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A cautionary tale that must not be forgotten
By Cyrus Kadivar
The Iranian
The man sitting in front of me in the quiet Parisian cafe Boulevard Montparnasse seemed lost in thought. Gazing out the window at the deserted streets that August afternoon he tried to recall the day he went to Niavaran Palace where Shapour Bakhtiar, the newly appointed prime minister, was due to present his cabinet to the Shah. He could not recall the exact day but he spoke calmly about the weather being soft, warm and bright on that winter's morning. >>> See photos
On that day, January 6th, 1979, Cyrus Amouzegar and Dr Razmara, a Paris-educated Cardiologist who had accepted to become Health Minister, had shared a government car on the journey which was to take them from Bakhtiar's house to the northern suburbs of Tehran where the royal palace was situated.
"Although I had been named Information Minister," Amouzegar recalled, "I was genuinely nervous about the future. My heart was filled with pessimism. During the journey to the Palace, Manuchehr Razmara and I hardly spoke to each other. There was an incredible tension in the air. The future seemed very bleak. In part our silence was due to the heavy burden we felt on our shoulders. Neither of us, especially me, had any experience in the ways of government. But we had accepted to risk everything out of a sense of personal loyalty to our country and Dr Bakhtiar who was a truly brave and decent man."
In those revolutionary days, the entire area near Niavaran Palace was surrounded by Chieftain tanks and heavily armed elements of the imperial-guard force stationed at all strong points. The main gate was opened and the government car was swept through by an officer halting near the main entrance of one of the older palaces that served as the monarch's private office.
The ministers were greeted at the door by the elderly Court Minister Ardalan, a man with a full set of white hair and gentle demeanour, who led them across the splendid Persian carpets that covered the floor. Fragments of light bounced off the gilt-framed mirrors. Royal portraits of the Shah and Empress Farah competed with the antiques that stared at them from the walls and shelves.
In the waiting room, Bakhtiar's ministers sat on Louis XV chairs beneath the chandelier, sipping tea. "There were ten other faces in that room," Amouzegar recalled. "I sat down beside Mr Ahmad Mirfenderski, a former ambassador to Moscow who told me that the Prime Minister was in audience with His Majesty."
"Although we were not known to each other," Amouzegar said wiping his brow, "Mirfenderski and I were to become close friends. A man with a first-class mind, Bakhtiar had forced him out of semi-retirement to offer him the post of Foreign Minister."
There was a long wait -- one and a half hours -- during which the Shah and Bakhtiar remained closeted behind guarded doors discussing details to which nobody was privy. Some of the ministers became restless, even joking between themselves that perhaps the Shah had changed his mind about Bakhtiar. Every so often the Court Minister would shuffle in requesting the ministers to be patient. More tea was served by the few remaining palace staff.
"In the midst of the chatter," Amouzegar reflected, "I sat on my chair looking out the window at the trees in the royal garden. I was filled with doubts about our chances of stopping Khomeini. The clock on the mantelpiece was ticking like my heartbeat. All I could think of on that gloomy day was how did I get here?"
There was a moment of silence during which I observed this tall man with the features of De Gaulle. At the time of the revolution he had been 44 years old. Now at 67 Amouzegar complained of diabetes and sore feet. His memory was also rusty when it came to dates.
"I don't read anymore," he said, playing with the glasses which hung from his neck. "It tires me. I used to have a great library in Iran with 7,000 books. I tried to write my memoirs but gave up although I have given a few interviews to a radio in Los Angeles."
Amouzegar now plunged into a rambling discourse on the events that had led the Shah to turn to a member of the National Front to save his throne. "Two years before the revolution," he resumed, "the Shah had become obsessed with his legacy and the future of the dynasty and his son's sucession. Coupled with the military and economic development programs he now contemplated democracy."
According to him the Shah and Prime Minister Hoveyda had made secret overtures to members of Mossadeq's then banned National Front to ask them to take up seats in the Majlis as members of a loyal opposition. The Shah's only condition was that they accept the monarchy and his undisputed position as king.
In 1977, three members of the National Front, Karim Sanjabi, Daryoush Forouhar and Dr Shapour Bakhtiar, had sent the Shah a letter asking him in respectable language to heed their calls for greater freedoms within the Constitution. "The Shah read the letter with little reaction," Amouzegar said. "Despite a few clumsy attempts to intimidate the signatories the Shah soon realised that the time for change had come. Impressed by the example of Franco and Juan Carlos he believed that Iran could take a giant leap from autocracy to democracy."
But events were already working against the Shah's regime. The gradual opening of the imperial system coincided with a rise in dissident activities from Islamic fundamentalists and leftist guerrilla groups. University students and bazaar merchants were grumbling.
By 1978 the government of Jamshid Amouzegar (a first-rate technocrat) was struggling to reverse the sudden downturn in the once prosperous oil-driven economy. At the same time he initiated a series of unpopular fiscal reforms and halted the funds paid to the clergy.
Such policies led to the riots in Qom and Tabriz which took a nasty turn when ill-equipped security forces opened fire thus creating the first martyrs of the revolution.
At about this time, the Shah intensified his efforts to co-opt the liberal opposition into forming a national government that would be acceptable to both sides. "Suspicions ran deep and little headway was made," Cyrus Amouzegar told me. "A few patriotic people tried very hard to make it work but egos got in the way."
One day, in the spring of 1978 a friend invited Amouzegar to a party where he was to meet a man who changed his life. "I first met Shapour Bakhtiar at a marvelous barbecue," he recalled. "I was impressed by his noble character and extraordinary knowledge of French literature, Persian poetry, European history and Iranian traditions. Whether quoting Hafez or discussing Voltaire he demonstrated a rare intelligence that often left me in awe. As I got to know him better I became convinced of his integrity and patriotism. He was rather unique."
An elegant and well-mannered man, Shapour Bakhtiar had led a life full of adversity. Born in 1914 in the south western Bakhtiari region of Iran he had lost his mother when he was seven. Attending elementary school in Shahr-e Kord and then secondary school in Esfahan he was sent to Beirut, Lebanon where he received a high school diploma from a French school. Later while studying in Paris in 1934 he learned the tragic news that his beloved father, Sardar Fatteh, a powerful khan, had been hanged on orders of Reza Shah Pahlavi.
Bakhtiar returned to Iran and remained there for two years. He then went back to France in 1936, where he earned degrees in political science, philosophy and law in 1939. In the same year, he married a French woman. In 1940 he served in the "Orleans" battalion and fought the Nazis with the French resistance.
In the winter of 1946, Bakhtiar returned to Iran armed with a PH. D from the Sorbonne and later entered the Ministry of Labour in 1951. After the 1953 events that led to the fall of Mossadeq's government Bakhtiar opened a law practice.
Although related to Queen Soraya, the Shah's second wife, Bakhtiar repeatedly found himself in trouble with the regime. In the following years he was jailed for opposition political activities and rose to deputy chief of the banned National Front.
Stubborn by nature, Bakhtiar remained a firm critic of the Shah's regime and was subsequently imprisoned for a total of nearly six years and prohibited from leaving the country for a period of ten years.
"When I met him," Amouzegar explained, "Bakhtiar was making a good living with a French-Iranian firm called Vatan. Despite his pro-Mossadeq views and his grudge against Reza Shah for executing his father, Bakhtiar remained a monarchist."
In June 1978 the Shah replaced the long-time head of SAVAK, General Nassiri, with General Nasser Moghaddam who had good contacts with the religious and liberal opposition. At this point, Khomeini had still not emerged as the unquestioned leader. On several occasions Moghaddam approached Bakhtiar to seek his views.
That same summer, Amouzegar travelled to England for a medical check up. Three months earlier he had suffered a mild heart-attack in Tehran and his wife insisted that he needed a rest. While in Porthsmouth one day, Amouzegar walked into a pub. On the television he saw a map of Iran and a brief report about the latest disturbances. "When I asked the grumpy pub manager what was going on he simply shrugged his shoulders," Amouzegar recalled. "I later discovered to my horror that over 400 innocent people had been burned alive in Abadan after Cinema Rex was torched by Islamic terrorists."
The Abadan tragedy was quickly exploited by revolutionary agents who blamed SAVAK for the "hideous crime." The Shah who had on August 5th promised free parliamentary elections for the following year, removed Jamshid Amouzegar, Hoveyda's successor, and appointed as prime minister Jaafar Sharif Emami. The new government tried hard to win over an angry public.
"I returned to Tehran immediately," Amouzegar explained. "Soon afterwards I joined a committee of 40 influential people determined to find a solution to the political crisis. I held long discussions with Bakhtiar. We used to walk around his pool in the garden of his house or discuss the future in his basement library."
Bakhtiar's sense of loyalty and history prevented him from calling for the Shah's overthrow. He was worried that a revolution would mean Iran's ruin and feared that the communists and mullahs would take over. At the same time he advocated a constitutional monarchy where the King would reign over a democratic parliament. On a number of occasions, even after Sharif Emami had become prime minister, Bakhtiar tried to send word to the Shah through Jamshid Amouzegar and later via SAVAK General Moghaddam that the National Front was prepared to negotiate over a truly representative government.
When the Shah agreed to consider an appropriate candidate the National Front leaders could not agree on a name. By September 8th, rioting had reached such proportions that the Shah was forced to impose martial law in Tehran and eleven other cities. Two months later, when Sharif Emami failed to restore order the Shah appointed the ineffectual General Azhari as head of a new military government.
On November 6th during an emotional television and radio speech the Shah urged the nation to give him time and stressed that he had finally heard the "voice of the revolution". Calling on all patriots to join hands in ending the crisis he promised to rectify past errors and lead Iran towards a truly democratic system.
By now every mosque in Iran had become the hotbeds of dissent where the faithful flocked to hear the taped cassettes of Ayatollah Khomeini who had taken refuge in the French village of Neauphle-le-Chateau near Paris. As the situation deteriorated further the Shah came under increasing pressure by his generals to order a massive crackdown. But the Shah hesitated, caught in a tragic dilemma.
At the end, Shah Mohammed Reza convinced himself that a sovereign could not save his throne by shedding his countrymen's blood. Isolated at Niavaran Palace he spent most of his time on the telephone. "Do the impossible to avoid bloodshed," he told a general who had just witnessed a crowd pulling down his statue.
In his private conversations with the US Ambassador Sullivan and British Ambassador Sir Anthony Parsons, the Shah subjected them to long, rambling soliloquies expressing his doubt, impotence, and frustration. The anguish was clearly etched on his face.
Amouzegar reminded me that throughout November and December 1978 the Shah had resumed his secret talks with opposition leaders. He contacted Dr Sadighi, a member of the National Front. Sadighi agreed without conditions to try to form a coalition but urged the Shah not to leave the country warning of the dangers of collapse.
When Sadighi failed to form a government the Shah turned to Karim Sanjabi who had met with Ayatollah Khomeini a few days earlier in Paris. The antipathy between both men was too great and the talks ended after thirty minutes.
In his memoirs, the Shah wrote that Bakhtiar had "behaved in a discreet and reserved manner." The Shah had agreed to receive him. General Moghaddam had brought him to the Palace one evening. They had had a lengthy conversation in which Bakhtiar profusely expressed his loyalty to the Constitution and the Monarchy. He wanted to adhere to the Constitution and name a Regency Council before the Shah left the country ostensibly for a long "holiday."
"One day over lunch," Amouzegar said, "Bakhtiar told me and Dr Razmara that he had received a call from Lord George Brown, once Foreign Secretary in Britain's Labor Government. Brown had met the Shah and persuaded him to name Bakhtiar prime minister. We spent the next few days drawing a list of potential ministers. There was a lot of pressure from the Court and even the Empress for results. The National Front did everything to discourage people from joining us."
On the evening of December 29th, General Badrei, the commander of the Imperial Guard, escorted the slender and mustached Bakhtiar up the staircase of Niavaran Palace to the Shah's private office. It was Bakhtiar's second audience.
"Time is pressing," the Shah said impatiently. "Tell me if you are ready to form a government?" Bakhtiar explained the difficulties he was facing to find the right people and asked for another ten days. "It's too much," the Shah said pacing the room. "Sire, I cannot go any faster," Bakhtiar replied. "But I will try, Majesty."
After the audience, Bakhtiar left the Palace with a heavy heart. He kept reminding himself that if the Shah had summoned him it was because he had no one else to turn to.
"At this point," Bakhtiar later wrote in his memoirs, "I was tempted to tell the Shah to go find someone else. Yet, the truth is that it no longer concerned the Shah, not even the Constitution, but Iran. Iran, a reality superior to all other considerations."
With mandate in hand, the prime minister designate faced his colleagues with the task ahead.
"Karim Sanjabi was jealous," Amouzegar remembered. "Forouhar was fearful of a split in the opposition and afraid that Bakhtiar might have gotten a jump on him. The rest of the National Front members accused him of betrayal. After three hours of shouting, Bakhtiar left the meeting with a red face. The next morning, Sanjabi rang him to say that he had been unanimously expelled from the party."
On January 1st, 1979, Shapour Bakhtiar went on television and publicly reaffirmed that His Majesty intended to leave the country once he had formed a Cabinet. The reaction from the military hardliners was swift. General Manuchehr Khosrowdad, a dashing paratrooper declared: "His Majesty has no intention to leave the country at such a critical moment, not even for a holiday!"
"From the very beginning Bakhtiar upset the military high command," Amouzegar reminded me. "It was an uneasy relationship with neither side trusting each other. This distrust did not bode well for the future but Bakhtiar felt he could win the generals over once they appreciated his efforts on behalf of Iran."
And so on January 6th, 1979, Amouzegar arrived at Niavaran Palace which resembled an abandoned castle. Gone were the regiments of footmen, pages, butlers, adjudants, servants, orderlies, protocol officers, guards and other palace officials, only a handful of the faithful had remained. Others had either asked for sick leave or simply vanished. All this added to an already depressing atmosphere. Everything appeared faded and triste in the vast royal abode.
The ministers were now led into a large reception room beautifully decorated with Persian glass and chandeliers. "None of us wore any gold-braided uniforms," Amouzegar remembered. "The Court Minister did not even bother to line us up according to our ranks. This would have been unthinkable a few months ago."
When the Shah walked into the room Amouzegar was startled by his grave appearance. The monarch looked pale and there was a slight tremble in his face and hands. Looking tired and drawn in a somber business suit, he turned to Prime Minister Bakhtiar who courteously introduced his ministers. Despite his deteriorating health and anxious state of mind the Shah tried to keep up his haughty bearing.
"His Majesty walked down the row extending his hand for the nervous ministers to kiss," Amouzegar recounted. "When he approached me I simply bowed and shook the royal hand much to Bakhtiar's displeasure who later scolded me."
When he had finished greeting the ministers, the Shah turned and asked for a microphone so that he could make a small speech. "It was an embarrassing moment," Amouzegar said, rolling his eyes. "For a moment the Shah stood there waiting for someone to hand him the microphone but there was nobody there to help. It was a tragic moment. At the end, Bakhtiar had to leave the room and look for the microphone. It was really the end of the Shah's absolute rule."
Finally, the Shah addressed his ministers. "For some time," he said, "I have been ill and in need of medical treatment which due to the situation in the country has been long overdue. I urge you gentlemen to serve your country and support the Prime Minister. In my absence a Regency Council will be created. The Shahbanou and I plan to go abroad for a short trip and much needed rest."
On January 16th 1979 Cyrus Amouzegar, now settled in his ministerial office, watched the royal departure on Iranian television. "Bakhtiar had gone to the airport to bid the Shah and the Empress farewell having received a confirmation vote from both houses of Parliament," he said. "When I saw the Shah's tears I could not hold back my own. A few moments before several loyal officers had thrown themselves at his feet urging him not to go. It was a pathetic scene."
No sooner had the Shah's plane lifted into the sky that the streets exploded with jubilant demonstrators burning his portrait and honking their car horns. "Looking out my window," Amouzegar said, "I felt disgusted and told myself that in their hysteria the people were completely unaware of the dark future awaiting them. It was like witnessing a nation commit collective suicide. That day I decided to put a picture of the Shah on my desk. Whenever a colleague told me to remove it I said that I considered him the lawful king of our country until stated otherwise."
A few days later, Prime Minister Bakhtiar held his first Cabinet meeting in a large room. The ministers sat around a polished table. Khomeini and Sanjabi had called his government "illegal" and were urging his ministers to resign or face the music later. In Tehran and other major cities thousands of hysteric demonstrators marched chanting, "Bakhtiar, Nokar bee ekhtiyar, Bakhtiar, the Servant with no power."
Standing beside a photo of Mossadeq, Bakhtiar addressed his ministers in a strong voice. "Gentlemen," he said, "Our country is in mortal danger and we all bear a heavy burden on our conscience. I believe that if we stand firm and demonstrate our courage in the difficult days ahead we will be able to weather the coming storm. Of course, any minister who does not want to stick around can resign."
"Listening to Shapour Bakhtiar that day," Amouzegar confessed, "I was filled with renewed optimism. A few weeks ago I would have given him a five percent chance of success. But as he spoke my confidence rose and so did my belief that we could halt the madness and prevent Khomeini's followers from seizing the country. Only one minister resigned that day and ironically he was thrown in jail after the revolution. Each time I felt low Bakhtiar would raise my morale and urge me to hang in there. We needed three months to win public opinion and prepare the grounds for a genuine referendum and free elections, he would tell me."
Dubbed "the Iranian Kerensky" by foreign reporters, Bakhtiar made daily appearances on radio and television warning his compatriots of a dictatorship worse than anything seen in Iranian history. At the parliament he unveiled several measures designed to appeal to elements in the opposition. He lifted restrictions on the press; the newspapers, on strike since November, resumed publication. He set free the remaining political prisoners and promised the dissolution of the secret police, the lifting of martial law and free elections. But the masses ignored him.
On February 1st, after refusing to see Bakhtiar in Paris, Ayatollah Khomeini flew to Tehran amidst great popular acclaim. "Until the last minute the government was torn between diverting his plane to Kish Island in the Persian Gulf or letting him land," Amouzegar revealed. "A few Air Force officers like General Ayat Mohagheghi volunteered to crash their jets against the chartered Air France plane. At the end permission was granted and Khomeini landed safely with his entourage. During the coverage of his arrival a few loyalists interrupted the TV programme with a portrait of the Shah and the imperial anthem."
Escorted to the Behesht Zahra Cemetery where many of the revolution's martyrs were buried, Khomeini announced that he would "smash in the mouth of the Bakhtiar government." He called for strikes and demonstrations to continue. The military high command kept their nerve and General Abbas Gharabaghi, the Chief of the Supreme Commanders Staff, warned his fellow officers against any rash attempts to stage a coup against the Bakhtiar government.
But the loyalty of the imperial iranian armed forces was already eroding after months of confrontation with the people on the streets. Desertions became commonplace.
Meanwhile, a girls' secondary school at which Khomeini established his headquarters in Tehran became the center of the revolutionary movement. A multitude of decisions were handled here by what came to be known as the Komiteh-ye Imam, or the Imam's Committee. On Febuary 5th, Khomeini named Mehdi Bazargan as prime minister of a provisional government while in many large urban centers the local komitehs (revolutionary committees) seized control.
Bakhtiar reacted in true style. "The Iranian nation and the Iranian state are indivisable entities," he said. "One country, one government, one constitution, or nothing else."
Several pro-Bakhtiar demonstrations in the Aryamehr Stadium were held in Tehran with elegant men and women waving tricolor flags and weeping their support. "Bakhtiar hold your position," they chanted. The crowds soon grew from 40,000 to 100,000.
Encouraged by the demonstrations in his favour Bakhtiar declared: "I shall remain in the position of the legitimate prime minister of this country until future free elections are held. Whoever enjoys a majority, shall govern -- An Islamic government limited to Qom is permissible, and we shall then have a Vatican too."
Behind the scene however Bakhtiar and Bazargan engaged in furious secret negotiations. "Many meetings were held either at my house or that of Senator Jaffroudi," Amouzegar said. "Both sides were afraid of a civil war. One day Amir Entezam told me to quit. He said that many generals had secretly joined the revolution. I laughed. But when he hinted that Gharabaghi was among them I lost my smile."
On February 8th, uniformed airmen appeared at Khomeini's home and pledged their allegiance to him. "The armed forces must return to the people," the Ayatollah said. "They will be welcomed with open arms. Islam is a forgiving religion."
The end began unexpectedly on a Friday night, February 9th. In order to discredit Khomeini, Bakhtiar had instructed the television networks to broadcast the Ayatollah's interview with a foreign journalist before his return to Iran. Asked about his feelings after spending 15 years in exile, Khomeini had replied, "Nothing!"
Instead of generating support for the government's position the film provoked a mutiny among Homafar air force technicians at Doshan Tappeh Air Base outside Tehran. They poured out of the mess hall chanting religious slogans in support of Khomeini and attacked the outnumbered pro-Shah officers sent to arrest them.
"I rang the Prime Minister and gave him the news," Amouzegar explained. "It was about midnight. Someone woke up Bakhtiar. When he came to the phone he told me that he had heard about the troubles but that it was nothing serious and went back to sleep."
When units of the Imperial Guards failed to put down the mutiny the situation turned into an insurrection. By Saturday, February 10th, the arsenal was opened, and thousands of weapons were distributed to crowds outside the air base.
It was 3a.m. when Bakhtiar rang Amouzegar. "He sounded concerned," Amouzegar remembered. "We talked about a counter-insurgency plan which he planned to unveil later in the day at a special meeting of the National Security Council."
As people barricaded themselves against the tanks and jeeps sent to enforce a military curfew, Bakhtiar ordered the Air Force Chief General Rabii to bomb the defense and ammunitions factory. Rabii refused calling the plan crazy and impractical. Discussion then turned to a list that SAVAK General Moghaddam had prepared.
"The list which had included 200 names a few weeks ago had grown to 308," Amouzegar revealed. "These people were to be arrested and taken to a deserted camp near Tehran. They included Ayatollah Khomeini, his comrades at the Alavi School, and scores of journalists and national front and leftist activists."
For some mysterious reason the plan was never carried out. Worse the news was leaked to the revolutionary camp and this led to further fighting. Unable to enforce the curfew, General Mehdi Rahimi, the military governor, watched helplessly as the mob captured the key police stations, prisons, barracks, and ministry buildings.
By Sunday, February 11th, the military machine and its leadership were in complete disarray. The events that followed sealed the fate of Bakhtiar's government forever. On that fateful Sunday, Amouzegar telephoned Bakhtiar early in the morning.
"The Prime Minister sounded upset," Amouzegar recalled. "It was 8a.m. and he was looking for Khosrowdad who was nowhere to be found. Later he complained that he could not find Rabii. Finally, after some calls, he had been told that the generals had been summoned to a military briefing by General Gharabaghi."
Depending on which version one refers to, the role of General Gharabaghi in undermining Bakhtiar's government is irrefutable. There are those who call him a traitor and a turn-coat. Others believe that he did what he could to maintain the cohesion of the armed forces -- an impossible task once the Shah had left the country. Gharabaghi himself denied the charges and blamed Bakhtiar.
"Gharabaghi never got on with Shapour Bakhtiar," Amouzegar said. "Whether he was a traitor or not the fact is that he was not made for the job which he had been selected. An Azerbaijani officer who spoke Farsi with a heavy Turkish accent he was not popular among his peers. At the end he chose to compromise."
In any case, while Bakhtiar waited for Gharabaghi to report to his office, the latter had summoned 27 military commanders to the largest meeting in the history of the Imperial Iranian Armed Forces to consider their options. The picture from the front was dismal. Every commander declared that they no longer could count on their forces to establish order. The best solution was to round up their troops from the streets and retreat back to barracks. Few had any illusions.
After two hours of discussion it was agreed that a communique be issued in which the High Council of the Imperial Iranian Armed Forces would declare their "neutrality" in the political rift. The text was hand written by General Hatam and signed by every officer in the room except for General Shafaqat, Bakhtiar's War Minister, who crossed out his name.
At about 10:20a.m. Gharabaghi telephoned Senator Jaffroudi who had planned to hold a meeting at 4p.m. with Bakhtiar, Gharabaghi, Bazargan and Ayatollah Motahari, at his house. Some have speculated that Bakhtiar was planning to offer his resignation to Bazargan but Amouzegar maintained that this was not the case.
If Senator Jaffroudi's version is true, Gharabaghi had asked him to be put in touch with Bazargan, Khomeini's designated prime minister of the shadow government. The Field Marshal went on to explain the Army's decision to declare its "neutrality" and that all the senior military commanders had endorsed the decision.
"Do you understand the consequences of this decision?" Jaffroudi repeated, angrily. "It means you have surrendered the state. I suggest you contact the Prime Minister immediately. His life is in danger and you are responsible for his safety."
It was half-past-ten when General Gharabaghi rang Bakhtiar and told him the news. It was a hard blow. Everything was lost. The generals had by their actions destroyed the last pillar capable of holding back Khomeini. At 1p.m., after an hours delay, Amouzegar authorised the radio to play the Army's communique.
For a moment the Prime Minister sat at his desk in front of a late and cold lunch. He had no appetite. A half-bitten green apple lay on a plate. Suddenly machine-gun bullets hit the Prime Minister's office. Amouzegar rang him and asked if he needed a car. "Bakhtiar turned down my offer to come and fetch him," Amouzegar said. "He said that he was leaving soon with his security officers."
In his memoirs, Bakhtiar explained how he calmly took his winter coat and bade farewell with Pari Kalantari, his loyal secretary. As he climbed down the stairs, she asked him if he were coming back. "I will be back," Bakhtiar told her.
Soon afterwards, Bakhtiar vanished. Gharabaghi changed into civilian clothes and left his H.Q. for Jaffroudi's house where after meeting with Bazargan he went into hiding. Both men eventually escaped to Paris. For the others, a worse fate awaited them. Hundreds of other generals and imperial officials believing in Khomeini's mercy would soon be shot by firing squads. At 6p.m. rebels captured the NIRT station. A presenter announced: "This is the Voice of the Revolution!"
As Tehran fell under mob rule, Cyrus Amouzegar became the last minister to leave his post. As he related the story to me in that Paris cafe, Amouzegar's eyes clouded over with tears. It was the first and last time he showed any emotion.
During the dying hours of the Bakhtiar government, Amouzegar had been sitting in his office pondering the future. No more than ten employees remained in the Ministry of Information building. There was a knock. A sergeant walked into the room and saluted smartly. He was dressed in full battle gear.
"Yes, what do you want?" Amouzegar asked. "What is going to happen to us now, Sir?" the sergeant wanted to know. He had heard the army's announcement and felt torn between his sense of duty and the crumbling situation. For two days his men had not eaten anything as the cooks were on strike.
"I told him to go home," Amouzegar said. "But, Sir, we have our orders to defend all government installations until the last bullet, the young sergeant insisted."
Continuing his story, he said: "I told the sergeant that it was all over and suggested that he hide his weapon somewhere in the building and change out of uniform. I told him to leave at once. Save yourself, I told him, before it's too late."
Swallowing a glass of water, Amouzegar paused for a moment, trying to control his tears.More than twenty-three years had passed from that day but the feelings were the same. The world was crumbling all around him even here in this French cafe, here the bored waiter looked at his watch praying for us to leave.
"The generals may have betrayed us," Amouzegar said. "But the rank-and-file were loyal and waiting for their orders. The poor sergeant came up to me and placed his head on my shoulders and wept like a child. I was so overwhelmed that tears flowed down my face. Later, the sergeant saluted me and disappeared."
Amouzegar was the last person to leave the Ministry and dutifully switched off the lights on his way out.
Angry crowds were milling in the streets looking for enemies of the revolution. As he stood on the steps a van appeared and a voice shouted: "Get in, Mister!"
"I looked up and immediately recognised him," he said. "The driver used to deliver copies of Talash magazines between the printing house and the Prime Minister's office. I thanked him and said that I would make my own way. That night, as the capital burned, I drove to my house and when it became too dangerous I slept at Abbas Qholi Bakhtiar's place before moving in with my sister."
Amouzegar kept low for a while until the snow had melted spending his time listening to the radio and reading the depressing stories in the daily newspapers. Arbitrary arrests, summary executions and chaos was the order of the day.
After several weeks in hiding, Amouzegar could no longer take it. He decided to call Admiral Ahmad Madani who held the senior post of Defense Minister in the Provisional Government. "I'm fed up of hiding," he told Madani. "If they want to arrest me they can come and do it now!"
Madani replied that in a recent meeting Prime Minister Bazargan had said that the country needed "good people" even those who had served in the Shah's imperial regime. "If you wish," Madani said offering an olive branch, "I will come and fetch you tomorrow and take you to see Bazargan. I'm sure he will help."
Amouzegar declined Madani's offer. After some assurances he decided to go back to his own house.
Few days after the Persian New Year, on March 27th, 1979, Amouzegar went to see his friend Dr Razmara. They chatted about old times and the situation in the country. Bakhtiar was still in hiding somewhere in Tehran despite a nation wide search for his arrest. When he returned home that evening, Amouzegar received a visitor.
The man was anxious to get him out of the country. "There is a car waiting for you outside," he told him. "I will drive you to a secret spot where you will board a helicopter that will fly you to Turkey. From there you will be free to join your family in Paris."
"It was a difficult choice to make," Amouzegar confessed. "I went upstairs and asked my old father's advice. He went into deep thought and began pacing the room." When the pacing had stopped, the old man told his son that it was better if he did not escape. "A fugitive can never live in peace. Stay here. You have not done anything wrong. At most you will be arrested and spend a month in jail then released."
The man who had come to save Amouzegar was furious when he heard the decision. "You are both insane," he shouted as he left the house, slamming the door behind him.
At midnight the doorbell rang. "I opened the door," Amouzegar remembered. "It was Dr Razmara." For an instant, Razmara stood there smiling. Then slowly he said, "They finally got me." As he spoke two armed men emerged from the shadows.
In a few minutes, Cyrus Amouzegar and Dr Razmara, two of Bakhtiar's senior ministers, were sitting in a car watched by Pasdarans, or Revolutionary Guards. "Where are you taking us?" one of them asked. "Ghasr Prison," came the reply.
During his six months captivity in revolutionary hands, Amouzegar was convinced that he would soon be released. One day at Ghasr Prison where many of the Shah's closest officials awaited trial, Amouzegar noticed the ex-prime minister, Amir Abbas Hoveyda taking some exercise in the same courtyard where he eventually met his ignominious death a few days later on April 7th, 1979.
"I saw him standing in that courtyard," Amouzegar revealed emotionally. "He had lost some weight. But he still managed a smile and waved at me. I waved back at Hoveyda not realising that it was for the last time. I was very upset by his fate."
Life in Ghasr was no picnic. "These were horrible times with countless executions taking place regularly," Amouzegar said. One night they shot 22 people among them the distinguished Dr Khalatbary, Hassan Pakravan, Mansour Rouhani, General Nader Jahanbani, and Parviz Nikkhah. Another day it was the turn of Air force Chief Amir Hossein Rabii and SAVAK Chief Moghaddam.
"One of my cellmates was General Ali Neshat, the former commander of the Imperial Guard," he said. During their walks in prison a crestfallen Neshat told Amouzegar how he had been forced to hand over Niavaran and the remaining royal palaces to save his men. It had been a humiliating affair. He also told him that had the order been given his artillery guns could have wiped out Khomeini's headquarters.
"Then why didn't you?" Amouzegar had asked him. General Neshat who was soon to face a firing squad had fallen silent.
For the next three months, Amouzegar was subjected to long hours of interrogation. "I was not tortured," he said. "But eventually I told my interrogator that I would tell him everything if he would just say what was my crime." According to Amouzegar the interrogator had stared at him and in a cold voice said, "We have a taped conversation between Shapour Bakhtiar and yourself on the eve of 22 Bahman. Every word has been transcripted and is in your file."
Returning to his cell Amouzegar looked like a ghost. When Ahmad Mirfenderski, also in prison, asked him what was the matter, Amouzegar opened up to him. Mirfenderski also went pale. "Just deny it's your voice," he advised. When Abbas Qholi Bakhtiar heard the story he told Amouzegar not to worry. "The worst that can happen is that you will be shot," he said jokingly at the thought. "It will be a quick death. A bullet and a little smoke, then it's all over."
Luckily nothing happened after that. On July 7th, a prison guard called out Amouzegar's name. "I went down the steps fearing the worst," Amouzegar said. "The guard said that he had a message from Abbas Qholi. I asked what it was and he said, 'Agha raft.' In this way I learned that Shapour Bakhtiar had fled the country. This shows how popular Bakhtiar was even among the prison guards."
Amouzegar was released from Evin prison on August 19th soon after his transfer from Ghasr a few weeks earlier. "I still remember the day. It was the day they executed Mr Khoshkish, the ex-head of the central bank. The newspaper on that day carried a photo of me with a caption that read, 'A dangerous man.' "Did you know that I am the only Minister of Information who was not shot?"
Soon after his release, Cyrus Amouzegar phoned Dr Bakhtiar in Paris where the former Prime Minister had formed the Iranian Resistance Movement which apparently had the late Shah's covert blessing. He asked him if he wanted him to join him. "It's better if you stay where you are," Bakhtiar advised. "We are planning something big. Your presence in Iran may become invaluable one day."
A year later a group of Air Force officers and civilians were arrested by the revolutionary authorities in the aftermath of the July 1980 plot. It soon transpired that the conspirators had received financial and logistical support from Bakhtiar's office and had hoped to bomb Ayatollah Khomeini's residence and forment a coup.
Over 300 people were shot in the terrible days that followed. "I was arrested again," Amouzegar explained. "This time my house was ransacked by the authorities. They threw all my music and book collection into the street and drove their cars over them. My poor mother kept shaking her head. Fortunately, I was released after a few questions and shortly afterwards I fled Iran."
In Paris Amouzegar joined Bakhtiar's movement. "Bakhtiar was full of confidence that we could overthrow the mullahs. He had received a lot of money for his operations. We worked together until 1986 when we parted ways. " It was twilight. We had already left the cafe and were heading towards the Metro. There was so much more I wanted to know. I was conscience of the fact that nearby in the Montparnasse cemetery was the lonely grave of a brave man who had tried in vain to reverse the Ayatollah's nightmarish plans for Iran.
"One day I would like to place some flowers on Bakhtiar's grave," I said suddenly. Amouzegar stopped and looked at me, his eyes shining like those of a grateful man. "What a great idea," he said genuinely touched. "I am sure Dr Bakhtiar would like that very much." I kept my head down. Earlier, Amouzegar had told me that despite his loyalty to the man, Bakhtiar had his weaknesses.
Towards the end of his life, Bakhtiar had alienated many of his followers and lost any illusions of seeing his country again. He remarried a young Iranian woman who bore him a son. Almost bankrupt, Bakhtiar had closeted himself at his heavily guarded villa on 37 rue Cluseret in the Parisian suburb of Suresnes.
On the night of August 6th 1991, the 77-year old Bakhtiar and his secretary Soroush Katibeh were brutally assassinated by three undercover agents sent from Tehran.
"They cut his throat with a kitchen knife and left him to bleed to death on his leather sofa," Amouzegar said. "I know that he put up a fight until the end. At his funeral I was in a state of shock. I could hardly talk." We felt sad for Bakhtiar, an Iranian patriot and liberal who had placed such great faith in France as a bastion of democracy and human values. As we talked in the semi-darkness on that August night a sense of disgust pervaded the gentle air.
Clearly, the negligence of the French police chosen for Bakhtiar's safety and the trial of the suspects charged with the gruesome murders, continued to haunt Amouzegar. Although the court concluded that the killings had been ordered by the leaders of the Islamic republic, the Mitterand government had appeared ready to put the incident behind them in favour of lucrative trade deals.
The French, who had once harboured Khomeini as the leader of the revolution against the Shah did not want to upset the mullahs. Two of the assassins, Fereydoun Boyerahmadi and Mohammed Azadi, managed to escape to Iran.
"We Iranians are an ungrateful bunch," Amouzegar told me before descending into the Metro. For a moment we were interrupted by the roaring trains in the tunnels.
"What do you mean?" I asked. Amouzegar smoothed his moustache with his fingers. "Had Bakhtiar, or even Hoveyda, been Europeans," he said, "they would have been honoured by their people. Both men were exceptional in their own right. Both men paid a terrible price for their service to Iran and their beliefs."
As the train pulled away I waved at Amouzegar who smiled from behind the window. It was almost nine in the evening and hardly anyone in sight as I went back home.
For the rest of the night I thought about his final words to me. "During those 37 vital days Dr Bakhtiar put up a brave struggle against Khomeini," the ex-minister had said. "He showed moral courage and inspired us to support him to the end. History today has shown that he was right to stand up to the storm." >>> See photos
The dark night, the fear of waves,
the terrifying whirlpool,
how can they know of our state,
those who go lightly along the shore
- Hafez of Shiraz
My interview with Mr S. Amouzegar took place in Paris last August 2002. Story completed on February 10th, 2003.Cyrus Kadivar
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Revolution in Iran
The Transition to Democracy
by Omid Souresrafil, Nikki Keddie
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text:
Moral capacity
The number on its own is terrible enough: in the past seven weeks, 100,000 Afghans have sought asylum from Australia. A second, smaller figure is the more appalling, the one that shows what sort of country this is, how cruel and indifferent it can be: the government has allocated only 3000 places to meet that demand.
Speaking before a senate inquiry this week, David Wilden, a first assistant secretary at the Department of Home Affairs, said the government could choose to take more people. This was entirely within its capacity. But the government has not chosen this.
Those 3000 places were a floor, not a ceiling, yet the Morrison government would prefer to give refugees neither.
Since the fall of Kabul, there has been a spike in applications for humanitarian visas. According to Wilden, they have come "in very large volumes daily ever since then".
Many of these people are families. Some are connected to Australia. Some likely have worked with Australian troops or embassy staff. The volume of applications is so great that the department has not yet sorted through them.
The meanness of Scott Morrison's position is exceptional. A day after the number of asylum seekers was revealed, leaked advice from the New South Wales Department of Premier and Cabinet showed the country needs two million migrants over the next five years to ensure economic growth and address labour shortages. Likely, they will come.
These two things are not connected, except by opportunism. The government has used migration as a Ponzi scheme for economic growth while at the same time exploiting anxieties about race and a mad, brutal fear of refugees. The country would benefit from taking more asylum seekers.
The only thing holding it back is the politics of our government, the grim edge they still believe cruelty towards refugees gives them at the polls.
This trick was John Howard's first. He massively increased overall migration while prosecuting a decade-long show trial against what he called boat people. As borders reopen, we will see the same sham again. Immigration will necessarily increase. People will be ushered into the country to plug gaps and fill jobs. And refugees will be demonised to remind us that the prime minister is in control of the borders.
Australia bears a special responsibility to the people of Afghanistan. Any retribution meted out by the Taliban against the country's people will be retribution for a war in which we were centrally involved, a war we lost because we didn't have a plan for winning it, and one from which finally we ran away.
The simple answer, which is also the just answer, would be to grant more places for refugees, and not only those fleeing the Taliban. It is also the least likely answer.
Not because it is too difficult, or because it wouldn't work, but for the sombre fact that the Morrison government doesn't want to.
Newspapers from Australia

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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text:
About Parent Connect Student Handbook Daily Announcements Calendar
Fairfield Community High School
Home of the Mules
New Grade Point Average System
Jill Fulkerson
The FCHS Board of Education recently approved a change to the weighted grade point average system. The previous system was extremely antiquated and included additives for taking weighted or honors classes. Input was gathered from former students, parents, teachers, and community members. Many colleges and scholarship committees struggled to understand the old GPA of our students. The new system simplifies the weighted grade point average for students awarding the following points for non-weighted classes; A=4, B=3, C=2, D=1 and F=0. To figure a non weighted GPA, the total grade points are then divided by the number of units or classes taken. For weighted classes; A=5, B=4, C=3, D=1 and F=0. This new policy will start with the current freshmen class. For any questions regarding the policy change, please feel free to reach out to the FCHS Guidance Office.
Fairfield Community High School300 W. King StreetFairfield, IL 62837Phone: 618.842.2649Fax: 618.842.5187
Athletics (8 to 18)
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> Thank you for all the answers!
> Will check that next week.
> colour I wanted I needed to buy an entire 8' x 4' sheet!
>> I've gone to Laird Plastics accross from the Train Yards a few times.
>>> protective plastic still on at surplus stores.
>>> that is good quality for the price in Ottawa and Montreal?


This sign is used to mark the location of a handicap accessible entrance to the right. Engineer grade prismatic reflective vinyl on .080 aluminum. Size is 12" x 18".
Sign shows a disabled symbol, accessible entrance to the right.


text:
1 in 5 Macs has malware on it. Does yours?
24 Apr 2012 73 Apple, Malware
Previous: London Marathon website goof leaks 38,000 contact details
Next: Opinion: Why we need Anonymous 2.0
by Graham Cluley
Important: Some reports have erroneously reported the following article as saying that 1 in 5 Macs are *infected* with Windows malware. That is inaccurate. They are, according to our study, harbouring or carrying Windows malware. An important difference! As we explain below, the Mac malware discovered is a much more serious threat to Mac users than the Windows malware – but it would be good if it was all cleaned up! Thanks to @ErrataRob for suggesting I post this clarification.
One in every five Mac computers is harbouring some kind of malware, a new study from the experts at Sophos has revealed.
Sophos has revealed a disturbingly high level of malware on Mac computers – with both Windows and Mac threats being discovered.
A 100,000 strong snapshot of the millions of Mac computers which have recently downloaded Sophos's free Mac anti-virus software, revealed that 20% of Mac computers were carrying one or more instances of Windows malware.
Although Windows malware on Macs won't cause symptoms (unless users also run Windows on their computer), it can still be spread to others.
More disturbingly, Sophos's analysis also shows that 2.7% (one in 36) of Macs which downloaded the free anti-virus product were found to be infected by Mac OS X malware.
Fake anti-virus attacks, which scare users into handing over their credit card details or installing unsafe software, and the recent 600,000 strong Flashback botnet (called Flshplyr by Sophos security products) dominate the chart of Mac-based threats.
Malware can spread onto Macs via USB drives, email attachments, website download, or even a silent drive-by installation where the user doesn't realise their Mac's security has been subverted.
Sadly, cybercriminals view Macs as a soft target, because their owners are less likely to be running anti-virus software. Bad guys may also believe that Mac users are likely to have a higher level of disposable income than the typical Windows user. So, they might believe the potential for return is much higher.
Some Apple fans might feel relieved that they are seven times more likely to have Windows malware on their Macs than Mac OS X-specific threats, but they shouldn't be.
What Mac users really need to do is protect their computers now (there really is no excuse, free anti-virus software is available for Mac home users), or risk allowing the malware problem on Macs to become as big as the problem on PCs in the future.
Parallels between rate of Macs carrying malware and level of Chlamydia infection amongst young people
Let's look at the stats again, revealed by this study.
20% of Macs tested were found to be carrying Windows malware
One in 36 Macs tested was found to be infected by Mac OS X malware
And here's another factoid from a field that has nothing to do with computer security:
Chlamydia is the most commonly transmitted sexually transmitted disease amongst young people, with some studies having claimed up to 20% of youngsters are infected.
Just like malware on your computer, Chlamydia commonly shows no obvious symptoms. But left undetected Chlamydia can caused serious problems, such as infertility.
Some countries are so worried about the prevalence of Chlamydia that they have created national screening initatives and advise that people under 25 who are sexually active should be tested for the infection annually.
The good news is that Chlamydia is easy to treat.
And, if it isn't too tacky to make a parallel, so is malware on Macs.
Windows malware found on Macs
Although most of the malware we're currently seeing on Macs is designed to infect Windows, you should still be a responsible member of society and ensure that you're keeping your Mac squeaky clean.
Currently, Mac users are doing a pretty poor job on that front.
Amazingly, some of the malware discovered by Sophos on the 100,000 Mac computers sampled dates back to 2007, and would have been easily detected if the users had run an anti-virus sooner.
Unlike a test for Chlamydia, you can check your Mac for something nasty from your armchair. The test is painless and free – you just download an anti-virus and allow it to check your computer and protect it against infections in future.
Advice for Mac users
Here's some advice for Mac users:
Run an anti-virus program, and make sure it's kept up-to-date.
Keep your security patches up-to-date – not just for your operating system, but also for programs which you run on your Mac
Exercise caution about the programs you install, the links you click on and the attachments you open
Keep your wits about you and stay informed! If you keep clued-up about security threats you are less likely to be tricked by a cybercriminal into making a poor decision.
Teenagers kissing image, from ShutterStock
73 comments on "1 in 5 Macs has malware on it. Does yours?"
Tim Gowen says:
I can't believe that you went for the Chlamydia angle…
cf. says:
I love it when these big headed mac users get viruses . I'm a mac user we can't get a virus mentality
Muntyhoven says:
That's hardly true, a useful myth however, most Mac users aren't that silly. Also 70% of Mac users also use Windows on a regular basis, not the other way around which I presume is why Mac users are easy to ridicule.
Interesting read here:
https://securosis.com/blog/the-myth-of-the-securi…
metu says:
dude, pc's are in the millions. mac has one. like it just one more than none.
and this is reason to boast to you? if our heads are big, then what does that make yours?
imanerd11 says:
I do love it, too, when I feel an "in you face" mood coming. just shared it to my former high school teachers. MUCH FUN. Big mac fanatics/iSheep THERE! Bwahahaha!
also correction, mac malware goes back to 1990s. A worm called sevendust, just like the band.
Jon Fukumoto says:
I have Sophos Free Anti-Virus for Mac Home Edition installed on my Mac. It did find a Trojan on my sister's external drive and it cleaned the Trojan. I then did a scan and it confirmed that it was gone. I have my Mac up to date with the latest patches, along with security measures like having the automatic login disabled, Stealth mode and the firewall enabled. I also leave my wireless card off and turn it on when I need Internet access. It should be noted that Macs have gained market share and that have attracted the attention of malware writers. Please be vigilant of the websites you visit, and be careful when clicking on links in emails, and lastly, install Sophos Free Anti-Virus Home Edition for Mac.
The comparison with STDs is flawed.
As a Mac user I can get a virus. In fact I use Sophos on my Mac at home so maybe I can't get one. I've had a lot of Windows malware but nothing Mac specific yet.
I don't know how that constitutes Big Headedness. I'm doing everything that Sophos says I should.
E.T. says:
Ha, this is funny because we talked about this in my design classes. People using lion were infected and people using anything less than 10.6.8 were infected. Funnily enough, none of them used anti-virus software… this is a month after I told my colleagues they need to get Sohpos… (why else would someone's mac freeze or shutdown 3 times a day?).
Peter J Taylor says:
Why would a mac freeze or shut down 3 times a day?
I bought a brand new one that did just that. In fact the pointer froze every time the machine was left on for a few minutes, which was maddening, for example when interrupted by the doorbell whilst half way through making a Facebook entry. Amounts of work were lost many times!
And it was not infected because I ran Sophos from the start, and did a full sweep after transferring stuff from my other machine. In fact Apple paid to have the Logic Board replaced under warranty, to no avail.
Upgrading from Snow Leopard to Lion appears to have solved the problem, though we usually shut it down when not using it, from force of habit.
It is a Macbook Air 13-inch, late 2010 model.
Firewired says:
Does it overheat?
Lisa Vaas says:
You wrote "armchair," but my brain interpreted it as "arm hair," and I got confused. I'm pretty sure you can't get Chlamydia via your arm hair, but for a brief moment, in my brain, there were armpits, STDs and malware. It was a highlight of my day, so thank you.
Clay says:
"revealed that 20% of Mac computers were carrying one or more instances of *Windows malware*. Which is totally benign on Macs.
Stupidest article EVER.
PinkiePie says:
1. Not if you're running more than one OS on your Mac (I know quite a few people who run both windows 7 and Lion)
2. Windows Malware still spreads from Macs to windows computers. Manners wise, it's the equivalent of coughing all over other people's food. Sure you might not have anything that effects you, but it's gonna effect others.
3. Having windows malware on your Mac system, however useless, still cloggs up space. And it probably isn't sitting in one of your commonly browsed folders just waiting to be deleted.
Chad Doobray says:
Pinky – Windows malware does not "spread" from Macs to PCs. That is FUD, pure and simple. Files containing Windows malware can be manually copied or transferred from Macs to PCs by users and only if the PC does not have an effective anti-malware solution. Do you really believe that warrants Mac users running on-access scanners for Windows malware?
farfel says:
Re #2 You are correct, it is bad manners for a windows virus infested box to spread crud onto their Mac brethren. Somehow I find it just a tad hypocritical to blame a Mac user for passing malware onto windows users. Where did it come from in the first place? Most likely an unpatched WIndows box. Personally I run both OS's and run AV on both.
What about networks where both Windows AND OS__? MACs have access to the same connected servers, like transferring files from a home laptop to a company server or email system? A bad Outlook file can hop skip and jump to another computer via the network where it can be remotely opened on a Windows machine.
By definition, a virus infects. Nothing to stop a virus or malware file from hopping from one computer to another. Unless there is GOOD protection on both ends!
I believe most mac users have Chlamydia
seanyt123 says:
reggaethecat says:
I have to admit, I finally installed Sophos on my Mac last week. I did it through gritted teeth but I did it. It found no malware which I consider to be a good result seeing as how I've been running my Mac for three years without any protection. But given the changing landscape I'll keep using it now just in case, it doesn't seem to make any difference to performance.
Funny to see all the Window users rubbing their hands with glee, it's about time the had something to smile about!
searbet says:
I'm one of the 1 in 5. And the malware Sophos found on my Mac was on a drive I use for backup which contained Windows files from an old computer. And it couldn't clean up the infections so I'm not really feeling like the sky is falling. It is entertaining though when Windoze users get worked up about "big headed mac users" like your choice of computer is some kind of NFL rivalry.
HiE says:
It may not be benign if you are using Microsoft Office suite and also if using a windows emulator for programs like work/exam prep software/professional software that require windows emulation. So your data is still getting out there.
Your Chlamydia comparison is totally uncalled for in this article.
Where are your journalism ethics?
xpo172 says:
This is a vendor blog, so no journalists here.
Nicolas Schirrer says:
What would be interesting is also to compare on that 100 000 computer feedbacks Sophos collected the different versions of OS X infected.
Alecwr says:
Lets be honest these "viruses" do have undeniable similarities between the " STD" mentioned!!! Let's all put any sense of humour or taste to one side!!! Well done SOPHOS another rip roaring and highly entertaining but still strangely helpful review!!!
Actually, I enjoy crashing windows machines with my non-affected mac 🙂
The solution is not to de-infect macs. The solution is for windows users to wakeup and buy a less malware plagued computer.
Dan, I hope your first line is not intended to be serious.
Philip Hastings says:
Some people will write anything to make having Windows look better than having Chlamydia.
I wonder how many are in the same boat as I. I lost my home and everything to being sick and the depression of the 21 st century. I no longer can work but love my G5 Mac. No one is updating this machine, but it still runs with how many security holes? No one wants to buy me a new one and I can't, so I surf with it, maybe delivering malware to others? Sorry about that… But what's a boy to do?
Andrew Ludgate says:
Well, Sophos AV Home edition still runs on the G5 iMac 😉 That's one thing you can do.
The second is to disable your Java and Flash plugins, and run Firefox with NoScript installed.
Amazingly, there's still plenty of updated software that runs on the old G5s — assuming you're running OS X 10.4.11.
Bill Cole says:
here's still plenty of updated software that runs on the old G5s — assuming you're running OS X 10.4.11.
2 issues with that:
1. There isn't much (if any) Mac-specific malware that can attack a G5 that isn't dependent on gross user stupidity. Specifically, the Java-exploiting Flashback used Intel libraries that would not be loaded on a G5.
2. Most G5 users should probably be running 10.5.8, not 10.4.11.
I have spyware that so far nothing will find, but I know it is there because the person sends me mesaages and calls and tels me what I did on my computer recently. I have downloaded my own copy of a spyware that I can legally put on my own machine, and my anti virus can't even find that! And I use a big name anti-virus.
Please give advice on what you should do with a brand new machine fresh from the box. (mac) What spyware? What e-mail system, what browser? Apparently virus removal tools don't remove spyware. I'm learning the very hard way.
eduo says:
You don't have any spyware. You have a spy. It's not the same thing. You have someone who's enabled remote access to your machine, something that can be done from the system preferences or by manually installing a standard application that wouldn't be "detected" (as there's nothing to detect).
Charles C says:
I take great offense to SOPHOS opinion that it is the Mac community's responsibility to protect Windows/PC Users.
PC Users have allowed this to happen to themselves. They pay Microsoft for poor quality software that has so many holes in it that it cannot function. Hey Apple isn't alone, they need to fix the JVM faster, but they also take the necessary steps such as depreciating software much faster. Flash is no longer installed by default. Install at your own risk.
Microsoft and PC Industry as the vast majority of computers out there need to start acting in a responsible manner. Depreciate software faster, provide a quality products and locking out bad software vendors.
The problem with the PC industry is they won't work together — each wants a leg up so you get compatibility problems. Why does a PC's video drivers need to be updated if Microsoft and a big company like any of the ATI's cannot communicate?
The PC Industry allowed us to get to where we are, that's mostly Microsoft, Adobe (Can we say flash bugs all over the place) and several other big PC vendors.
The Mac community is LEADING the industry in secure computing starting with iOS and now its moving to the Mac platform. Its not perfect granted but I see PC users nowhere to be found on this front and Patch Tuesday isn't the answer, that's just patching the greater problem.
20% of Macs carry Windows malware. Graham Cluley has ZERO integrity. Sensationalist scaremongering and absolute nonsense.
Great article, Graham.
Those of us who knew it was only a matter of time before the malware pushers started targeting our Macs (and knew that NO system is inherently immune to such attacks) find it difficult to believe that many Mac users STILL don't get it. But the stats don't lie. Twenty percent of Macs harboring any malware at all — regardless of whether or not it targets the Mac — is an epidemic.
The argument that Windows malware on a Mac is "benign" is unconscionable unless such users never interact with other users. You don't even have to interact with Windows users to be a part of the problem. If you pass Windows malware to other Mac users who DO interact with Windows users, you're a spreader node just as surely as if you gave it to the Windows users yourself.
The notion that "As long as I'm not affected, it's not my problem" is a maddeningly myopic mentality — a relic of the increasingly success-proof isolationist perspective that simply doesn't work in a world of increasing interconnectivity. Ironically, even a monk meditating in isolation a cave knows that separation is an illusion. Yet, people with massive electronic connectivity still manage to believe that their actions have no consequences. It stops the mind.
No such claim is being made. And the "Advice for Mac Users" section contains advice that is good for all computer users.
User education is the key, and I guess people who read this Blog aren't really the target audience.
Tim: I admit I'm completely at a loss to understand the first sentence in your post. It appears that you have imputed to my post a meaning that I never intended.
"No such claim is being made."
Your use of the passive voice without a semantic subject makes it impossible to understand what you're talking about. No such claim is being made BY WHOM? And what claim are you referring to?
Did you expect me to disagree with your statement that the "Advice for Mac Users" section contains sound advice for all computer users? I don't.
I would agree that the people who subscribe to this blog (and actually read it) probably are a bit like the choir, preaching-wise. But the readership is not limited to subscribers. For my part, I post links to NakedSecurity articles on several bulletin boards that are unrelated to security, and I occasionally send such links in emails. Some people appreciate it, and have learned from it, but for whatever reason they do not subscribe, and even those who do subscribe don't read it consistently.
I think you're right about user education being the key, but "education" is not a bivalent condition…as in either you're educated or you're not. Those who are genuinely educable recognize that learning never ends. That's why I keep reading.
It is irresponsible fear-mongering to claim that the widespread presence of Windows malware on Macs is in states that "can still be spread to others" without backing that claim up in detail.
The top two families you cite are carried in email, and are readily identified as "spam" by eye or by low-end spam filters like those used in Mail.app or by most consumer mail providers. It certainly is possible to forward email, but forwarding infective spam is an unusual act. Some of the others are things I would expect to find in the browser caches of reckless wanderers, but they are hardly an infective threat to
anyone from that position.
The comparison to Chlamydia is worse than tacky, it is outright deception. Chlamydia is frequently asymptomatic in the short term but it is living and causes problems in the long run. Chlamydia is not less transmissible by people who have no acute symptoms. For malware that requires Windows to run and propagate, presence on a Mac is not a quiet infection, it is (at worst) non-destructive storage. In some cases storage itself renders the malware inert over time because the attack vector itself is dependent on finding control systems online that don't live in any one place forever.
One of the reasons Mac users have been reluctant to adopt AV software is that it is perceived as bloatware that does nothing of direct value for a Mac user. Is it worth the AV overhead for the average Mac user to know when he has surfed past a page that has IE-specific evil JavaScript in it or when the latest blatant phish in his Junk folder is recognized specifically as containing a Windows attack vector? Not really. Flashback and PubSab change that analysis significantly, but not enough for a lot of Mac users. Maybe if the major AV vendors could claim to have prevented infections before Apple's sluggish fix for the Java hole it would be more convincing.
I am not saying that all Mac users who come down on the bareback side are behaving wisely, even if they rationalize the decision. However, it would be a lot easier to persuade Mac users who rationalize their recklessness if there was a lightweight Mac AV tool that didn't spend most of its time worrying about Windows malware.
If 20% of Macs are infected, what proportion of Windows PCs are infected?
Probably less since windows warns users if they don't have an updated virus scanner.
John Baxter says:
1. I trust you're not counting the EICAR test stuff, which I have because I used to run mail servers.
2. The windows infections you are seeing (again) on my machine are in a folder named "Evidence" in which I collected…evidence while running mail servers. I no longer need that, so I've removed the folder.
But I don't think I'm quite a "standard" Mac user. (Long time, as in early 1984, yes, but not "standard".)
It's time for Mac users to wake up and smell the malware coffee. Get AV software!!
Isn't measuring Mac users who downloaded an AV program likely to overstate the amount of malware found on Macs in general? Until last week, Mac users were unlikely to install AV unless they thought their machine was infected (e.g., was exhibiting quirky symptoms).
roy jones jr says:
So thats the measuring stick to go by? what you visually catch or see will be what determines whether or not you get antivirus?
Abelard says:
You could argue the reverse too: those who download an AV program are more likely to be security consious and thus less likely to be infected.
It's odd to see the reaction that "only" 2.7% of Macs are infected by Mac malware.
If Sophos' data is representative, that is an enormous percentage of Macs that are infected.
The Microsoft Security Intelligence Report puts Windows infection rates between 1% for 32bit Windows XP SP3 and 0.1% for 64bit Windows 7 SP1.
Some older unpatched Windows machines might have a higher rate, but this Sophos report seems to imply that the average Mac user could be 27x more likely to be infected by malware than the typical Windows 7 user.
Which would make this Apple advertisement rather ironic. http://youtu.be/GQb_Q8WRL_g
jpgoldberg says:
Holy Pile of Reeking FUD, Batman!
I very strongly suspect that the vaste majority of Windows malware found on Macs (or Linux, or FreeBSD) live in local caches of mail spam folders. That's where mine are.
They are nice and safe there, and not a threat to anyone.
I installed Sophos, but it hasn't removed my chlamydia.
I'm also a complete moron that enters his admin password at the drop of a hat.
So if I have a copy of W32/Doom-A that has been sitting in an email attachments folder on my Mac for the past 7 years, how is that a threat to the Windows machines around me. Unless I choose to forward the email it came attached to, including attachments (not the default) how is it going to leap from my Mac to the Windows machines around me?
Unless I actively choose to try to distribute it for some inane or malicious reason, isn't it just going to sit there, inactive and useless, until this drive is reformatted or dies?
As jgoldberg said: Holy Pile of Reeking FUD.
Graham Cluley says:
Yep, you're right, unless you share the file with someone else or unless you start running Windows on your Mac, it doesn't pose a serious risk. Probably still worth zapping though.
Like we said, the more worrying stat is related to Mac malware on Macs.
Arthur Lowe says:
I've got Malware on my Mac… MSOffice 2011. I use ClamAV but it won't get rid of it.
Ho ho. Please! No-one take Arthur seriously on this. 🙂
PS. Love the name.
I just hate having a Mac. It is so much more fun when I have to reformat my hard drive and reload everything. A new OS comes out for my PC. Super. Now I can reformat my drive and reload everything. Other than when I bought a new Mac I only had to do that once in 30 years (hard drive crashed). It is so boring being able to run both Mac OS and Windows without a problem, on one computer. A new Mac OS comes out. What a pain deciding what to do. Just load the new one over the old and have everything still work or load the new so I can boot either one. But then, I prefer an automatic transmission in my car, also.
Mark Smit says:
Out of curiosity I installed the Sophos AV software. Turns out that, like the others above, I had a number of spam-flagged emails containing Windows trojans (exe files). While it is nice that the software enabled me to easily detect and remove these, mails in a spam folder do not form a threat to anyone. Indeed, this proves that the spam detection measures are working properly.
The title "1 in 5 Macs has malware on it." is deceptive and spreads FUD. You could as well have written:
"Mails flagged as spam on Macs contain a high percentage of Windows malware attachments." Duh.
I applaud Sophos for providing free AV software for Mac users. But spreading FUD is a whole different matter. I will scan my Mac now and then. But until the threat level on my Mac changes significantly, I will not keep AV software running and eating CPU cycles continuously.
IanK says:
I'm sorry but this is shear bunkum. Having Windows Malware present on a Mac does not mean that the machine is infected with that malware. Nor does it mean that the mac can spread that malware to windows machines. The malware whilst on the Mac is completely inert. It can do nothing. The only things that can happen are as follows:
1) The malware comes in as part of an email and you forward that email manually to someone else.
2) The malware gets into your web browser cache and will eventually be cleared over time. No risk of it spreading here as it's not capable of using any of the machines facilities as it's written for windows.
3) If you take your drive out and put it in another computer and happen to have malware on the disk then perhaps the windows machine can get infected, but that would be the same as putting any disk in your windows machine and getting infected, again nothing to do with it being a Mac.
Thanks for the leaving your comment. As we mention above, some reports have erroneously categorized our article as saying that Macs are *infected* with Windows malware, rather than carrying Windows malware. It's an important difference.
Windows malware won't run on a Mac (unless you're running Windows on the Mac via Bootcamp, Fusion or Parallels or the like..), so it can't spread under its own steam from a Mac to a Windows PC.
However, it's perfectly possible for Mac users to spread Windows malware to their PC-owning colleagues.
For instance off the top of my head:
1) Forwarding malware-infected emails to Windows-using friends and colleagues.
2) Sharing files with Windows colleagues and friends (perhaps using USB sticks or the likes of DropBox)
3) If web development is done on a Mac, infected files (be they executable or HTML/JS infections) can end up being transferred to a webserver and then shared with the world.
A bigger issue, to my mind, is the Mac malware we found on Macs. Although this is a much lower percentage than the prevalence of Windows malware on Macs – it poses a bigger risk to Mac users.
Clearly the Windows malware on Macs isn't as big a problem as Mac malware actually running on Macs, but the fact that some of the Windows malware we found on Macs was five years old underlines that many Mac users simply aren't taking security seriously at all.
dpp says:
You lost my interest as soon as you inserted the STD comparison.
The real problem is that MAC users aren't buying anti-virus software. How are the anti-virus companies going to stay in business as an increasing number of people switch to MAC? FUD will keep people on Windows or send them running to buy A-V software.
surething says:
Yeah sure…..windows=microsoft = virus
I use Windows and Macintosh OS (I don't mind getting chaffed on the fence). It's not that some feel Macintosh users are big headed egos trippers. I mean they initially brought into something with an allure like how Windows users did. But when the vendor (Apple) tries to deflect the issue and justify their ignorance, it really mucks up things on the user side. So what if they could "claim" anti virus wasn't needed? LOL I didn't know Apple could build an OS 100% defendable against all viruses (even the ones not invented yet!).
If you want to poke fun at Mac-only users a little just say "you were more of a lapdog to be led to believe one company had some magic spell they casted on every computer they sold to make it immune to viruses."
BTW, Linux users are….thats for another day.
alex from berlin says:
9 in 10 'senior technology consultants at Sophos' are driven by sales oriented motivation. do you wanna follow?
honestly – even though there are reasons to sensitize mac users for security issues – as an independent cross platform security consultant i have to say that this article is seriously flawed in many aspects.
Driven by sales? I don't make commission. And my commission on our free anti-virus product for mac home users is err… well, you can work that out I guess.
julia pascal says:
I was hacked into last week from Nigerian hijackers. Five viruses. I have cleaned three but two Trojans remain and I can't get Sophos to clean them off. The windows remain grey. What can I do to make them live?
colloquor says:
I've used Windows PC since the advent of Windows, and have only had four instances of any viruses – none of which ever did any damage. I've always used an excellent 3rd party two-way firewall and antivirus software, plus intelligent browsing habits. I've certainly "thought" about buying a Mac – specifically a Mac Mini – but, I've read posts from Mac users of their system (mother) boards failing after a couple of years. I'm basically a "hardware guy" and my home-assembled PCs simply don't fail. I've never had a motherboard failure with a PC, and since Apple makes it almost impossible for the user to maintain a Mac, I may have to rethink buying a Mac in the future. Since using WinXP, or Win 7 for that matter, I've never had a BSOD! The only memory overflow error I've had is with the Windows Safari browser, which I uninstalled after constant problems. Macs have their place, and especially are useful in the publishing world, but for a person who assembles, maintains, and upgrades his or her own computers, Windows is the only logical, and cost-effective, choice.
Paul Scott says:
Here is what I want to know. Where did these "statistics" come from? With no independent verification to back it up the claims are baseless. I run an IT department for a company with over 50 Macs and 50 PC's. No malware on the Mac and I fight several a month on the PC's. The PC's have anti-virus and the Macs do not.
I have one mac with Anti-Virus and I use it to scan the other Macs to verify my claim.
soboredwiththeFUD says:
So 20% of Macs carry Windows malware? This may or may not be true but hardly matters since they are not affected by it. Unfortunately 100% of anti-malware vendors use blatant scaremongering to sell more or their product and unfortunately it works.
Willabong says:
All Macs have (or have had) malware on them. It's called OS X.
Funny says:
Of course Macs get viruses. Apple has known this for years but their major selling point is the claim they are safe from viruses. There is a free anti-virus called ClamXAV from the Mac App Store. Why would they offer an anti-virus download unless they knew there are Mac viruses out there? Also some Mac users will recall the Leopard OS that backed itself up every hour then restored itself if it detected a problem. What problem was it detecting? Viruses! Apple has been lying to their customers for years and it's time they came clean. I dumped my Mac when I realized they had been lying to me for so long. Never trust a company afraid to tell the truth about getting virused. Who knows what other dirty secrets they are hiding that could put you in danger?
someone says:
1 in 5 macs? I don't believe this. i've used macs 24 years. and i've never had malware on my mac. if your mac has this stuff, id like to know what websites you're using and what you're downloading. in 24 years i've never had a problem with mac viruses or malware.
now on my windows box, that's another story. comparing it so Chlamydia is just weird.
Who is Sophos anyway? it's an anti virus software to install more virus in your computer. The author must have been paid by Sophos to write the article. Can't believe someone here actually bought and installed Sophos after reading this article. He doesn't have a Mac or he should know every update is a new layer of anti new virus from mac and it's free.
The author ws a full-time employee of Sophos at the time he wrote the article. He has a Mac, or he did when he wrote this article. This is a Sophos website, as is pretty clear from the masthead. Our Mac product is free for home use. If you think Apple's XProtect gives you equivalent security, then you don't need ours. Other than that…what point are you trying to make?
Listen up 3 – CYBERSECURITY FIRST! Cyberinsurance, help or hindrance?
Microsoft Edge finally arrives on Linux – "Official" build lands in repos
S3 Ep64: Log4Shell again, scammers keeping busy, and Apple Home bug [Podcast + Transcript]


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MILWAUKEE, Wisc. - Going out of business sales at all Elder-Beerman stores will begin next week.
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The Company's stores, e-commerce and mobile platforms are open and serving customers. Bon-Ton currently has 250 stores, 38 of which are already in liquidation from a previously announced store closure process.


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text:
Q: How to configure hotkeys to release focus with qemu / virt-manager I'm using virt-manager on a Linux Mint 19.2 system to run a Windows 10 guest in qemu/kvm. For video, I'm using splice/ qlx. I can release the focus by pressing the left ctrl + left alt keys together. I want to change this to only the right ctrl key. Is it possible at all? How?

A: If you add a virtual USB tablet device to your VM, you probably don't need to deal with explicit grab/ungrab. But virt-manager let's you change the grab combination via Edit->Preferences->Console->Grab Keys setting

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


On 10th April, Mr Rami Alturki, President & Chief Executive Officer of Khalid Ali Alturki & Sons Holding Company hosted a special luncheon in honor of the visit by Simon Penney, Her Majesty's Trade Commissioner for the Middle East, Afghanistan and Pakistan.
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text:
Home » Themes » People » Tragedy
William Graham, Thomas Graham & Alfred Burman (Lost Children)Print Page
Photographs supplied by Nancy Alford
Sandstone monument with ornamental pinnacle inside a wrought-iron enclosure marking the grave of the three boys, William Graham, 6 1/2, Thomas Graham, 4 and Alfred H. Burman, 5, who wandered from their homes at Table Hill near Daylesford 30 June 1867, and whose bodies were found on 14 September in a hollow tree at Musk Creek.
The monument, erected in 1868, was paid for by public subscription and fundraising activities in an outpouring of grief following the discovery of the boys' bodies on September 14, 1867. The grave was refurbished by the Daylesford and District Historical Society, with funds from the Graham Grave Trust.
Mr Graham, father of William and Thomas, donated funds for a scholarship at Daylesford Primary School in appreciation of what the people of Daylesford had done for his family. The scholarship, known as the Graham Dux has been awarded to a boy and girl each year since 1889.
The monument in the cemetery at Daylesford, to the memory of the lost children, has been completed by Mr. Hanson, of Ballarat. The inscription, which covers three sides of the freestone base, runs as follows, viz. :—" In memory of the lost children—William Graham, aged six and a-half years ; Thomas Graham, aged four years ; and Alfred H. Burman, aged five years ; who wandered from their homes at Table-hill, on Sunday, June 30, 1867. After an ineffectual search, their remains were found by accident in a hollow tree, near Musk Creek, on September 14, 1867, and after a public funeral were here deposited. This monument was erected by public subscription, under the direction of the mayor and borough council, as an expression of regret and sympathy."
Sydney Morning Herald (NSW), 1 August 1868.
Knox Street, Cemetery, Daylesford, 3460
Actual Event STart Date:
Actual Event End Date:
Monument Designer:
Mr Hanson (Ballarat)
Approx. Monument Dedication Date:
In Memory of the LOST CHILDREN
WILLIAM GRAHAM
aged 6½ years.
THOMAS GRAHAM
aged 4 years.
ALFRED H. BURMAN
Who Wandered From Their Homes At Table Hill on Sunday, June 30th 1867.
Left Side Inscription
This monument was erected by public subcription under the direction of the Mayor and Borough Council as an expression of regret and sympathy
Back Inscription
AFTER an Ineffectual Search THEIR REMAINS Were Found By Accident, in A HOLLOW TREE near Musk Creek On September 14th 1867.
and After A Public Funeral Were Here Deposited
Source: MA,VMR


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text:
"And Just Like That" Performed a Fake Funeral Scene in an Attempt to Stop Spoilers
celebs movie
You had a high chance of accidentally finding major spoilers for the HBO Max revival of Sex and the City if you were a Sex and the City lover who was on the internet in the last few months.
The paparazzi invaded the set during filming in New York City this summer and eagle-eyed followers were constantly sending real-time sightings to Deuxmoi's Instagram gossip account.
Although most leaks were quite innocuous, such as when Carrie Bradshaw and Miranda Hobbes were spotted having lunch, long-sighted photographers with long lenses were able get a close-up look at a script. It seemed that a major spoiler was revealed: Carrie and her husband Mr. Big, Chris Noth, were not together.
Craig Blankenhorn / HBO Max: "I was recording the podcast. I was washing my hair. Although I wasn't sleeping or eating, at least I felt better about my marriage. "Now I'm just one wife he was taking care," Carrie's leaked script read.
Page Six believed that the couple were in the midst of a divorce at the time, but the premiere episode Dec. 9 revealed the real reason Carrie was lonely (spoiler alert!) ): Mr. Big suffers a heart attack following his 1,000th Peloton ride.
The shocking twist was kept from the public eye by Michael Patrick King, executive producer and showrunner.
King said that Noth was dressed up in his character for Mr. Big's funeral scene. This was to get rid of ever-lurking paparazzi and fans. King later published photos of Noth outside the funeral venue in black.
King laughed, "We had to have some redherrings!"
Nicole Ari Parker, actress who plays Lisa Todd Wexley as newcomer, revealed that there were many precautions taken to prevent leaks. She said contracts were so tight that it was like "signing your firstborn away."
King's plan worked. Noth was already confirmed to be returning to the show, and was even seen in Paris filming alongside production. However, that may have been another fake-out to keep King's bluff going.
Many people believed that Samantha Jones was the one who had been buried at the funeral. Fans speculated that Kim Cattrall, the actress who refused to sign up for the revival series' renewal, was killed by the writers to explain her absence. They came up with a more legitimate excuse.
Inand just like that, celebs, series, sex in the city, what to watch
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