity, circulating among the nations. Another thing is calling it a global language, that is, a language that crosses the distinct places of the planet. The fact of the studies about its diffusion regarding it as an "additional" element, that is, something added to a pre-existing base, is quite significant.6 Hence the insistence on the teaching of a second language. For instance, when an author such as Claude Truchot (1990) analyzes the penetration of English among the French scientists in the eighties, he classically approaches the theme in terms of diglossia. There would be a contact between two distinct codes, one of them high, the other low (obviously, the low one corresponds to French), in which the speaker uses, as a communicative strategy, one of them in availability. The predominance of English occurs because it is the language of the scientific exchanges, that is, it functions as an international language with larger amplitude. Therefore, from the perspective of the scientist using it, English is a "foreign" language. This kind of explanation merits no criticism; but it is important to emphasize that it solves the problem only partially. With the coming of the globalization, it is interesting to know if English possesses only this attribute or if it should be construed otherwise, for its position is entirely redefined. I would say that, in the context of globalization, English is no longer a foreign language, something imposed from the outside, but has become an internal language, autochthonous to the world modernity condition. This is, in my opinion, the meaning of David Crystal's statement in the introduction of his book English is the global language (1997). This changes things radically.
The individuals not always have the possibility to choose their languages; this attribution is performed in the topographic context in which they live. But which would the cartography of the globalized world be? Swaan abandons the two-dimensional idea of planes – the placement of the languages in the space of each country or each culture – by suggesting a three-dimensional design inspired by the model of the astronomy. The linguistic map may then be imagined as a galaxy, comprising suns, planets, satellites, articulated to the same gravitational system. It is possible, this way, to distinguish constellations internal to this universe, the world. The bilinguism of the individuals (but not necessarily of the totality of the planet's beings) would have the task of organizing the communication between the different parts that form this universe. Most languages, 98%, would be situated at the lower portion of this universe; they are the memory languages, unwritten, but which would contemplate a restricted number of speakers -- 10% of the Earth's inhabitants. The peripheral languages would gather around a central one, as if they were moons gravitating around a planet. The central languages, some one hundred of them – such as Quechua, Bambara, Czech, Romanian, etc. – in their majority, but not exclusively, are national languages, used in the press, radio, television, court rooms, and in the state bureaucracy. Above those would be the super-central languages, whose range of action is broader, no longer restricted to the boundaries of a sole country. They would be the suns around which the planets (central languages) and the satellites (the peripheral ones) would evolve. Twelve languages would belong to this group: Arab, Chinese, English, French, German, Hindi, Portuguese, Japanese, Malay, Russian, Spanish, and Swahili.8 Each one of them would constitute a constellation, and English would occupy the hyper-central position, that is, it would be the nuclear node of this linguistic galaxy. Such model illustrates how the linguistic exchanges are performed within the same ensemble. In this sense, English, as an expression of globality, becomes a structural portion of something that transcends it. Its North-American or British origin becomes secondary. The roots of its previous territoriality are no longer important; the importance now resides in its existence as a de-territorialized and appropriated language, with a new semantics, in the several contexts of its utilization. It is a generalized phenomenon in the sphere of culture, in which many of the national and local traditions are redefined in terms of globalization. It is the case of the Donald Duck character, the Hollywood stars, and the Western genre, which have lost their Americanism; and the same occurs with Doreamon, Pokemon and Yamamoto's haute couture on what concerns to Japan, or, as well, the pop music on what concerns to England. The same way in which they become expressions of a worldly collective imaginary model, the English language, by being re-territorialized in the space of the world modernity, acquires another meaning. By becoming global, it gets free from its previous rooting, establishing an artifact to be legitimately "deformed", "distorted", by the speakers of a same galaxy.
] every time people choose to use a given standard, subscribe to a private service network, or learn a specific language, they increase the usefulness of this standard, network or language for all consumers, members or speakers that were already using them (Swaan, 2001a, p. 28).
This means that the practice of English, as a means of communication, affirmation of status, or literary expression, implies the strengthening of the English language's standard in the market of linguistic assets. Its authority is reinforced when people employ it in their daily tasks – from the post-colonialist that publishes his argumentative book in English, to the Brazilian businessman that uses it during his trips abroad. An expressive example of such legitimacy occurs in the field of pop music, in which English is abundantly utilized, regardless of being or not understood by the young consumers. As a matter of fact, the diffusion of such musical genre in a planetary scale does not depend on the difficulty of its decoding. But what does a language that is not understood mean? Bourdieu, in his criticism to the linguistic structuralism, used to say that "listening is believing" (1983). The symbolic forces determine those that speak and those that listen, and the principle of authority is reinforced at the moment in which the communication is completed. Paradoxically, we have got to the point in which people enjoy what they do not understand. They listen because they believe. The language's legitimacy is such that it does without the understanding of those that ignore it.
English is the language of science. The reasons for that, in addition to those previously presented, are associated to the deep transformations that occurred in the postwar. Science and technology, which until then were evolving in relatively separate spheres of knowledge, integrated in a sole system. The historians teach us that the Industrial Revolution was caused much more by the pragmatic inventions of some individuals than by a wide and systematic scientific knowledge. The scenario of the late nineteenth century is transformed by the second industrial revolution. The electrical industry is a direct consequence of the scientific investigations, as well as the inventions of the telegraph, the generator, the electric motor, and the radio. But it is not yet possible to observe the reverse, that is, a clear and persistent influence of the technological investigations on the functioning of the scientific universe. This tendency is imposed along the twentieth century, and the expression "technoscience" clearly reveals its new dimension. The technologies presuppose a continuous investment of capital, the formation of specialized teams, and the constitution of research laboratories. In the beginning, this is concentrated in the United States, for, when World War II was over, that was the single industrialized country in which the educational and technological infrastructure remained intact. With the expansion of the higher education offered by the universities, and the development of the research institutes, an unprecedented scientific blooming occurs, associated to a technologic policy in which the scientific creations are linked to the discoveries and the improvement of the techniques. The history of the computer is a good example of the interweaving of the economical, military and scientific dimensions in a same project. As a data and information processor, the computer will stimulate a whole field of activities, from the laboratory experiments to the management of businesses (whose range of action is often transnational). Science, technology and management – differentiated spheres of practices and forms of knowledge – get closer to each other as units that feed on and reproduce from the manipulation, control and processing of the information. I do not believe that it would be exaggerated to say that the key-elements of what we know as society of information were primarily elaborated in English (concepts, models, formulas, and procedures).
It is not difficult to follow the coming and the itinerary of this supremacy. To understand it, we may, for instance, observe the changes in the curriculums of the high schools on what concerns to the teaching of foreign languages. Yun-Kyung Cha, using a series of statistical data, relative to all countries of the world, presents some interesting elements for reflection (the data should be taken with caution, particularly in the case of comprehensive analyses like this one; but I believe that they are eloquent) (Cha, 1991, p. 29). In the middle of the nineteenth century (1850-1870), the French and German languages, together, were taught in 91% of the existing high schools (45.5%, respectively), and English in 8.3% of them. Between 1900 and 1944 those figures changed (English, 39.6%; French, 47.9%, and German, 16.3%), showing a reasonable balance between the languages. Between 1972 and 1986 this picture underwent a definitive alteration: English (72%), French (17.6%) and German (0.8%). Considering that the high school is an important factor in the learning of a foreign language, which is a decisive condition in the world of sciences, we can guess the extent of the transformation in the teaching standard. Another way of approaching the matter is observing the exponential growth of the articles published in English in some scientific areas (Tsunoda, 1983). In mathematics, the Bulletin signalétique shows that, between 1940 and 1980, the number of texts in English increased from 49.5% to 71%, while those in French decreased from 31.2% to 6.1%, and in German from 13.2% to 1.6%. The Berichte Uber die Gesamte Biologie indicates that the publications in English increased, between 1926 and 1980, from 26.7% to 55.9%, while those in French decreased from 16.4% to 1%, and in German from 50% to 42.1%. In the magazines with North-American origin the disproportion is more evident: Physics Abstracts shows that, between 1950 and 1980, the texts in English increased from 70.3% to 88.6%, and the publications in other languages were almost insignificant. Some linguists, among them Richard Baldauf, have formulated historical series that allow us to get a clearer view of the different areas of knowledge.9 Between 1965 and 1988, the articles published in English in the area of biology increased from 50% to 75%; in engineering, from 82% to 86%; in medicine, from 51% to 75%; and in mathematics, from 54% to 82%. It is a trend that becomes stronger and stronger as years go by, in all specialties. However, it is not only the articles that confirm this movement; the quotations, or, in better words, the reference works reinforce it integrally. A study conducted on the most significant geology magazines of the area illustrates this aspect quite clearly (Reguant e Casadellà, 1994). In periodicals such as the American Association of Petroleum Geologist Bulletin (United States) and the Journal of the Geological Society (United Kingdom), the references to texts written in English are practically exclusive (95.5% and 91.6%, respectively). Furthermore, in the publications of other countries, the following are predominant: Geologische Rundschau, 64.4%; Estudios Geologicos, 40.3%; Rivista Italiana di Paleontologia e Stratigrafia, 48.3%; Engineering Geology (the Netherlands), 90.2%. So a circuit is closed: the articles are currently written and quoted preferably in English.
]. Science certainly needs the language, but is does not reside, as literature does, in the language (Barthes, 1984b, pp. 14-15).
By examining the structure of the biochemistry sublanguages in French and English – that is, the subgroups of nouns, verbs and other elements of the sentences formed by them – we verify that they are identical. By identifying the several subgroups of words of the sublanguage in English with letters – for instance, P for polypeptides and other molecules that may treated by means of washing, W for certain laboratory operations, and S for certain solutions -, we could represent kinds of sentences by sequences of those symbol-words. Such sentence would be "PWS". It is possible to demonstrate that the same class of symbols and sequences of symbol sentences are sufficient to characterize the classes of words and the kinds of sentences of the biochemistry sublanguage in French. This means that articles in any language, in a given field of the biochemistry, could be represented by sequences of the same kind of formula (Harris and Mattick, 1988, p. 76).
From the perspective of the logic and the linguistics, they are searching for a possible grammar of science, which is certainly complex. However, for our discussion, the important is that the reasoning presented to justify the existence of sublanguages in the sciences reveals a lot of its discursive nature. By settling the sentences in established positions we can represent the information, released from the non-informational aspects of the language. This process of reduction, which Barthes regards as "transparent" and "neutral", is only possible when the information is the central interest in the transmission. The discourse must get rid of its external characteristics to express such information as faithfully as possible.
The social sciences are much too tied to the contexts; that is why the universalization of their discourses is so difficult. The criticism of Jean Claude Passeron (1995) to the scientific idealism of the kind imagined by Popper is suggestive and helps in the directing of the discussion. The author points out that the sociological investigation proceeds by theoretical pathways that are always resumed, since they are never definitively separated from the "literality" of the enunciations that confer them a meaning. Therefore, it is not possible to start from a general theory, from an abstract series of concepts, and become able to deduce what would be found in reality. That is why the comparative method – the ability of establishing relationships - is crucial; the social scientist does not count on a laboratory to make experiments; the very concept of experiment, as it is made in the natural sciences, is unknown to him. The pathway of abstraction demands, therefore, a constant comparative or relational effort. Furthermore, the subject of the social sciences is in a permanent mutation; it is also historical. In this sense, the sociological practice is always a stenography, or a tachygraphy, as Octávio Ianni (1997) prefers to name it. This is a suggestive picture. Tachygraphy and stenography are abbreviated languages; of the richness of the language, they retain no more than a couple of traits. The tachygraphic notations contain a degree of abstraction that is not contained in the amplitude of the language; by being simpler, they gain in universalization. However, such universalization is never complete, emancipated, for the notations are tied to the "literality of the enunciations". The sociological thought is always a translation, something that intermediates the ideal of universality (which is necessary) and the rooting of the social phenomena. Well, context and language are mutually inflected. The discourse of the sciences of nature is justifiable because it attains to reduce the language, cleanse it from its sociocultural mesh, something that is unthinkable when we wish to understand society. In this case, English cannot operate as an international language, not for a matter of principles, or of national pride, but due to the very nature of the constructed knowledge.
Several hindrances may be pointed out. The issue of translation, for instance.12 The transition from one language to another, far from being immediate, as if both of them belonged to a same sublanguage, is necessary (the thought and the works must circulate, this is imperative for all sorts of knowledge), but very hard. An additional effort of interpretation is always required, for there is no such thing as a literal translation. Terms, concepts and abstractions must search for their equivalents when subjected to a transition from one code to another. The language reinforces the discursive bond to the soil where the social sciences are developed. But it is not just about a direct translation; there are different traditions, and, often, translating them from one language to another does not mean merely finding the adequate word, but considering a whole expressive constellation. When we say, for example, "questão nacional" or "cuestion nacional", the sentence could hardly be reduced to "nationalism". "Questão nacional" implies a background where a whole intellectual discussion is in progress in Latin America, from the late nineteenth to the late twentieth century, including thinkers, artists and politicians. It regards the issue of national identity, the construction of the nation and modernity; it comprises the criticism to the import of ideas, the inferiority complex of the colonized countries, as well as the quandaries of the peripheral modernity. "Nacionalismo" is one of the aspects of a much wider set of problems. "Questão nacional", or "cuestión nacional", also concerns to a whole bibliographic tradition, from Vasconcelos in Mexico to Gilberto Freyre in Brazil, from the development of CEPAL (Comisión Económica para América Latina = ECLA – Economic Commission for Latin America) to the theory of dependence. Even the equivalence of the French expression - "question nationale" – is dubious, for we are talking about constellations of distinct meanings. As a matter of fact, even in the literature written in Portugal (the term refers to the decolonization in Africa) or in Spain (concerning the discussion about the Iberianism), the meaning is totally different. "Questão nacional", or "cuestión nacional", are tachygraphic expressions associated to the history of the Latin-American, peripheral, countries, which are in quest for their identities.
Barthes used to say that, for the literature, the language was its very being, and that it consisted and was concentrated in the act of writing. We could not, certainly, say that the language is the "being" of the social sciences; there are techniques of research, methodologies, theories, or, in one word, obligations that keep it away from the literature. But writing is a common element to these two traditions. The social scientists are right when they insist in the importance of the methodological rules for understanding society, but they sometimes forget to acknowledge the fact of those rules being materialized in a text. Writing is the support and concretization of the conceptual aspect. The same information, the same data, can be put together in different ways by different authors. There is no subject out of its text; in order to exist, its content must be formalized. A great portion of the argumentative exposition is a matter of composition. The primary information is previously evaluated and filtered, before appearing on the blank page or on the computer screen. The composition is crucial for the intellectual activity. In this sense, the construction of the sociological subject occurs by means of the language; therefore, the utilization of a given language is not a casual choice, a mere subtlety of style, but a decisive issue in the final formulation. I will take an example from my own investigation, when, some time ago, I suggested a conceptual distinction between "mundialization" (from the French "mondialisation") and "globalization". When talking about economics and technology, we make reference to processes that are reproduced in the same fashion in the whole world. There is one single global economics, the capitalism, and a single technical system (computers, Internet, satellites, etc.). Thus, "global" brings to our mind the idea of unicity. However, it would be inappropriate to sustain this same concept when it comes to the sphere of culture. There is no global culture; only a process of culture mundialization, which is expressed on two levels: a) articulated to the economic and technological changes of the globalization; its material base is the world modernity; b) a space for different conceptions of the world, in which distinct and conflicting forms of understanding live together. That is why I would rather say that English is a mondial and not a global language, for, by stating so, I am preserving the differences between the diversities of the cultural sphere in face of the unicity of the economic and technological domains. Its mondiality occurs within a transglossic universe inhabited by other languages. The reader may accept my proposition or not, may regard it as relevant or insufficient, but I only could develop it because the Portuguese language possesses two distinct terms – "mundialização" and "globalização" --, which could be invested of differentiated contents. If I had originally written my theory in English, I would have had to content myself with globalization, global culture, global language. And, for explaining it in English at this moment, I had to use an English neologism – "mundialization" – borrowed from the French "mondialisation".
Nevertheless, in spite of those remarkable differences, the presence and supremacy of English cannot be denied. A study on the relationship between the languages and the disciplinary areas, performed between 1981 and 1985, with the International Bibliography of the Social Sciences database, compiled by the International Committee for Social Science Information and Documentation, presented the following results: in anthropology - English, 55.5%; French, 14.4%; Spanish, 7.7%; Russian, 7.2%; German, 6.3% -; in political science - English, 50.1%; French, 16.5%; German, 7.9%; Russian, 7%; Spanish, 6.3% -; in sociology - English, 49.7%; French, 17.6%; German, 7.5%; Russian, 6.1%; Spanish, 5% -; and in economics - English, 55%; French, 13%; German, 7.5%; Russian, 6.1%; Spanish 5% (Kishida and Matsui, 1997). Certainly, the predominance of a language strongly depends on how the databases are put together. Another work, of 1991, comparing two databases, one of UNESCO (World List of Social Science Periodicals), and the other the Social Sciences Citation Index (SSCI), provides interesting information. In the UNESCO database, 64% of the compiled magazines belong to the group of countries with a high income, 22% to the group with a median income (it includes the majority of the Latin-American countries), and 14% to the group with a low income. In the SSCI, the low income countries are represented with only 0.7% of their magazines, the median income ones with 2.3%, and the high income ones with 97%. With the exception of the United States, there is a significant decrease in the number of magazines of the other countries: Brazil (from 81 in the UNESCO database to 3 in the SSCI); France (from 295 to 23); Germany (from 217 to 51); Mexico (from 47 to 2). The presence of the English language in the UNESCO database, counting only the United States and Great Britain, represents 32% of the total sample; in the SSCI, this figure is increased to 79% (Narvaez-Berthelemot and Russel, 2001). Trouble is that the databases do not store information only; they are also artifacts of prestige. Some of them have more legitimacy than others. This is the bottom line. English, in its quantitative presence, is creeping in, little by little, as a qualitative hegemony. This is even clearer when the difference between the frequency of the texts published in English and the quotations of the works written in English is analyzed. Based on the SSCI source, between 1990 and 1992, Glänzel (1996) discriminated the publications in accordance with their country of origin, distinguishing, as well, the national and the international articles (collaboration of at least two investigators from different countries). The result is expressive. France, sub-represented in the initial sampling, appears with 2.9% in national articles and 9.4% in international ones, but its rate of quotations is expressed by a mere 0.8%. Therefore, a dramatic decrease occurs in the total of published articles. The United States, with 56.9% of texts in domestic magazines and 6% in international ones (a figure lower than that of France), see their representation strongly valued, for their rate in quotations increases to 76%. On the other hand, Great Britain, Australia and Canada, countries whose majoritarian language is English, keep a balance between the ensemble of published texts and the references. Those same results are confirmed when some North-American and British magazines are analyzed: American Sociological Review (98.6%), Sociology (98.8%), The Sociological Review (99.3%), British Journal of Sociology (99.5%) and Theory Culture and Society (89.6%) (cf. Yitzhaki, 1998).
If English does not act as an international language in the social sciences, what would the meaning and implication of its dominating presence be? My feeling is that, due to its comprehensiveness, this language has acquired the ability of "enrolling" the discussion in a global scale. In journalism, "to enroll" means to select, among many, some existing problems, making them relevant and noticeable. This kind of procedure favors the existence of a hegemonic set of mundialized representations, which start to be accepted as valid, naturalizing methodological procedures and several sets of problems. The "cultural studies", or the "multiculturalism", for instance, cease to be analyzed with regard to the context in which they were conceived, and in which they make sense, and impose themselves as "universal". Bourdieu and Wacquant, in the text "On the cunning of imperialist reason" (1999), oppose such perspective.15 Despite the article's central argument being, in my opinion, mistaken – since the authors resume, without a critical view, the concept of imperialism, and demonstrate a strait understanding of the process of globalization (for them, it is a synonym of Americanization) --, what is under discussion is precisely the issue of the "false universalization". In other words, the issue of how certain ideas and world-views are disseminated and legitimated among the different societies without a previous critical reflection about them. This is only possible because, in the discussion about the globalization, there is a trend to regard it as equivalent to universalization. What makes this equivalence believable is the concept of territoriality. By expanding their boundaries, by deterritorializing themselves, the universal and the global would participate in a same movement, transcending the local differences. Thus, when some sociologists discuss the relationship universalism versus particularism – I recall Robert Robertson --, the term "global" appears as an attribute intrinsic to the universalism, and what is left to the particularism is a reduced expression, territorially located.
There is no doubt that the social sciences have been changing with the process of globalization. The alterations in the social relations require a new vision and the definition of new categories of thought. Certainly, when focusing on the world as a theme for reflection, the scholar is released from the space circumscribed by the territoriality of the regions or of the nation-state. But it would be a mistake to imagine that the sociological analyses have, currently, become "more universal" than those of the past. The statute of the sociological explanation, as Passeron qualified it, remains unchanged. The economists also insist in saying that the global capitalism contributes for the universalization of the spirits; in its turn, the literature, which occupies itself with marketing and business, does not hesitate in stating that the individuals consume global products because they meet their universal wishes. Such undue approaching between global and universal derives from the recurrent utilization of the spatial metaphor. That is, all this would be no more than an expansion of the spatial limits. However, "universal" is a philosophical category, and "global" is a sociological one. The first one means transcendence, and expresses an abstract relationship that does not, necessarily, materialize in an immediate form – that is what allows the illuminists to use the expression "human race". By saying global market, global sociology, global economics, we identify things and processes that develop on the plane of the real history of mankind. Thus, by approximating so distinct concepts, we would be suggesting that the universal materializes in the global, which is obviously false. The English language participates in this collective illusion, and, once more, the comparison with the sciences of nature is quite elucidative. The possibility of English becoming an international language derives, as well, from the fact that the natural sciences are paradigmatic, in the sense provided by Khun. They presuppose a sole system of reference, in relation to which the scientific practices are organized. Characteristics like these – communality and comprehensiveness – allow us to associate them to the idea of universality; their laws, findings and explanations are equally valid. However, the social sciences are not paradigmatic in this sense. As a last resource, if focusing on the context, we should say that the ideal would be the knowledge of all languages in which the social sciences are expressed, in order to obtain, not a universalization of the spirit, but a library of languages at the service of a greater richness of thought. Although it is an unachievable feat, it is important to keep it in mind, for the cosmopolitism of the ideas can only exist when we take into consideration the diversity of the concepts and the "accents" of the sociological traditions. Nevertheless, what is observed is a movement in the opposite direction of any kind of diversity of the interpretations. The worldwide market of translations provides us with a good picture of this fact. In the United States and the United Kingdom, less than 5% of the published works are translations (including literary works); in France and Germany, this figure is approximately of 12%, while in Spain and Italy it goes as far as 20% (cf. Heilbron, 1999). This means that, the most central is a language in the world market of linguistic assets, lower is the rate of translated texts in the corresponding countries. The corollary of this axiom is that the translations between peripheral languages become rarer and rarer, for they should necessarily pass through the mondial vernacular. As a matter of fact, when observing the expansion of the databases, the constitution of information bases, the publishing of books and articles, the increase in the quotations of works written in English, and with the coming of the on line magazines, all of this preferably inflected in the English language, we get the false feeling that such comprehensiveness is a synonym of universality. Being published and quoted in English would not be, therefore, the result of the expansion of a circuit, of its territorial amplification, but the primary condition of thought (hence the Anglo-American authors adapting so well to the monolingualism: after all, little scientific relevance would exist). Writing in another language would also cease to mean a circumscription to a given form of expression, a condition that is perceived as a limitation. This gets even clearer when certain judgments are extrapolated from the area of the sciences of the nature to that of the social sciences. The strategy of elite groups in the areas of physics, chemistry and biology, in countries with non-English languages, of writing and publishing in English, implies the idea that there is a hierarchic unevenness between the local and the universal. Hence the tendency in stating that the magazines published in a national language are focused on local aspects, whose importance for the development of the scientific knowledge would be smaller. The validity of such theory may be discussed, but it is based on the existence of paradigms accepted by the international scientific community. In the case of the social sciences it does not occur, but, even so, the parallelism is implicitly accepted. The global English becomes the universal English. Thus, we have not only a hierarchy among the languages, marking the dissimilarity existing between them, but also the establishment of a subtle factor of intellectual segregation. The homology postulated between local-global / particular-universal closes the circle, lowering the other interpretations to the subordinate status of localisms. It is conveniently forgotten that the cosmopolitism is not a necessary attribute of the globalism, and that the particularism of the thought is formulated both in a dialect and in the global language, for in the condition of the world modernity it is plausible, and commonplace, to be globally provincial.
1 Fishman, Cooper and Conrad (1977), Bailey and Görlach (1982), Cooper (1982) and Greenbaum (1985).
2 Among others, I quote McArthur (1987).
3 I suggest to the reader the classic text by Ballandier (1951), in which the author, when criticizing the culturalist perspective, coins the concept of "colonial situation".
4 There are exceptions that confirm the rule, such as the article by Swaan (1991).
5 I resume the argumentation developed in my book Globalization and culture (1994).
6 As the title of the article by Fishman (1982), "English as an additional language", suggests.
7 A perspective similar to this was discussed by Calvet (1999).
8 The number of those languages is controversial. Calvet does not agree with the position attributed by Swaan to the Japanese and German languages; in his view, they would be languages spoken by a great number of speakers, yet concentrated in the same geographic space.
9 See the data in Baldauf Jr. (2001).
10 See the data in Gómes, Sancho, Moreno and Fernández (1999).
11 See, among others, Alberch (1996).
12 Swaan (2001b) emphasizes this aspect.
13 See, among others, Josette de la Veja (2000).
14 See, among others, Stone (1982) and Romanos de Tiratel (2000).
15 For an interesting criticism to the authors' point of view, see Friedman (2000).
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Arlet recently emerged, grubby kneed and blinking into the sunlight after a very special weekend in the woods.
Before we go any further, we have to give emphatic and heartfelt thanks and love to all at the pinetum and Sondryfolk for making possible our residency: we will be reaping the benefits for a long time to come.
Having been provided with precious time and beautiful space to do music and stuff, we arrived early(ish) on an overcast Friday morning, ready to steer the Arletmobile in a slightly different direction, or at least help Aidan out with the driving. Up until now we've had the immense pleasure of playing Aidan's compositions and we wanted to use this weekend as an opportunity to collaboratively make some music in a site specific way.
With these aims in mind we bolstered our creative armoury with two notable additions, namely a bell tent (stay tuned for a tantalising tent blog from our canvas correspondent Owen Hewson) and a glamorous film crew. Stalwart friends of Arlet, Alaric and Dan (more here and here), accompanied us over the weekend, documenting our highs and lows along the way – as far as I'm aware, and forgive me if I get overly technical, the process post filming involves many months spent in darkness endlessly watching looped clips of Ben eating porridge until a finished short film spontaneously forms itself and emerges kicking and screaming. Or something. We'll keep you updated.
Back to the music – along with some spare pants, a hankie, and a toothbrush, Ben had packed a couple of chords into his suitcase and as clouds gave way to bright sunshine, we played them and played them until something more substantial began to develop. Half way through, Aidan and Rosie left the power chord party to experiment with something altogether different, that something being the bell tent's guy ropes. Notating the guy ropes' vibrations (along with some other sounds we heard and made) gave us a seven note tone row which sounded pretty awful. Interspersed with some brighter notes foraged from empty bottles however, the theme started to improve and continued to do so when Aidan added some unexpected and majestic chords. And so began a few hours of serial repetition interrupted only by disturbing shouts of "KETTLE BREAK" every now and then.
Saturday was spent by shaping and polishing Friday's compositions as well as preparing for that evening's concert. We were lucky enough to share the amphitheatre with The Orchestra That Fell To Earth, comprising former members of the Penguin Café Orchestra. This was a dream for Arlet and the night met and surpassed all our expectations. Performing together, having spent time eating, laughing, and playing, felt truly special – thanks to everyone who came along on Saturday – we will remember it and remember it. Even more so because then we got to watch TOTFTE, rounding off our evening perfectly.


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Josh Hadro, Managing Director
Josh coordinates the growing activities of IIIF, manages the business affairs of the IIIF Consortium, and cultivates a broader, stronger and more diverse network of IIIF contributors and beneficiaries. Previously, Josh worked at The New York Public Library, where he served as the Associate Director for Digital Policy, and as the Deputy Director for NYPL Labs before that, where he managed a staff of 21 and helped oversee their operations from digitization to innovative dissemination of digital assets. Prior to that, he served as the Executive Editor at Library Journal. Contact Josh via email.
Meg O'Hearn, Community & Events Coordinator
Meg serves as communicator and facilitator for the global IIIF community to help advance the framework and its utility, grow the community, and organize events such as the IIIF Consortium's annual conference, online workshops, and showcases. Prior to joining the IIIF Consortium, she developed marketing, content, and community relations strategy at Artstor and ITHAKA. She also volunteers with Art + Feminism, a global campaign to close the gender gap on Wikipedia. Contact Meg via email.
Glen Robson, Technical Coordinator
Glen develops training and assists the community in implementing IIIF. Before joining IIIF, he spent 13 years working at the National Library of Wales (NLW), latterly as the Head of Systems. Glen started working with the IIIF standard in 2013 and implemented the IIIF standard within the library on its newspaper, photograph, archive, map and crowdsourcing systems. He is the co-chair of the IIIF Newspaper Community group and has worked with Europeana and others looking at harvesting IIIF resources. Contact Glen via email.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


Browsing the archives for the social media tag.
I can't resist a Facebook quiz. BuzzFeed and Zimbio know me better than I know myself sometimes… LOL. It's just fun, what can I say?!
Sure, the average American spends 40 minutes per day on Facebook. In between the cute little animal and baby photos, there's got to be more to it then. Wny not be introspective with the modern day equivalent of the Cosmopolitan magazine quizzes I fondly remember taking as a teenager? In my defense, I've never played Candy Crush or Farmville!
Here's a quiz you don't want to miss: What Kind of Engineer Should You Be?
What are HR folks doing with social media?
I'd be lying if I said I wasn't excited to sit down with folks from the human resources industry later this week and discuss social media.
This event is coordinated through HCC's Institute for Corporate & Continuing Education, an impressive part of the college that offers a variety of cost-effective and applicable business-related training courses for professionals and self-improvement novices alike. The shameless promotion here also extends to the fact that there will be several ASQ and general quality-related courses offered in August that I can't wait for.
Observation: An underrepresented number of professionals in HR are using social media, but most surveyed are planning on increasing their activities over the next year (60.3%). If this is true, significant opportunities exist for professionals to engage now and benefit as early adopters.
47 percent of Millennials now say a prospective employer's online reputation matters as much as the job it offers, according to a survey by Spherion Staffing.
Employees are requesting to view new job postings on their tablets, learn and collaborate with peers on their smartphones, and provide feedback on a team member's performance with the click of a button. According to a Microsoft survey of 9,000 workers across 32 countries, 31 percent would be willing to spend their own money on a new social tool if it made them more efficient at work. This last finding is quite interesting as it shows the extent to which Millennial employees, who will make up 50% of the 2020 workplace, see the business value of using technology on the job.
The year will also see a new phase of what I call "the consumerization of HR," wherein employees not only demand to bring their own devices to work, but also want to use these mobile devices to change the way they work with peers, communicate with their manager and even interact with the HR department.
According to a study of Fortune 500 companies conducted by CareerBuilder, 39% of the US population uses tablet devices. A recent survey conducted by Glassdoor.com even found that 43 percent of job candidates' research their prospective employer and read the job description on their mobile device just 15 minutes prior to their interviews. And yet, only 20 percent of Fortune 500 companies have a mobile-optimized career site.
Additional invaluable resources: The legal stuff w/ HR & social media and just about everything else.


Have you heard of the Konmari method? In the past few years, Marie Kondo's book, The Life Changing Magic of Tidying Up, has taken the world by storm.
Thousands of people who want to declutter their homes have used this book as a guide to help them get back on track, but many parents have criticized it for being unrealistic for families with young children.
While there are certain parts of the book that have great advice for anyone, it's true that there are some things that are a little bit unrealistic for moms.
Marie Kondo's new TV show, Tidying Up with Marie Kondo, recently released on Netflix. It's full of great ideas – even for moms.
Go here to learn more about the show, and see the best takeaways from each episode.
In this post, I will share with you the things from The Life Changing Magic of Tidying Up that have helped me as a mom, and I'll tell you about the things I've chosen to ignore.
Start with the end in mind. Marie Kondo recommends visualizing your destination before you start. Then after you've done your visualizing, ask yourself why you want to do it.
It's always good to start with a good, clear mission in mind. This is great advice for anything, including tidying up your home.
Does it make you happy? Marie Kondo also wants you to ask yourself "Does it spark joy?" for the things that have no real reason for being discarded. As you're decluttering, when you see something that you want to keep but you're not really sure why you want to keep it, ask yourself the question "Does it spark joy?" Is it something that makes you happy? If not, it's probably something that you can get rid of.
What do you want to KEEP? Instead of focusing on what we need to get rid of, Marie Kondo recommends choosing what we want to keep instead. This is a different way of looking at decluttering because it really helps you to focus on the things that are working for you.
Handle each item. As you're tidying up your home, Kondo also recommends handling each item. Pick it up, look at it, and do a good assessment of whether or not it's something that you want to keep.
Declutter by category, not place. When you want to declutter your clothing, for example, she recommends putting it all in one place at the same time and decluttering from there, instead of going from closet to closet throughout your house.
Begin with the easy stuff. Another recommendation is to begin with items that are easier to make decisions about. This will get you into the mode of decluttering, it'll give you some decluttering wins in the beginning. It will build your decluttering momentum, which will make you better able to declutter some of the sentimental things later on. Wondering what the easy stuff is? This book is full of easy decluttering ideas.
Declutter everything in a category at the same time. One thing that's really hard for moms to do is to pull everything out at once. This may be realistic if your children are out of the home, but if you've got littles running around, having a bunch of clothes on the floor at the same time is close to impossible. It will be hard to find a big block of time to work on it all at once, and there's a good chance that pile of clothes will be transformed into a fort by creative kiddos. While it is a good idea to declutter by category, not place, sometimes it just isn't realistic. Instead of decluttering all of your clothes at the same time, you may want to instead declutter an even smaller category of clothing. It'll be much easier to pull all your jeans out and work on them at once as opposed to all of your clothes.
Talking to your stuff is not required. You do not have to tell your socks, "Thank you for their service." Marie Kondo advocates thanking the items you're getting rid of for their service. If this is something that you enjoy doing, you can, but I just found it a little bit goofy. If you want to do it, you could make it a game, especially with your kids, and say, "Adios" to all the things that you are decluttering.
Folding socks into squares. This is not really necessary. Kondo also says that socks don't do as well or have bad energy when they are folded up or twisted up in a weird way. She has a specific method for folding socks. I've tried this method and it has not worked for me. It looks really cute in the beginning but it just wasn't practical. I'm back to folding my socks the way I used to, and they seem to be fine with it. I decided my socks would be happier if I let them be free. Kind of like in a mosh pit. You can read more about my super-easy way to handle socks here.
Believing that you will never have to declutter again. Kondo says that once you declutter using her method, you will never have to declutter again. This is hard to believe. When you have children, things are always coming in and out of your house, and it's difficult to keep up with it all. Go easy on yourself and realize that you are doing all that you can to keep your home tidy. If things get cluttered from time to time, take a step back, visualize your destination and how you want your home to look, and get to work.
While I do think there are a lot of strange things in the book, I think it can be inspirational. Kondo looks at decluttering in a whole different way and it gives people different ideas for how to tidy up their homes and get rid of sentimental items.
I recommend the book, but I don't recommend taking it too seriously. As a mom of young kids, if I tried to follow the exact advice in the book, I'd be setting myself up for failure. However, there is enough good information in the book to make it a worthwhile read.
If you're looking for a decluttering guide that may be more appropriate for moms of small kids, Get Rid of It! A Step-By-Step Decluttering Guide for Beginners, might be a good choice. The book includes step-by-step instructions, realistic ideas, and inspiration to help you stay on track as you declutter your home.


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South Antrim (Northern Ireland Parliament constituency)
South Antrim shown within Northern Ireland
South Antrim was a constituency of the Parliament of Northern Ireland.
The House of Commons (Method of Voting and Redistribution of Seats) Act (Northern Ireland) 1929 introduced first-past-the-post elections for 48 single-member constituencies (including Antrim South).
Boundaries and boundary changes
This constituency was one of seven county divisions in County Antrim from 1929, and, after 1969, one of nine. The changes in the vicinity of Belfast affected the boundaries of this division.
It comprised (in terms of then local government units) part of the rural district of Lisburn and the whole of the urban district of Lisburn. In 1969, the part of the rural district closest to Belfast became the new seat of Antrim, Larkfield.
Antrim South returned one member of Parliament from 1929 until the Parliament of Northern Ireland was temporarily suspended in 1972, and then formally abolished in 1973.
County Antrim (except for parts of Belfast) is a strongly unionist area. There was never the slightest chance of a republican or nationalist candidate being elected in a single-member Antrim county constituency. Antrim South was not an exception.
From the Northern Ireland general election of 1929, the Antrim South division was an extremely safe Unionist seat for the rest of the existence of the Northern Ireland Parliament.
1929 John Milne Barbour Ulster Unionist
1951 Brian McConnell Ulster Unionist
1968 Richard Ferguson Ulster Unionist
1970 Rev. William Beattie Protestant Unionist
1971 Democratic Unionist
1973 constituency abolished
The elections in this constituency took place using the first past the post electoral system.
General Election 22 May 1929: Antrim South
UUP John Milne Barbour Unopposed N/A N/A
UUP gain from new seat Swing N/A
General Election 30 November 1933: Antrim South
General Election 9 February 1938: Antrim South
General Election 14 June 1945: Antrim South
General Election 10 February 1949: Antrim South
Death of Barbour
South Antrim by-election, 1951
UUP Brian McConnell Unopposed N/A N/A
General Election 22 October 1953: Antrim South
General Election 20 March 1958: Antrim South
UUP Brian McConnell 14,491 77.89 N/A
NI Labour Sydney Stewart 4,113 22.11 N/A
Majority 10,378 55.78 N/A
Turnout 34,419 54.05 N/A
Resignation of McConnell
UUP Richard Ferguson 16,288 85.12 +7.23
NI Labour John Coulthard 2,848 14.88 -7.23
Majority 13,440 70.23 +14.45
Turnout 38,672 49.48 -4.57
Boundary change
UUP Richard Ferguson 10,761 66.74 -18.38
Protestant Unionist William Beattie 5,362 33.26 +33.26
Majority 5,399 33.49 -36.74
Turnout 24,693 65.29 +15.81
Resignation of Ferguson
Protestant Unionist William Beattie 7,137 35.16 +1.90
UUP W. J. Morgan 6,179 30.44 -36.30
Independent David Corkey 5,212 25.67 +25.67
NI Labour Adrian Whitby 1,773 8.73 +8.73
Majority 958 4.72 N/A
Turnout 28,633 70.90 +5.61
Protestant Unionist gain from UUP Swing N/A
Parliament prorogued 30 March 1972 and abolished 18 July 1973
Northern Ireland Parliamentary Election Results 1921-1972, compiled and edited by Sydney Elliott (Political Reference Publications 1973)
http://www.oireachtas.ie/members-hist/default.asp?housetype=0
http://historical-debates.oireachtas.ie/en.toc.dail.html
For more information about the Northern Ireland House of Commons see http://www.election.demon.co.uk/stormont/stormont.html
Parliamentary constituencies in County Antrim and the city of Belfast
Antrim Borough (1666–1800)
Antrim County (???–1800)
Belfast (1613–1800)
Carrickfergus (1326–1800)
Lisburn (???–1800)
Randalstown (???–1800)
Antrim (1801–85, 1922–50)
Mid Antrim (1885–1922)
Belfast (1801–85)
Belfast Cromac (1918–22)
Belfast Duncairn (1918–22)
Belfast Falls (1918–22)
Belfast Ormeau (1918–22)
Belfast Pottinger (1918–22)
Belfast Shankill (1918–22)
Belfast St Anne's (1918–22)
Belfast Victoria (1918–22)
Belfast Woodvale (1918–22)
Carrickfergus (1801–85)
Lisburn (1801–85)
Queen's University of Belfast (1918–50)
East Antrim (1885–1922, 1983—)
North Antrim (1885–1922, 1950—)
South Antrim (1885–1922, 1950—)
Belfast East (1885–1918, 1922—)
Belfast North (1885–1918, 1922—)
Belfast South (1885–1918, 1922—)
Belfast West (1885–1918, 1922—)
Lagan Valley 1983—
Belfast Ormeau
Parliament of Northern Ireland
Antrim (1921–29)
Belfast East (1921–29)
Belfast North (1921–29)
Belfast South (1921–29)
West Belfast (1921–29)
Bannside (1929–72)
Belfast Ballynafeigh (1929–72)
Belfast Bloomfield (1929–72)
Belfast Central (1929–72)
Belfast Clifton (1929–72)
Belfast Dock (1929–72)
Belfast Oldpark (1929–72)
Belfast St Annes (1929–72)
Belfast Willowfield (1929–72)
Belfast Windsor (1929–72)
Carrick (1929–72)
Larne (1929–72)
Mid Antrim (1929–72)
Newtownabbey (1969–72)
North Antrim (1929–72)
South Antrim (1929–72)


Creative Groundz Studio was opened in March 2015 as a creative community space designed to drive community engagement and social inclusion for our most vulnerable members of the community. Since 2008 both DanielleRG (Western Sydney Community Artist) and Common Groundz Community Cafe have operated under a shared mission: commitment to projects and partnership that serve the Lalor Park community. In this time, we have seeded a community garden space and training space, developed a multi-stakeholder community forum, beautified the community through mural engagements and delivered over 50 events at the community level.
We have been the leaders of change since our inception in 2008, working in partnership with government and non government organisations relating to Mental Health, Western Area Health, Aboriginal, Disability, Housing NSW, Department of Education and Community Arts as key examples.
Monday to Wednesdays 9am -2pm supports those with Mental Health, often referred, to provide a safe open friendly environment where people can experience art forms through guided means. Participants also become a part of a unit of support to build their confidence, self esteem, meeting and building a relationship with others in similar circumstances and receive assistance in dealing with daily life tasks. We also provide ongoing community level beautification projects including maintenance, graffiti removal and community mural projects and engagements.
These original dolls are designed to create awareness of mental health, health and social issues and encourage dialogue over issues that affect our community, including our youth. Stitches are designed primarily, though not exclusive, to open up dialogue with clinician's and their young clients. The dolls have a story relating to a mental health, health or social issue and are eagerly awaited by psychologists. The idea is to develop these dolls under a social enterprise model to support those with mental health, through current Community Arts program. We aim to generate stock with those involved in Arts program and proceeds are to be reinvested back into Lalor Park programs and activities in an attempt to be self sufficient and reduce the dependency on grants.
With the intention to produce these dolls under Studio programming, we foresee a key opportunity to develop a work-for-a-fee program that will assist those with chronic mental health and health illnesses that have lead to long term unemployment in their recovery through meaningful activity.
Through this Stitches project participants would be trained in a section of manufacturing or packing. In a safe environment they would achieve accountability, responsibility, work ethics, improve self esteem and confidence at a job that caters to their individual needs. Most importantly they will be engaged in meaningful activity that is motivated for them to achieve.


Dave Briggs was born on a Golf course in south London in 1959, (His parents lived in one of the houses allocated for the groundsmen)and grew up in a little place called Kenley in Surrey.After meeting in 1993 Dave Married Nikki in 2006 and now lives in Bristol. Logic Bomb is Daves first book.
what started as a simple experiment to prove a theory takes a series of unexpected twists and turns that will blow your mind, literally!
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Rescuing stray & abandoned animals in Afghanistan
Written by: admin on May 5, 2014.
When Pen Farthing, a Former Royal Marine Commando, arrived in the war torn town of Now Zad in Helmand Province of Afghanistan in November 2006, he thought he would be helping the local people. Little did he anticipate, Farthing would soon come to realize that it was not just the people of Now Zad that needed help; it was also the stray animals that needed attention as well. Farthing experienced this first hand, one day, when he broke up a dog fight only to be left with the most faithful furry four-legged follower. Farthing named his newest shadow "Nowzad" and eventually brought his little friend back to the UK. From that experience, Farthing founded Nowzad Dogs in 2007 to help stray and abandoned animals throughout Afghanistan.
The main mission of Nowzad Dogs is to improve the welfare of the animals of Afghanistan. This takes form in many ways either by reducing the stray dog population, providing animal welfare education for the Afghan people, or by developing training programs to improve the lives of working animals. Since foundation in 2007, Nowzad Dogs has made tremendous growth. Some of its greatest accomplishments include:
A shelter clinic in Kabul which is the only official Afghan government recognized and sanctioned animal rescue shelter in Afghanistan
Four qualified Afghan vets, two of which are women
Local Afghan people rescuing and bringing in stray or injured animals into the clinic everyday
Implementing the establishment of a TNVR (trap, neuter, vaccinate, release) program
Named 'Just Giving's Charity of the Year' in 2013
And, most impressively, reuniting over 650 dogs and cats with their serving soldiers from all over the world, including the UK, USA, Australia, Canada, Germany, Italy, Holland, and South Africa
One specific example of how Nowzad Dogs has truly made a difference is through the touching story of Paratrooper Conrad Lewis. Twenty-two year old, Conrad Lewis was in Afghanistan's Helmand province when he came across a stray dog, Peg. Named after the Parachute Regiment's emblem of Pegasus, Peg and Lewis became instant companions. Over his Christmas leave in December 2010, Lewis informed his parents that he wanted to bring Peg back home to Britain. However, on February 9th, 2011, Conrad Lewis was killed on patrol in Nad-e Ali. Upon hearing this devastating news, Lewis's parents insisted on bringing Peg back to Britain. Once contacted, Nowzad Dogs arranged for Peg to be transported from Quadrat to the Nowzad sanctuary in Kabul, and then from there to her new home in Britain. Lewis's father says "It's comforting for us to have Peg in the house. She's a lovely natured dog and there's a karma about having her around. We look after her in the way she looked after my son."
It is stories like the undeniable camaraderie between Lewis and Peg that drive the hard work and mission of Nowzad Dogs every day. However, working to create a better life for the animals of Afghanistan can be challenging. Hannah from Nowzad Dog declares "Working to help the animals in one of the most dangerous places in the world is by far not without its difficulties. The most simple items and tasks that many other organizations take for granted is something we are challenged with every day." Security, electricity, and sourcing products for the animals can be daily hurdles for Nowzad Dogs.
Through CAF America's Donor Advised Fund service, all donations to Nowzad Dogs are operated through the Soldiers' Animal Companions Fund. The SAC Fund allows multiple donors from the United States to support the cause of United Kingdom based Nowzad Dogs. Thus, US citizens can make tax-deductible donations when donating to Nowzad Dogs. Therefore, more funds can reach Nowzad Dogs, which ultimately can reach more animals throughout Afghanistan.
For more information, go to: http://www.nowzad.org.
Pen and Nowzad (Founder Pen Farthing with Nowzad, the dog he adopted whilst serving — and how Nowzad, the charity began!)
Shelter (the Nowzad shelter in Kabul, Afghanistan which is a safe home for over 90 dogs taken off the streets)
Kujo in the USA (one of the rescues loving life in the USA!)
Photos provided by Nowzad.


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The University of Alabama Gallery Presents Roscoe Hall January 9
Roscoe Hall, "With Great Intent To Leave It All For You," 2022. Image courtesy of Scott Miller Projects
The University of Alabama Gallery is proud to present the exhibition, Roscoe Hall: Two Houses, January 9 – February 23, 2023. There will be a reception for the artist on First Friday, February 3, from 5:00 to 7:00 p.m.
Raised in Chicago, artist Roscoe Hall has deep Alabama roots. Hall's background and longtime skill set are deeply entrenched in the culinary world of the South — his grandfather was John "Big Daddy" Bishop, founder of Tuscaloosa's iconic Dreamland Bar-B-Que. Hall, who has earned his own cooking accolades (most recently as a contestant on Bravo's Top Chef) is also a rising star in the art world. His layered, mixed media paintings bring together these aspects of his life like two houses on the same street.
"This exhibition is a homecoming for Roscoe Hall," said Daniel White, director of The University of Alabama Gallery. "He was born into the Bishop family, well known for the restaurant that put the family and Tuscaloosa on the map. Roscoe is a painter as well as a noted chef, and with these seeming opposites coming together, the title Two Houses seemed perfect for this show. Originally the title of a painting Hall has since sold, the image of two houses is a recurring motif in his paintings and a theme in his life: his two loves – of making food and making art."
Roscoe Hall lives and works in Birmingham, Alabama. He holds an MA in art history from Savannah College of Art and Design and a BFA from the University of San Diego. Recent solo exhibitions include Angola: Works in Response, at Lowe Mill Arts & Entertainment, Huntsville, Alabama; Roscoe Hall: Government Promises, at James Barron Art in Kent, Connecticut; and Jerusalem Heights, at Scott Miller Projects in Birmingham, Alabama. His work was selected for group exhibitions including Alabama Triennial, and A la Carte: A Visual Exploration of Our Relationship with Food, both at the Abroms-Engel Institute for the Visual Arts, Birmingham. Hall's work is in several permanent collections including the Abroms-Engel Institute for the Visual Arts and the Birmingham (Alabama) Museum of Art. He has been the resident artist and culinary instructor at Jones Valley Teaching Farm and he is the recipient of a 2022 Peter S. Reed Foundation Grant for mixed media. Roscoe Hall is represented by Scott Miller Projects in Birmingham.
The University of Alabama Gallery is an essential part of the education and development of UA students and our community. Admission to the gallery is free. The gallery is located in the Dinah Washington Cultural Arts Center at 620 Greensboro Avenue in Tuscaloosa. It is open Monday through Friday, 9 am-4 pm and First Fridays 12 noon-7 pm. Have questions or need assistance? Call (205) 345-3038.
For more information about The University of Alabama's programs in art history and studio art, visit our Degree Programs page.
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