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The Bangladesh genocide began on 25 March 1971 with the launch of Operation Searchlight, as  the government of Pakistan, dominated by West Pakistan, began a military crackdown on East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) to suppress Bengali calls for self-determination. During the nine-month-long Bangladesh Liberation War, members of the Pakistan Armed Forces and supporting pro-Pakistani Islamist militias from Jamaat-e-Islami killed between 300,000 and 3,000,000 people and raped between 200,000 and 400,000 Bengali women, in a systematic campaign of genocidal rape. The Government of Bangladesh states 3,000,000 people were killed during the genocide, making it the largest genocide since the Holocaust during World War II.

The actions against women were supported by Pakistan's religious leaders, who declared that Bengali women were gonimoter maal (Bengali for "public property"). As a result of the conflict, a further eight to ten million people fled the country to seek refuge in neighbouring India. It is estimated that up to 30 million civilians were internally displaced out of 70 million. During the war, there was also ethnic violence between Bengalis and Urdu-speaking Biharis. Biharis faced reprisals from Bengali mobs and militias, and from 1,000 to 150,000 were killed.

There is an academic consensus that the events which took place during the Bangladesh Liberation War constituted a genocide; however, there are some scholars and authors who disagree that the killing was a genocide.

Background

Following the partition of India, the new state of Pakistan represented a geographical anomaly, with two wings separated by  of Indian territory. The wings were not only separated geographically, but also culturally. The authorities of the West viewed the Bengali Muslims in the East as "too 'Bengali'" and their application of Islam as "inferior and impure", believing this made the Bengalis unreliable "co-religionists". To this extent politicians in West Pakistan began a strategy to forcibly assimilate the Bengalis culturally.

The Bengali people were the demographic majority in Pakistan, making up an estimated 75 million in East Pakistan, compared with 55 million in the predominantly Punjabi-speaking West Pakistan. The majority in the East were Muslim, with large minorities of Hindus, Buddhists and Christians. The West considered the people of the East to be second-class citizens, and Amir Abdullah Khan Niazi, who served as head of the Pakistani Forces in East Pakistan in 1971, referred to Bengalis as inferior to Pathans and Punjabis.

In 1948, a few months after the creation of Pakistan, Governor-General Mohammad Ali Jinnah declared Urdu as the national language of the newly formed state, although only four per cent of Pakistan's population spoke Urdu at that time. He mentioned that the people of East Bengal could choose what would be its provincial language, and branded those who were against the use of Urdu as the national language of Pakistan as communists, traitors and enemies of the state. The refusal by successive governments to recognise Bengali as the second national language culminated in the Bengali language movement and strengthened support for the newly formed Awami League, which was founded in the East as an alternative to the ruling Muslim League. A 1952 protest in Dhaka, the capital of East Pakistan, was forcibly broken up, resulting in the deaths of several protesters. Bengali nationalists viewed those who had died as martyrs for their cause, and the violence led to calls for secession. The Indo-Pakistani War of 1965 caused further grievances, as the military had assigned no extra units to the defence of the East. This was a matter of concern to the Bengalis who saw their nation undefended in case of Indian attack during the conflict of 1965, and that Ayub Khan, the President of Pakistan, was willing to lose the East if it meant gaining Kashmir.

The slow response to the Bhola cyclone which struck on 12 November 1970 is widely seen as a contributing factor in the December 1970 general election. The East Pakistan-based Awami League, headed by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, won a national majority in the first democratic election since the creation of Pakistan, sweeping East Pakistan. But, the West Pakistani establishment prevented them from forming a government. President Yahya Khan, encouraged by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, banned the Awami League and declared martial law. The Pakistani Army demolished Ramna Kali Mandir (temple) and killed 85 Hindus. On 22 February 1971, General Yahya Khan is reported to have said "Kill three million of them, and the rest will eat out of our hands."

Some Bengalis supported a united Pakistan and opposed secession from it. According to Indian academic Sarmila Bose, these pro-Pakistan Bengalis constituted a significant minority, and included the Islamic parties. Moreover, many Awami League voters who hoped to achieve provincial autonomy may not have desired secession. Additionally, some Bengali officers and soldiers remained loyal to the Pakistani Army and were taken as prisoners of war by India along with other West Pakistani soldiers. Thus, according to Sarmila Bose, there were many pro-regime Bengalis who killed and persecuted the pro-liberation fighters. Sydney Schanberg reported the formation of armed civilian units by the Pakistani Army in June 1971. Only a minority of the recruits were Bengali, while most were Biharis and Urdu speakers. The units with local knowledge played an important role in the implementation of the Pakistani Army's genocide. American writer Gary J. Bass believes that the breakup of Pakistan was not inevitable, identifying 25 March 1971 as the point where the idea of a united Pakistan ended for Bengalis with the start of military operations. According to John H. Gill, since there was widespread polarisation between pro-Pakistan Bengalis and pro-liberation Bengalis during the war, those internal battles are still playing out in the domestic politics of modern-day Bangladesh.

Operation Searchlight
Operation Searchlight was a planned military operation carried out by the Pakistani Army to curb elements of the separatist Bengali nationalist movement in East Pakistan in March 1971. The Pakistani state justified commencing Operation Searchlight on the basis of anti-Bihari violence by Bengalis in early March. Ordered by the government in West Pakistan, this was seen as the sequel to Operation Blitz which had been launched in November 1970. On 1 March 1971 East Pakistan governor Admiral Syed Mohammed Ahsan was replaced after disagreeing with military action in East Pakistan. His successor Sahibzada Yaqub Khan resigned after refusing to use soldiers to quell a mutiny and disagreement with military action in East Pakistan.

According to Indian academic Sarmila Bose, the postponement of the National Assembly on 1 March led to widespread lawlessness spread by Bengali protesters during the period of 1–25 March, in which the Pakistani government lost control over much of the province. Bose asserts that during this 25-day period of lawlessness, attacks by Bengalis on non-Bengalis were common as well as attacks by Bengalis on Pakistani military personnel who, according to Bose and Anthony Mascarenhas, showed great restraint until 25 March, when Operation Searchlight began. Bose also described the atrocities committed by the Pakistani Army in her book. According to Anthony Mascarenhas, the actions of the Pakistani Army compared to the violence by Bengalis was "altogether worse and on a grander scale".

On the night of 25 March 1971 the Pakistani Army launched Operation Searchlight. Time magazine dubbed General Tikka Khan the "Butcher of Bengal" for his role in Operation Searchlight. Targets of the operation included Jagannath Hall which was a dormitory for non-Muslim students of Dhaka University, Rajarbagh Police Lines, and Pilkhana, which is the headquarters of East Pakistan Rifles. About 34 students were killed in the dormitories of Dhaka University. Neighbourhoods of old Dhaka which had a majority Hindu population were also attacked. Robert Payne, an American journalist, estimated that 7,000 people had been killed and 3,000 arrested in that night. Teachers of Dhaka University were killed in the operation by the Pakistani Army. Sheikh Mujib was arrested by the Pakistani Army on 25 March. Ramna Kali Mandir was demolished by the Pakistani Army in March 1971.

The original plan envisioned taking control of the major cities on 26 March 1971, and then eliminating all opposition, political or military, within one month. The prolonged Bengali resistance was not anticipated by Pakistani planners. The main phase of Operation Searchlight ended with the fall of the last major town in Bengali hands in mid May. The countryside still remained almost evenly contested.

The first report of the Bangladesh genocide was published by West Pakistani journalist Anthony Mascarenhas in The Sunday Times, London on 13 June 1971 titled "Genocide". He wrote: "I saw Hindus, hunted from village to village and door to door, shot off-hand after a cursory 'short-arm inspection' showed they were uncircumcised. I have heard the screams of men bludgeoned to death in the compound of the Circuit House (civil administrative headquarters) in Comilla. I have seen truckloads of other human targets and those who had the humanity to try to help them hauled off 'for disposal' under the cover of darkness and curfew." This article helped turn world opinion against Pakistan and decisively encouraged the Government of India to intervene. On 2 August 1971, Time magazine correspondent sent a dispatch that provided detailed description of the Pakistani army-led destruction in East Pakistan. It wrote that cities have whole sections damaged from shelling and aerial bombardments. The dispatch wrote: "In Dhaka, where soldiers set sections of the Old City ablaze with flamethrowers and then machine-gunned thousands as they tried to escape the cordon of fire, nearly 25 blocks have been bulldozed clear, leaving open areas set incongruously amid jam-packed slums." It quoted a senior US official as saying "It is the most incredible, calculated thing since the days of the Nazis in Poland."

Archer K. Blood, American diplomat wrote in the Blood Telegram addressing Richard Nixon administration's disregard for the situation: "with support of the Pak military, non-Bengali Muslims are systematically attacking poor people's quarters and murdering Bengalis and Hindus."

Estimated killed

On the high end, Bangladeshi authorities claim that as many as 3 million people were killed; the lowest estimate comes from the controversial Hamoodur Rahman Commission, the official Pakistani government investigation, which claimed the figure was 26,000 civilian casualties. The figure of 3 million has become embedded in Bangladeshi culture and literature. Sayyid A. Karim, Bangladesh's first foreign secretary alleges that the source of the figure was Pravda, the news-arm of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Independent researchers have estimated the death toll to be around 300,000 to 500,000 people while others estimate the casualty figure to be 3 million. Midway through the genocide, the CIA and the State Department conservatively estimated that 200,000 people had been killed.

According to Sarmila Bose's controversial book Dead Reckoning: Memories of the 1971 Bangladesh War, the number lies somewhere between 50,000 and 100,000. However, her book was the subject of strong criticism by journalists; writer and visual artist Naeem Mohaiemen; Nayanika Mookherjee, an anthropologist at Durham University; and others.

In 1976 the International Centre for Diarrhoeal Disease Research, Bangladesh undertook a comprehensive population survey in Matlab, Noakhali where a total of 868 excess wartime deaths were recorded; this led to an estimated overall excess number of deaths in the whole of Bangladesh of nearly 500,000. Based on this study, the British Medical Journal in 2008, conducted a study by Ziad Obermeyer, Christopher J. L. Murray, and Emmanuela Gakidou which estimated that 125,000–505,000 civilians died as a result of the conflict; the authors note that this is far higher than a previous estimate of 58,000 by Uppsala University and the Peace Research Institute, Oslo. This figure is supported by the statements of Bangladeshi author Ahmed Sharif in 1996, who added that "they kept the truth hidden for getting political advantages". American political scientists Richard Sisson and Leo E. Rose give a low-end estimate of 300,000 dead, killed by all parties, and they deny that a genocide occurred, while American political scientist R. J. Rummel estimated that about 1.5 million people were killed in Bangladesh. Indian journalist Nirmal Sen claims that the total number killed was about 250,000 and among them, about 100,000 were Bengalis and the rest were Biharis.

A 2018 paper by Christian Gerlach concluded that overall deaths due to the war in East Pakistan slightly exceeded half a million and could not have exceeded 1 million, adding that the majority of death were rural dwellers who died of "hunger, want, and exhaustion" with many deaths occurring in the year following the conflict. Out of 200,000 member of the Awami League the paper states 17,000 were killed with the leaders of the league experiencing a death ratio of 15 to 20 out of 167. The paper also denies based on statistical evidence that there was a coordinated attempt to exterminate the Bengali intelligentsia stating: "if one accepts the data published by the Bangladesh propaganda ministry, 4.2 per cent of all university professors were killed, along with 1.4 per cent of all college teachers, 0.6 per cent of all secondary and primary school teachers, and 0.6 per cent of all teaching personnel. On the basis of the aforementioned Ministry of Education data, 1.2 per cent of all teaching personnel were killed. This is hardly proof of an extermination campaign."

Many of those killed were the victims of radical religious paramilitary militias formed by the West Pakistani Army, including the Razakars, Al-Shams and Al-Badr forces. There are many mass graves in Bangladesh, and more are continually being discovered (such as one in an old well near a mosque in Dhaka, located in the Mirpur region of the city, which was discovered in August 1999). The first night of war on Bengalis, which is documented in telegrams from the American Consulate in Dhaka to the United States State Department, saw indiscriminate killings of students of Dhaka University and other civilians.

On 16 December 2002, the George Washington University's National Security Archive published a collection of declassified documents, consisting mostly of communications between US embassy officials and USIS centres in Dhaka and India, and officials in Washington, D.C. These documents show that US officials working in diplomatic institutions within Bangladesh used the terms selective genocide and genocide (see Blood telegram) to describe events they had knowledge of at the time. The complete chronology of events as reported to the Nixon administration can be found on the Department of State website.

Islamist militias
The Jamaat-e-Islami party as well as some other pro-Pakistani Islamists opposed the Bangladeshi independence struggle and collaborated with the Pakistani state and armed forces out of Islamic solidarity. According to political scientist Peter Tomsen, Pakistan's secret service, in conjunction with the political party Jamaat-e-Islami, formed militias such as Al-Badr ("the moon") and the Al-Shams ("the sun") to conduct operations against the nationalist movement. These militias targeted noncombatants and committed rapes as well as other crimes. Local collaborators known as Razakars also took part in the atrocities. The term has since become a pejorative akin to the western term "Judas".

Members of the Muslim League, Nizam-e-Islam, Jamaat-e-Islami and Jamiat Ulema Pakistan, who had lost the election, collaborated with the military and acted as an intelligence organisation for them. Jamaat-e-Islami members and some of its leaders collaborated with the Pakistani forces in rapes and targeted killings. The atrocities by Al-Badr and the Al-Shams garnered worldwide attention from news agencies; accounts of massacres and rapes were widely reported.

Killing of intellectuals

During the war, the Pakistani Army and its local collaborators, mainly Jamaat e Islami carried out a systematic execution of the leading Bengali intellectuals. A number of professors from Dhaka University were killed during the first few days of the war. However, the most extreme cases of targeted killing of intellectuals took place during the last few days of the war. Professors, journalists, doctors, artists, engineers and writers were rounded up by the Pakistani Army and the Razakar militia in Dhaka, blindfolded, taken to torture cells in Mirpur, Mohammadpur, Nakhalpara, Rajarbagh and other locations in different sections of the city to be executed en masse, most notably at Rayerbazar and Mirpur. Allegedly, the Pakistani Army and its paramilitary arm, the Al-Badr and Al-Shams forces created a list of doctors, teachers, poets, and scholars.

During the nine-month duration of the war the Pakistani Army, with the assistance of local collaborators, systematically executed an estimated 991 teachers, 13 journalists, 49 physicians, 42 lawyers, and 16 writers, artists and engineers. Even after the official ending of the war on 16 December there were reports of killings being committed by either the armed Pakistani soldiers or by their collaborators. In one such incident, notable filmmaker Jahir Raihan was killed on 30 January 1972 in Mirpur, allegedly by armed Beharis. In memory of the people who were killed, 14 December is observed in Bangladesh as Shaheed Buddhijibi Dibosh ("Day of the Martyred Intellectuals").

Notable intellectuals who were killed from the time period of 25 March to 16 December 1971 in different parts of the country include Dhaka University professors Dr. Govinda Chandra Dev (philosophy), Dr. Munier Chowdhury (Bengali literature), Dr. Mufazzal Haider Chaudhury (Bengali Literature), Dr. Anwar Pasha (Bengali Literature), Dr M Abul Khair (history), Dr. Jyotirmoy Guhathakurta (English literature), Humayun Kabir (English literature), Rashidul Hasan (English literature), Ghyasuddin Ahmed, Sirajul Haque Khan, Faizul Mahi, Dr Santosh Chandra Bhattacharyya and Saidul Hassan (physics), Rajshahi University professors Dr. Hobibur Rahman (mathematics), Prof Sukhranjan Somaddar (Sanskrit), Prof Mir Abdul Quaiyum (psychology) as well as Dr. Mohammed Fazle Rabbee (cardiologist), Dr. AFM Alim Chowdhury (ophthalmologist), Shahidullah Kaiser (journalist), Nizamuddin Ahmed (journalist), Selina Parvin (journalist), Altaf Mahmud (lyricist and musician), Dhirendranath Datta (politician), Jahir Raihan (novelist, journalist, film director) and Ranadaprasad Saha (philanthropist).

Violence

Against women

The generally accepted figure for the mass rapes during the nine-month long conflict is between 200,000 and 400,000. During the war, a so-called fatwa originating in West Pakistan declared that the Bengali freedom fighters were Hindus and that their women could be taken as the "booty of war". Imams and Muslim religious leaders of Pakistan publicly declared that the Bengali women were 'gonimoter maal' (war booty) and thus they openly supported the rape of Bengali women by the Pakistani Army. Numerous women were tortured, raped and killed during the war. Hindu women used to be killed after being raped and Bengali Muslim women left alive to give birth to "pure" Muslims. A 17 year old Hindu bride who was gang raped by Pakistani soldiers, was also documented.

Two went into the room that had been built for the bridal couple. The others stayed behind with the family, one of them covering them with his gun. They heard a barked order, and the bridegroom's voice protesting. Then there was silence until the bride screamed ... In a few minutes one of the soldiers came out, his uniform in disarray. He grinned to his companions. Another soldier took his place in the extra room. And so on, until all six had raped the belle of the village. Then all six left, hurriedly. The father found his daughter lying on the string cot unconscious and bleeding. Her husband was crouched on the floor, kneeling over his vomit.

Bangladeshi sources cite a figure of 200,000 women raped, giving birth to thousands of war-babies. The soldiers of the Pakistan Army and razakars also kept Bengali women as sex-slaves inside the Pakistani Army's camps, and many became pregnant. The perpetrators also included Mukti Bahini and the Indian Army, which targeted noncombatants and committed rapes, as well as other crimes. Among other sources, Susan Brownmiller refers to an estimated 200,000 to 400,000 women raped. Pakistani sources claim the number is much lower, though they have not denied that rape incidents occurred. Brownmiller writes:

In a New York Times report named 'Horrors of East Pakistan Turning Hope into Despair', Malcolm W. Browne wrote:

The licentious attitude of the soldiers, although generally supported by their superiors, alarmed the regional high command of the Pakistani Army. On 15 April 1971, in a secret memorandum to the divisional commanders, Niazi complained,

Anthony Mascarenhas published a newspaper article titled 'Genocide in June 1971' in which he also wrote about violence perpetrated by Bengalis against Biharis.First it was the massacre of the non-Bengalis in a savage outburst of Bengali hatred. Now it was massacre deliberately carried out by the West Pakistan army ... The West Pakistani soldiers are not the only ones who have been killing in East Bengal, of course. On the night of 25 March... the Bengali troops and paramilitary units stationed in East Pakistan mutinied and attacked non-Bengalis with atrocious savagery. Thousands of families of unfortunate Muslims, many of them refugees from Bihar who chose Pakistan at the time of the partition riots in 1947, were mercilessly wiped out. Women were raped, or had their breasts torn out with specially-fashioned knives. Children did not escape the horror; the lucky ones were killed with their parents...

Pakistani Major General Khadim Hussain Raja wrote in his book that Niazi, in presence of Bengali officers would say 'Main iss haramzadi qom ki nasal badal doonga (I will change the race of the Bengalis)'. A witness statement to the commission read "The troops used to say that when the Commander (Lt Gen Niazi) was himself a raper (sic), how could they be stopped?".

Another work that has included direct experiences from the women raped is Ami Birangona Bolchhi ("I, the heroine, speak") by Nilima Ibrahim. The work includes in its name from the word Birangona (Heroine), given by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman after the war, to the raped and tortured women during the war. This was a conscious effort to alleviate any social stigma the women might face in the society.

There are eyewitness reports of the "rape camps" established by the Pakistani Army. The US based Women Under Siege Project of the Women's Media Center have reported the girls as young as 8 and women as old as 75 were detained in Pakistan military barracks, and where they were victims of mass rape which sometimes culminated in mass murder. The report was based on interview with survivors. Australian Doctor Geoffrey Davis was brought to Bangladesh by the United Nation and International Planned Parenthood Federation to carry out late term abortions on rape victims. He was of the opinion that the 200,000 to 400,000 rape victims were an underestimation. On the actions of Pakistan army he said "They'd keep the infantry back and put artillery ahead and they would shell the hospitals and schools. And that caused absolute chaos in the town. And then the infantry would go in and begin to segregate the women. Apart from little children, all those were (sic) sexually matured would be segregated..And then the women would be put in the compound under guard and made available to the troops ... Some of the stories they told were appalling. Being raped again and again and again. A lot of them died in those [rape] camps. There was an air of disbelief about the whole thing. Nobody could credit that it really happened! But the evidence clearly showed that it did happen."

In October 2005, Sarmila Bose published a paper suggesting that the casualties and rape allegations in the war have been greatly exaggerated for political purposes. Whilst she received praise from many quarters, a number of researchers have shown inaccuracies in Bose's work, including flawed methodology of statistical analysis, misrepresentation of referenced sources, and disproportionate weight to Pakistani Army testimonies.

Historian Christian Gerlach states that "a systematic collection of statistical data was aborted, possibly because the tentative data did not substantiate the claim that three million had died and at least 200,000 women had been raped."

Against Hindus
An article in Time magazine, dated 2 August 1971, stated "The Hindus, who account for three-fourths of the refugees and a majority of the dead, have borne the brunt of the Muslim military hatred." Pakistan army eastern command headquarter officials in Dhaka made clear the government's policy on East Bengal. After the elimination or exile of Hindus, their property was going to be shared among middle class Muslims. According to Colonel Naim, Hindus "undermined the Muslim masses." He said Bengali culture to a great extent was Hindu culture, and "We have to sort them out to restore the land to the people." In April 1971 at Comilla, Major Rathore said to Anthony Mascarenhas, regarding Hindus: "Now under the cover of fighting we have an excellent opportunity of finishing them off. [...] Of course [...], we are only killing the Hindu men. We are soldiers, not cowards like the rebels."

Hindus were alleged to have corrupted the Awami League. Pakistani soldiers repeatedly boasted to US Consul Archer Blood that they came "to kill Hindus". A witness heard an officer shouting to soldiers: "Why you have killed Muslims [sic]. We ordered you to kill only Hindus." US government cables noted that the minorities of Bangladesh, especially the Hindus, were specific targets of the Pakistani Army. US consulates reported methodical slaughter of Hindu men in cities starting in the first 24 hours of the crackdown. Army units entered villages asking where Hindus live; it was "common pattern" to kill Hindu males. Hindus were identified because they were not circumcised. There were barely any areas where no Hindu was killed. Sometimes the military also massacred Hindu women. There was widespread killing of Hindu males, and rapes of women. Documented incidents in which Hindus were massacred in large numbers include the Jathibhanga massacre, the Chuknagar massacre, and the Shankharipara massacre.

Senator Edward Kennedy wrote in a report that was part of United States Senate Committee on Foreign Relations testimony, dated 1 November 1971, "Hardest hit have been members of the Hindu community who have been robbed of their lands and shops, systematically slaughtered, and in some places, painted with yellow patches marked "H". All of this has been officially sanctioned, ordered and implemented under martial law from Islamabad". More than 60% of the Bengali refugees who fled to India were Hindus. It has been alleged that this widespread violence against Hindus was motivated by a policy to purge East Pakistan of what was seen as Hindu and Indian influences. Buddhist temples and Buddhist monks were also attacked throughout the course of the year. Lt. Colonel Aziz Ahmed Khan reported that in May 1971 there was a written order to kill Hindus, and that General Niazi would ask troops how many Hindus they had killed.

According to R. J. Rummel, professor of political science at the University of Hawaii,

The Pulitzer Prize–winning journalist Sydney Schanberg covered the start of the war and wrote extensively on the suffering of the East Bengalis, including the Hindus both during and after the conflict. In a syndicated column "The Pakistani Slaughter That Nixon Ignored", he wrote about his return to liberated Bangladesh in 1972. "Other reminders were the yellow "H"s the Pakistanis had painted on the homes of Hindus, particular targets of the Muslim army" (by "Muslim army", meaning the Pakistan Army, which had targeted Bengali Muslims as well). Missionaries in Bangladesh reported to Schanberg that massacres occurred on a nearly daily basis. One reported the slaughter of over a thousand Hindus in the southern district of Barisal in a single day. According to another, a Peace Committee in northeastern Sylhet district called residents together. Troops arrived and from the gathered crowd selected 300 Hindus and shot them dead.

Persecution of Biharis
In 1947, at the time of partition and the establishment of the state of Pakistan, Bihari Muslims, many of whom were fleeing the violence that took place during partition, migrated from India to the newly independent East Pakistan. These Urdu-speaking people were averse to the Bengali language movement and the subsequent nationalist movements because they maintained allegiance toward West Pakistani rulers, causing anti-Bihari sentiments among local nationalist Bengalis. After the convening of the National Assembly was postponed by Yahya Khan on 1 March 1971, the dissidents in East Pakistan began targeting the ethnic Bihari community which had supported West Pakistan.

In early March 1971, 300 Biharis were slaughtered in rioting by Bengali mobs in Chittagong alone. The Government of Pakistan used the 'Bihari massacre' to justify its deployment of the military in East Pakistan on 25 March, when it initiated its infamous Operation Searchlight. When the war broke out in 1971, the Biharis sided with the Pakistani Army. Some of them joined Razakar and Al-Shams militia groups and participated in the persecution and genocide of their Bengali countrymen, in retaliation for atrocities committed against them by Bengalis, including the widespread looting of Bengali properties and abetting other criminal activities. When the war finished Biharis faced severe retaliation, resulting in a counter-genocide and the displacement of over a million non-Bengalis.

According to the Minorities at Risk project, the number of Biharis killed by Bengalis was reportedly about 1,000. Rudolph Rummel gives an estimate of 150,000 killed. International estimates vary, while some have put the deaths as several thousands; Biharis faced reprisals from the Mukti Bahini and militias, and from 500,000 to 550,000 were killed.
Bihari representatives claim a figure of 600,000 Biharis killed.

After the war the Government of Bangladesh confiscated the properties of the Bihari Population.  There are many reports of massacres of Biharis and alleged collaborators that took place in the period following the surrender of the Pakistani Army on 16 December 1971. In an incident on 18 December 1971, captured on camera and attended by members of the foreign press, Abdul Kader Siddiqui, together with Kaderia Bahini guerrillas under his command and named after him, bayoneted and shot to death a group of prisoners of war who were accused of belonging to the Razakar paramilitary forces.

International reactions
Time reported a high US official as saying of the slaughter of the East Pakistanis by their West Pakistani enemies, "It is the most incredible, calculated thing since the days of the Nazis in Poland." Genocide is the term that is used to describe the event in almost every major publication and newspaper in Bangladesh; the term is defined as "the deliberate and systematic destruction, in whole or in part, of an ethnic, racial, religious, or national group"

A 1972 report by the International Commission of Jurists (ICJ) noted that both sides in the conflict accused each other of perpetrating genocide. The report observed that it may be difficult to substantiate claims that the "whole of the military action and repressive measures taken by the Pakistani Army and their auxiliary forces constituted genocide' that was intended to destroy the Bengali people in whole or in part, and that 'preventing a nation from attaining political autonomy does not constitute genocide: the intention must be to destroy in whole or in part the people as such." The difficulty of proving intent was considered to be further complicated by the fact that three specific sections of the Bengali people were targeted in killings committed by the Pakistani Army and their collaborators: members of the Awami League, students, and East Pakistani citizens of the Hindu religion. The report observed, however, that there is a strong prima facie case that particular acts of genocide were committed, especially towards the end of the war, when Bengalis were targeted indiscriminately. Similarly, it was felt that there is a strong prima facie case that crimes of genocide were committed against the Hindu population of East Pakistan.

As regards the massacres of non-Bengalis by Bengalis during and after the Liberation War, the ICJ report argued that it is improbable that "spontaneous and frenzied mob violence against a particular section of the community from whom the mob senses danger and hostility is to be regarded as possessing the necessary element of conscious intent to constitute the crime of genocide," but that, if the dolus specialis were to be proved in particular cases, these would have constituted acts of genocide against non-Bengalis.

After the minimum 20 countries became parties to the Genocide Convention, it came into force as international law on 12 January 1951. At that time however, only two of the five permanent members of the UN Security Council were parties to the treaty, and it was not until after the last of the five permanent members ratified the treaty in 1988, and the Cold War came to an end, that the international law on the crime of genocide began to be enforced. As such, the allegation that genocide took place during the Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971 was never investigated by an international tribunal set up under the auspices of the United Nations.

Rudolph Rummel wrote, "In 1971, the self-appointed president of Pakistan and commander-in-chief of the army General Agha Mohammed Yahya Khan and his top generals prepared a careful and systematic military, economic, and political operation against East Pakistan (now Bangladesh). They planned to murder that country's Bengali intellectual, cultural, and political elite. They planned to indiscriminately murder hundreds of thousands of its Hindus and drive the rest into India. And they planned to destroy its economic base to insure that it would be subordinate to West Pakistan for at least a generation to come. This despicable and cutthroat plan was outright genocide."

The genocide is also mentioned in some publications outside the subcontinent; for example, The Guinness Book of Records lists the atrocities as one of the largest five genocides in the twentieth century.

US complicity

President Richard Nixon viewed Pakistan as a Cold War ally and refused to condemn its actions. From the White House tapes: "The President seems to be making sure that the distrusted State Department would not, on its own, condemn Yahya for killing Bengalis." Nixon and China tried to suppress reports of genocide emanating from East Pakistan. Nixon also relied on Americans not paying close attention to events in Asia: "Biafra stirred up a few Catholics. But you know, I think Biafra stirred people up more than Pakistan, because Pakistan they're just a bunch of brown goddamn Moslems."

The US government secretly encouraged the shipment of weapons from Iran, Turkey, and Jordan to Pakistan, and reimbursed those countries for them despite Congressional objections.

A collection of declassified US government documents, mostly consisting of communications between US officials in Washington, D.C. and in embassies and USIS centers in Dhaka and in India, show that US officials knew about these mass killings at the time and, in fact, used the terms "genocide" and "selective genocide," for example, in the "Blood Telegram." They also show that President Nixon, advised by Henry Kissinger, decided to downplay this secret internal advice, because he wanted to protect the interests of Pakistan as he was apprehensive of India's friendship with the USSR, and he was seeking a closer relationship with China, which supported Pakistan.

In his book The Trial of Henry Kissinger, Christopher Hitchens elaborates on what he saw as the efforts of Kissinger to subvert the aspirations of independence on the part of the Bengalis. Hitchens not only claims that the term genocide is appropriate to describe the results of the struggle, but also points to the efforts of Henry Kissinger in undermining others who condemned the then-ongoing atrocities as being a genocide. Hitchens concluded, "Kissinger was responsible for the killing of thousands of people, including Sheikh Mujibur Rahman".

Some American politicians did speak out. Senator Ted Kennedy charged Pakistan with committing genocide, and called for a complete cut-off of American military and economic aid to Pakistan.

War crimes trial attempts
As early as 22 December 1971, the Indian Army was conducting investigations of senior Pakistani Army officers connected to the massacre of intellectuals in Dhaka, with the aim of collecting sufficient evidence to have them tried as war criminals. They produced a list of officers who were in positions of command at the time, or were connected to the Inter-Services Screening Committee.

1972–1975
On 24 December 1971, Home minister of Bangladesh A. H. M. Qamaruzzaman said, "war criminals will not survive from the hands of law. Pakistani military personnel who were involved with killing and raping have to face tribunal." In a joint statement after a meeting between Sheikh Mujib and Indira Gandhi, the Indian government assured that it would give all necessary assistance for bringing war criminals into justice. In February 1972, the government of Bangladesh announced plans to put 100 senior Pakistani officers and officials on trial for crimes of genocide. The list included General A. K. Niazi and four other generals.

After the war, the Indian Army held 92,000 Pakistani prisoners of war, 195 of whom were suspected of committing war crimes. All 195 were released in April 1974 following the tripartite Delhi Agreement between Bangladesh, Pakistan and India, and repatriated to Pakistan, in return for Pakistan's recognition of Bangladesh. Pakistan expressed interest in performing a trial against those 195 officials. Fearing for the fate of 400,000 Bengalis trapped in Pakistan, Bangladesh agreed to hand them over to Pakistani authorities.

The Bangladeshi Collaborators (Special Tribunals) Order of 1972 was promulgated to bring to trial those Bangladeshis who collaborated with and aided the Pakistani Armed forces during the Liberation War of 1971. There are conflicting accounts of the number of persons brought to trial under the 1972 Collaborators Order, ranging between 10,000 and 40,000. At the time, the trials were considered problematic by local and external observers, because they appear to have been used for carrying out political vendettas. R. MacLennan, a British MP who was an observer at the trials stated that 'In the dock, the defendants are scarcely more pitiable than the succession of confused prosecution witnesses driven (by the 88-year-old defence counsel) to admit that they, too, served the Pakistani government but are now ready to swear blindly that their real loyalty was to the government of Bangladesh in exile.' In May 1973, the Pakistani government detained Bengali civil servants stranded in Pakistan, as well as their family members, in response to Bangladesh's attempt to try POWs for genocide. Pakistan unsuccessfully pleaded five times to the International Court of Justice to contest Bangladesh's application of the term "genocide".

The government of Bangladesh issued a general amnesty on 30 November 1973, applying it to all persons except those who were punished or accused of rape, murder, attempted murder or arson. The Collaborators Order of 1972 was revoked in 1975.

The International Crimes (Tribunals) Act of 1973 was promulgated to prosecute any persons, irrespective of nationality, who were accused of committing crimes against peace, crimes against humanity, war crimes, "violations of any humanitarian rules applicable in armed conflicts laid out in the Geneva Conventions of 1949" and "any other crimes under international law". Detainees held under the 1972 Collaborators Order who were not released by the general amnesty of 1973 were going to be tried under this Act. However, no trials were held, and all activities related to the Act ceased after the assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in 1975.

There are no known instances of criminal investigations or trials outside Bangladesh of alleged perpetrators of war crimes during the 1971 war. Initial steps were taken by the Metropolitan Police to investigate individuals resident in the United Kingdom who were alleged to have committed war crimes according to a Channel 4 documentary film aired in 1995. To date, no charges have been brought against these individuals.

1991–2006

On 29 December 1991 Ghulam Azam, who was accused of being a collaborator with Pakistan in the war of 1971, became the chairman or Ameer of the political party Jamaat-e-Islami of Bangladesh, which caused controversy. This prompted the creation of a 'National Committee for Resisting the Killers and Collaborators of 1971', in the footsteps of a proposal by writer and political activist Jahanara Imam. A mock people's court was formed, which on 26 March 1992 found Ghulam Azam guilty in a widely criticised trial, which sentenced him to death; he ultimately died in prison in 2014.

A case was filed in the Federal Court of Australia on 20 September 2006 for alleged crimes of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity during 1971 by the Pakistani Armed Forces and its collaborators. Raymond Solaiman & Associates, acting for the plaintiff Mr. Solaiman, released a press statement which among other things said:

On 21 May 2007, at the request of the applicant leave was granted to the applicant to discontinue his application filed on 20 September 2006.

2007–present

On 30 July 2009, the Minister of Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs of Bangladesh stated that no Pakistanis would be tried under the International Crimes (Tribunals) Act of 1973. This decision has drawn criticism from international jurists, because it effectively gives immunity to the commanders of the Pakistani Army who are generally considered to be ultimately responsible for the majority of the crimes that were committed in 1971.

The International Crimes Tribunal (ICT) is a war crimes tribunal in Bangladesh set up in 2009 to investigate and prosecute suspects for the genocide committed in 1971 by the Pakistan Army and their local collaborators, Razakars, Al-Badr and Al-Shams during the Bangladesh Liberation War. During the 2008 general election, the Awami League (AL) pledged to try war criminals.

The government set up the tribunal after the Awami League won the general election in December 2008 with more than two-thirds majority in parliament. The War Crimes Fact Finding Committee, tasked to investigate and find evidence, completed its report in 2008, identifying 1600 suspects. Prior to the formation of the ICT, the United Nations Development Programme offered assistance in 2009 on the tribunal's formation. In 2009 the parliament amended the 1973 act that authorised such a tribunal to update it.

Throughout the years, tens of thousands of mostly young demonstrators, including women, have called for the death penalty for those convicted of war crimes. Non-violent protests supporting this position have occurred in other cities as the country closely follows the trials. The first indictments were issued in 2010.

By 2012, nine leaders of Jamaat-e-Islami, the largest Islamist party in the nation, and two of the Bangladesh National Party, had been indicted as suspects in war crimes. Three leaders of Jamaat were the first tried; each were convicted of several charges of war crimes. The first person convicted was Abul Kalam Azad, who was tried in absentia as he had left the country; he was sentenced to death in January 2013.

While human rights groups and various political entities initially supported the establishment of the tribunal, they have since criticised it on issues of fairness and transparency, as well as reported harassment of lawyers and witnesses representing the accused. Jamaat-e-Islami supporters and their student wing, Islami Chhatra Shibir, called a general strike nationwide on 4 December 2012 in protest against the tribunals. The protest leaders demanded that the tribunal be scrapped permanently and their leaders released immediately.

One of the most high profile verdicts was of Abdul Quader Mollah, assistant secretary general of Jamaat, who was convicted in February 2013 and sentenced to life imprisonment, which culminated in the massive Shahbag protests. The government, although initially reluctant, eventually appealed the verdict in the Supreme Court, which then sentenced Mollah to death. Abdul Quader Mollah was subsequently executed on Thursday 12 December 2013, amidst controversies on the legitimacy of the war tribunal hearings, drawing wide criticisms from countries such as the US, UK and Turkey, as well as from the UN. A period of unrest ensued. The majority of the population, however, was found to be in favour of the execution.

Delwar Hossain Sayeedi was convicted of war crimes due to his involvement in mass killings, rape, arson, looting and forced conversion of Hindus to Islam. He was sentenced to death by hanging; his sentence, however, was later commuted to life imprisonment.

Motiur Rahman Nizami was hanged on 11 May 2015 for 16 charges of genocide, rape and torture.

Salahuddin Quader Chowdhury and Ali Ahsan Mohammad Mujahid, both of whom had been convicted of genocide and rape, were hanged in Dhaka Central Jail shortly after midnight on 22 November 2015.

On 3 December 2016, business tycoon Mir Quasem Ali, convicted of crimes against humanity for torturing and killing suspected Bangladeshi liberationists, was hanged at Kashimpur Prison.

In 2016, a draft of the Digital Security Act was finalized and placed for cabinet approval. The law proposed to declare any propaganda against the War of Liberation as cognizable and non-bailable.

Views in Pakistan

The Hamoodur Rahman Commission set up by the Pakistani government following the war noted various atrocities committed by the Pakistani military, including: Widespread arson and killings in the countryside; killing of intellectuals and professionals; killing of Bengali military officers and soldiers on the pretence of mutiny; killing Bengali civilian officials, businessmen and industrialists; raping numerous Bengali women as a deliberate act of revenge, retaliation and torture; deliberate killing of members of the Bengali Hindu minority; and the creation of mass graves. The Hamoodur Rahman Commission wrote: "[I]ndiscriminate killing and looting could only serve the cause of the enemies of Pakistan. In the harshness, we lost the support of the silent majority of the people of East Pakistan.... The Comilla Cantonment massacre (on 27th/28th of March, 1971) under the orders of CO 53 Field Regiment, Lt. Gen. Yakub Malik, in which 17 Bengali Officers and 915 men were just slain by a flick of one Officer's fingers should suffice as an example". The commission's report and findings were suppressed by the Pakistani government for more than 30 years, but were leaked to the Indian and Pakistani media in 2000. However, the commission's lowly death toll of 26,000 was criticised as an attempt to whitewash the war.

Several former West Pakistani Army officers who served in Bangladesh during the 1971 war have admitted to large-scale atrocities by their forces.

The government of Pakistan continues to deny that the 1971 Bangladesh genocide took place under Pakistan's rule of Bangladesh (East Pakistan) during the Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971. They typically accuse Pakistani reporters (such as Anthony Mascarenhas) who reported on the genocide of being "enemy agents". According to Donald W. Beachler, professor of political science at Ithaca College:

Similarly, in the wake of the 2013 Shahbag protests against war criminals who were complicit in the genocide, English journalist Philip Hensher wrote:

In the 1974 Delhi Agreement, Bangladesh called on Pakistan to prosecute 195 military officers for war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide under relevant provisions of international law. Pakistan responded that it "deeply regretted any crimes that may have been committed". It failed to bring the perpetrators to account on its own soil, as requested by Bangladesh. The position taken by Pakistan was reiterated by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in 1974, when he simply expressed "regret" for 1971, and former Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf in 2002, when he expressed regret for the "excesses" committed in 1971.

The International Crimes Tribunal set up by Bangladesh in 2009 to prosecute surviving collaborators of the pro-Pakistani militias in 1971 has been the subject of strong criticism in Pakistani political and military circles. On 30 November 2015, the government of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif retreated from earlier positions and said that it denies any role by Pakistan in atrocities in Bangladesh. A statement of the Pakistani Foreign Ministry, after summoning the Acting Bangladeshi High Commissioner, said that "Pakistan also rejected insinuation of complicity in committing crimes or war atrocities. Nothing could be further from the truth". The statement marked a growing trend of genocide denial in Pakistan, which picked up pace after controversial Indian academic Sarmila Bose accused the Mukti Bahini of war crimes. Bose asserts that there is greater denial in Bangladesh of war crimes which were committed by Bengalis against Biharis.

Many in Pakistan's civil society have called for an unconditional apology to Bangladesh and an acknowledgement of the genocide, including noted journalist Hamid Mir, former Pakistani ambassador to the United States Husain Haqqani, human rights activist Asma Jahangir, former Pakistan Air Force chief Asghar Khan, cultural activist Salima Hashmi, and defence analyst Muhammad Ali Ehsan. Asma Jahangir has called for an independent United Nations inquiry to investigate the atrocities. Jahangir also described Pakistan's reluctance to acknowledge the genocide a result of the Pakistani Army's dominant influence on foreign policy. She spoke of the need for closure on the 1971 genocide. Pakistani historian Yaqoob Khan Bangash described the actions of the Pakistani Army during the Bangladesh Liberation war as a "rampage".

Documentaries and films
 Stop Genocide (1971) documentary film.
 Major Khaled's war (1971) documentary film
 Nine Months to Freedom: The Story of Bangladesh (1972) documentary film
 Children of War (2014) a film portraying the atrocities in the 1971 Bangladesh Genocide.
 Merciless Mayhem: The Bangladesh Genocide Through Pakistani Eyes (2018) TV movie.

See also

 1971 Dhaka University massacre
 Bangladesh Liberation War
 Akhira massacre
 Bakhrabad massacre
 Bengali Genocide Remembrance Day
 Burunga massacre
 Jinjira massacre
 Chuknagar massacre
 The Concert for Bangladesh, the first major benefit concert
 Movement demanding trial of war criminals of Bangladesh : 1972 to present
 Bangladesh Liberation War Library and Research Centre, a Digital Library, working to 'preserve and publicly distribute' the historical documents regarding the Liberation War of Bangladesh and Genocide of Innocent Bengali People in 1971.

References

Citations

Bibliography

 Abul Barkat, An Inquiry into Causes and Consequences of Deprivation of Hindu Minorities in Bangladesh through the Vested Property Act: Framework for a Realistic Solution Publisher: PRIP Trust (2001) ASIN: B005PWD15O
  Abul Barkat, Deprivation of Hindu Minority in Bangladesh: Living with Vested Property (Published English and Bengali languages 2008, 2009)

Further reading
 Genocide in Bangladesh, 1971, A Gendercide Watch case study
 State of Hindus in Bangladesh

External links
 Bangladesh Genocide Archive
 Whole nation should observe National Genocide Day, New Age, 14 March 2017
 Call for international recognition and observance of genocide day by Delwar Jahid
 Bangladesh to seek UN recognition of 1971 genocide
 Genocide Day today
 Bangladesh wants UN to declare March 25 as Genocide Day in remembrance of 1971, Hindustan Times, 23 March 2017
 How India's intervention in Bangladesh shaped south Asia, Hindustan Times, 22 September 2016
 By marking Genocide Day, Bangladesh seeks to remember what Pakistan wants to forget, Scroll.in, 25 March 2017

Genocide
20th-century mass murder in Asia
Bangladesh Liberation War
Bangladesh–Pakistan relations
Ethnic cleansing in Asia
Genocides in Asia
Mass murder in 1971
Massacres in Bangladesh
Pakistani war crimes
Rebellions in Pakistan
War crimes in Bangladesh
Massacres committed by Pakistan in East Pakistan
Persecution of Buddhists by Muslims
Massacres in 1971

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


When Sensei Dean Wesley Smith isn't driving the point home to write, write, write, his wife Kristine Rusch is ... and they're both point on! Kristine just published a very informative piece about promotion here (and the comments are also informative) which illustrates that the best way to sell more books is ... to WRITE more books!
So what have I done to write more ... let's see - little league, ad-hoc consulting, house falling apart around me, more little league, college (going after my 2nd and LAST degree) ... did I mention LITTLE LEAGUE aka BLACK HOLE OF SUCKING SECONDS OF MY LIFE AWAY!
Writing is an art and as with all true art forms, there is a discipline that must be attached in order to turn out work. The way the discipline is carried out varies from artist to artist but without discipline there simply is no art.
So, after reading Dean's and Kristine's words of wisdom on the subject of writing as a profession - I'm constantly working on refining my discipline.
Target Pace: 300,000 to 400,000 words per year = @30,000 words per month = 6,900 words per week = 1,200 words per day.
Current Pace: On average, an abysmal 400 words per day.
No excuses, I simply need to keep my focus on the macro. The fact is that I will never write uniform amounts, so I need to really turn words out on paper when I'm in my groove ... and I need to get in my groove more days per week.
Right now I have two novels in my head. One I'm writing, one on a pad in bullet points.
Today, writing will be like pulling teeth.


But the bottom line is, whose side are you on? Are you on Qadhafi's side or are you on the side of the aspirations of the Libyan people and the international coalition that has been created to support them? For the Obama Administration, the answer to that question is very easy.


Congratulations! You're an early visitor to our new ebook publication website. We appreciate early adopters of new technology, as you will sense from our first ebook GERM: The Language of Infection. We have other ebooks in the pipeline, covering a range of medical and health education subjects.
Our passion is for new approaches to professional learning. We're going to provide you and others who share our interests with opportunities to join the going throng of lifelong e-learners.


text:
Dorothy Short (auch Dorothy Fronabarger oder Dorothy Barclay; * 29. Juni 1914 in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania; † 4. Juni 1963 in Los Angeles) war eine US-amerikanische Schauspielerin.

Laufbahn

Short, deren Geburtsjahr zum Teil auch mit 1915 angegeben wird, zog 1934 nach Hollywood. Im selben Jahr gab sie ihr Debüt mit einer ungelisteten Rolle in der Komödie Hollywood Party  mit Stan Laurel und Oliver Hardy. 1935 folgte mit Call of the Savage ihre erste Erwähnung in den Credits und zugleich das erste Engagement als Hauptdarstellerin.

In den späten 1930er Jahren fand Short zu ihren typischen Genres, zum einen dem Kurzfilm, angefangen mit der Serie The Mysterious Pilot (1937), und zum anderen dem Western. Ihren ersten Auftritt in dieser Sparte gab die dunkelhaarige Mimin in Brothers of the West (1937) unter der Regie von Sam Katzman. Außerdem wurde sie in dieser Zeit für drei Aufklärungsfilme verpflichtet. In Damaged Goods (1937) sollte vor sexuell übertragbaren Erkrankungen gewarnt werden, Reefer Madness (bzw. Tell Your Children, 1936) und Assassin of Youth (1937) stellten die möglichen Gefahren von Cannabiskonsum dar. Bis 1942 spielte Short in mehreren B-Western, war danach aber nur noch in Filmclips unter der Leitung von Pete Smith zu sehen. 1953 beendete sie ihre Karriere.

Short war in den 1970ern, einige Jahre nach ihrem Tod, nochmals im Kino zu sehen, nachdem Reefer Madness zum Midnight Movie avancierte.

Privates
Short heiratete am 26. April 1936 in Santa Barbara den Schauspieler Dave O'Brien, mit dem sie auch mehrmals vor der Kamera stand. Beide lebten in Los Angeles, 1942 und 1945 wurden ihre Töchter Patricia und Pamela geboren. 1953 ließ sich Short von ihrem Ehemann scheiden, da er sich zur sehr seinem Hobby, dem Segeln, widmete.

Sie starb im Juni 1963 in ihrer Wahlheimat Los Angeles an Krebs und wurde auf dem Inglewood Park Cemetery beigesetzt.

Filmografie (Auswahl)
 1934: Hollywood Party
 1936: Reefer Madness
 1937: Assassin of Youth
 1938: Im Herzen von Arizona (In the Heart of Arizona)
 1940: Der geheimnisvolle Reiter (Phantom Rancher)
 1940: Cowboys – Der Kampf um die Goldmine (Frontier Crusader)
 1941: Aloma, die Tochter der Südsee (Aloma of the South Seas)
 1941: Fuzzys großer Trick (The Lone Rider Fights Back)

Weblinks

 Zeitungsanzeige zu Brothers Of West in der Kentucky New Era vom 28. Mai 1948 auf Google News (englisch), abgerufen am 26. September 2020

Einzelnachweise

Filmschauspieler
US-Amerikaner
Geboren 1914
Gestorben 1963
Frau


text:
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.source "MediaRouterJellybeanMr2.java"

# annotations
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    .line 42
    return-void
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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
Glendronach 15 Year Old Single Malt Scotch Whisky
This GlenDronach 15-year-old is complex and satisfying with notes of Oloroso Sherry and spice.
The year is 1826, the Temperance Society had just been formed in Boston, Beethoven's Quartet No. 13 is premiered in Vienna, the combustible engine is being patented, and deep within the Scottish Highlands, in the land of peat and bagpipes, the GlenDronach distillery is being born. GlenDronach got its start shortly after the Excise Act of 1823 when James Allardice became the second person to apply for a license to distill Whisky in Scotland. Ever since, the iconic Scottish distillery has been under the ownership of several well-known names in Scotch, namely; Walter Scott, Captain Charles Grant, and William Teacher and Sons.
The distillery is located near Forgue, by Huntly, Aberdeenshire, in the Speyside region, and is currently owned by BenRiach. GlenDronach survived many setbacks, including a fire in 1836 that nearly destroyed the entire facility. Their floor malting was also halted in 1996, and the distillery was mothballed. The distillery experienced a near complete overhaul when giant Pernod Ricard acquired them in 2005. They converted the last of the Scottish coal-fired stills to indirect steam-heated coils. GlenDronach was the last of the remaining distilleries using the method at this time.
"GlenDronach 15-year-old Revival went on hiatus three years ago due to a shortage. In 2018 it re-emerged with a new recipe, tweaked by master distiller Rachel Barrie. As before, a mixture of Pedro Ximénez and oloroso sherry casks has taken care of the aging process, and the result is one of the very best sherried single malts of its age on the market. The distillery's characteristic spice, fruit, and chocolate notes are here in abundance, merging seamlessly and with satisfying complexity to create a great after-dinner dram" (Gavin D Smith, Whisky Advocate).
Pick up your bottle today!
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Sherried notes spice, fruit, and chocolate notes are here in abundance, merging seamlessly and with satisfying complexity finish.
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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


Life's gonna kick you in the teeth, push you around, and push the breath right out of you. I've been fu*$#ed up and screwed over so many times, but time and time again, I found myself to come out a terrible situation bigger, better, and tougher than ever before. It was something to learn from. And in recovery there's never losing, only learning. Heck, life too!
Life's treated me like a boxer, or maybe an MMA fighter, standing in the ring facing a heavy wait knockout artist. I get pushed up against the ropes and beaten in the gut to the point of where I want to throw up. The urge is almost too hard to deny! My face has been bruised beyond recognition, and my body changes throughout the match known as life… but I know that the change I'm going through is worth it. More than you'll ever know until you experience it in full, too. Eventually I'll emerge from the pain and suffering that life gives me like a butterfly flying from its cocoon. It's not easy, but I can feel myself growing even as I write this!
I was young and fresh in sobriety but the world had something beautiful in store for us. The only thing was that, that beautiful didn't come without a price. I'm not talking money but I'm talking effort, hard work and, dedication...and a lit bit of money LOL! And for a spoiler alert, damn was she worth it! Everyone has their sweet Serenity and she's got me like whoa!
There will always be times that God's testing you in recovery, but before I met this girl I was a broken man. I knew she couldn't fix me but together we could do way more than that, so if there's anything worth fighting for this was the chance to prove my life right here and right now. I'm not saying that it was easy to go through a visa process, long distance relationship, and treacherous flights and backlash from the government! But, it sure as hell was worth it… If I would have given up and settled for mediocre I wouldn't have anywhere near what I can called the most divine life one could live in recovery. It's a blessing and the promises do come true!
So the moral of story being, anything in life worth having is worth fighting for. If I would've given up into an easy push over way of looking at things, I'd of fallen trap to defeat and the depravity my past life in addiction gave me each and every single second. I'd be losing out of all the experiences that made me into a strong, natural, and beautifully recovering family man I am today.
"Never give up; Never surrender"


text:
Where politics meets the press
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Hadas Gold
Blog Archives Select Date… December, 2015 November, 2015 October, 2015 September, 2015 August, 2015 July, 2015 June, 2015 May, 2015 April, 2015 March, 2015 February, 2015 January, 2015
Fox News considers how to replace Megyn Kelly
By ALEX WEPRIN and HADAS GOLD
Megyn Kelly's decision to jump to NBC, which serves as a capstone of sorts to what was -- by far -- the most tumultuous year in the history of Fox News, leaves the network scrambling to figure out what to do its primetime lineup, the highest rated on cable news.
In a statement confirming her departure, Rupert Murdoch was positive, if succinct.
"We thank Megyn Kelly for her 12 years of contributions to Fox News. We hope she enjoys tremendous success in her career and wish her and her family all the best."
Fox agreed to let Kelly anchor her program for the remainder of the week, scheduling her last show for Jan. 6. Greta Van Susteren, who left last year, by contrast, was out at the channel the same day she gave notice to network executives.
Now, Fox News needs to chart its course in primetime. Sean Hannity's ratings are on the rise at 10 p.m. — following the election of his friend, President-elect Donald Trump — while 8 p.m. host Bill O'Reilly is still debating whether he stays, or follows Kelly out the door when his contract is up this summer.
Despite the turmoil of the past year and the rotating cast of hosts, Fox's ratings appear unaffected. If anything, Trump's election has given them a jolt. Tucker Carlson, who ultimately succeeded Van Susteren at 7 p.m. (Brit Hume filled in as guest host in the immediate aftermath of her departure), has not only kept her audience, but improved on those numbers. And Hannity has done well in recent months, serving as arguably the most Trump-friendly show on TV.
Megyn Kelly to leave Fox News for NBC
By HADAS GOLD
The big question now for Fox News is whether it is still worth having a news program like Kelly's in primetime, or whether it should go all in on conservative opinion. For years, Fox has had at least one news show in primetime (in the mode of Kelly's and Van Susteren's) even if their formats allowed for more opinion than many traditional newscasts. If the network chooses to continue that strategy, an internal hire like "America Newsroom" anchor Martha MacCallum or Fox Business Network anchor Trish Regan, both of whom have experience on larger stages as debate co-moderators, may fit the bill.
Another option floated by some insiders is a tag-team approach, drawing on Eric Bolling and Kimberly Guilfoyle, the co-hosts of the network's popular 5 p.m. show "The Five." Both, like Van Susteren and Kelly, have chops outside of the media world; Guilfoyle as a lawyer and Bolling as a commodities trader. They also have the inside track on the Trump administration, as both have had conversations about potentially joining the White House (Guilfoyle in a communications role and Bolling as a potential commerce secretary). And a co-hosted show in primetime would not be new for Fox, which previously had a duo anchoring a 9 p.m. show with "Hannity & Colmes," which lasted 12 years.
"I have to think that the people at Fox have been playing out various scenarios of this for a long time. They're crazy if they're not," said Robert Thompson, director of the Bleier Center for Television and Popular Culture at Syracuse University. "They had to have seen that this was a very real possibility."
Investors are unlikely to be particularly alarmed, said Brian Wieser, a senior analyst at Pivotal research group, since the possibility of Kelly's departure was well known and she won't be competing against whomever ends up in her old time slot. Wieser said a bigger concern to the network would have been losing hosts in the wake of former chairman Roger Ailes' departure.
"The real risk was that the on air talent would get on proverbial high horses and leave the network in some sort of solidarity, that obviously didn't happen," Wieser said.
But the question of which direction Fox may go still stands and whether or not Trump's election changes the calculation.
"We're at the stage where the art of balancing the audience demographics matters more than the politics," Wieser said, noting the importance of advertiser revenue and how the average age of a Fox viewer skews slightly older. "Reality is demography."
Additional reporting by Kelsey Sutton
Hadas Gold is a reporter at Politico.
The O'Reilly Factor


text:
CXO Careers
> Homepage > Papers > Ten Thought Leadership Papers for You to Co-author with Bridges! > Mega-Bestsellers and Their Good to Great Strategy Siblings ?
Mega-Bestsellers and Their Not-Very-Good to Really Great Strategy Siblings?
DRAFT DRAFT DRAFT
Part I - The Mega-Bestsellers
The strategy bestsellers are mere minnows compared to the whale-sized bestsellers. Let us examine the whales before considering the minnows in more detail. The biggest whales of all are those of the political/religious belief systems. The "Big Three" religions are Christianity, 2 billion followers, Islam, 1.5 billion followers, and Hinduism, the oldest significant living religion, 900 million followers. These are religions with geopolitical aspects. A fourth candidate is Communism (1914 - 1991 as a major force), a mixed political system with religious aspects. (Capitalism does not qualify as a mixed system, as it seeks co-existance with, not replacement of, the world religions.) All these systems have impressive bestseller figures, and equally impressive death tolls. (Communism is probably the winner with 80 million victims, averaging a bit over a million a year dead during its 77 year long heyday.)1
Estimates for the number of Bibles in print are unreliable. One estimate is 7.5 billion, give or take a billion, which appears as good a guess as any. The Communist Manifesto by Karl Marx and Friederich Engels (1872/90) has been printed hundreds of times in just about all the world's significant languages for a total of, one suspects, several billion. The major Chinese Communist text, The Little Red Book, Quotations from Chairman Mao, by Mao Tse-tung (1893 - 1976) was translated into 65 langauges with one billion 55 million copies printed between 1964 - 1976. To that add the Koran and the Hindu texts (divided into revealed and remembered, the Vedas, Upanishads, etc.) for another couple of billion. Therefore the "serious spirituality - true believer" works, over which mass slaughter has been committed over the centuries, have 12 - 15 billion copies in print.
The impact of all of these works is a strange paradox. The works themselves exhort one to strive for a virtuous life in, not merely a better, but in fact a "best, in fact only acceptable" system. This exhortation is promptly interpreted by a significant percentage of its followers as a compelling reason for torture and murder, even genocide. Would the world be a kinder, gentler place if all of these works, whose impact on so many of their readers is brutal and savage, were summarily banned? Probably not; the void would soon be filled by new, competing devine revelations of the only true path -- and woe onto all doubters and heretics.
The whales of literature are not nearly as large as the political/religious ones. In fact, only five of them have had over 100 million copies printed. They are: Tale of Two Cities, Charles Dickens, 1959 (200 million), The Lord of the Rings, J.R.R. Tolken, 1954/55 (150 million), The Hobbit, J.R.R. Tolken, 1937 (100 million +), Dream of the Red Chamber, Cao Yueqin, 1759-91 (100 million +), And then there were none, Agatha Christie, 1939 (100 million). The best selling series is Harry Potter by Joanne Rowling, 1997 - 2007, with over 400 million copies in 65 languages sold. The 7th book set a single day sales record with 11 million copies purchased its day of release in the U.S. and U.K.2 (The leading German series is made up of the adventure novels of Karl May, with over 200 million copies in print.)
Clearly, marketing a belief system is the method of choice to raise a gigantic cash cow, with mega-sales of books as just part of the revenue stream creating a sustainable competitive advantage against other belief systems. However launching a new one against the entrenched suppliers of belief systems is every bit as difficult as starting a new car company to compete against such giants as Mercedes, BMW, VW, Ford, Fiat, Honda and Toyota. One of the few entrepreneurs to have managed it in the second half of the 20th century is the pulp fiction and science fiction writer L. Ron Hubbard (1911 - 1986). Why business schools do not teach more about, say, the Vatican and individuals such as this imaginative entrepreneur is a mystery. He earned a few hundred million dollars with the Church of Scientology, started in New Jersey in 1952 and still thriving.
This lucrative organization is now headquartered in California and run by a most interesting "Pope," David Miscavige, reportedly a control freak with a predisposition to violence. However do not underestimate the man. He managed to affirm the tax-free status of the "church" of Scientology with the IRS in the U.S., in the 1990s. This is the very same "church" that has been repeatedly found guilty of fraud in Spain, France, etc.!3 No other CEO of a Fortune 500 company, not even one of the daring, cutthroat CEOs of the drug empires, correction, tobacco multinationals, has even attempted such a challenge to the IRS!
The key to founding a new religion is either being, or controlling, someone with spectacular charisma, a dozen Hollywood and music superstars all rolled into one. Given that key, one can then take advantage of the social media (e.g. the 500 million users of Facebook), study carefully other founders' playbooks, including the Dinetics of L. Ron Hubbard, and you should have a reasonable shot at successful devine revelation, incarnation, etc. ("What one man can do, another can do.") However very few individuals or organizations find themselves in the fortunate position of having access to this solid gold "charisma key." An attractive piggybacking alternative with Scientology is explained in the footnote.4
Interesting is that of the combined literary bestseller sales of 1050 million, 650 million are in the "lightweight spirituality," i.e. fantasy genre. In comparison, the top five business counterparts to the literary "Big Five" have combined sales of ca. 136 million, to which one can add the bestselling business series with 26 million. These quite respectably sized fish are all in English. They are: Think and Grow Rich, Napoleon Hill, 1937 (70 million), Who Moved My Cheese, Spencer Johnson, 1998 (26 million), The 7 Habits of Highly Effective People, Stephan R. Covey, 1989 (15 million), How to Win Friends and Influence People, Dale Carnegie, 1936 (15 million) and What Color is Your Parachute, Richard Nelson Bolles, 1970 (10 million). The best selling business series is Rich Dad, Poor Dad, Robert Kiyosaki, Sharon Lechter 1997 - present, 18 installments (26 million).5
1 The Black Book of Communism (cf. the citation below) breaks down the 80 million as follows. For some peculiar reason no brave soul has yet ventured to publish a Black Book of Christianity, Black Book of Islam or Black Book of Hinduism to total up the pograms, massacres, burnings at the stake, and so forth of these respective belief systems. To return to Communism's impressive results:
China: 65 million dead
The Soviet Union: 20 million dead
North Korea: 2 million dead
Cambodia: 2 million dead
Africa: 1.7 million dead
Vietnam: 1 million dead
East Europe: 1 million dead
Afghanistan: 1.5 million dead
Latinamerica 150,000 dead
The large numbers for the Soviet Union and China warrant explanation. In the Soviet Union a good percentage of that 20 million is thanks to Staliin, who most certainly would have recked havoc not matter what belief system he subscribed to. In China between 1959 and 1961, according to the official Chinese statistic released in 1988, about 20 million subsistence farmers did not subsist. They starved to death. They did so because of Mao Tse-tungs policies, such as collective farms.
The statistic is revised upwards to 41 million people who died of starvation from 1959 to 1961 in our source for these numbers, Das Schwarze Buch des Kommunismus (The Black Book of Communism), Piper Verlag, 2000, p. 546. This book is a translation (by a six man team) of Le livre noir du communisme, 1997 by the author team of Stéphane Courtois, Nicolas Werth, Jean-Louis Panné, Andrzej Paczkowski, Karel Bartosek and Jean-Louis Margolin. Another five persons contributed, and a section in the German edition about the DDR was written by Joachim Gauck and Ehrhart Neubert.
The political left, stung, just a year later responded with Le Livre Noir du Capitalisme (The Black Book of Capitalism) edited by Gilles Perrault, 1998. The book consists of a series of essays from writers who treat what they view as the grossest depridations of capitalism. These range from the African slave trade (no argument there) to modern globalization, which seems quite a strectch. The 58 million dead from the two World Wars are attributed to capitalism, another long, long stretch. (Warfare appears to be pretty much of a constant over the milllennia, regardless of whatever political systems are in favor.)
To the 58 million of the World Wars are added the death tolls from various colonial wars, ethnic conflicts, anticommunist repressions and famines. Therefore the grand total of deaths attributed to capitalism in the 20th century reaches 100 million. To consider both political systems as equally lethal is certainly a minority viewpoint. Regardless, running the risks of war and famine while free to climb the economic ladder seems considerably more attractive than running those same risks under repressive Communist "egalitarianism."
2 Wikipedia "List of bestselling books" (2011).
3 Examples that have made the national press (and are therefore easy to Google) include: L. Ron Hubbard was convicted in absentia in France for fraud (1978). The head of Scientology in Spain, charged with fraud, jumped a $1 million bail bond paid by the "church," fleeing to the U.S. (1988). Scientology leaders were convicted of embezzelment in France (2001). In Belgium charges were brought for forming a criminal organization (2008). Scientology was found guilty of fraud "as an organized gang" in France (2009). In the U.S., more prominent in local press than nationally, physical abuse of members, in some cases leading to death, has been reported.
Meanwhile Scientology happily enjoys its tax free status in the U.S. Although it is not even recognized as a charitable organization in the U.K., let alone as a religion, it has repeatedly managed to get 80% breaks on property taxes from local councils there. An egregious example is one valued at 1.3 million pounds from the City of London Corporation for the Scientology headquarters. The corporation claimed it could not rescind it, for fear of being sued! The High Court of Australia even ordered the state Victoria to accept Scientology as a religion! I had thought that Australian judges were smarter than Hollywood celebrities such as Tom Cruise, an ardent member of the Scientologist flock. Welcome to the 21st century.
4 As a CEO or entrepreneur, join the Scientologists for a month or two. Then over a disagreement in doctrine form your own Scientologist sect, a mini-schism in the church. Your "gentler, kinder" Scientology allows dual allegiance, dual worship. You are the minor diety or prophet, and the major diety is up to the individual's personal preference. The members of your new sect are the employees of your firm, which you now re-name Widgit Scientology Inc. and headquarter in the U.S. You "mirror image" your business model for tax reporting purposes after that of Scientology for selling its books and workshops worldwide. You arrange transfer pricing with your overseas operations so that they run at breakeven, with all profits accruing in the U.S. As a Scientology church (just as there is more than one Protestant church), you too pay no taxes in the U.S.
Make sure that all employee earnings hit them tax-free as "promulgators of the faith." That will enable you to hire the best and the brightest, which will in turn lead to even better products and services. Not having to pay property or income taxes will let you dramatically undercut your competitors. You will offer premium quality at bargain-basement pricing. You will bury the competition!
5 Wikipedia, loc. cit.
Part II - The Strategy Bestsellers
from Not-Very-Good to Really Great?
The strategy bestsellers are not really aimed at the general reading public. Rather they are aimed at people interested in running a company and in what makes companies succeed. They are often written in an English considerably more demanding than that of the other bestsellers. Therefore their "minnow" status in terms of sales figures by no means implies inferior quality. It does not imply the oppositie either! In fact, the strategy bestsellers are a surprisingly mixed bag.
E-Books to Buy! Four Blue Star Systems for Business Growth + A Fable - The People of Blue Hair
Ant Fable's Happy End Explained: Hawthorne & Lease/Buy Decision
English/German Test-for-Fun
Franchise Facts & Fallacies
§ Improving Vidale-Wolfe for the Internet, Butterfly Dynamics
Power Point - des Vortrags der Tod - "The Good, the Bad and the Ugly"
Reforming U.S. Health Care - A Modest Proposal
Strategy Tools & Techniques Survey, an Executive Guide
Ten Thought Leadership Papers for You to Co-author with Bridges!
Corporate Strategy History - Childhood to Adolesence
Mega-Bestsellers and Their Good to Great Strategy Siblings ?
Strategy Consultants: The Good, The Better, The Best?
The Internet Tycoons
The Q-Strategy Expounded
White Water Strategy - from Turbulence to Tsunami
Butterfly Marketing - from Basic Research to Value Closing
Offshoring DP/IT - Hints
Do It Yourself Patent Tips
Web Sites - A Primer


text:
package com.kryptnostic.rhizome.mapstores;

import com.hazelcast.config.MapConfig;
import com.hazelcast.config.MapStoreConfig;
import com.hazelcast.map.MapStore;

/**
 * Used for implementing self-registration of map stores into HazelcastInstances.
 *
 * @author Matthew Tamayo-Rios <matthew@kryptnostic.com>
 *
 * @param <K> The key type for the map store
 * @param <V> They value type for the map store.
 */
public interface SelfRegisteringMapStore<K, V> extends MapStore<K, V> {
    MapConfig getMapConfig();
    MapStoreConfig getMapStoreConfig();
    default boolean isMetricsEnabled() {
        return true;
    }
}


You are here Home > Accommodation > Galaxy Star Hotel Sdn.Bhd.
Located in the town of Bukit Tambun, Simpang Ampat, Penang, Galaxy Hotel provides accommodation with free WiFi, air-conditioning and a 24-hour front desk.
Rooms features a flat screen TV, seating area, closet and bathroom.
Galaxy Hotel is within walking distance from the largest seafood eatery hub in Batu Kawan, Penang. For those who drive, the property is conveniently located off the North-South Highway. It is 5 minutes away from the famous Penang Second Bridge, Penang Science Park and Batu Kawan Stadium. Penang International Airport are 20 km away.


I like exercise. Okay, some mornings I don't feel like I want to do it and it's kind of a chore, but overall, I like it. I like moving my body and I like the health benefits from it.
For about a year, I've been struggling with my workouts. Part of the problem was working full-time. I wasn't exactly skilled at working in 20-30 minutes of movement after working all day (I sure as heck wasn't getting up any earlier to do it before I left for the cube). The other part has been trying to find a workout routine that I can stick to.
FitTV was my main source of my workout. Remember that channel? It's Discovery Health now. I did a belly dance workout every morning. When Fit TV took it off the air, they put several other shows in the time slot that mixed cardio kickboxing, Bollywood dancing, Latin dance, hip hop dance, and cardio sculpting. The days that they aired segments I didn't like, I did yoga. It was working really nicely, or so I thought, until Oprah needed to have her own network and ruined mine.
So since then, I've really been struggling with finding something to do that I like, that I will do every day, that will help me achieve my goal of losing the forty pounds I put back on after I lost it in the first place.
At the end of October I took another setback when I hurt my knee. My already sporadic fitness routine ended up practically non-existent as I struggled to find exercises that I could do that wouldn't further injure my knee.
All of this struggling and lack of progress took its toll on my self-esteem. And it's pretty common that the worse you feel about yourself, the less likely you are to be motivated to be do anything about it. Frustration has a tendency to negatively affect my productivity.
But with the new year comes a new opportunity, or at least, that's what it feels like. For some reason that symbolic restart was just what I needed to clear out some of my baggage and get back on the fitness horse once again. I still haven't come up with a routine that I like and that I've stuck to, but I'm working on it.
I'm going back to basics and taking my own advice. First thing I've got to do is get into the habit of moving again, five days a week, no exceptions. My knee is healing and feeling better. I can do more now (wearing a brace during exercise helps). I need to take advantage of that. I need to move. Dancing (free style and belly), stretching, and yoga every morning should do it. These are all things I like. There's no excuse for me not to do them.
Once I get that rhythm going, then adding in some weights in the afternoon won't be a big deal. The one thing that retail offered me was that I could work out in the morning, then I'd be walking around when I was at work at night at least a couple of days a week. Writing, I tend to be planted in front of my computer for most of the day. A little sculpting in the afternoon would be a nice way to get the blood flowing and break up some of the afternoon slog.
I'm a big advocate for fat girl fitness. I give my fat girl friends fitness advice all the time. I've been doing this for years and I like to share my experience. It's so easy to be overwhelmed with all of the information. It's so easy to look at DVD taught by some skinny chick who's never been fat a day in her life and think that you can't do that. However, when some practical advice comes from a fat girl, someone who lives with it and struggles with it and does it anyway, it's a little more encouraging.
This fat girl needs to listen to her own advice and stop over-thinking things. No, I'm not at the fitness level I was a few years ago and that's frustrating. No, I'm not at the weight I was a few years ago and that's frustrating. But I know how to get both of those things back, now don't I? I've done it before.
So, shut up, listen, and do it. No excuses.


Our Montessori primary class at Huapai District School is committed to enriching the lives of children from 6-12 years. We look for the individual, nurture and guide development and prepare the child for adult society. We celebrate diversity and adhere to a strongly held set of universal values including self-respect, respect for others, honesty, integrity, responsibility, empathy, compassion, kindness, peacefulness, warmth and a love of community. Our classroom is well-resourced. The children have created a garden, tend a worm farm, make compost and grow their own vegetables and participate in the Trees for Survival programme as part of the curriculum.
Huapai District School is a state primary in semi-rural North West Auckland with a growing role of 500 students. Our principal, John Petrie, is extremely supportive of our class and enthusiastic about the Montessori approach to primary education. Huapai Montessori can be found in Rooms 1 & 2.
Our parent community is committed to enriching the lives of its children and parents are passionate supporters of the classroom. We participate in family events throughout the year and help make our Montessori community a fun and enjoyable collective.
We have a vision that we endeavour to model through our behaviour and interactions with one another. We hope this leaves an impression with our children that is lasting and affirming.
The Montessori class is only available to children who have had a good grounding in Montessori methods through attending sufficient sessions and terms at a Montessori preschool. Children are ready for the Second Plane of Development (Primary) around the age of six.
Huapai Montessori has moved to a cohort-based classroom entry policy. New Students will enter the class at the beginning of Term 1 and Three. Students will generally be expected to join the cohort that starts immediately to them turning 6.
When selecting children for places in the Montessori class, the school, in the interests of the well-being of the classroom, will enrol those children best prepared for the Montessori primary environment. An eligible child will need to have completed the 3 to 6 cycle at a Montessori preschool. It is recommended that by the age of five years children should be attending a minimum of four full days before entry to the primary school classroom at around age six. The final year at a Montessori pre-school is a very important year in the life of a five-year old child. During this time he/she begins to develop leadership qualities, takes on more responsible roles as well as understands the links of his/her acts and the needs and rights of others. Younger children in the classroom aspire to the work of their older classmates who in turn act as 'little teachers' consolidating their own learning. This last year at preschool also allows the child to further develop their social skills thus aiding their transition to primary.
We welcome older children transferring in from Montessori primaries out of town or from overseas Montessori schools. We intend to provide places for brothers and sisters of pupils currently enrolled or attending the Montessori class. The sibling should nevertheless have the required at least 2 years Montessori pre-school experience.
Children with Montessori backgrounds who have attended mainstream schools since leaving Montessori pre-school may apply if they attended their Montessori pre-school until they were six. An enrolment decision will depend on the eligibility and suitability of the child. In the case of these children the Trust requires the child to spend up to two weeks in the Montessori classroom to give the teacher a chance to assess how well the child appears to cope with self-directed learning and the multi-age grouping.
Special needs: The school reserves the right to limit the number of children with diagnosed special needs to ensure we can meet their requirements as well as the needs of our existing children. The school will maintain a workable Montessori class in the interests of all children attending.
We will not accept a child who has little or no Montessori experience.
Age children start: Students will generally be expected to join the Cohort that starts immediately to them turning 6.
Claudine has over 25 years worth of experience with teaching and learning, and holds two Bachelors degrees, a Masters in early childcare and education, as well as a Diploma and Postgraduate Diploma in Montessori education and early childhood education. Claudine has worked as a Principal, a Montessori Directress and an Educational consultant for many years, and has attended and presented at many international conferences. Claudine has a husband, two children, as well as two grandchildren. In her spare time she loves to go for long drives, cook and spend time with family and friends.


text:
How to Write Out a Round in Sheet Music
I'm trying to transcribe a song where the melody starts repeating in a round, so that after the first four eighth notes, the melody begins again. This can repeat as many as three times! What is the best way to write this out in sheet music (preferably in one hand)?
Here is the melody, if it helps:
notation sheet-music chord-theory
Dom♦
StrijdiStrijdi
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Repetition_(music) – leftaroundabout Mar 16 '17 at 20:14
There are two basic methods for straightforward rounds.
One is to write each "line" of the round on a separate staff, aligned vertically.
The other is to write the all the lines on one staff, and mark the places where each voice enters - often using an asterisk (*).
The title of the piece, or some other text, needs to make it clear that it is a round, and state the number of voices.
If the piece is more complicated (e.g. there are two different rounds going on at the same time, with different numbers of voices) it may be better just to write out the full score.
See https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Round_(music) for examples.
Not the answer you're looking for? Browse other questions tagged notation sheet-music chord-theory or ask your own question.
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text:
Q: Alternative proof to the expectation of a stopping time to be finite Let $X_n$ be a symmetric random walk on $\mathbb{Z}$ with $X_0 = 0$. Let $b > 0 > a$ and define the stopping times
$$ \tau_a = \min \{ n : X_n = a\}, \ \tau_b = \min \{ n : X_n = b \}$$
and the desired stopping time by
$$ \tau = \min \{ \tau_a, \tau_b \} \ .$$
I wish to show that $\mathbb{E}(\tau) < \infty$. Here is my (hopefully correct) proof.
First we note that $X_n$ is a martingale and since $\tau$ is a stopping time $Y_n = X_{\min \{ \tau, n \}}$ is also a martingale. Now note that
$$ \mathbb{E}(|Y_n|^2) \leq \max \{ |a|^2, |b|^2 \} \ .$$
This implies that $Y_n$ is uniformly $L^2$ bounded and thus by Doob's convergence theorem there exists a random variable $Y_\infty \in L^2$ such that
$$ \lim_{n \to \infty} Y_n = Y_\infty, \ \text{a.s.}$$
and we have convergence in $L^2$.
Next recall that $Z_n = Y_n^2 - \min \{\tau, n\}$ is also a martingale. We have
$$ \mathbb{E}(Z_n) = \mathbb{E}(Z_0) = \mathbb{E}(Z_0^2) - \mathbb{E}(0) = 0 \ .$$
So in particular
$$ \mathbb{E}(Z_n) = 0 \iff \mathbb{E}(Y_n^2) = \mathbb{E}(\min \{\tau, n\}) \ .$$
Now note that $Y_n^2$ satisfies the conditions of the reverse Fatou lemma as it is uniformly bounded for all $n$ by an integrable function. So in particular we have
$$ \limsup_{n \to \infty} \mathbb{E}(\min \{ \tau, n \}) = \limsup_{n \to \infty} \mathbb{E}(Y_n^2) \leq \mathbb{E}( \lim_{n \to \infty} Y_n^2) = \mathbb{E}(Y_\infty^2) < \infty \ .$$
Now assume that $\mathbb{P}(\tau = \infty) > 0$. Then we have
$$ \mathbb{E}(\min \{ \tau, n \}) = \mathbb{E}(\min \{ \tau, n \} \chi (\tau < \infty)) + \mathbb{E}(\min \{ \tau, n \} \chi (\tau = \infty)) = \mathbb{E}(\min \{ \tau, n \} \chi (\tau < \infty)) + n \mathbb{P}(\tau = \infty) \ .$$
So we have
$$ \limsup_{n \to \infty} n \mathbb{P}(\tau = \infty) \leq \limsup_{n \to \infty} \mathbb{E}(\min \{ \tau, n \}) < \infty \ .$$
Which is a contradiction so we conclude that $\mathbb{P}(\tau = \infty) = 0$. Now finally since $\min \{ \tau, n\}$ satisfies the regular Fatou's lemmas conditions we have
$$ \mathbb{E}(\tau) = \mathbb{E}(\liminf_{n \to \infty} \min \{ \tau, n \}) \leq \liminf_{n \to \infty} \mathbb{E}(\min \{ \tau, n \}) \leq \limsup_{n \to \infty} \mathbb{E}(\min \{ \tau, n \}) < \infty \ .$$
So we have $\mathbb{E}(\tau) < \infty$ along with $\mathbb{P}(\tau < \infty) = 1$.
I noticed that most proofs of this fact rely on more "hands on" method which involve bounding the expectation $\mathbb{E}(\tau)$ directly with some arguments about successful sequences and such.
Is my proof correct?

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


Articles, interviews and reviews from Stephen Dalton: Rock's Backpages.
Stephen Dalton began his so-called career as a self-styled writer on the New Musical Express at the dawn of the 1990s. During his absurdly long tenure on the paper he survived acid house, Madchester, grunge, Britpop, electroclash, New Grave, New Rave, and at least four 1980s synth-pop revivals. Since the late 1990s he has also been a regular contributor to The Times, Uncut, Scotland on Sunday and various other publications. In 2008, he began writing about music and film for The National, a new English-language broadsheet based in Abu Dhabi. Over the years he has met some of the most charmless egomaniacs and demanding divas in the music business - most of them working in the NME editorial office. He has also interviewed countless personal heroes including David Bowie, Debbie Harry, John Peel, Mick Jagger, Chuck D, JG Ballard, Jarvis Cocker, Neil Young, Radiohead, Depeche Mode and Kraftwerk. He has never had a proper job and, frankly, it's too late now.
Damon Albarn, Blur, Bobby Womack: Damon Albarn: "I'm Sort Of English Melancholy"
Melanie C: Mel C: C99 Go!
Eminem, Limp Bizkit, Papa Roach, Xzibit: Eminem Takes The Bizkit!
Manic Street Preachers: Dead End Street?
Mansun: Attack of the Japanese Lantern!
Rage Against the Machine: Zac De La Rocha: "Every song I've ever written is a love song!"