text:
Taxteaparty
General Essay Writing Tips
Published on : August 17, 2019 Published by : admin
American history X is the title of my movie.American History X focuses on the life of a skinhead. The main character of this movie is Edward Norton. Edward Norton gives an impassioned performance as Derek Vinyard, a Southern Californian skinhead who must do time after committing a hateful murder. Once in jail, his mind opens and he sees the error of his ways. Upon reentering the real world, he must now turn his attentions to his younger brother Danny, who is swiftly heading down the same path as his brother. The movie's main storytelling device centers on Danny's latent writing ability. After turning in a glowing review of Hitler's "Mein Kampf", when asked to discuss a book about civil rights, Danny's now being forced by a concerned, hard-love school teacher to write an account of Derek's journey from the "heights" of murderous skinhead leadership to the depths of brutal rape in a prison shower.
In the film there are unnerving scenes of racial violence: of black youths kicking a helpless white student in a high school restroom; of a Korean-owned grocery store terrorized by skinhead thugs; of an African American whose skull is split open by a skinhead who orders him to lie face down on a curb. Unlike many Hollywood films, it shows this young man's evolution. He sees all the destruction that hate causes, not only to society at large, but also to his own family. Therein lies the lesson: Everyone suffers from hate crimes. Derek repents after his stay in jail due to the friendship of a black inmate and the assault by his racist brethren. But Danny is still a rabid believer, spewing sadly misinformed bile while hanging with White-power speed metal freaks and the like.
At times it is difficult to tell what message this movie is trying to put across. We know that in general, being a racist is wrong. But, while watching this movie, I, and Im sure many others, was understanding and agreeing with a lot of the points made. There are of course many people who take their opinions to far, as Derek Vinyard did. You have a right to feel as you do, but sometimes it tends to get too violent. There are probably some people out there who saw this movie and are now in that state of mind. I have done a lot of research on this topic in the past few years. Although I am not about to fill out my application to the KKK, I do have my opinions. I am completely 100% proud to be white. I wouldnt change that for the world. Let me fill you in on my opinions, the basis of American History Xs, and the way I feel the politics of this country are now.
There is surely no nation in the world that holds "racism" in greater horror than does the United States. Compared to other kinds of offenses, it is thought to be somehow more reprehensible. The press and public have become so used to tales of murder, rape, robbery, and arson, that any but the most spectacular crimes are shrugged off as part of the inevitable texture of American life. "Racism" is never shrugged off. For example, when a White Georgetown Law School student reported earlier this year that black students are not as qualified as White students, it set off a booming, national controversy about "racism." If the student had merely murdered someone he would have attracted far less attention and criticism.
Racism is, indeed, the national obsession. Universities are on full alert for it, newspapers and politicians denounce it, churches preach against it, America is said to be racked with it, but just what is racism?
Dictionaries are not much help in understanding what is meant by the word. They usually define it as the belief that one's own ethnic stock is superior to others, or as the belief that culture and behavior are rooted in race. When Americans speak of racism they mean a great deal more than this. A peculiarly American meaning derives from the current belief that all ethnic stocks are equal. Despite clear evidence to the contrary, all races have been declared to be equally talented and hard- working, and anyone who questions the belief is thought to be not merely wrong but evil.
All public discourse on race today is locked into this rigid logic. Any explanation for black failure that does not depend on white wickedness threatens to veer off into the forbidden territory of racial differences. If no obviously racist individuals can be identified, then societal institutions must be racist. Or, since blacks are failing so terribly in America, there simply must be millions of white people we do not know about, who are working day and night to keep blacks in misery. The belief of racial equality leaves no room for an explanation of black failure that is not, in some fashion, an indictment of white people.
The logical consequences of this are clear. Since we are required to believe that the only explanation for non-white failure is white racism, every time a non-white is poor, commits a crime, goes on welfare, or takes drugs, white society stands accused of yet another act of racism. All failure or misbehavior by non-Whites is standing proof that white society is riddled with hatred and bigotry.This obligatory pattern of thinking leads to strange conclusions. First of all, racism is a sin that is thought to be committed almost exclusively by white people. Indeed, a black congressman from Chicago, Gus Savage, and Coleman Young, the black mayor of Detroit, have argued that only white people can be racist. Likewise, in 1987, the affirmative action officer of the State Insurance Fund of New York issued a company pamphlet in which she explained that all whites are racist and that only whites can be racist. How else could the plight of blacks be explained without flirting with the possibility of racial inequality?
Although some blacks and liberal whites concede that non-whites can, perhaps, be racist, they invariably add that non-whites have been forced into it as self-defense because of centuries o…..f white oppression. What appears to be non-white racism is so understandable and forgivable that it hardly deserves the name. Thus, whether or not an act is called racism depends on the race of the racist. What would surely be called racism when done by whites is thought to be normal when done by anyone else. The reverse is also true.
Examples of this sort of double standard are so common, it is almost tedious to list them: When a white man kills a black man and uses the word "nigger" while doing so, there is an enormous media uproar and the nation beats its collective breast; when members of the black Yahweh cult carry out ritual murders ofrandom whites, the media are silent.
At election time, if 60 percent of the white voters vote for a white candidate, and 95 percent of the black voters vote for the black opponent, it is whites who are accused of racial bias. There are 107 "historically black" colleges, whose fundamental blackness must be preserved in the name of diversity, but all historically white colleges must be forcibly integrated in the name of… the same thing. To resist would be racist.
"Black pride" is said to be a wonderful and worthy thing, but anything that could be construed as an expression of white pride is a form of hatred. It is perfectly natural for third-world immigrants to expect school instruction and driver's tests in their own languages, whereas for native Americans to ask them to learn English is racist.
All across the country, black, Hispanic, and Asian clubs and caucuses are thought to be fine expressions of ethnic solidarity, but any club or association expressly for whites is by definition racist. The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) campaigns openly for black advantage but is a respected "civil rights" organization. The National Association for the Advancement of White People (NAAWP) campaigns merely for equal treatment of all races, but is said to be viciously racist.
Today, one of the favorite slogans that define the asymmetric quality of American racism is "celebration of diversity." It has begun to dawn on a few people that "diversity" is always achieved at the expense of whites and never the other way around. No one proposes that Howard University be made more diverse by admitting Whites, Hispanics, or Asians. No one ever suggests that National Hispanic University in San Jose (CA) would benefit from the diversity of having non-Hispanics on campus. No one suggests that the Black Congressional Caucus or the executive ranks of the NAACP or the Mexican-American Legal Defense and Educational Fund suffer from a lack of diversity. Somehow, it is perfectly legitimate for them to celebrate identity. And yet any all-white group – a company, a town, a school, a club, a neighborhood – is thought to suffer from a crippling lack of diversity that must be remedied as quickly as possible. Only when Whites have been reduced to a minority has "diversity" been achieved.
Let us put it bluntly: To "celebrate" or "embrace" diversity, as we are so often asked to do, is no different from deploring an excess of whites. In fact, the entire nation is thought to suffer from an excess of whites. Our current immigration policies are structured so that approximately 90 percent of our annual 800,000 legal immigrants are non-white. The several million illegal immigrants that enter the country every year are virtually all non-white. It would be racist not to be grateful for this laudable contribution to "diversity." It is, of course, only white nations that are called upon to practice this kind of "diversity."
What if the United States were pouring its poorest, least educated citizens across the border into Mexico? Could anyone be fooled into thinking that Mexico was being "culturally enriched?" What if the state of Chihuahua were losing its majority population to poor whites who demanded that schools be taught in English, who insisted on celebrating the Fourth of July, who demanded the right to vote even if they weren't citizens, who clamored for "affirmative action" in jobs and schooling?
Would Mexico – or any other non-white nation – tolerate this kind of cultural and demographic depredation? Of course not. Yet white Americans are supposed to look upon the flood of Hispanics and Asians entering their country as a priceless cultural gift. They are supposed to "celebrate" their own loss of influence, their own dwindling numbers, their own dispossession, for to do otherwise would be hopelessly racist.
Here, then is the final, baffling inconsistency about American race relations. All non-whites are allowed to prefer the company of their own kind, to think of themselves as groups with interests distinct from those of the whole, and to work openly for group advantage. None of this is thought to be racist. At the same time, whites must also master the racial interests of non-whites. To put it in the simplest possible terms, white people are cheerfully to slaughter their own society, to commit racial and cultural suicide. To refuse to do so would be racism.
What whites in America are being asked to do is therefore utterly unnatural. They are being asked to devote themselves to the interests of other races and to ignore the interests of their own. This is like asking a man to forsake his own children and love the children of his neighbors, since to do otherwise would be "racist."
What then, is "racism?" It is considerably more than any dictionary is likely to say. It is any opposition by whites to official policies of racial preference for non-whites. It is any preference by whites for their own people and culture. It is any resistance by whites to the idea of becoming a minority people. It is any unwillingness to be pushed aside. It is, in short, any of the normal aspirations of people-hood that have defined nations since the beginning of history – but only so long as the aspirations are those of whites.
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text:
package org.innovateuk.ifs.assessment.dashboard.populator;

import org.innovateuk.ifs.application.resource.ApplicationResource;
import org.innovateuk.ifs.application.service.ApplicationService;
import org.innovateuk.ifs.assessment.dashboard.viewmodel.AssessorCompetitionForInterviewDashboardApplicationViewModel;
import org.innovateuk.ifs.assessment.dashboard.viewmodel.AssessorCompetitionForInterviewDashboardViewModel;
import org.innovateuk.ifs.competition.publiccontent.resource.PublicContentItemResource;
import org.innovateuk.ifs.competition.resource.CompetitionResource;
import org.innovateuk.ifs.competition.service.CompetitionRestService;
import org.innovateuk.ifs.interview.resource.InterviewResource;
import org.innovateuk.ifs.interview.service.InterviewAllocationRestService;
import org.innovateuk.ifs.organisation.resource.OrganisationResource;
import org.innovateuk.ifs.publiccontent.service.PublicContentItemRestService;
import org.innovateuk.ifs.user.service.OrganisationRestService;
import org.springframework.beans.factory.annotation.Autowired;
import org.springframework.stereotype.Component;

import java.util.List;

import static org.innovateuk.ifs.util.CollectionFunctions.simpleMap;

/**
 * Build the model for the Assessor interview Dashboard view.
 */
@Component
public class AssessorCompetitionForInterviewDashboardModelPopulator {

    private CompetitionRestService competitionRestService;
    private ApplicationService applicationService;
    private OrganisationRestService organisationRestService;
    private InterviewAllocationRestService interviewAllocateRestService;
    private PublicContentItemRestService publicContentItemRestService;

    @Autowired
    public AssessorCompetitionForInterviewDashboardModelPopulator(CompetitionRestService competitionRestService,
                                                                  ApplicationService applicationService,
                                                                  InterviewAllocationRestService interviewAllocateRestService,
                                                                  OrganisationRestService organisationRestService,
                                                                  PublicContentItemRestService publicContentItemRestService) {
        this.competitionRestService = competitionRestService;
        this.applicationService = applicationService;
        this.interviewAllocateRestService = interviewAllocateRestService;
        this.organisationRestService = organisationRestService;
        this.publicContentItemRestService = publicContentItemRestService;
    }

    public AssessorCompetitionForInterviewDashboardViewModel populateModel(long competitionId, long userId) {
        CompetitionResource competition = competitionRestService.getCompetitionById(competitionId).getSuccess();
        PublicContentItemResource publicContentItem = publicContentItemRestService.getItemByCompetitionId(competitionId).getSuccess();

        List<AssessorCompetitionForInterviewDashboardApplicationViewModel> applications = getApplications(userId, competitionId);

        String hash = publicContentItem.getPublicContentResource().getHash();

        return new AssessorCompetitionForInterviewDashboardViewModel(
                competition.getId(),
                competition.getName(),
                competition.getLeadTechnologistName(),
                applications,
                hash);
    }

    private List<AssessorCompetitionForInterviewDashboardApplicationViewModel> getApplications(long userId, long competitionId) {
        List<InterviewResource> interviews = interviewAllocateRestService.getAllocatedApplicationsByAssessorId(competitionId, userId).getSuccess();
        return simpleMap(interviews, this::createApplicationViewModel);
    }

    private AssessorCompetitionForInterviewDashboardApplicationViewModel createApplicationViewModel(InterviewResource assessmentInterview) {
        ApplicationResource application = applicationService.getById(assessmentInterview.getApplication());
        OrganisationResource leadOrganisation = organisationRestService.getOrganisationById(application.getLeadOrganisationId()).getSuccess();

        return new AssessorCompetitionForInterviewDashboardApplicationViewModel(application.getId(),
                application.getName(),
                leadOrganisation.getName()
        );
    }
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
Jewgeni Solomonowitsch Golod (, englische Transkription Evgenii oder Evgeny Solomonovich Golod; * 21. Oktober 1935 in Moskau; † 5. Juli 2018) war ein russischer Mathematiker, der sich mit Algebra, speziell Kommutativer Algebra und Homologischer Algebra befasste.

Golod war ein Schüler von Igor Schafarewitsch an der Lomonossow-Universität, an der er 1958 seinen Abschluss machte. 1961 bis 1966 war er Assistent an der Lomonossow-Universität (Abteilung Algebra), danach Dozent und ab 2000 Professor, nachdem er sich 1999 habilitierte (russischer Doktortitel).

1964 bewies er den Satz von Golod und Schafarewitsch über Klassenkörpertürme. Gleichzeitig gab er damit ein Gegenbeispiel zur verallgemeinerten Burnside-Vermutung der Gruppentheorie, indem er aufbauend auf der Arbeit mit Schafarewitsch zeigte, dass es endlich erzeugte, aber unendliche Torsionsgruppen gibt.

1963 erhielt er den Preis der Moskauer Mathematischen Gesellschaft.

Zu seinen Doktoranden gehört Wadim Schechtman.

Schriften
 mit Shafarevich Über unendliche Klassenkörpertürme, Izvestija Akademia Nauka SSSR, Band 28, 1964, S. 261–272 (russisch)
 Über Nil-Algebren und endlich approximierbare p-Gruppen, Izvestija Akademia Nauka SSSR, Band 28, 1964, S. 273–276 (russisch)

Weblinks
 Mathematics Genealogy Project
 Eintrag bei mathnet.ru

Einzelnachweise

Mathematiker (20. Jahrhundert)
Hochschullehrer (Lomonossow-Universität)
Sowjetbürger
Russe
Geboren 1935
Gestorben 2018
Mann

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
The urban informal sector in Uruguay: Its internal structure, characteristics, and effects
Alejandro Portes, Silvia Blitzer, John Curtis
The literature on Third World urbanization has focused increasingly on the informal sector as a mechanism to explain, first, the survival strategies of the poor excluded from regular employment and, second, the strategies of formal firms to bypass regulatory constraints and reduce costs. This paper pursues these lines of research in a special context, namely that of Uruguay, a small country which followed a protective labor policy for many years, but reversed it during the 1970s and early 1980s. Data come from a sample of 700 households in Montevideo, which are representative of the low-income neighborhoods that comprise approximately two-thirds of the city's population. Interviews were held in 1983-1984. The analysis focuses on the following issues: (1) the proportion of individuals and households who participate in the informal economy; (2) the types of informality that exist in both principal and secondary occupations; (3) the effects of informal employment on income; (4) differences in age, sex and education between different types of workers; (5) changes in informal employment over time. Implications of findings for general definitions and hypotheses about the informal sector are examined; the relationship of results to the neoliberal experiments attempted in Uruguay between 1973 and 1984 is discussed.
https://doi.org/10.1016/0305-750X(86)90015-X
10.1016/0305-750X(86)90015-X
Dive into the research topics of 'The urban informal sector in Uruguay: Its internal structure, characteristics, and effects'. Together they form a unique fingerprint.
Informal Employment Business & Economics 89%
Uruguay Business & Economics 84%
Regular employment Social Sciences 53%
regulatory constraint Social Sciences 52%
Informal Economy Business & Economics 50%
Regular Employment Business & Economics 50%
Portes, A., Blitzer, S., & Curtis, J. (1986). The urban informal sector in Uruguay: Its internal structure, characteristics, and effects. World Development, 14(6), 727-741. https://doi.org/10.1016/0305-750X(86)90015-X
The urban informal sector in Uruguay : Its internal structure, characteristics, and effects. / Portes, Alejandro; Blitzer, Silvia; Curtis, John.
In: World Development, Vol. 14, No. 6, 06.1986, p. 727-741.
Portes, A, Blitzer, S & Curtis, J 1986, 'The urban informal sector in Uruguay: Its internal structure, characteristics, and effects', World Development, vol. 14, no. 6, pp. 727-741. https://doi.org/10.1016/0305-750X(86)90015-X
Portes A, Blitzer S, Curtis J. The urban informal sector in Uruguay: Its internal structure, characteristics, and effects. World Development. 1986 Jun;14(6):727-741. https://doi.org/10.1016/0305-750X(86)90015-X
Portes, Alejandro ; Blitzer, Silvia ; Curtis, John. / The urban informal sector in Uruguay : Its internal structure, characteristics, and effects. In: World Development. 1986 ; Vol. 14, No. 6. pp. 727-741.
@article{d46e2346783043509812bab82d4781c5,
title = "The urban informal sector in Uruguay: Its internal structure, characteristics, and effects",
abstract = "The literature on Third World urbanization has focused increasingly on the informal sector as a mechanism to explain, first, the survival strategies of the poor excluded from regular employment and, second, the strategies of formal firms to bypass regulatory constraints and reduce costs. This paper pursues these lines of research in a special context, namely that of Uruguay, a small country which followed a protective labor policy for many years, but reversed it during the 1970s and early 1980s. Data come from a sample of 700 households in Montevideo, which are representative of the low-income neighborhoods that comprise approximately two-thirds of the city's population. Interviews were held in 1983-1984. The analysis focuses on the following issues: (1) the proportion of individuals and households who participate in the informal economy; (2) the types of informality that exist in both principal and secondary occupations; (3) the effects of informal employment on income; (4) differences in age, sex and education between different types of workers; (5) changes in informal employment over time. Implications of findings for general definitions and hypotheses about the informal sector are examined; the relationship of results to the neoliberal experiments attempted in Uruguay between 1973 and 1984 is discussed.",
author = "Alejandro Portes and Silvia Blitzer and John Curtis",
note = "Funding Information: *This is the revised version of a paper originally presented at the session on the Urban Informal Sector. Meetings of the Latin American Studies Association. Albuquerque, April 1985. The analysis reported herein is part of a collaborative study of urban poverty and informal employment in Uruguay conducted jointly by the Research and Information Center of Uruguay (CIESU) and the Department of Sociology of the Johns Hopkins University with the support of the Tinker Foundation. The authors gratefully acknowledge the support and collaboration of CIESU project members Carlos Filgueira, Juan Carlos Fortuna, and Suzana Prates, as well as the comments of an anonymous referee. None of them is responsible for possible errors in the paper.",
doi = "10.1016/0305-750X(86)90015-X",
journal = "World Development",
T1 - The urban informal sector in Uruguay
T2 - Its internal structure, characteristics, and effects
AU - Portes, Alejandro
AU - Blitzer, Silvia
AU - Curtis, John
N1 - Funding Information: *This is the revised version of a paper originally presented at the session on the Urban Informal Sector. Meetings of the Latin American Studies Association. Albuquerque, April 1985. The analysis reported herein is part of a collaborative study of urban poverty and informal employment in Uruguay conducted jointly by the Research and Information Center of Uruguay (CIESU) and the Department of Sociology of the Johns Hopkins University with the support of the Tinker Foundation. The authors gratefully acknowledge the support and collaboration of CIESU project members Carlos Filgueira, Juan Carlos Fortuna, and Suzana Prates, as well as the comments of an anonymous referee. None of them is responsible for possible errors in the paper.
N2 - The literature on Third World urbanization has focused increasingly on the informal sector as a mechanism to explain, first, the survival strategies of the poor excluded from regular employment and, second, the strategies of formal firms to bypass regulatory constraints and reduce costs. This paper pursues these lines of research in a special context, namely that of Uruguay, a small country which followed a protective labor policy for many years, but reversed it during the 1970s and early 1980s. Data come from a sample of 700 households in Montevideo, which are representative of the low-income neighborhoods that comprise approximately two-thirds of the city's population. Interviews were held in 1983-1984. The analysis focuses on the following issues: (1) the proportion of individuals and households who participate in the informal economy; (2) the types of informality that exist in both principal and secondary occupations; (3) the effects of informal employment on income; (4) differences in age, sex and education between different types of workers; (5) changes in informal employment over time. Implications of findings for general definitions and hypotheses about the informal sector are examined; the relationship of results to the neoliberal experiments attempted in Uruguay between 1973 and 1984 is discussed.
AB - The literature on Third World urbanization has focused increasingly on the informal sector as a mechanism to explain, first, the survival strategies of the poor excluded from regular employment and, second, the strategies of formal firms to bypass regulatory constraints and reduce costs. This paper pursues these lines of research in a special context, namely that of Uruguay, a small country which followed a protective labor policy for many years, but reversed it during the 1970s and early 1980s. Data come from a sample of 700 households in Montevideo, which are representative of the low-income neighborhoods that comprise approximately two-thirds of the city's population. Interviews were held in 1983-1984. The analysis focuses on the following issues: (1) the proportion of individuals and households who participate in the informal economy; (2) the types of informality that exist in both principal and secondary occupations; (3) the effects of informal employment on income; (4) differences in age, sex and education between different types of workers; (5) changes in informal employment over time. Implications of findings for general definitions and hypotheses about the informal sector are examined; the relationship of results to the neoliberal experiments attempted in Uruguay between 1973 and 1984 is discussed.
U2 - 10.1016/0305-750X(86)90015-X
DO - 10.1016/0305-750X(86)90015-X
JO - World Development
JF - World Development

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Home constant	Embed Video In Constant Contact – Constant Contact Email Automation Tool Review – 2019
Embed Video In Constant Contact – Constant Contact Email Automation Tool Review – 2019
Introduction Embed Video In Constant Contact
Constant Contact have been from the marketing game since 1995. Throughout that time they've managed to become one of the email tools in the world, boasting over 650,000 customers. Embed Video In Constant Contact
What Makes them unique is that they've added features over the decades that not one like social campaigns, surveys, and an event management tool. These all add to the list of alternatives available, as well as automations and recurring newsletters.
In Addition to these options, they also boast a Market with over 400 integrations which cater for even the most market of products and programs. Yet despite attributes and these numbers, interest in Constant Contact seems to be on the decrease, at least according to Google Trends. Reason for us to take a look at Constant Contact's ins & outs and check whether it is still relevant in the 21st century.
If you are choosing an email Marketing tool for the small business, you could do a lot worse than Constant Contact (which starts at $20 a month). If you would like to try a few of the features out without committing, then the company provides a free trial. This review looks specifically at the Email program, which supports up to 500 contacts. Were it not for a few hiccups that were unexplained, Constant Contact might have been an easy choice for our initial option.
How Can Constant Contact pile up against the Contest in its own marketing database for businesses with 2,500 connections? It carries a price tag that is $45-per-month that is high. Many email marketing programs have a limit on but Constant Contact doesn't.
Since our last look, Constant Contact has Email autoresponders beyond these triggered by sign-ups, such as anniversaries and birthdays. You might send an email series to a certain set like a day-by-day guide to getting started with your ceremony or follow-ups to an event. This works by matching them up using autoresponders and segmenting your contacts. The image library currently allows 2 GB of storage, with a maximum file size of 5MB. Users can access stock photos that are paid and free straight through Constant Contact. Last, you can now interact with support via Twitter. Embed Video In Constant Contact
Click here to sign up to Constant Contact now.
Constant Contact is Simple to Use and has plenty Of aid options, beginning with the data icons located next to options and disciplines explaining what they are Knowledge Base coaches accessible at a toll-free amount, and articles. Constant Contact has a Task page which lists the status of different jobs, such as uploaded contacts, so that you know what's going on in the background.
Phone support is not 24/7 but the hours are Still pretty generous, moving from 7 a.m. to 11 p.m. during the week, and 10 a.m. to 8 pm on weekends. Chat can be obtained, along with the brokers will call you to make sure to have all of the information that you want.
Constant Contact offers a number of plans Based on how big your subscriber base. The least expensive plan is $20 a month for up to 500 subscribers and $45 for up to 2,500. A plan prices $195 for 10,000 subscribers and $335 for 50,000. Price-wise, it's not too different from Campaigner. You may sign up for additional add-on services, such as EventSpot ($20 per month for one event; $25 for up to five occasions ) for event registrations, and Survey ($10 per month) to run surveys (all of which are included at no additional charge on the Email Plus program ). The fundamental account comes to store images used from the campaigns with a Library. MyLibrary Plus ($5 per month) expands your storage to 1 GB. Newsletter Archive ($5 a month) creates a widget which may be added to a website on which you may display links to around 100 mails. If you want your clients to have the ability to see your messages that are older, this is a handy add-on.
The free trial gives you access to all You can just send up to 100 emails although these features for 60 days. The trial is a great way to get used to the platform for a number of messages. When you are certain about the stage, update to the paid version and start blasting away. There's also a 30-day money-back guarantee, which can be unusual in this space.
When you are ready to create a newsletter, you May use the template to begin. The editing application lets you tweak pictures, text, and colors. There's also a networking library where you are able to save your own resources, such as company logos and other images. Embed Video In Constant Contact
Once you're satisfied with your own newsletter, It is possible to send it right away or schedule it for later (in 5-minute intervals, such as 3:05 a.m., 3:10 a.m., and so on). We could not locate a recurring schedule to send messages on a daily, weekly, or monthly basis the way Campaigner does, or to send messages depending on the local time in the recipient's place, as GetResponse can.
The company also announced a new Feature named Action Blocks, which allow marketers to include polls or RSVP blocks to standard emails. This enables recipients to respond to messages with a single click without needing to leave the email inbox and go to some web page.
Tracking Campaigns
You can track As Soon as You've sent a newsletter Its success using the accounts tab. The dash displays the basics, including opens, clickthroughs, bounces, and unsubscribe requests. A handy bar chart shows open prices along with a chart compares performance across multiple campaigns. Users may also select up to five mails to compare high-level results side by side. The report has a handy Refresh button so that you may see real-time results. It is not like MailChimp in which you have to manually load the pages. When we opened emails and clicked on the links, they were enrolled nearly instantly.
The Resource Center offers links to Information about typical clickthrough rates by business. You can also look at relative metrics to figure out if your level of involvement with your customers is improving or declining over the previous 3 months. The cellular app is useful if you want to observe the effort performance from your mobile device.
There Are Lots of ways Constant Contact: copy and paste, manually type addresses into a type, upload a file (CSV, XLS, XLSX, or TXT), import from Gmail, or pull from Outlook and other (CRM) tools.
After we used the form Address, we received an error message but it didn't say what had gone wrong. We were prompted to hit on the Previous button to return and fix the problem but we couldn't because the page had expired out of our browser (Firefox) cache. After a few attempts, the whole page crashed. This is an unusual experience, to say the least. Constant Contact has assured us has greatly improved because our initial test and this is unlikely to happen again.
The file upload, Gmail import, and CRM Migration alternatives, on the other hand, were stable and easy to use. We think most people would end up using one of these choices. We monitored the upload improvement under"Contacts: Activity" and was informed when the import was complete. Like Campaigner, Constant Contact allows Mailinator and disposable addresses. It is too bad most services don't follow the case of GetResponse$15.00 at GetResponse, which filters out known disposable domains. Constant Contact rather flags contacts that are likely to be other or transactional such addresses so that the user can decide whether to eliminate or keep them.
Segments are initially based on which list you If saving the contacts but it's also really easy to go back, choose and adjust the list. From the Contact Manager, we just clicked on the speeches we wanted to add to another listing. A new feature enables users to choose a list for contacts to whenever they click on on a link within an email to be added, the business said. This feature is available in most packages. Additionally, it may be paired with an autoresponder so that, when a touch clicks a link, there is a email delivered to them. Constant Contact lets you assign tags to contacts, which can be helpful if you want to track things such as the way they signed up, if they are loyalty associates, or anything else you might want to track. Embed Video In Constant Contact
Our only quibble with the Contact Manager is That it's a hassle. After we glued our list and cut, we dropped in addresses. We didn't have other fields, such as name or address. To bring this, we had to load each individual listing and update the subjects. Because the pages were slow to load in our testing, this was not that simple. Since we could see the whole list in Contact Manager, then it would have been nice to be able to just click on the lost field, enter, and just keep going straight down the page. Lesson learned: Be sure to have each the relevant fields before uploading the titles populated from the listing.
Constant Contact also lets you produce forms That customers can use to register for emails and newsletters. These forms can be hosted either on your own site or on Constant Contact's servers. The consumers can be segmented by you based on whether they used the sign-up form or other procedures, which may be useful. The company also recently announced a brand new signup form editor that is designed to allow users to produce inline forms which can be embedded onto a site as well as pop-up forms which can be customized to display after a set amount of time or when a visitor tries to leave the web site, the company said.
Constant Contact requires you to verify that You have approval from your whole record! Since there's no way to confirm you have consent from every individual receiving messages sent to that 37, you also can't use set addresses like sales @ or marketing @ addresses or distribution lists. You can make autoresponders, recorded under the button, to ship when a user is added to a list. We used the templates to build a particular Welcome newsletter to new subscribers.
Constant Contact appears like a Professional stage but its arbitrary error messages were disconcerting. This the instrument is strong, and for small companies new to email marketing, Constant Contact is a fantastic way to get started. We want it offered a little more flexibility in the scheduling of campaigns and production of autoresponders in particular. Embed Video In Constant Contact
If you do not want these extra features, Then Constant Contact is a superb option. If you need a bit more flexibility in your marketing plan, then have a look at email advertising Editors' Choices Campaigner and MailChimp.
Because Constant Contact merely offers seven Sorts of advertising automation works doesn't like to refer to itself as a marketing automation package. Rather, Constant Contact likes to tell prospects that it's a cross between email marketing and advertising automation or exactly what it calls"email automation"
That's because, unlike other tools, such as Editors' Choice marketing automation platforms Pardot and HubSpot, Constant Contact does not doesn't provide branching logic. It focuses to begin automation campaigns. By way of instance, an automation workflow can be started by you when someone joins a list or accomplishes a landmark, such as a birthday or anniversary as a customer. You can't change automationsbased on whether or not somebody opened an email, forwarded an email, or clicked on a link.
Automation platforms automatic more smart and, well, than email advertising tools, create life personalized and more easy for marketers for clients. In addition, Constant Contact doesn't provide A/B testing (they do provide subject line A/B testing), no search marketing inclusion, and also the limited workflows it is possible to create do not offer drag-and-drop builders, which are pretty much standard these days. Should you need basic automation for interactions with customers Constant Contact is a trusted automation system. If you want flexible workflows and sequencing that adjust to your customers' specific activities, then Constant Contact is not powerful enough to compete in the marketing automation space.
As Constant Contact themselves reiterate through their site, they're a tool for smaller businesses. And, as such, it's well worth evaluating them. They have enough of the basics covered to satisfy most small companies, as stated previously, and we'd recommend them more highly, if it had been as simple as that. Embed Video In Constant Contact
The issue, these days, is that there are Lots of other email Tools offering even greater than Constant Contact, and also for a whole lot less money. This includes not only features, but also user expertise. In reality, for the amount you pay with Constant Contact, you could end up using far stronger tools such as GetResponse and ActiveCampaign.
They do pick things up Due to their adequate deliverability rates, integrations (especially social media integrations), and for allowing different access levels for separate users. With recent improvements to promotion automation and coverage, it will look as though they're making an effort. But their lack of innovative features which makes it difficult to recommend over others at their price . Embed Video In Constant Contact


Versatile, easy to cook and mild in flavour, chicken is an ideal choice when it's time to introduce meat into your weaning baby's diet. Chicken is a good source of growth-boosting protein and it combines well with baby-weaning staples, including vegetables, pasta, rice and fruit.
The texture of chicken will be a new sensation for your baby: make sure you cook the chicken until it's nice and tender, and therefore easier to eat. You'll probably also want to puree it initially, especially if your baby has no teeth and isn't used to lumpier, chopped-up food.
Be mindful, too, to pay attention to all the usual hygiene rules around cooking raw meat: always ensure that it's cooked thoroughly and then left to cool before serving it to your baby (or if you're reheating, that you heat till it's piping hot before leaving it to cool), and always wash your hands thoroughly after handling raw chicken.
A hearty combination of baked chicken breast and a trio of steamed root vegetables. Suitable from 6 months.
A traditional dish, made effortlessly tasty by adding a Heinz Cook At Home stock cube to your chicken, potatoes, onion and carrot mix. Suitable from 6 months.
A dead simple nutritious cheesy chicken breast mash-up that takes scores extra vitamin and fibre points with the addition of 1 cheeky courgette. Suitable from 7 months.
The mango, carrot and parsnip all add different touches of sweetness to steamed or roasted diced and mashed chicken. Suitable from 7 months.
A veggie-packed dish using chicken mince, which you can substitute for diced chicken breast as your baby gets older and more accustomed to chewing. Suitable from 7 months.
This simple mash, with a cheesy twist, is a great way to use up leftover chicken meat. Suitable from 7 months.
This wok-fried dish is one of our family favourites: definitely make enough for Mum and Dad, too! Suitable from 9 months.
A super-simple chop and chuck in the pan recipe. You can use pear instead of apple, for a different fruity flavour. Suitable from 9 months.
Chicken and lentils make a tasty, protein-rich combo – flavoured here with a subtle touch of thyme and tarragon. Suitable from 9 months.
A Mexican-inspired dish that we like a lot: the recipe makes enough for adults, too. Hurray! Suitable from 10 months.
This one's packed with 4 different veggies and can be mashed up for the lump-averse. Suitable from 10 months.
A colourful stir-fry to serve with pasta, noodle or rice. Suitable from 10 months.
Combine mealtimes with a little fine-finger-control practice by encouraging your baby to pick up the oven-baked crunchy chicken pieces and dip them in the tomato sauce. Messy but fun! Suitable from 11 months.
Rice, chicken and a whole lot of veg: nutritious and very colourful. Suitable from 11 months.
No added salt or fat makes these a much healthier option than shop-bought. Makes 12 to 15 nuggets to serve whole as finger food or chop up. Suitable from 11 months.


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Home / High On Life Director Defends "Space Applebee's" Inclusion As Parody
High On Life Director Defends "Space Applebee's" Inclusion As Parody
High on Life players might've been surprised that a version of American diner Applebee's made it into the comedy shooter. But this extends to developers with one high-profile games creator also expressing their astonishment.
The first-person shooter is stuffed full with jokes, quips, and references, with mentions of video game cliches and even games media such as IGN and Kotaku, as well as real-life brands including a "Space Applebee's". Gears of War creator Cliff Bleszinski noted this inclusion with surprise, tweeting: "How the hell did they do this legally?!" (via VGC.)
Bleszinski then adds, with a follow-up tweet: "I didn't realize copyright law would allow the entire logo and name as long as one word is changed or added. Damn." But the Gears of War creator's comments were then followed up by Kinda Funny's Greg Miller who asked High on Life's director Justin Roiland on how he was able to get away with this inclusion legally.
"It's parody," Roiland replies. "It's parody," he repeats, to which Miller says, "oh fuck, you're going to jail." It's a 14-second clip and Roiland appears to be taken by surprise. Watch it above.
In the United States, parody is protected under the First Amendment as a right to expression since it recreates a piece of creative work, whether that's art, film, literature, music, or even a piece of branding, in an exaggerated fashion often used for comedic effect. Since High on Life uses Applebee's brand but doesn't feature it as a major component that contributes to the title's commercial success, nor will it really affect the market value of the brand, and is pretty clearly intended to be parody, Roiland should be safe on legal grounds.
In fact, the High on Life director has form with parody since his work on the popular Rick and Morty cartoon is also filled with this kind of humour as it often uses references and parody. Parody is popular in movie and TV comedies and is often used for social commentary but its use in video games remains relatively uncommon. Whether players find the game's humour funny though is another question.


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Bill Cole on Education
High speed internet access in every classroom
Senate President Bill Cole says he's armed and ready with plans to bring prosperity back to the Mountain State. Cole says, `we need a solid infrastructure, that supports investment and job creation and includes not only high quality roads and bridges but also a first class system of technology that brings high speed internet access to every home, every business and every classroom in West Virginia.` Source: WVVA.com on West Virginia gubernatorial race , Jun 2, 2015
Voted NO on pilot program of 10 charter schools
Excerpts from the Huntington Herald-Dispatch:
The Public Charter Schools Act, known as Senate Bill 14, allows for the creation of 10 charter schools in the state within the next 5 years.
Charter schools are publicly funded schools that are governed by a group or organization under a contract, or charter, with the county board of education.
The schools are exempt from certain state regulations, which gives them more flexibility and autonomy in their curriculum and instructional practices.
The proposed bill would not require boards of education to create charter schools, but it would give them the option.
Cabell County already has created a charter school of sorts with the Explorer Academy, through the state's Innovation Zone initiative. [Some educators] say more Innovation Zones in the state could be the answer, rather than charter schools.
Status:Bill passed Senate, 18-16-0 on March 14; no vote in House. (Jeff Kessler voted NAY). Source: Herald-Dispatch on West Virginia voting records: SB 14 , Feb 19, 2015
Pilot program of 10 county-run charter schools
Status:Bill passed Senate, 18-16-0 on March 14; no vote in House. (Bill Cole voted YEA). Source: Herald-Dispatch on West Virginia voting records: SB 14 , Feb 19, 2015
Student potential diminished by crippling bureaucracy
The statistics are staggering. West Virginia ranks 22nd in per pupil spending, but only 50th out of 51 in final performance rank. Also, according to the Governor's internal education audit, West Virginia is one of the most regulated school systems in the country. This leads me to believe that the potential for student achievement is diminished by crippling layers of bureaucracy.
It is also my understanding that as much as 80% of the WV prison population is comprised of high school dropouts. This would suggest that if our schools were more crowded, our prisons would be less crowded. We need to give our kids a reason to stay in school- that being the potential for a better life through available employment opportunities as they graduate. Source: 2016 West Virginia gubernatorial website, BillColeForWV.com , Jan 1, 2012
Click here for a summary of all issue stances of Bill Cole.
Click here for a Wikipedia profile of Bill Cole.
Click here for a Ballotpedia profile of Bill Cole.
Click here for VoteMatch responses by Bill Cole.
Click here for AmericansElect quiz answers by Bill Cole.


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Ira Mitra June 8, 2022 4 min read
If you've missed the previous post in the Animation Technology & CGI series, read it here before starting this one!
CGI in the 1980's
The 1980's saw advances in computer power and new developments in commercial software. These improvements meant that throughout this decade, the prevalence and quality of CGI would just keep rising.
In this period, 3D CGI developed to the point where Disney used it in most of its 1982 science-fiction movie—'Tron'. The vehicles and the digital landscapes of the film were all produced by CGI. This showed the rest of the industry just how far they could take CGI technology to develop realistic film setups.
CGI was also used in the character design in this scene of Tron
Animation techniques like morphing also improved dramatically in the 80s. Morphing is a special effect in films that changes (or morphs) one image or shape into another through seamless transition. An editor could achieve this effect in live-action by dissolving one scene into another.
Up to the 1980s, specialists used morphing mainly with vector animation. (Vector animation refers to animation where the art or motion is controlled by vectors rather than pixels. It often allows cleaner, smoother animation because images are displayed and resized using mathematical values instead of stored pixel values.)
Then, developers updated morphing techniques so that they could morph photographic images into a series to create photorealistic animation. The first public example of this technique came from Tom Brigham from the New York Institute of Technology. In 1982 he presented a video sequence at a conference of a woman morphing into a lynx. But it was Michael Jackson's music video for 'Black or White' that brought morphing and CGI to the forefront of the public consciousness. Reaching an audience of 500 million people, this marked the calm before the storm of advancement.
Michael Jackson's 'Black or White' music video morphed the faces of actors into one another creating photorealistic animation. Watch the morphing in action here.
Computer animation was heading for a massive breakthrough in cinema in the 1990s.
At the peak of technological evolution
The CGI in Terminator 2: Judgement Day was way ahead of its times
This was the decade in which computer animation really started to take over the filmmaking industry. Since Disney's Tron in 1982, people regarded the CGI and morphing used in 'Terminator 2: Judgement Day' as the most significant use of CGI in the century.
But these visual special effects in 3D CGI weren't the end of the 90s' contribution to this technology. Disney produced the first 2D CGI animated movies in this decade, using only the newest Computer Animated Production System (CAPS).
The CAPS system
The Computer Animation Production System (CAPS) was designed to replace the expensive process of transferring animated drawings to cells. Using India ink or xerographic technology and then painting the reverse sides of the cells with gouache paint, specialists could use this digital ink and paint system to quickly colour in enclosed areas and lines in a digital computer environment using an unlimited palette.
Artists could easily use and implement transparent shading, blended colours, and other sophisticated techniques. After they had completed the digital cells, they composited them over scanned background paintings. Then specialists programmed camera pan movements into a computer exposure sheet simulating the actions of old-style animation cameras.
Additionally, a sense of depth became possible with CAPS. It used complex multiplane shots, unlike the analogue multiplane camera previously used in the 80s. It was also not by artwork size. The industry had never seen such extensive camera movements in animated movies before the 1990s.
Disney, in 1990, created 'The Rescuers Down Under' using just the CAPS system. They then followed this up with Beauty and the Beast in 1991. They had once again made a film using only the CAPS system but took it even further and incorporated 3D CGI effects too. An enormous box office success, this timeless movie became the first animated film to be nominated for an Oscar for Best Picture.
Disney's Beauty and the Beast was the first animated film to be nominated for an Oscar.
Pure CGI and Motion Capture
After Disney's success, producers began using CGI in an increasing number of movies and TV shows, like Jurassic Park and the entire Terminator series. Then in 1995, Disney-Pixar reached another huge milestone. Disney-Pixar released the first-ever fully computer-animated feature film, Toy Story. A runaway success, 'Toy Story' revealed the true potential of 3D computer animation.
The CGI of 'Toy Story' revealed the true potential of 1990's 3D computer animation.
Apart from CAPS, motion capture was the other consequential development to hit the industry in the 1990s. Motion capture records the movements of people and external objects through markers. These are then captured from the movements and are mapped into a 3D model, after which specialists can place new graphic and animation elements over it.
Motion capture's initial application was a biomechanics research tool, but producers soon used it in the film industry. The animation and special effects used in 'The Lord of the Rings' marked an impressive milestone for this technique. Motion capture transformed nuances of Serkis' acting onto the facial animation of the character Gollum and gave the computer-generated image a real human nature. This was the first feature film that used a real-time motion system.
Motion capture transformed nuances of Serkis' acting onto the facial animation of the CGI character Gollum
Now in the 21st century, CGI has become a technique that people never leave out in any television series, film or video game. But to read more about CGI in the present world, you'll have to wait for the next and last post in this series!
Tags: Animation CGI
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When Dialogue Stands in the Way of Peace
By Mike Merryman-Lotze
"Justice"—grafitti on the Israeli West Bank barrier wall. All pictures © Mike Merryman-Lotze unless indicated
My engagement with Israelis and Palestinians began when I took part in the Earlham College Great Lakes Jerusalem Program in 1996. That program emphasized listening and interaction with both Palestinians and Israelis. We took classes with Israeli and Palestinian professors, lived with Palestinian and Israeli families, and traveled back and forth between the two communities. I met young Palestinians and Israelis who had participated in programs that brought them together, like Seeds of Peace, and I was inspired by their stories of overcoming their own prejudices. I came away from these encounters convinced of the importance of listening to competing narratives and bringing people together to build understanding, despite their differences.
The focus of the Earlham program on building understanding across borders and between communities is consistent with the approach taken by Quakers to peacebuilding in Palestine and Israel over the decades. Quaker involvement with Palestinians and Israelis has always been grounded in a commitment to remaining connected to both peoples and to listening to all concerns.
When American Friends Service Committee (AFSC) agreed to provide assistance for refugees in Gaza in 1948, it conditioned its acceptance with the requirement that it also should be allowed to provide assistance to those displaced in what became Israel. Its humanitarian relief work in Gaza was complemented by humanitarian work in the Haifa region. During the 1970s and 1980s, Quakers played a key role in facilitating backchannel communication between Palestinian and Israeli leaders when such communication was illegal. For decades Quakers have worked to open conversations where they are not happening.
When I first heard arguments against dialogue, my natural reaction was to push back by saying that dialogue is a vital part of peacebuilding and should never be rejected.
Jenin Refugee Camp, after fighting ended in 2002. Photo courtesy of AFSC.
Gaza as children are leaving school.
But in recent years, Palestinian peace activists have increasingly rejected dialogue and people-to-people programs, arguing that such programs normalize ongoing injustice. When I first heard arguments against dialogue, my natural reaction was to push back by saying that dialogue is a vital part of peacebuilding and should never be rejected. From my interactions with Quakers over the years, I know that many Quakers have also struggled to understand how they should respond to these concerns, given Quaker commitments to listening and building understanding across divides. But understanding why Palestinians have rejected people-to-people and dialogue programs is incredibly important, particularly as Quakers consider how they support and engage in peacebuilding work.
The general push against people-to-people and dialogue programs is most often framed as being a push against what have become known as "normalization" initiatives. Within Palestine, normalization is generally defined as any project; initiative; or activity in Palestine, Israel, or internationally that aims to bring together Palestinians and Israelis without addressing structural and power inequalities and/or without having its goal be opposition and resistance to the Israeli occupation.
To understand the concerns that exist regarding normalization initiatives, it is important to understand the post-Oslo history of these initiatives.
I spent the months leading up to the start of the Second Palestinian Intifada interviewing Palestinians and Israelis engaged in human rights education and peacebuilding work, including people-to-people and dialogue projects. I conducted my interviews as part of a listening process designed to ensure that learning from past peacebuilding work was integrated into curricular materials on human rights education, then being developed by the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA).
Listening to Palestinians and Israelis talk about people-to-people and dialogue projects brought into clear focus the stark divide that existed between those communities. While many Israelis engaged in these projects remained positive about this area of work, there was near universal antipathy toward dialogue and people-to-people programs within Palestinian circles. What I heard from Palestinians at that time wasn't simply a rejection of these programs because they didn't think the programs were useful. Rather, people spoke about these programs as harmful, with some going so far as to say they felt abused when they participated in people-to-people initiatives.
That sense of harm is what led to the Conditions for Cooperation with Israeli Organizations issued by the Palestinian NGO Network (PNGO) in October 2000. Those conditions called for both a halt to all joint programs between Palestinian and Israeli organizations and a halt to people-to-people programs. Exceptions were made for solidarity actions carried out within a framework that recognized Palestinian human rights, and for cooperation between human rights organizations. The PNGO decision was a key turning point in the ongoing Palestinian push against normalization.
Palestinian rejection of these initiatives came after years of engagement in them. Following the signing of the Oslo Accords, there was a flood of funding given by international donors to promote dialogue and other forms of people-to-people exchange. It is estimated that between September 1993 and October 2000 between $20 and $30 million was given to fund more than 500 people-to-people projects run by over 100 organizations.
Within a context of expected political change and an agreement designed to move toward an end to the occupation, these people-to-people programs initially made sense. However, as these encounters were taking place, rather than moves toward an end of the occupation and equality, the Israeli occupation of the Palestinian territory deepened.
Home demolitions, arbitrary arrest and detention, torture, and other grave human rights abuses all continued despite political agreements.
After the signing of the Oslo Agreement, the confiscation of Palestinian land and the expansion of settlements moved forward at an accelerated pace. Shortly after my first trip to Israel and Palestine in 1996, Israel broke ground on the Har Homa Settlement. That settlement, built on land owned by communities in the Bethlehem district, is now home to over 25,000 settlers and effectively cuts off Jerusalem from the south of the West Bank.
As a result of the Oslo process, the West Bank and Gaza Strip were also divided into cantons separated from each other by Israeli-controlled territory. More than 100 checkpoints and roadblocks were set up throughout the West Bank and Gaza, limiting and controlling the movement of Palestinians. When I was conducting my interviews for UNRWA in 2000, I was living in the village of Birzeit north of Ramallah. Israeli checkpoints were regularly set up between Ramallah and Birzeit, and traveling between the two towns, I often saw Palestinians detained, harassed, and abused.
Jerusalem also remained isolated from other areas of the occupied Palestinian territory. Home demolitions, arbitrary arrest and detention, torture, and other grave human rights abuses all continued despite political agreements. For Palestinians, the Oslo Peace Process never brought significant positive change.
It should be understood that the push against normalization is not about closing off communication because of issues of identity.
The entrenchment of the occupation during this period undermined the logic of people-to-people and dialogue programs that focused on building interpersonal understanding but that purposefully didn't address political issues. Rather than building understanding that is needed to accompany positive political changes, these initiatives more often promoted normal relations in a context of deepening inequality and occupation. They created an illusion of normalcy in relationship between occupied people and their occupiers in a situation where Palestinians' rights continued to be systematically denied.
Often, political issues and discussion of the occupation were explicitly banned as topics of conversation in people-to-people programs because they were viewed as divisive. The result of this was programs that focused on interpersonal interaction and surface level relationship building but that masked the deepening occupation and growing inequality. "Normalization" developed as a term to describe these types of initiatives that focused on building interpersonal understanding without ever challenging, and often purposefully dismissing, the legal, political, economic, and structural underpinnings of occupation.
It should be understood that the push against normalization is not about closing off communication because of issues of identity. Rather it is about identifying the principles and processes through which discussion and communication occur so as to not reify power imbalances or do harm to those who are already vulnerable or abused. It is about ensuring that when people come together, the focus is co-resistance to the structures that oppress people, and not coexistence within oppressive systems.
And people-to-people programs that don't address deeper structural issues, or don't push people to the point of addressing political issues, do cause harm. Youth-focused programs run by international organizations are particularly problematic. Such programs bring young adults together and hint at similarities. Relationships open as youth find that they like similar music, enjoy the same movies, play the same sports, or otherwise share interests. Youth under 18 (particularly in joint settings) can't be pushed to examine and own the political, legal, and structural inequalities that exist between them, and years of societally imposed understandings are not undone by days or weeks of individual interaction.
Palestinian friends who participated in these programs have spoken to me about their deep sense of betrayal, anger, and hurt as Israeli friends that they'd met at camps joined the military and took up positions enforcing Israel's occupation.
While there are examples of individual youth radicalized and transformed by their experience in people-to-people programs, most youth in these programs slip back into their regular lives after joint sessions end. Young Palestinians return to a reality of unchanged occupation. Young Israelis return to their schools, and later complete military service. Palestinian friends who participated in these programs have spoken to me about their deep sense of betrayal, anger, and hurt as Israeli friends that they'd met at camps joined the military and took up positions enforcing Israel's occupation. Rather than building relationship, trust was broken and people were pushed apart.
This is some of the harm that the push against normalization initiatives seeks to end.
But in noting the problems inherent in many of these initiatives, it is also important to understand that the push against normalization has never been a push against all initiatives that bring together Palestinians and Israelis. Those working within an anti-normalization framework are clear that efforts to counter normalization are aimed at resisting oppression and are not aimed at severing all contact between people. Working relationships and coordination across borders is welcomed so long as there is a shared understanding of basic human rights principles and a shared commitment to resisting the ongoing occupation and inequality. This means that it is not considered normalization when efforts/groups like the Sumud Freedom Camp, Ta'ayush, Yesh Din, the Bilin and Nabi Saleh Protest Movements, and Ibala purposefully bring together Palestinians and Israelis as part of an effort to challenge and change the status quo in Israel and Palestine.
The normalization discussion is about addressing power imbalances and injustice…
So as Quakers committed to peace and engagement with all people, what should we take from this conversation?
First, we should recognize that Palestinians and Israelis are getting together and cooperating but on their own terms. One of the key problems with many past people-to-people programs is that they were initiated and led by outside actors who imposed their own goals and terms on interactions. The normalization framework pushed forward by Palestinians is a reassertion of ownership of the terms of interaction by those most impacted by the systematic injustice of Israel's occupation and inequality. Normalization principles transform interactions, moving them from coexistence-focused dialogue sessions to action-based interaction with the goal of transformation through co-resistance against injustice. If you are thinking about supporting dialogue or people-to-people programs, it is important to consider who "owns" the process and how it resists structures of injustice.
Second, we should understand that dialogue is not an end in and of itself and that dialogue can be harmful. Particularly in situations of ongoing injustice, attempts to bring people together can't simply focus on building understanding if there is no corresponding effort by all involved to end the injustice and inequality that stands between people. While dialogue and exchange can be important parts of transformation, they can also be tools used to block change; reinforce existing imbalances of power; and erase legal, institutional, and structural injustices. Whether we are setting up panel discussions or working to pull people together, we always need to understand issues of power. Dialogue is not a neutral process, and we must carefully consider how dialogue pushes toward action for change.
Third, it is important to understand that the normalization discussion is largely not about us. Normalization concerns do not place blocks on Quakers listening to, interacting with, or dialoguing with any party. Challenging normalization initiatives is not aimed at silencing select viewpoints or limiting who is able to speak. Indeed, listening to and engaging with those with whom we disagree is an important part of building understanding as we push for change. The normalization discussion is about addressing power imbalances and injustice in relationships between Israelis and Palestinians, not shutting off all dialogue or ending conversations that build understanding.
Finally, the normalization conversation points to the fact that dialogue and listening are not enough. To achieve peace and justice there must be political change that ends the system of inequality and oppression that exists between Palestinians and Israelis, as well as U.S. complicity in that injustice. To address this, Quakers must then move beyond positions that express concern for both parties and that encourage dialogue and listening but that don't lead to direct action. Quakers should support direct action to end injustice, such as Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions Movement (BDS) and AFSC-led No Way to Treat a Child Campaign. We can support discussions, but we must back up our support for talk with support for action.
It is political change and an end to injustice that will lead to dialogue and understanding, and it is political action that is needed to this bring change.
Israeli West Bank
Oslo Peace Process
Within Palestine
Young Israelis
Mike Merryman-Lotze
Mike Merryman-Lotze is AFSC's Middle East Program director, helping to coordinate its Israel-Palestine advocacy and policy work. From 2000 through 2003, Mike worked with the Palestinian human rights organization Al-Haq in Ramallah, and from 2007 through 2010, he worked with Save the Children, managing child rights programming in Palestine.
The Gatherings: Reimagining Indigenous–Settler Relations
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20 thoughts on "When Dialogue Stands in the Way of Peace"
Christine Pattee says:
Response to March 2018 Quaker Journal online article
There's no doubt that settlements encouraged by the Israeli government are immorally, and probably illegally, encroaching on Palestinian territory. However, nowhere in this thought provoking article about the downside of Israeli/Palestine youth encounters, do I see a mention of the Hamas political position that Israel has no right to exist. The adamancy of this position stops all meaningful dialogue at the government to government level, thus giving Netanyahu and his conservative party the perfect excuse to continue building more encroaching settlements.
In friendship, Christine Pattee, Storrs (CT) Friends Meeting
Maxine Kaufman-Lacusta says:
Great article, Mike. I especially like your clear explanation of normalization in the Is/Pal context, as well as the context for Palestinian rejection of dialogue and other "people-to-people" initiatives. A similar discussion is taking place between Indigenous people in Canada and their "settler" allies. The lecture below stresses that reconciliation can only come AFTER truth AND justice are substantively addressed. https://youtu.be/89s3l2mYGWg
Maida Follini says:
As an outsider who knows little about Palestinians and has never been to the Middle East, I have the following (probably ignorant comments):
1. I believe that communication, listening and understanding other points of view is always beneficial. It does not mean agreeing with other points of view, but does mean understanding what motivates "the other".
2. A basis for peace between two groups should require acceptance of the existence of each group by the other.
Just as Palestinians have been oppressed, divested of land, and treated unjustly, Israel has been attacked ever since it was established by armies of enemies, and by terrorists, and by rockets from Gaza. So far as I know, Palestinian institutions have not accepted the fact of the nation of Israel. Nor has Israel respected the fact of a Palestinian nation.
3.Personally, I do not believe it helps the Palestinian cause to attack Israel, economically or politically. I believe we must try to help both sides when we can – e.g. by helping Israel to defend itself agains enemies like Iran and Hesballah, and by helping Palestinians to develop a democracy.
4. Peace will only come about when these two national groups compromise and agree on a peace treaty and carry out the terms of a treaty. This means: recognition of Israel, recognition of Palestine, agreed settlement of borders and demolishing of Israeli settlements on land recognized by both as Palestinian. Borders cannot be decided by one side alone, but by both sides in agreement.
I realize that in my ignorance I cannot understand why the Palestinians and Israelis have not solved this decades ago – it should've been solved soon after 1948. But it cannot be solved by outside pressure from the U.S.A. or by countries whose mission is to destroy Israel. It must be between the Palestinians and the Israelis to come than agreement and compromise. Perhaps the United Nations could help with its expertise on helping settle borders in countries like Poland, Germany, Czech Republic, Slovakia, the former Yugoslavia – where borders and sovereignty has been changed in order to attain peace. This is the way the situation looks to me, an ignorant outsider!
Malcolm Schosha says:
Mike Merryman-Lotze, you wrote:
"…Palestinian peace activists have increasingly rejected dialogue and people-to-people programs, arguing that such programs normalize ongoing injustice."
It seems that you have chosen to defend that stance. Certainly Palestinians deserve justice. But if they define justice as the removal of the Jewish presence from the West Bank, and I think that is minimum demand, and a common view of the justice they deserve, then there is a problem because that can not be achieved without ethnic cleansing of their land of Jews. In fact, Jews have lived on both sides of the Jordan River from ancient times. It was only when Jordan captured the land called the West Bank during the War of Independence (1947-1949) that all the Jews who lived in the Jordanian controlled territory were either expelled or killed.
There are in Israel a number of efforts at developing dialogue. I think those efforts deserve support. I am thinking of efforts to bring about dialogue such as Arava Institute, Hand in Hand: Center for Jewish-Arab Education in Israel, and Neve Shalom / Wahat al-Salam. By contrast, in my view, organizations like BDS are playing a zero-sum game.
Mike Merryman-Lotze, you wrote: "Calling for a removal of settlements is not the same as calling for a removal of all Jews based on identity."
In fact both the PLO (now the Palestinian Authority) and Hamas are opposed tho the existence of Israel. The PLO charter calls for the removal of all Jews not there before 1917. Hamas calls for the destruction of Israel, and cites The Protocols of the Elders of Zion (the most infamous antisemitic tract ever written) in its Covenant.
The Palestinians live under their own laws, enacted by their own government. There is, however, still a military occupation but the military only become involved if security matters are involved… and of course the murder of Jews in terrorist attacks.
UN resolution 242 says that the occupation is legal, because the territory was occupied by Israel in a war of defense. But that is pending a land for peace deal. When the Palestinians are willing to recognize the right of Israel to exist, and willing to make a written promise to live in peace with Israel, the Israelis are obligated to withdraw from the West Bank. NB: Nowhere does 242 say the Arabs have a right to land that is judenfrei.
The land the settlements are built on is all land purchased by Israelis. It is not stolen. The Arab owners were paid real money, and they sold to Israelis willingly. However the Palestinian Authority has enacted a law that forbids the sale of land to Jews; a law that could impose the death penalty for Arabs who sell land to Jews. If Israel had such a law that forbid Jews selling land to Arabs, what would you say about Israel?
My hope was to initiate some discussion over the stand taken in all four articles of this issue of FRIEND'S JOURNAL. That has failed because there has been been no willingness by the authors of the articles to come forward to defend their views. One of the authors did make a boilerplate reply but failed to respond further. It is clear that the Friends World Service Committee, and others, intend to plow on with their decisions, and will continue to ignore all objections.
The intent of BDS, the economic expeditionary force in which FWSC has enlisted, is to paraphrase Carl von Clausewitz, 'the continuation of war by other means.' BSD uses boycotts, and blacklists of Israeli academics and artists, in an attempt to achieve what Arab armies could not achieve by war. That intent is the the destruction of Israel. There is in fact little that is new about BSD and, for example, the Arab League Boycott goes back to before the 1948 founding of Israel. BDS just dresses that in a nicer costume.
Perhaps I have expected too much from Quakers as a group, but to me it seems absurd for a religious group, who's very name is associated with peace, to advocate this aggression against Israel; and using, to boot, a false claim of apartheid to justify such a strange deviation of Quaker tradition.
Let me remind you that the Quakers as a group have been fallible.
1. Quakers long owned slaves and were active in the slave trade into the mid 1800s.
2. Quakers were among the christian groups that ran horrendous Indian Boarding Schools that harmed so many individual Native Americans, and damaged the cultural heritage of entire tribes.
3.For over 150 years Quakers were leaders in the whaling industry world wide.
I think that the decision of many Quakers to follow the AFSC into this current adventure, the BDS boycott and blacklist, will be regarded in time to come as a mistake. But I am not a Quaker and I will leave you to your own choices without further bother.
Not all Quakers agree with BSD. I am a life-long Quaker, and am opposed to BSD. Re: slaves, Quakers were among the first to propose abolition of slavery and many Quakers were leaders in the abolition movement, even though many Quakers were blind to the evil. It takes a few brave souls to lead the way to better behaviour, and Quakers were among these brave souls. Elias Hicks, a Quaker from Huntington,Long Island, travelled to all the Quaker meetings and farmers in his area, discussing slavery, and convincing them to free their slaves which they did by the late 1700s. Abolition was a long-term process.
Quakers in the past did run Boarding Schools for the Government, but currently, having learned better, Quakers have been leading defenders of First Nations' rights.
Quakers were leading whalers in the time when whale oil was the main fuel for lighting – fortunately for the whales, kerosene and gas came in and whale oil is no longer used for that. Currently some cultures are forced to use wood for heating and cooking fuel, and destroying the natural forests. Until substitute fuel is available they have no choice. It doesn't do much good to point out the wrongs that human beings of whatever faith do, unless one is prepared to change the situation. It is like trying to stop poor African villagers from killing elephants and lions to sell, without providing alternative means of livelihood.
I agree with you completely about the wrong-headedness of some of the anti-Israel stances of the younger generation of Quakers – they see one side but not the other – a failure of Quaker practice in responding to conflicts – based I feel on an unconscious anti-semitism absorbed from our society. Many reformers are constantly looking for a scapegoat to blame for whatever wrongs they wish to right- they don't see the historical effects of the Turkish empire in Palestine, or the British mandate in Palestine, neither of which sponsored a peaceful solution. Nor did the UN which removed its peacekeepers suddenly, allowing the hostile nations to attack Israel. The Quakers supporting BDS are just pawns being used by the Palestinians to try to gain their goals, when they don't wish to negotiate for more realistic but less sweeping goals. Quakers are not perfect, they are fallible and can make mistakes like others, but some Quakers are at the lead for human rights, justice and peace for ALL engaged in conflict.
At any rate, go your way in peace. No sense trying to convince those who will not hear, or who do not have enough experience to see more than one side of a question.
Marla Rowe Gorosh says:
Work on reducing institutional or structural racism is being done in the United States as we observe our policies, legislative actions and even local laws that promulgate injustice. What is being done in Israel to affect this? There should be no place for violence. That's something I think we all could agree but that's what grabs the public's attention.
Ellen Rosser says:
As someone who worked twelve years on site for peace between Palestine and Israel, I must point out that those who defend Israel by saying that the PLO or Hamas does not agree on the two state solution are wrong. Both agree on the two-state solution and have since l988 (PLO) and l997 (Hamas), and both have changed their Charters to reflect that agreement. Hamas, in fact, is responsible for preventing the other parties in Gaza from shooting rockets into southern Israel (unless Israel attacks them in Gaza); thus Hamas saves Israeli lives. But Netanyahu still scapegoats them to justify his illegal and immoral acts. Moreover, peace was moving well until a radical settler, who did not want two states and peace, assassinated Prime Minister Rabin. No Israeli prime minister since then has been willing to follow through and agree on two states. Netanyahu's government totally rejects the idea. Therefore the Palestinians, including children, continue to be arrested, abused, tortured and, especially in Gaza, killed. Moreover, Israel has just passed a basic law defining Israel as the country of Jews. There is outrage among Israelis who want democracy, among the Druse and Beduins who have served faithfully in the Israeli army, and among the 18 % of Israelis who are Palestinians. Israel has become an apartheid country with different laws for Jews and for the others. Read the columns in Gush Shalom by the great Israeli peace activist and former member of the Knesset Uri Avnery for the details. In other words, anyone who wants peace there should support the non-violent way to convince Israel to make peace and accept the two-state solution–BDS.


text:
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Home > Products and Services > Private Retirement Scheme > Manulife Shariah PRS - Conservative Fund
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MANULIFE SHARIAH PRS - CONSERVATIVE FUND
The Fund aims to provide steady returns whilst preserving* capital.
*Please note that this Fund is neither a capital guaranteed fund nor a capital protected fund, therefore, a Member's capital is neither guaranteed nor protected.
The Fund is suitable for Members who:
have a low risk appetite;
seek regular distribution of Units from their contributions;
seek an additional retirement savings* scheme other than EPF;
are not statutorily obliged to contribute to EPF;
are employers who wish to contribute on behalf of their employees having the aforesaid characteristic; and/or
seek to invest in a shariah-compliant investment.
*Please note that this Fund is neither capital guaranteed nor capital protected, therefore, a Member's capital is neither guaranteed nor protected.
Performance Benchmark
Maybank 12-month Islamic Fixed Deposit-i rate.
Note: Members should be aware that the risk profile of the Fund is not the same as the risk profile of the benchmark.
To achieve the objective of the Fund, the Provider will at all times invest a minimum of 80% of the Fund's NAV in Malaysian sukuk and/or Islamic money market instruments of which a minimum of 20% will be invested in Islamic money market instruments and a maximum of 20% of the Fund's NAV in Malaysian Shariah-compliant equities and/or equity-related securities.
The Fund may also invest up to 5% of the Fund's NAV at any time in sukuk and/or Islamic money market instruments which are rated below A3/P2 by RAM (or equivalent rating by MARC) and/or are unrated. Shariah-compliant equities and/or Shariah-compliant equity-related securities
The Fund may, for a period of 5 years from 23 July 2018 or until all three (3) core Funds reach RM25 million respectively (whichever is earlier), invest in Shariah-compliant Sukuk CISs managed by the Provider up to 80% of the Fund's NAV in a single Shariah-compliant Sukuk CIS.
The Provider will at all times invest a minimum of 80% of the Fund's NAV in the Malaysian sukuk, Islamic money market instruments and Islamic deposits of which a minimum of 20% of the Fund's NAV will be invested in Islamic money market instruments; the Provider may also invest up to a maximum of 20% of the Fund's NAV in the Malaysian Shariah-compliant equities and/or equity-related securities.
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Your should be aware that if you did not indicate your selection of Funds, your contributions will be automatically allocated to Manulife Shariah PRS – Conservative Fund if you are at 50 years of age and above at the time of contribution.
Investors are advised to read and understand the contents of the Master Prospectus dated 1 December 2018 for 23 Funds and its First Supplemental Master Prospectus dated 1 April 2019; Master Prospectus dated 1 December 2018 for 15 Funds and its First Supplemental Master Prospectus dated 1 April 2019; Prospectus dated 18 February 2019; Prospectus dated 12 March 2019 and its First Supplemental Prospectus dated 12 March 2019; Disclosure Document dated 29 November 2019 for Manulife PRS NESTEGG Series; Disclosure Document dated 29 November 2019 for Manulife Shariah PRS NESTEGG Series; Replacement Information Memorandum dated 1 June 2018; Information Memorandum dated 13 March 2018; Information Memorandum dated 3 November 2016, its Supplemental Information Memorandum dated 1 October 2018; Information Memorandum dated 6 March 2019; Information Memorandum dated 4 September 2019 and its First Supplemental Information Memorandum dated 18 October 2019; Information Memorandum dated 17 October 2019, Master Information Memorandum dated 26 November 2019 for 2 Funds and all the respective Product Highlights Sheet(s) (collectively, the "Offering Documents"), obtainable at our offices, before investing. The Offering Documents have been registered with the Securities Commission Malaysia who takes no responsibility for its contents. Investors should consider the fees and charges involved. The price of units and income distribution may go down as well as up. Past performances of the Funds are not an indication of the Funds' future performances. Where a unit split/distribution is declared, investors are advised that following the issue of additional units/distribution, the NAV per unit will be reduced from the pre-unit split NAV/cum-distribution NAV to post-unit split NAV/ex-distribution NAV; and where a unit split is declared, the value of your investment in the Fund's denominated currency will remained unchanged after the distribution of the additional units. Units will only be issued on receipt of the completed application form referred to and accompanying the Offering Documents. There are risks involved with investing in unit trust funds; wholesale funds and/or Private Retirement Schemes. Some of these risks associated with investments in unit trust funds; wholesale funds and/or Private Retirement Schemes are interest rate fluctuation risk, foreign exchange or currency risk, country risk, political risk, credit risk, non-compliance risk, counterparty risk, target fund manager risk, liquidity risk and interest rate risk. For further details on the risk profile of all the funds, please refer to the Risk Factors section in the Offering Documents. Investors are also advised to read and understand the contents of the "Unit Trust Loan Financing Disclosure Statement" before deciding to obtain loan financing to purchase units of the Funds.
The Manager, Manulife Investment Management (M) Berhad (Formerly known as Manulife Asset Management Services Berhad) Registration No: 200801033087 (834424-U) (hereinafter referred to as "Manulife IM (Malaysia)") is a wholly owned subsidiary of Manulife Holdings Berhad and holds a Capital Markets Services License for fund management, dealing in securities restricted to unit trusts, dealing in private retirement schemes and financial planning under the Capital Markets and Services Act 2007. Manulife IM (Malaysia) operates under the brand name of Manulife Investment Management which is the global wealth and asset management segment of Manulife Financial Corporation.
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text:
package com.google.cloud.notebooks.v1.samples;

// [START notebooks_v1_generated_notebookserviceclient_getschedule_sync]
import com.google.cloud.notebooks.v1.GetScheduleRequest;
import com.google.cloud.notebooks.v1.NotebookServiceClient;
import com.google.cloud.notebooks.v1.Schedule;
import com.google.cloud.notebooks.v1.ScheduleName;

public class SyncGetSchedule {

  public static void main(String[] args) throws Exception {
    syncGetSchedule();
  }

  public static void syncGetSchedule() throws Exception {
    // This snippet has been automatically generated and should be regarded as a code template only.
    // It will require modifications to work:
    // - It may require correct/in-range values for request initialization.
    // - It may require specifying regional endpoints when creating the service client as shown in
    // https://cloud.google.com/java/docs/setup#configure_endpoints_for_the_client_library
    try (NotebookServiceClient notebookServiceClient = NotebookServiceClient.create()) {
      GetScheduleRequest request =
          GetScheduleRequest.newBuilder()
              .setName(ScheduleName.of("[PROJECT]", "[LOCATION]", "[SCHEDULE]").toString())
              .build();
      Schedule response = notebookServiceClient.getSchedule(request);
    }
  }
}
// [END notebooks_v1_generated_notebookserviceclient_getschedule_sync]


text:
Editorials » Hobbies and Interests » Hobbies »
The Story of the Stoneware Pottery
By: rhusain
There were many potters whose names could not be recognized due the non-availability or only the availability of their initials which does not help the collectors to identify the makers of some of the masterpieces that had been found in different parts of the world.
Much of the nineteenth-century ware was marked by the makers, but often only with initials, which do not help the collector very much. Printed pieces usually have the name of the pattern.
Stoneware is a very hard non-porous type of pottery, introduced into England in the sixteenth century from Germany. A feature of the ware is that it was glazed by putting common salt into the kiln while it was being fired; thus arises the term salt-glazed stoneware. The resulting pottery is hard, strong and watertight, and it can be made into objects much thinner in body than can ordinary clay pottery.
Nottingham was a big centre for making stoneware from the late seventeenth century, and pieces with a hard grey body and a brown glaze of orange-peel texture came from there. Many such pieces bear names and dates. Other factories nearby in Derbyshire made similar wares.
John Dwight founded a factory at Fulham, a suburb of London, in 1671. A number of pieces made by him, after two centuries in the possession of his family and now in the British and Victoria and Albert Museums, are extraordinarily well modeled, and it has been suggested that they are the work of the wood-carver and sculptor, Grilling Gibbons. Dwight claimed to have invented a method of making porcelain, but nothing resembling our modern meaning of the term can be attributed to him.
In Staffordshire, red stoneware in imitation of some imported from China, was made by two Dutch brothers named Elers, who had worked at one time with Dwight at Fulham. By 1725Dwight's greyish stoneware had been improved in colour until it was nearly white, and it was not long before this excellent salt-glazed material was being potted in quantity in the Staffordshire towns, in Liverpool, and elsewhere. Most of the ware, which was made not only into domestic articles but also figures, was ornamented with raised patterns, and the thin smear of glaze with which it was covered did not clog the delicate lines as a flowing lead-glaze would have done. Both overgraze and under glaze colors were used with great effect.
While white stoneware was finally unable to withstand the competition of Queen's Ware and porcelain, a further refinement of materials and technique enabled Wedgwood to produce with it his celebrated jasper ware. This is the pottery from which were made the thousands of relief portraits, plaques and vases that spread the name of their inventor and maker throughout the world. In addition to this ware, most familiar when colored blue but made also in pale shades of yellow, lilac and green Wedgwood developed a black stoneware (basaltes), a red stoneware (rosso antico) and a buflf-coloured (cane ware), all of which contributed to the fame and expansion of Staffordshire.
It is as well to remember that the descendants of Josiah Wedgwood are still making jasper and basaltes wares, and have done so continuously since the eighteenth century. The oldest examples reveal their age by the superior fineness of their modeling and the velvet-like smoothness of their surface.
Brown stoneware was made throughout the nineteenth century, but the productions are far from exciting. Flasks in the form of politicians and pistols were made, and a large number of jugs in imitation of seventeenth-century originals often deceive collectors.
Stoneware was introduced into England in the sixteenth century from Germany. This is a glazed ware. Nottingham was a big centre for making stoneware from the late seventeenth century. There were some potters who mastered the making of the stoneware products.
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