text:
A Day to Celebrate Progress and Strive for More
Secretary Marylou Sudders delivers remarks at Postpartum Awareness Day at the Massachusetts State House
With 1 in 5 women suffering from postpartum depression within three months of delivery, many people feel the effects of it, Secretary of the Executive Office of Health and Human Services, Marylou Sudders, said in her remarks during yesterday's Postpartum Awareness Day at the Massachusetts State House.
"For some women, my mother included, postpartum depression triggered a profound clinical depression that was unremitting and in the long run devastating for her and her family" said Sudders.
The Baker-Polito administration has worked to ensure postpartum depression screening is covered under the MassHealth program starting this year. Last month, MassHealth began reimbursing for postpartum depression screening conducted by perinatal and pediatric providers. The effort is aimed at increasing screening rates and treatment.
Elected officials, doctors, supporters, and survivors gathered to talk about the progress the Commonwealth has made to help those suffering from postpartum depression, and the support and resource systems that can be expanded to benefit more women.
Representative Ellen Story at Postpartum Awareness Day at the Massachusetts Statehouse
Introduced by Rep. Ellen Story, survivors and those who have worked with women and families who have been affected by postpartum depression shared their emotional stories and experiences and the ways through which they found help. People from groups and organizations such as the Lynn Community Health Center, Postpartum Progress, MotherWoman, and the Every Mother Project were in attendance and representatives from each spoke about how support as well as providing women with the right care and resources helped them to overcome postpartum depression.
Kate Johansson of the Every Mother Project spoke about her experience as a doula having been present at over 100 births and being able to better help these women with the education and information provided to her by her time with the organization. She found that through deeper connections and trust with the women, it allowed for them to be able to open up to her about how they were doing emotionally postnatal.
The healing effects of being able to talk to others about their postpartum depression without stigma and judgment was a running theme between speakers as people from the Lynn Community Health Center spoke about the English and Spanish support groups that they run. A survivor spoke about her battle with postpartum depression and her fears that it made her a bad mother. She found a community through the online support groups of Postpartum Progress, the founder of which was also a speaker and a survivor.
Postpartum depression negatively affects whole family systems and through early screening, support and empowerment from others and knowledgeable doctors it can be cured, a goal that has been furthered by those in attendance as well as others who work to help those suffering from postpartum depression.
For more information and resources to find help in dealing with postpartum depression:
http://www.everymotherproject.org
http://www.mass.gov/eohhs/docs/masshealth/transletters-2016/phy-148.pdf
https://www.mcpapformoms.org/Resources/PregnantWomen.aspx
https://interface.williamjames.edu/ppd-support-groups
Kim Phan, EOHHS
Tags: Postpartum Screening, sudders, survivors, women
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I recently downloaded the software and I have been very impressed so far. It is quite easy to install and setup.
Now that localbitcoins.com requires ID, this is the easiest way to buy bitcoin anonymously. It's also much less scammy.
Decentralized exchanges are the only way to prevent governments shutdowns and interference. Think BitTorrent for buying and selling Bitcoin.
I highly recommend trying out a small order so that you are familiar with how things work. The volume is quite low at the moment so this would help the network grow.
I am not affiliated with bisq in any way. Just trying to spread awareness that it's out there and that it works great.


text:
Tag: conservatism
Rush Ten Years Ago
Published on February 22, 2021 by D. G. Hart2 Comments
Lots of people are writing about Rush Limbaugh now that he is dead. Bill (aka Wilfred) wrote about Rush a decade ago for Commentary magazine and pretty much capture the phenomenon that was The Rush Limbaugh Show. He describes a dynamic that made Donald Trump attractive and that continues to polarize the people who live in the United States:
Talk radio is, implicitly, talk-back radio—a medium tuned into during times of frustration, exasperation, even desperation, by people who do not find that their thoughts, sentiments, values, and loyalties are fairly or even minimally represented in the "official" media. Such feelings may be justified or unjustified, wholesome or noxious; but in any event they are likely to fester and curdle in the absence of some outlet in which they can be expressed. Talk radio is a place where people can go to hear opinions freely expressed that they will not hear elsewhere, and where they can come away with a sense of confirmation that they are not alone, are not crazy, and are not wrong to think and feel such things. The existence of such frustrations and fears are the sine qua non of talk radio; it would not exist without them.
In other words, will Scott Simon at NPR ever recognize why he never gets under the skin of his regular listeners? He can imagine — and only imagine — how his coverage might sound to Trump voters. But have journalists like him ever challenged the assumptions and prejudices of elites in business, entertainment, federal agencies, and the academy? Is that even possible?
So, some Americans looked to talk radio:
The critics may be correct that the flourishing of talk radio is a sign of something wrong in our culture. But they mistake the effect for the cause. Talk radio is not the cause, but the corrective. In our own time, and in the person of Rush Limbaugh, along with others of his talk-radio brethren, a problem of long-standing in our culture has reached a critical stage: the growing loss of confidence in our elite cultural institutions, including the media, universities, and the agencies of government. The posture and policies of the Obama presidency, using temporary majorities and legislative trickery to shove through massive unread bills that will likely damage the nation and may subvert the Constitution, have brought this distrust to a higher level. The medium of talk radio has played a critical role in giving articulate shape and force to the resistance. If it is at times a crude and bumptious medium, it sometimes has to be, to disarm the false pieties and
self-righteous gravitas in which our current elites too often clothe themselves. Genuinely democratic speech tends to be just that way, in case we have forgotten.
McClay wrote that ten years ago.
Categories Book of Nature, conservatism•Tags conservatism, Donald Trump, polarization, Rush Limbaugh, talk radio, Wilfred McClay
Transcending Partisan Politics is Sectarian
Published on July 8, 2020 by D. G. Hart8 Comments
Evangelical Protestants suffer from a tic. It is an unwillingness to identify with a political party. Evangelical writers about politics can spot the defects of both the left and the right, though they don't often calculate which side has the most flaws. They act as if Christians really are above politics. When believers follow the Bible, they will not have to settle for either what liberals or conservatives propose.
A couple examples: the first on race.
The danger is that Christians who rightly reject the first (conservative) view as sub-biblical will merely pick up the second (progressive) view uncritically and use the terminology that it provides. But both are secular, reductionistic and simplistic. The Bible's account of justice includes both individual and systemic dimensions—and more. We are not merely individual and social, but also soul and body. Indeed, the term "world" (kosmos) in the New Testament has not only a material reality (as in God loving the world of human beings, John 3:16), but also a spiritual reality, an inevitable tendency to make counterfeit gods out of good created things (1 John 2:15-16). "Doing justice" on the basis of the biblical view will include extraordinary prayer and evangelism along with everything else. The biblical view of justice gives full weight to both personal responsibility and social structures while based on a rich understanding of human life that goes well beyond the world's reductionistic alternative views.
The second on communism.
Liberation theology, which puts a Christian face on Marxist social analysis, retains an enormous mystique on the Christian left. This isn't because left-leaning Christians admire Stalin but because they are profoundly skeptical of the alternative to communism: economic systems built on property and contract rights protected by the rule of law. These systems produce economic growth, but as wealth has grown we've also seen a growing worldliness and materialism in our cultures. Christians on the left (most famously Gregory Paul) point to the radical economic community of the church in Acts 2–5 and ask if this doesn't implicitly delegitimize market systems of price and exchange.
Right-leaning Christians, meanwhile, often seem indistinguishable from secular conservatives. They rail against communism, yet almost none of them seems to have read serious theological analysis of communism—not even from anti-communist Christians like Chambers. In almost every case, their top priority is to protect free markets and economic growth rather than oppose the atheistic inhumanity of the communist worldview. And their zeal to defend free markets often leads them to downplay, or even celebrate, the worldliness and crass materialism that have been associated with economic growth.
Why is the church haunted by communism, even though in Christ crucified we already possess the real answer to the world's suffering and injustice? Because the church hasn't put a Christian economic ethic into practice systematically. We need, but don't know how to develop, an organized and operational Christian economic life.
Actually, the Amish have developed an economic system by some measures. But even their herculean efforts to retain Christian solidarity depends on the "English's" society of property, currency, a legal system, and the political process that functions in, with, and around economic systems. Talk about systemic.
This does not mean that Christian academics should refrain from connecting dots between revelation (general and special) and politics or economics. What it does mean is that Christians trying to be Christian about everything, including politics and economics, separate themselves from the institutions most responsible for those areas of society. Christian w-w thinking is really a product of a ghetto that is isolated from bodies of learning and institutional structures in which political and economic decisions are made.
It is functionally Amish. Is that where New Calvinists want to be? Sectarians on the margins?
Categories Being Human, Evangelicalism, General Revelation, Modern Church, W-w•Tags Amish, capitalism, communism, conservatism, Gospel Coalition, Greg Forster, liberalism, race, Tim Keller
Liberalism 201
Published on May 30, 2020 by D. G. Hart3 Comments
From the April 2000 Nicotine Theological Journal:
What does it mean to be conservative in the United States? According to Webster's New Collegiate Dictionary, being conservative has to do with the maintenance of "existing views, conditions, or institutions." Conservatism's synonyms are "traditional," "moderate," and "cautious" with respect to older norms of "taste, elegance, style, or manners." This is all well and good, but such a definition, from an American dictionary no less, does not help much with the American form of conservatism. The reason is that, American exceptionalism aside, the United States is a novel phenomenon in the course of human history. Of course, antecedents for our form of government exist in ancient Greece and Rome. But the United States as they (anti-federal emphasis ours) emerged in the late eighteenth-century were hardly conservative since they abandoned the two institutions that had preserved some semblance of cultural and political order in the West since at least the fifth century, namely, crown and church. What is more, the freedoms won in the American colonies' war for independence were also fairly novel from a European perspective – hence the Old-vs.-New-World rhetoric.
THE UNITED STATES GRANTED incredible intellectual, political and economic freedom to its citizens (slavery notwithstanding) and these freedoms were so unusual that in 1899 the papacy, one of those traditional institutions of European social order, condemned Americanism as fundamentally incompatible with Roman Catholic teaching and practice. What Pope Leo XIII regarded as hostile to Catholicism was not so much theological novelty, but the liberal ideology that advocated representative forms of government, free markets and the separation of church and state, an ideology that Pius IX had already condemned in his Syllabus of Errors. In other words, the very old and very traditional institution of the papacy condemned ideas and sentiments that today's conservatives ironically regard as old and traditional.
THIS IS ANOTHER WAY OF saying that conservatism in the United States is something of an oxymoron. From a historical perspective, our conservatism is really liberalism since it is on the side of the things that nineteenth-century liberals championed – limited government, individual freedom and economic opportunity. This means that watching conservatives trying to deny their liberalism can be very confusing or very amusing.
No doubt, J. Gresham Machen would be another example of American conservatism's strange ways. In 1926 he testified before the Congress of the United States against the formation of a Federal Department of Education. Machen's reasons for opposing the proposal stemmed from his politics which were decidedly liberal. They may not have been all that unusual for a southern Democrat, which Machen was. But they must have sounded odd coming out of the mouth of a fundamentalist who during the same month that he appeared before Congress also testified before a committee of the northern Presbyterian Church and there did exactly what he criticized Congress of doing. In his remarks before the church Machen blamed liberalism for the controversy that was dividing Presbyterians and argued that preachers who could not affirm such doctrines as the virgin birth be barred from the Presbyterian communion. For Machen, liberalism was an entirely different religion. But before Congress, instead of blaming liberalism for America's woes, he did the liberal thing of telling government officials to leave the American people alone.
SO WAS MACHEN GUILTY OF contradicting himself? Does ideological consistency, for instance, require theological conservatives to be conservative in all walks of life, including politics, economics, and culture? Could it even be that Machen's apparently double-minded performance in 1926 is simply the dark side of conservatism in the United States? What, in fact, Machen's apparent inconsistency shows is that political and religious liberalism are not synonymous. What is more, it suggests lessons for religious conservatives who think they are political conservatives. Whether the philosophy of limited government is liberal or conservative, it is not the easy road to the good life that many political conservatives think.
Machen's reasons for testifying before Congress would likely delight the fans of Rush Limbaugh. The Princeton professor opposed the creation of a federal department of education because he opposed any increase in Washington's powerful bureaucracy. The issue wasn't education; it was politics. "Let us be perfectly clear about one thing," he stated, "if liberty is not maintained with regard to education, there is no use trying to maintain it in any other sphere. If you give the bureaucrats the children, you might as well give them everything else." Machen thereby established his political identity as a liberal, that is, as one fundamentally committed to the principle of limited government.
Machen's politics started with the idea that government was a necessary evil. The state's purpose was not "to produce blessedness or happiness" but rather to prevent "blessedness or happiness from being interfered with by wicked men." The aim of government, then, was to sustain the good life of individuals and families, rather than making a people into a great nation. In a lengthy passage from an address given before Christian day school teachers and administrators, Machen outlined the political creed of all genuine liberals.
There are certain basic rights of the individual man and the individual family which must never be trampled under foot – never for any supposed advantage of the whole, never because of the supposed necessity of any emergency – certain basic rights like the right of personal freedom, the right of property, the right of privacy of the home, the real freedom of speech and of the press. I believe in the specifically American idea in government – not a nation divided for purposes of administrative convenience into a number of units called states, but a number of indestructible states, each with its inalienable rights, each with its distinctive features, with its own virtues to be cultivated by its own citizens, with its own defects not to be remedied at all unless remedied by its own citizens, and, on the other hand, a Federal government not in possession of any general and unexpressed sovereignty but carefully limited to powers expressly granted it by a Constitution which was not of its own making.
Machen's commitment to limited government was his chief reason for opposing the proposed federal department of education. Governmental control and regulation of education implied that children "belong to the State, that their education must be provided for by the State in a way that makes for the State's welfare," an assumption that undermined the legitimate authority of parents. Protecting the rightful authority of local powers, what Protestants used to call, lesser magistrates, was the other piece of Machen's commitment to limited government. In other words, he opposed federal intrusion into the affairs of other duly constituted authorities, from families, neighborhoods, and counties, up to the state governments that comprised the United States of America. For this reason, Machen saw in federal programs like a department of education or the Child-Labor Amendment, the same sort of centralization and consolidation of political power that Germany was exhibiting under National Socialism and the Soviet Union under Communism. The American alternative to such efforts was not to centralize and consolidate power in a more progressive fashion, but to avoid centralization altogether and limit national government by dispersing power to a host of local authorities.
OF COURSE, DECENTRALIZING power – what we today call devolution – would mean less uniformity and even less efficiency. But Machen would not blink in the face of these negative consequences. He even went so far as to say that inefficiency and diversity were good things in and of themselves. Although Machen was not at all happy with many of the individual states' policies, he was far more comfortable with forty-eight governments having a spoon in the pot rather than allowing the federal government to be the sole chef. In fact, he thought there was "a great safeguard" in the multiplicity of local governments. What is more, Machen believed that such multiplicity would foster greater competition, another benefit of decentralization. He held that "there ought to be the most unlimited competition – competition between one state and another." If such competition led to inefficiency so much the better. Efficiency was no magic wand. Instead, if directed to harmful ends it was equally destructive. As he told senators and congressmen, "a more uniform and efficient system of public common school education . . . is the worst fate into which any country can fall."
THIS IS A PLACE WHERE contemporary conservatives would likely be uncomfortable with political liberalism since many on the right not only want to reduce the hold of the federal government on educational policy and funding, but also think they know what a good education looks like and desire to see the blessings of such a curriculum extended to all of America. But Machen did not flinch from the consequences of limited government. Local control in the service of liberty meant all people having a say in the way they lived their lives. And this meant a greater chance of diversity in all walks of life. Of course, the distribution of power to local authorities would not work out automatically for the good of the nation. What Machen thought to be in the best interests of America was a wide spectrum of families and local communities determining their own affairs, not the dissolving of familial and regional idiosyncracies for the sake of national interest.
Today, Machen's views would not make sense to many Calvinists. That's because they follow the older Puritan view that insists on commonly held convictions being the best way to preserve social harmony, and on true religion as the bedrock for good government. Machen clearly departed from this tradition, and this is partly explained by the legacy of the Puritan conception of government in postbellum America. Ever since the end of the Civil War, northern Protestants had been advocating various ecumenical and interdenominational endeavors in order to work together more efficiently, establish a united Protestant front against the centralized and uniform power of America's growing Roman Catholic population, and extend the virtues of Anglo-American morality to all classes, races, and regions. But even if such uniformity and power were in Protestant-friendly hands, Machen's liberal instincts resisted.
If some would accuse Machen of leaving religion out of politics, his defense was that injecting morality into public debates is not the only form religious influence can take. Machen appealed to aspects of theology other than the Decalogue, such as liberty of conscience, the limits of church power, Presbyterian polity, and sphere sovereignty. The Westminster Confession's teaching on liberty of conscience supplied a hermeneutic of suspicion ever watchful for abuses of power. Even in cases where authority was legitimate, such as in the spheres of the home, church and state, the doctrine of sphere sovereignty implied that these authorities had limits and could not go beyond them. State control of education was a flagrant violation of sphere sovereignty. But so was parochial or church-based schooling since the family was the sole institution responsible for the training of children.
PRESBYTERIAN POLITY WAS another piece in Machen's political liberalism. Unlike episcopal forms of government, Presbyterians and Reformed locate church power, not in the hands of one officer or bishop, but rather vest it in a series of graded courts, the membership of which consists of pastors and elders holding equal rank. Presbyterian polity protects the rights of lower courts against those of the higher, and contributed to Machen's wariness of higher courts usurping the powers of local bodies. In other words, Presbyterianism is the form of church government most compatible with such sociological notions as mediating structures or the Roman Catholic doctrine of subsidiarity. The idea behind both concepts is that large structures like those of centralized government are clumsy if not ruthless in addressing the variety of circumstances and problems of ordinary individuals, families, congregations and communities. Accordingly, the state should not perform tasks which other institutions and communities can perform for themselves. In the words of Pius XI's Quadragesimo anno, "Just as it is gravely wrong to take from individuals what they can accomplish by their own initiative and industry and give it to the community, so also it is an injustice and at the same time a grave evil and disturbance of right order to assign to a greater and higher association what lesser and subordinate organizations can do."
IRONICALLY, IT HAS BEEN Roman Catholics in the twentieth century, those who affirm an infallible centralized authority, who have done the most to explore the political implications of subsidiarity. In contrast, twentieth-century American Protestants, whose very denominational diversity vindicates the principle of subsidiarity, lament their lack of uniformity and pine for a Protestant pope who will give them the order and stability necessary for greater influence.
Be that as it may, a commitment to liberalism in the classic political sense need not mean an equal commitment to individualism. One of the reasons why Machen's liberalism fails to resonate with contemporary Calvinists is that they do not see how his politics are rooted in the notion of legitimate authority. It was not that Machen believed all governmental power was always harmful. Rather, it was when government overreached its proper bounds that Machen expressed alarm. The real problem with the growth of the centralized power is that it breeds individual rights. The tension of modern politics is not between individuals and the compelling interest of the state. Instead, as Mark C. Henrie argues, the power of the state has risen in direct proportion to growth of individual rights. "For the rights that have been 'recognized' by the modern liberal state are not so much rights against the state as they are rights against other social bodies that used to have some measure of authority in the lives of men and women." Machen's plea for liberty, in fact, was an argument for the freedom of legitimate authorities to exercise power in their proper spheres. For him it was the essence of paternalism to let government do good things that involved it in spheres where it should not go.
THE LESSONS OF MACHEN'S liberalism are many. But the one that sticks out during a presidential primary season when neo-Calvinists are jumping on the George-W.-Bush bandwagon because of his born-again experience and their own biblical convictions is that it's okay for religious conservatives to be liberal. This is another way of saying that theology does not determine politics, especially if we keep in mind that theology is a little more than morality. World magazine recently received the brush off from the Times', William Safire, for the publication's hatchet-job of John McCain. Marvin Olasky, who edits World and serves as an advisor to Bush, lamely responded that World covers the news from a "biblical perspective." This means, "among other things, that we take personal morality seriously." But so does William Safire who thought World's coverage was immoral. Could it be that a biblical perspective on politics would attend to such matters as scale, power, economics, and self-interest, not just the Sixth Commandment (i.e. abortion) and the Seventh Commandment (i.e. drunkenness and Cindy McCain's stock in Anheuser Busch)? Machen's politics would surely indicate so. But as long as religious conservatives continue to evaluate candidates and issues simply through a moral squint, they provide positive proof, contrary to their own assertion, that religion is irrelevant to all areas of life. Morality may, but the doctrines of the Trinity, creation, providence, and eschatology do not have much to say about NAFTA, HMO's or NATO.
IRONICALLY, BY REDUCING Christianity to ethics, today's religious right turns out to offer little more than the old religious left which performed a similar reductionism in its effort to shape American public life and show the relevance of Christianity.
Liberalism is a hard subject to learn.
Townsend P. Levitt
Categories Adventures in Church History, J. Gresham Machen, Neo-Calvinism, New World Presbyterianism, Nicotine Theological Journal, Reformed Protestantism•Tags compassionate conservatism, conservatism, George W. Bush, limited government, Marvin Olasky, mediating institutions, political liberalism, states' rights, Willilam Safire
That Sound You Heard Was Paul Blanshard's Head Exploding
Published on October 17, 2019 by D. G. HartLeave a comment
Paul Blanshard, for those born after Richard Nixon defeated George McGovern, was a lapsed Congregationalist (redundant?) who wrote the last best-selling work of anti-Catholicism. American Freedom and Catholic Power was perhaps the last gasp of Protestant bigotry, but it was still sufficiently forceful and plausible into the 1950s that Blanshard did not get cancelled for expressing hurtful thoughts.
That was 15 years before the end of Vatican II (roughly), when Rome still on paper and through political channels was skeptical about the kind of freedoms embodied in American political norms. In 1950 the church still insisted that "error has no rights," a position that ran into something of a hurdle with the United States' Bill of Rights which guaranteed rights for all sorts of groups who held erroneous views (even Roman Catholics).
But Vatican II sort of kind of ended all that and Rome changed its mind about freedom for false religions. That explains this post, an argument that assumes Roman Catholicism and freedom go hand in hand. That Americanist position is receiving push back from integralists (among others). So imagine writing advice about liberal democratic institutions with Roman Catholic integralists as the ones defenders of civil liberties need to fear:
I think the recent intra-conservative French-Ahmari debate can be partially resolved by determining the extent to which secular progressives integralists can be trusted to protect robust freedom of religion for religious traditionalists with conservative views about human sexuality.
If secular progressives integralists are trustworthy, at least by and large, then French's strategy of working within liberal democratic institutions makes sense. Conservatives should hold secular progressives integralists to a constitutional order that they accept in general, but chafe at in certain cases. Secular progressives Integralists cannot always be trusted to uphold robust freedom of religion, but they're trustworthy enough not to fundamentally undermine Christianity in the United States. They will obey liberal democratic norms on the whole; conservatives just have to fight to keep them honest.*
However, if secular progressives integralists aren't trustworthy, then Ahmari's approach starts ceases to make sense. Secular progressives Integralists will tend to undermine robust protections for freedom of religion in a systematic way, and so ignore constitutional constraints whenever they can get away with it. In that case, politics is war regarding freedom of religion, and conservatives may be permitted to respond in kind. Perhaps the liberal legal settlement is therefore unstable because the left cannot be trusted to uphold it, and so the only truly feasible arrangement is cultural and political victory in the fight against the left. There's no peace and no middle ground because the other side isn't trustworthy, and so can't be trusted to keep a liberal democratic peace.
Actually, I'm not sure if more sentences need to be changed to maintain the parallels. Either way, secular progressives are not the only ones about which to worry. They would likely let Presbyterians worship (and other groups). That was not an option in Roman Catholic societies.
Categories Adventures in Church History, Modern Church, Roman Catholicism•Tags anti-catholicism, civil liberty, conservatism, integralism, Paul Blanshard
Being A Woke Christian is Biting Off More than You Can Chew
I have already wondered how you can throw around the phrase, white normativity, and not also need to add heternormativity to your Christian activism. But Andrew Sullivan, a man who is gay, married, Roman Catholic, and identifies as conservative, also gives reason for thinking that woke evangelicals and Reformed Protestants are playing with fire if they think they can hold on to doctrinal normativity while berating white normativity and remain silent (or not) about heteronormativity.
First, without even using the phrase, "cultural Marxism," Sullivan explains why some Americans find the Left, and their woke evangelical supporters, scary (yes, it may be okay to be afraid):
A conservative who becomes fixated on the contemporary left's attempt to transform traditional society, and who views its zeal in remaking America as an existential crisis, can decide that in this war, there can be no neutrality or passivity or compromise. It is not enough to resist, slow, query, or even mock the nostrums of the left; it is essential that they be attacked — and forcefully. If the left is engaged in a project of social engineering, the right should do the same: abandon liberal democratic moderation and join the fray.
I confess I'm tempted by this, especially since the left seems to have decided that the forces behind Trump's election represented not an aberration, but the essence of America, unchanged since slavery. To watch this version of the left capture all of higher education and the mainstream media, to see the increasing fury and ambition of its proponents, could make a reactionary of nearly anyone who's not onboard with this radical project.
Of course, Sullivan is not ready to join the OPC or to sign the Statement on Social Justice and the Gospel. He recognizes a difference between supporting Trump as the embodiment of American norms and seeing Trump as a hedge on the Left's attempt to remake the nation (even while breaking things):
This, it strikes me, is one core divide on the right: between those who see the social, cultural, and demographic changes of the last few decades as requiring an assault and reversal, and those who seek to reform its excesses, manage its unintended consequences, but otherwise live with it. Anton is a reactionary; I'm a conservative. I'm older than Anton but am obviously far more comfortable in a multicultural world, and see many of the changes of the last few decades as welcome and overdue: the triumph of women in education and the workplace; the integration of gays and lesbians; the emergence of a thriving black middle class; the relaxation of sexual repression; the growing interdependence of Western democracies; the pushback against male sexual harassment and assault.
Yes, a conservative is worried about the scale and pace of change, its unintended consequences, and its excesses, but he's still comfortable with change. Nothing is ever fixed. No nation stays the same. Culture mutates and mashes things up. And in America, change has always been a motor engine in a restless continent.
But you are not a white racist Christian nationalist supremacist misogynist sinner (where do you put guns?) if you don't agree with the ladies or men of color who host certain podcasts:
In a new essay, Anton explains his view of the world: "What happens when transformative efforts bump up against permanent and natural limits? Nature tends to bump back. The Leftist response is always to blame nature; or, to be more specific, to blame men; or to be even more specific, to blame certain men." To be even more specific, cis white straight men.
But what are "permanent and natural limits" to transformation? Here are a couple: humanity's deep-seated tribalism and the natural differences between men and women. It seems to me that you can push against these basic features of human nature, you can do all you can to counter the human preference for an in-group over an out-group, you can create a structure where women can have fully equal opportunities — but you will never eradicate these deeper realities.
The left is correct that Americans are racist and sexist; but so are all humans. The question is whether, at this point in time, America has adequately managed to contain, ameliorate, and discourage these deeply human traits. I'd say that by any reasonable standards in history or the contemporary world, America is a miracle of multiracial and multicultural harmony. There's more to do and accomplish, but the standard should be what's doable within the framework of human nature, not perfection.
Sullivan's point about the Left blaming nature is what seems to be missing from the self-awareness of woke Protestants. They may agree and receive inspiration from opposing racial and gender hierarchies. But for the Left, these antagonism stem from a willingness to overturn nature. That is a line that Christians should not cross if they want to continue to believe in the God who created humans as male and female, and creatures as feline and canine. You start to argue that to achieve equality we need to do away with natural distinctions and you are going to have trouble with the creator God.
One last point from Sullivan that shows how woke Christians are becoming fundamentalist, but with a real kicker:
This week, I read a Twitter thread that was, in some ways, an almost perfect microcosm of this dynamic. It was by a woke mother of a white teenage son, who followed her son's online browsing habits. Terrified that her son might become a white supremacist via the internet, she warns: "Here's an early red flag: if your kid says 'triggered' as a joke referring to people being sensitive, he's already being exposed & on his way. Intervene!" Really? A healthy sense of humor at oversensitivity is a sign of burgeoning white supremacy? Please. More tips for worried moms: "You can also watch political comedy shows with him, like Trevor Noah, John Oliver, Hasan Minhaj. Talk about what makes their jokes funny — who are the butt of the jokes? Do they 'punch up' or down? … Show them that progressive comedy isn't about being 'politically correct' or safe. It's often about exposing oppressive systems — which is the furthest thing from 'safe' or delicate as you can get."
It reminds me of a fundamentalist mother stalking her son's online porn habit. Doesn't she realize that it is exactly this kind of pious, preachy indoctrination about "oppressive systems" that are actually turning some white kids into alt-right fanboys? To my mind, it's a sign of psychological well-being that these boys are skeptical of their authority figures, that they don't think their maleness is a problem, and that they enjoy taking the piss out of progressive pabulum. This is what healthy teenage boys do.
More to the point, this kind of scolding is almost always counterproductive. Subject young white boys to critical race and gender theory, tell them that women can have penises, that genetics are irrelevant in understanding human behavior, that borders are racist, or that men are inherently toxic, and you will get a bunch of Jordan Peterson fans by their 20s. Actually, scratch that future tense — they're here and growing in number.
Many leftists somehow believe that sustained indoctrination will work in abolishing human nature, and when it doesn't, because it can't, they demonize those who have failed the various tests of PC purity as inherently wicked. In the end, the alienated and despised see no reason not to gravitate to ever-more extreme positions. They support people and ideas simply because they piss off their indoctrinators. And, in the end, they reelect Trump.
Re-elect Trump or no, you have ideological purity.
Categories Are They On Their Meds?, Book of Nature, Modern Church•Tags #woke evangelicals, Andrew Sullivan, conservatism, misogyny, nationalism, racism, reactionaries
Ecumenism is Radical (and that's not good)
Published on November 1, 2017 by D. G. Hart12 Comments
If conservatives value variety, why do conservative Roman Catholics insist on church unity? Russell Kirk said that true conservatives actually appreciate difference and pluriformity:
[C]onservatives pay attention to the principle of variety. They feel affection for the proliferating intricacy of long-established social institutions and modes of life, as distinguished from the narrowing uniformity and deadening egalitarianism of radical systems. For the preservation of a healthy diversity in any civilization, there must survive orders and classes, differences in material condition, and many sorts of inequality. The only true forms of equality are equality at the Last Judgment and equality before a just court of law; all other attempts at levelling must lead, at best, to social stagnation. Society requires honest and able leadership; and if natural and institutional differences are destroyed, presently some tyrant or host of squalid oligarchs will create new forms of inequality.
Maybe that makes John Turner a conservative who is not going along with the Reformation as tragedy because it divided the church:
First and foremost, there was no good reason for the primacy of the Bishop of Rome in the first place. Jesus bestowed the keys of the kingdom on Peter, but it seems clear from the Book of Acts and the Pauline epistles that Peter hardly exercised anything like papal authority in the early church. The historical evidence for Peter becoming the first bishop of Rome (or even being in the city) is unconvincing to one not already convinced. While Protestants obviously sundered the institutional unity of the Western church, it was a sort of unity unauthorized by scripture and unwarranted by the circumstances of the early church. (It also seems snarky but necessary to mention that Rome bore considerable responsibility for the Great Schism between East and West that preceded the Reformation by a half-millennium).
Second, it is not at all clear to me that Jesus's prayer for Christian unity means that Jesus wanted his church to have an institutional, hierarchical unity along the lines of either the late-medieval or contemporary Catholic Church. The Book of Acts suggests that the apostles in Jerusalem exercised a measured primacy among early Christians, but for the most part Christianity spread around the Mediterranean world and to the East in a way that fostered local autonomy and diversity. This diversity of theologies and even collections of scripture alarmed many Christians, some of whom identified many strands of Christianity as heresy. By the fourth century, newly tolerated and then established Christianity sought to impose theological order on this chaos. The result was the institutionally useful but not terribly New Testament idea that all Christians had to have essentially the same understanding of Jesus Christ and of the relationship among the members of the Trinity. Getting at least most Christians to assent to the fourth- and fifth-century creeds took a considerable amount of viciousness and sometimes violence.
So it's the church unitedists who also likely go for the United Nations and the European Union (even while in some parts of the world arguing for a "two-state" solution).
Categories Adventures in Church History, Roman Catholicism•Tags conservatism, divserity, ecumenism, John Turner, Reformation, Russell Kirk
The Small Town and Its Defenders
Published on October 10, 2017 by D. G. Hart7 Comments
The missus and I were glad to be in Jackson, Michigan, at the Grand River Brewery, for a set of presentations sponsored by The American Conservative. We heard Bill Kauffman, who is arguably conservatism's funniest voice. Here's an excerpt:
My hometown, Batavia, New York, population 15,500, has had plenty of Bill Baileys and Hughie Cannons over the years. I don't mean by that shiftless drunks, daydreaming musicians, guys who stay out all night—they're okay by me—but rather people who leave town, or who refuse to make a home in the place where they live. They reject Booker T. Washington's wise injunction to cast down your bucket where you are.
In 2003 I published a book called Dispatches From the Muckdog Gazette, which is, megalomaniacally, a memoir about my repatriation to Batavia, but it's also about the way that Batavia—and by extension all the Batavias from sea to dimming sea—has struggled to maintain a distinct identity, a character, rather than becoming just another formless wattle on the continental blob.
To the world, Batavia is merely Exit 48 on the New York State Thruway, that hideous gray scar across our green and lovely state, that drab version of the Erie Canal dedicated to that drab man Thomas E. Dewey, who fled his fine little hometown of Owosso, Michigan, which was too small to contain a man of his talent, or ego.
I don't know how much anyone here knows of Batavia—I'm afraid we keep our little light well hidden under the bushel—but I will skip lightly over the first 160 or so years of our history and say only that it is rich, mythopoeic, beguilingly strange, as befits the cradle of the Anti-Masons, the first third party in American history.
Batavia was a prosperous little city, manufactory of combines and tractors and shotguns. English and Scots and Germans were the early settlers, coexisting uneasily with the late 19th-century polyglot influx of Italians and Poles. I'm a mongrel, a mixture of several of these streams—though my beloved late Italian grandmother insisted that we were "northern Italian—almost Swiss." So in my book I gave myself license to write freely, even raucously, of the ethnic conflicts that once cleaved Batavia—but also gave it a good deal of its spice.
In some ways we were a typical small American city but in other ways we were "Batavia"—our own place. We did not yet bow down before the new American royalty: Burger King and Dairy Queen.
Then, as Joseph Heller would say, something happened. Urban renewal. My old boss Senator Pat Moynihan once said, when driving through Auburn, New York, which was decimated rather as Batavia was—I would do my Moynihan impression but I'm afraid I teetotaled at the reception—"in the 1950s, with a progressive government and newspaper, you got into urban renewal and destroyed everything of value in your town. If you'd had a reactionary newspaper and a grumpy mayor, you might still have it." (Try to imagine any U.S. senator today saying something one ten-thousandth as perceptive.)
Categories Being Human, Wilderness Wanderings•Tags Bill Kauffman, conservatism, localism, small towns
The United States of Fear
Published on May 5, 2017 May 5, 2017 by D. G. Hart33 Comments
I think I have the way to form a more perfect union in this place we call the USA. It is to recognize that all Americans share a sense of fear. Anxiety is what unites us in the U.S. Consider the following.
Andrew Sullivan writes respectfully about reactionary conservatism and even grants its plausibility:
Certain truths about human beings have never changed. We are tribal creatures in our very DNA; we have an instinctive preference for our own over others, for "in-groups" over "out-groups"; for hunter-gatherers, recognizing strangers as threats was a matter of life and death. We also invent myths and stories to give meaning to our common lives. Among those myths is the nation — stretching from the past into the future, providing meaning to our common lives in a way nothing else can. Strip those narratives away, or transform them too quickly, and humans will become disoriented. Most of us respond to radical changes in our lives, especially changes we haven't chosen, with more fear than hope. We can numb the pain with legal cannabis or opioids, but it is pain nonetheless.
If we ignore these deeper facts about ourselves, we run the risk of fatal errors. It's vital to remember that multicultural, multiracial, post-national societies are extremely new for the human species, and keeping them viable and stable is a massive challenge. Globally, social trust is highest in the homogeneous Nordic countries, and in America, Pew has found it higher in rural areas than cities. The political scientist Robert Putnam has found that "people living in ethnically diverse settings appear to 'hunker down,' that is, to pull in like a turtle." Not very encouraging about human nature — but something we can't wish away, either. In fact, the American elite's dismissal of these truths, its reduction of all resistance to cultural and demographic change as crude "racism" or "xenophobia," only deepens the sense of siege many other Americans feel.
And is it any wonder that reactionaries are gaining strength? Within the space of 50 years, America has gone from segregation to dizzying multiculturalism; from traditional family structures to widespread divorce, cohabitation, and sexual liberty; from a few respected sources of information to an endless stream of peer-to-peer media; from careers in one company for life to an ever-accelerating need to retrain and regroup; from a patriarchy to (incomplete) gender equality; from homosexuality as a sin to homophobia as a taboo; from Christianity being the common culture to a secularism no society has ever sustained before ours.
Notice too that conservatives are not the only ones who are very, very afraid. It's also feminist philosophers. But even they can't claim privilege for their phobia:
I want to explore a much more general issue raised by this whole affair. This has to do with concept of harm, which keeps being raised. The main charge against Tuvel is that the very existence and availability of her paper causes harm to various groups, most specifically to members of the transgender community. This is a puzzling and contentious claim that deserves serious reflection.
The editorial board statement specifically refers to "the harm caused by the fact of the article's publication." As the concept of harm is standardly used in legal contexts, this would be a tough claim to defend. It is certainly possible for someone to suffer material or tangible loss, injury, or damage as a consequence of a 15-page article being published in an academic journal. The article might be libelous, for example. But there is no such charge here. The only individual mentioned by name besides Rachel Dolezal is Caitlyn Jenner, and it seems implausible to say that Tuvel has harmed Jenner by "deadnaming" her (i.e., using her birth name), given how public Jenner has been about her personal history.
The authors of the editorial board statement have nothing to say about how they understand harm. This already should give pause for thought. Philosophers, whatever their methodological orientation or training, usually pride themselves on sensitivity to how words and concepts are used. This makes it odd to see no attention being paid to how they are understanding this key concept of harm, which is central to many areas in legal and moral philosophy.
But the statement does clarify what the authors believe has caused the harm: "Perhaps most fundamentally, to compare ethically the lived experience of trans people (from a distinctly external perspective) primarily to a single example of a white person claiming to have adopted a black identity creates an equivalency that fails to recognize the history of racial appropriation, while also associating trans people with racial appropriation."
And here I thought we were supposed to be afraid of Trump. Imagine the harm a POTUS can do. But in the United States of Fear, an academic paper poses a threat capable of generating the kind of fear that many endure with our incautious and vicious president.
The question is whether those with fears can recognize fear as a basis for personal identity. Can we go from the specific to the general and recognize fear is something that every American experiences? If so, then we may finally have a common point of reference for a shared existence. We are united in fear.
Categories Being Human, Novus Ordo Seclorum, Wilderness Wanderings•Tags Andrew Sullivan, anxiety, conservatism, Donald Trump, fear, feminism, harm, nationalism, philosophy, Rebecca Tuvel
America Is Not America (part one)
Published on February 11, 2017 February 11, 2017 by D. G. Hart18 Comments
Ross Douthat wrote a very good piece on the two U.S. narratives that have vied with each other for the last thirty-five years.
The liberal narrative (with President Obama functioning as story-teller in chief) runs like this:
"That's not who we are." So said President Obama, again and again throughout his administration, in speeches urging Americans to side with him against the various outrages perpetrated by Republicans. And now so say countless liberals, urging their fellow Americans to reject the exclusionary policies and America-first posturing of President Donald Trump.
The problem with this rhetorical line is that it implicitly undercuts itself. If close to half of America voted for Republicans in the Obama years and support Trump today, then clearly something besides the pieties of cosmopolitan liberalism is very much a part of who we are.
. . . In this narrative, which has surged to the fore in response to Trump's refugee and visa policies, we are a propositional nation bound together by ideas rather than any specific cultural traditions — a nation of immigrants drawn to Ellis Island, a nation of minorities claiming rights too long denied, a universal nation destined to welcome foreigners and defend liberty abroad.
Given this story's premises, saying that's not who we are is a way of saying that all more particularist understandings of Americanism, all non-universalist forms of patriotic memory, need to be transcended. Thus our national religion isn't anything specific, but we know it's not-Protestant and not-Judeo-Christian. Our national culture is not-Anglo-Saxon, not-European; the prototypical American is not-white, not-male, not-heterosexual. We don't know what the American future is, but we know it's not-the-past.
Then there's the conservative narrative (with Trump adding Jacksonian democratic accents):
But the real American past was particularist as well as universalist. Our founders built a new order atop specifically European intellectual traditions. Our immigrants joined a settler culture, Anglo-Saxon and Protestant, that demanded assimilation to its norms. Our crisis of the house divided was a Christian civil war. Our great national drama was a westward expansion that conquered a native population rather than coexisting with it.
As late as the 1960s, liberalism as well as conservatism identified with these particularisms, and with a national narrative that honored and included them. The exhortations of civil rights activists assumed a Christian moral consensus. Liberal intellectuals linked the New Deal and the Great Society to Thomas Jefferson and Andrew Jackson. Pop-culture utopians projected "Wagon Train" into the future as "Star Trek.". . .
But meanwhile for a great many Americans the older narrative still feels like the real history. They still see themselves more as settlers than as immigrants, identifying with the Pilgrims and the Founders, with Lewis and Clark and Davy Crockett and Laura Ingalls Wilder. They still embrace the Iliadic mythos that grew up around the Civil War, prefer the melting pot to multiculturalism, assume a Judeo-Christian civil religion rather the "spiritual but not religious" version.
Douthat wonders if one narrative is any longer possible.
But any leader who wants to bury Trumpism (as opposed to just beating Trump) would need to reach for one — for a story about who we are and were, not just what we're not, that the people who still believe in yesterday's American story can recognize as their own.
What he observes though is a truth about liberal progressive narratives that we also see in mainline Protestantism — historical denial (read fake history). The PCUSA can't talk about the days it opposed Arminianism, refused to ordain women, and possessed Princeton Theological Seminary as its chief intellectual jewel. No mainline Presbyterian today recognizes the names of William Adams Brown, Robert Speer, or Harry Emerson Fosdick. Why? Because they were not who contemporary Presbyterians are. They don't measure up to the present.
The same goes for political progressives. They have no useful past in the actual institutions of national life because old Americans are not contemporary Americans. It is what it is becomes we are who we are. We have no capacity to say "we are who we were" even in part.
If that's so, let's not simply ban the confederate flag. Let's burn the U.S. flag — what a racist, misogynist, heterosexist, capitalist country. How dare President Obama wear a flag lapel pin.
Even better — let's move to Mars where we can reboot the human race.
Categories Being Human, civil religion, Novus Ordo Seclorum•Tags American identity, American narrative, conservatism, flag burning, Harry Emerson Fosdick, liberalism, PCUSA, Robert Speer, Ross Douthat, William Adams Brown
Make America Sane
Published on November 9, 2016 by D. G. Hart9 Comments
I won't reveal how I voted. Nor can I claim to be happy about yesterday's outcome (I married a woman who took it hard). But a piece of me thinks that a Donald Trump presidency may make it harder for certain sorts of outlooks or activities to be taken seriously.
The first is the grief counseling offered to students at U Mass Lowell:
We at the Multicultural Affairs Office hope this email reaches you and you are doing ok. We know many of you stayed up waiting to hear of the election results. These are unprecedented times. The nation as well as our community is reacting in many different ways. We are reaching out to each of you because we know that this was an intense election and we are already hearing a number of reactions, feelings and emotions. This is a critical time to make sure that you, your friends, classmates, neighbors are doing ok and seeking the appropriate support especially if they need a place to process or work through what they're feeling.
You may hear or notice reactions both immediate and in the coming weeks, some anticipated and many that may be difficult to articulate or be shared. While it may take some time to fully take in all the recent events, please also know that the OMA office is here for you. Our UMass Lowell community is here for you. Do not hesitate at all to come in or ask for support.
Today there is a Post-election self-care session from 12-4pm in Moloney. The event will include cookies, mandalas, stress reduction techniques and mindfulness activities. Counseling and Health Services will also be available. We have sent out messages through our Social Media sites as well as encouraging students to drop in all week. Above all, take good care and know that there is strength in our community that you can lean on.
Office of Multicultural Affairs Staff
Do these people cower when reading accounts of the American founding for all of the self-actualized agency that colonists displayed in seeking self-determination and limited government? (Read: are they American?)
The second is Damon Linker's description of the cosmopolitan w-w that has dominated the Obama years (thanks to Rod Dreher):
Underlying liberal denigration of the new nationalism — the tendency of progressives to describe it as nothing but 'racism, Islamophobia, and xenophobia' — is the desire to delegitimise any particularistic attachment or form of solidarity, be it national, linguistic, religious, territorial, or ethnic… cosmopolitan liberals presume that all particularistic forms of solidarity must be superseded by a love of humanity in general, and indeed that these particularistic attachments will be superseded by humanitarianism before long, as part of the inevitable unfolding of human progress.
For those of us 2k Protestants who have managed to hyphenate ourselves, and found ways to recognize our multiple loyalties, the notion that all attachments to what Edmund Burke called little platoons block national progress is — well — unwelcoming. It's also dumb. Were the Students for a Democratic Society wrong to exclude Young Americans for Freedom?
I don't think President Trump will issue executive orders for colleges students to human-up or for Orthodox Presbyterians to sponsor OPC Pride Parades. But I do sense that he will not lend the support of the White House to the touchier and more ethereal sides of American character.
Categories Being Human, Novus Ordo Seclorum, Wilderness Wanderings•Tags 2016 Presidential election, conservatism, cosmopolitanism, Damon Linker, Donald Trump, President Obama

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


Discussion in 'iPod' started by Scottiesan20000, Aug 3, 2010.
My old laptop crashed so I just got a new Vaio. I downloaded iTunes and want to transfer my iPod library to iTunes. But it's saying it will sync and erase everything on my iPod. Is there a way to transfer my tunes FROM my iPod to iTunes on my laptop?
this is a very common question and i'm sure there's hundreds of threads in here about it..
Some say that putting the ipod in hard drive mode and using explorer to copy over the content can work.
google ipod to itunes. Personally, I use senuti and ipodrip.
You need to authorise your new computer so it can sync and play music bought with your iTunes account. It'll also stop that prompt appearing. Go to Store -> Authorise this computer.


Tell us about your trip as a guest blogger!
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On the other side of this rock, through the wind hole, you can see one of the world's most dynamic cities, but from the side we're on, it's all desert and scorpions and dehydration. Guess where Raja is and win a useful little prize.
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The winner gets a useful little prize. Nobody guessed the last one, so I'm making this one really easy because we really want to give out these prizes. Where are we? Red rocks, red rocks, red rocks... take a chance!


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text:
Q: Cannot get to msysgit bash prompt I did see a similar question when searching but it did not have an answer.
I am following a tutorial on RoR and Git.  I followed all of the instructions carefully and downloaded msysgit 1.8.0 for my laptop running Windows 7.
However, when I run Git Bash, all I get is a flashing cursor... I have waited up to 10 minutes and still all I get is a flashing cursor, it never prompts and will not allow me to input type.  I have uninstalled/reinstalled Git several times and tried some later versions, but still I can not get Git Bash to work.
Does anybody have any ideas of how I can get Git to work?  This is my first time posting here and I am fairly new to programming etc so I hope I have given all information needed.  Thank you for your help.

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As King University continues to mark the 400th anniversary of the death of William Shakespeare, we welcome Michael Morgan and his world-class Bible collection to Bristol on Monday, March 21, at 7:00 p.m. at the Kegley Room in the Bristol Public Library. Among the items on display will be a rare facsimile of the First Folio of Shakespeare's works, along with early editions of the Bibles of the Bard's lifetime: the Bishops' Bible, which he heard in church; the Geneva Bible, from which he quoted; the King James, published toward the end of his life.
Morgan's collection of English Bibles numbers 4,800 volumes, and is one of the most comprehensive private collections in the country, with virtually every English translation of the Bible, the New Testament, the Gospels, and the Psalms represented. He enjoys traveling around the country doing exhibits and presentations on the Bible and the Psalms.
"Only the most extensive research libraries can rival Mike Morgan's Bible collection," says Martin Dotterweich, Associate Professor of History at King. "But none of them allows visitors such a close viewing, let alone encouraging them to turn the pages. Mike's generosity of spirit has allowed thousands of people a connection to the past, and to the vitality of Bible history."
Morgan will offer a brief history of the English Bible, commenting in particular on the volumes he will bring. "In his presentation and his interaction with the audience, Mike's deep love of rare books, especially the Bible, shines through," says Dotterweich. "He invites us to look with him into this unique window on the past."
Morgan is Organist Emeritus at Central Presbyterian Church in Atlanta and serves as Seminary Musician at Columbia Theological Seminary. He holds degrees from Florida State University, Atlanta University, and King University, and did postgraduate study with Richard Purvis in San Francisco. He holds the highest certification of the Presbyterian Association of Musicians (Certified Church Musician) and has served as Dean of the Atlanta Chapter, American Guild of Organists. He is the author of the "Psalter for Christian Worship," published by the Presbyterian Church, U.S.A., a number of hymns, and articles on church music, worship, and especially the Psalms.


text:
Local Group Encouraging Adult Residents to Learn for Advancement
Posted on August 22, 2018 by cnycommunityfoundation	Leave a comment
Nearly 5,000 Onondaga County residents each year participate in adult education, which includes English-as-second-language, high school equivalency and secondary school completion services. Yet this is only a small fraction of the population that needs help, according to Mark Cass, executive director of North Side Learning Center.
"These services are only reaching 15 percent of the adults in our community in need of stronger literacy skills," said Cass.
Limited education holds people back from employment opportunities and achieving healthy incomes. Specifically, having limited proficiency in English can make tasks such as accessing healthcare, getting groceries and obtaining rewarding employment seem like unconquerable obstacles.
It is estimated that 60,000 adults in Onondaga County are in need of greater literacy skills. According to CNY Vitals, more than 17,000 people speak English less than very well and 3,500 county residents report never having completed any schooling while more than 5,000 report reaching the 12th grade but failing to receive a diploma.
In response to this community need, the Adult Education Roundtable (AER), a collaboration of local education institutions, has launched an awareness campaign to recruit students and volunteers.
"This campaign is not for the benefit of one program," said Kelli Cooney, campaign manager. "It's about exposing people to the many opportunities for learning that this community has to offer. We want people to find the program best suited for their needs."
Potential students can call 1-800-READ or visit http://www.CNYLearns.org to have their needs assessed. Then, AER pairs them with the service best fit for their needs. English proficiency, personal goals and neighborhood of residence are all taken into consideration.
The campaign aims to show potential students that it's possible to overcome the barriers that have long delayed their educational advancement.
"Sometimes, a person's own life circumstances prove to be the biggest obstacle," said Cooney. "Juggling concerns about work, children, transportation, housing and health is enough to make many adults move their own literacy needs to the bottom of their priority list."
Recognizing this, AER organizations offer classes during daytime and nighttime hours; the classes are held in a variety of neighborhoods and spaces.
But at the crux of the campaign lies a challenge: How can information about literacy be distributed to a population that may be illiterate or has very limited literacy skills?
AER has risen to this challenge by filling its calendar with appearances at community events, stressing the importance of face-to-face engagement. It's important to the AER that the campaign is present at events parents will already be attending with their children, such as Summer Learning Day at Destiny USA, the Near Westside Block Party and the Westcott Street Cultural Fair.
Additionally, city residents will soon see the campaign's advertisements rounding their own neighborhood street corners; Centro busses will sport AER's advertisements on their exteriors and interiors. The ever-changing routes will expose significantly more people to the campaign than AER could on its own. Going into the campaign, AER recognized that their students typically relied on the bus as a major means of reliable transportation.
"We knew having a presence on busses meant we could reach our target audience," said Cooney. "But until this collaborative campaign, no individual AER organization could afford these ads."
AER is an action team of the Literacy Coalition of Onondaga County that includes OCM-BOCES, Syracuse City School District Adult Education, SUNY Syracuse Educational Opportunity Center, Literacy CNY, North Side Learning Center, the adult literacy program of Onondaga County Public Library, Syracuse University's University College, Onondaga Community College, and others. The organizations have been collaborating for the past several years but this marks their first collaborative public relations campaign. They hope to recruit 400 new adult students.
The CNY Community Foundation awarded AER a grant to support the awareness campaign, matching a contribution from the Syracuse Rotary Fund.
"Funding from the Community Foundation makes the bus advertisements possible and we are so excited about this exposure," said Cooney.
From 2009 to 2015, the number of people living in poverty in Onondaga County increased by 19 percent. As poverty surges in Central New York, the hardships do not only exist on a personal level—the whole region suffers, so a commitment to adult literacy education is a commitment to the health of the entire Central New York community. Adult education services, such as those provided by AER, give people the skills needed to break free of poverty's cycle.
When one individual becomes empowered through education, ripples of positive change can travel through the whole community. Through this awareness campaign, the Adult Education Roundtable hopes to turn these ripples into waves.
tagged with Central New York, Central New York Community Foundation, community engagement, education, Grants, literacy, Syracuse


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Michael Bloomberg tries and fails to use a subway card while campaigning in San Francisco - just like Hillary Clinton did while she was in New York City in 2016
Not ANOTHER bare hip bone! All-star model cast walks Anthony Vaccarello's runway on bank of the Seine at Paris Fashion Week
Anthony Vaccarello has developed a big reputation for tiny clothes in a very short amount of time.
After model Anja Rubik showed up in the designer's leg-baring white gown to this year's Met Ball, Mr Vaccarello's name has become synonymous with 'hip' - both the bone and the club cool.
In a similar round-up of sexy and fearlessly body-baring clothes, Miss Rubik opened and closed his Spring show in Paris today, walking alongside top models Karlie Kloss, Arizona Muse, Cara Delevingne and Jourdan Dunn.
Legging it: Model Anja Rubik (left) opened and close Anthony Vaccarello's show, she walked alongside Karlie Kloss (right), Jourdan Dunn and Arizona Muse
And miss Rubik's final look was nearly as revealing as the dress that put him on the fashion map just four months ago.
She sauntered in the black billowy one-sleeved number, which at first glance looked like its fluid silk had simply been slashed with a pair of scissors, twice, once at the leg and once at the opposite shoulder, revealing that famous hip bone and one long paralleling arm.
This, according to Style.com, 'drove the photographers to distraction. We heard catcalls.'
Sparingly does it: After miss Rubik showed up in the designer's leg-baring white gown to this year's Met Ball, Mr Vaccarello's name has become synonymous with 'hip' - both the bone and the club cool
Monochrome: In a palette of mostly black and white, his spring collection was a round-up of sexy and fearlessly body-baring clothes
Explaining his inspiration backstage, the designer said he used the image of a woman walking into the ocean fully dressed, then walking out again. What might that look like?
Mimicking the way her wet clothes might cling to her legs and hips, his collection was full of fuller, more spacious above-the-waist shapes, paired with tight asymmetrical miniskirts made from wrapped pieces of shirred lamé that clung to the small amount of model thigh they covered.
Most of the time the wrap-around silhouettes split the skirts directly in the middle, directing all eyes to the models' inner thighs.
Less is more: Explaining his inspiration backstage, the designer said he used the image of a woman walking into the ocean fully dressed, then walking out again
Wrapped up: Mr Vaccarello's collection featured fuller, more spacious above-the-waist shapes, often aired with tight asymmetrical miniskirts made from wrapped pieces of shirred lamé that clung to the models' thighs
Some of his toga-style tops, and draped-around mini dresses which used zips and cord to hold them together, used the fabric so sparingly that they appeared like dried out shipwreck survivors.
He stuck to a palette of black, white and molten metallics, showing off the slippery silk collection to club music along the Seine river.
Revealing: Anthony Vaccarello (right), has said his infamous slit dress has a built-in bodysuit to ensure the gown, seen above on Anja Rubik (left) at the 2012 Met Ball, doesn't reveal more than it's supposed to
One thing Harry and William DO have in common! Prince sported a rapidly growing bald patch at launch of 2021 Rugby League World Cup - after years of mocking his brother for his receding hairline


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Members of the four clubs pay the host club members competition fees only (no green fees) on Bay Golf days. All bookings are to be made directly with the host club on the phone numbers provided and visiting players must produce a current financial membership card to prove their membership.


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Tag Archives: gmail
Google and Apple and multiple accounts…
I am posting this for the search engines to find, in case others have found themselves in this situation.
Google and Apple created situations where you ended up with multiple accounts that could not be merged together.
2000 – iTools
Apple introduces iTools, which included a free e-mail address "for life." This service was renamed to .Mac in 2002, and later MobileMe in 2008. It was replaced by iCloud in 2012.
I signed up for my free @mac.com e-mail address back then, and still have that original e-mail address. I never used that e-mail, since I had been using the same pobox.com service for that since 1995.
As iTools/.Mac/MobileMe/iCloud evolved, they remained linked with my original 2000 account. When I purchases extra iCloud Drive space, that had to be done through my iCloud (.mac) e-mail address, since that was the account all the services were on.
2003 – iTunes Store
Apple introduces the iTunes program in 2001, which was used to sync music to the brand new iPod MP3 player. In 2003, the iTunes Store launched, and I signed up for an account there and purchased my first music digital download.
These were two completely different services and accounts. I signed up to the iTunes Store using the e-mail address I'd been using since 1995.
Over the years, all my iTunes purchases were made under my iTunes account. This includes any iPhone apps purchased from the App Store, introduced in 2008.
At some point, the Apple ID was introduced. One of the features is:
Users can use different Apple IDs for their store purchases and for their iCloud storage and other uses. This includes many MobileMe users who have always had difficulties as they were forced to use more than one Apple ID, because on signing-up to the MobileMe service a new Apple ID was automatically created using the me.com email address being created at the time, meaning users could not change their previous Apple ID email address to be their me.com email address and has always remained so. Apple does not permit different accounts to be merged.[13] …
– Wikipedia page for Apple ID
2004 – Gmail
Google launched a free web e-mail service on April 1, 2004. It claimed to give every user 1 gigabyte of e-mail storage, for free. That was such a huge amount of storage that many suspected this was an April Fool's Day joke. Like many, I signed up for a gmail.com e-mail address.
I never used it, preferring to stick with my pobox.com alias I had been using since 1995.
2005 – YouTube
YouTube was not created by Google. It was purchased by Google in late 2006. I signed up for a YouTube account in those early days, before Google was involved. Thus, not a Google account. After Google acquired YouTube, they rolled the accounts over to Google accounts, but could not merge them.
Thus, I ended up with one Google account, which was for my gmail, and another Google account, which was my YouTube. As Google introduced more services, they were added to both my accounts.
Today, I have two Apple IDs — one that I had always used for purchases, and the other was just a free e-mail account. As more and more Apple services were added, they were added to both accounts. Anything with an iCloud login, such as an iPhone, iPad, Apple Watch, Mac, etc., I would use my original iTools account. Anything associated with the Apple Stores would use my original iTunes account.
Fortunately, iOS devices have these areas separated — you can log in to your iCloud account, and log in to a separate account for purchases and subscriptions.
Meanwhile, as Google introduced new services, they rolled in to all accounts. I used them with my original YouTube account, and kept my Gmail account just as e-mail.
Which means today I have two Google Sheets, two Google Docs, two Google Voice, etc. I log in to one if using e-mail, and the other if using "everything else."
Neither company has a way to merge these accounts. With Google, I had created a free Google Voice voice mail number in the mid-2000s to use with the podcasts I was making at the time, Then, several years later I had to give up my cell phone for awhile. I ported my old Sprint-then-AT&T number over to my other account's Google Voice. If Google ever did allow merging accounts, I'd have to lose one of those numbers.
As to Apple, I initially liked having the thing connected to money (credit cards on file to make purchases or pay for subscriptions) separated from the thing that was just e-mail and free Apple services. But that created a problem, as I somehow have been in different accounts when I've activated different things, such as AppleCare on a device, or a subscription to some service. Now I have to log out and re-log to the other account just to see what all I am paying for.
It's quite a mess.
YouTube Channels makes things even worse
To make things even worse, at some point Google introduced Channels to YouTube. This allowed you to have one main YouTube account (hooked to you Google login) but create sub-channels that could have their own videos and playlists. My channel has always been an odd mix of theme park home movies, Halloween haunted house interviews, Renaissance festival footage, retro computer videos, and dogs skateboarding. Channels should be a solution, but YouTube does not allow you to move a video from a legacy account to a new Channel. They advise you to download the video from YouTube, then re-upload to the new channel. That loses all play history, comments, etc.
I am posting this here in case anyone finds it via search, and discovers any type of solution to these issues.
I spent about an hour with various Apple Support folks last night — initially as a Chat, and then via phone as I was forwarded from department to department. Obviously, changing billing credit cards is a different division than the one that handles iCloud Disk subscriptions, so I don't feel I was ever put in the wrong place. There were just a bunch of different places that are all part of this ecosystem. I expect, if I could reach a Google support person on the phone, I would have a similar experience there.
I offer no tips. No solutions. And no advice. But if you end up here with a similar story, please share it in the comments. I'd like to hear what you have discovered.
Until next time… Remember: Anything simple today may become a huge pain in the arse decades later ;-)
This entry was posted in Misc and tagged apple, gmail, youtube on July 13, 2022 by Allen Huffman.