text:
Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic
Russian: Белорусская Советская Социалистическая Республика
Belarusian: Беларуская Савецкая Сацыялістычная Рэспубліка
State emblem
Motto: Workers of the world, unite!
Anthem: Anthem of the Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic
Location of Byelorussia (red) within the Soviet Union.
Soviet Socialist Republic (1922–1991)
Common languages
Official languages:
Belarusian · Russian
Minority languages:
Polish · Ukrainian · Yiddish[1]
Unitary Marxist-Leninist one-party Soviet-style socialist republic (1920-1927; 1953-1990)
Stalinist one-party totalitarian dictatorship (1927-1953)
Unitary parliamentary republic (1990-1991)
First Secretary
• 1920–1923 (first)
Vilgelm Knorinsh
• 1990–1991 (last)
Anatoly Malofeyev
Head of government
Alexander Chervyakov
Vyacheslav Kebich
Head of state
Nikolay Dementey
Congress of Soviets (1920–1938)
Supreme Soviet (1938–1991)
Historical era
• Republic declared
• Soviet republic proclaimed
• Admitted to Soviet Union
• Annexation of Western Belarus
• UN membership
• Sovereignty declared
• Independence declared
• Renamed Republic of Belarus
• Internationally recognized
• New Constitution
207,600 km2 (80,200 sq mi)
• 1989 census
Soviet ruble (руб) (SUR)
7 015/016/017/02
Preceded by Succeeded by
Lithuanian–Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic
Second Polish Republic
Reichskommissariat Ostland
Bezirk Bialystok
Reichskommissariat Ukraine
Republic of Belarus
Today part of
Lithuania[2]
The Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic (BSSR, or Byelorussian SSR; Belarusian: Беларуская Савецкая Сацыялістычная Рэспубліка, translit. Biełaruskaja Savieckaja Sacyjalistyčnaja Respublika; Russian: Белорусская Советская Социалистическая Республика, translit. Belorusskaja Sovetskaja Socialističeskaja Respublika or Белорусская ССР, lit. 'Belorusskaja SSR'), also commonly referred to in English as Byelorussia, was a federal unit of the Soviet Union (USSR). It existed between 1920 and 1922, and from 1922 to 1991 as one of fifteen constituent republics of the USSR, with its own legislation from 1990 to 1991. The republic was ruled by the Communist Party of Byelorussia and was also referred to as Soviet Byelorussia by a number of historians.[3]
To the west it bordered Poland. Within the Soviet Union, it bordered the Lithuanian SSR and the Latvian SSR to the north, the Russian SFSR to the east and the Ukrainian SSR to the south.
The Socialist Soviet Republic of Byelorussia (SSRB) was declared by the Bolsheviks on 1 January 1919 following the declaration of independence by the Belarusian Democratic Republic in March 1918. In 1922, the BSSR was one of the four founding members of the Soviet Union, together with the Ukrainian SSR, the Transcaucasian SFSR and the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (RSFSR). Byelorussia was one of several Soviet republics occupied by Nazi Germany during World War II.
Towards the final years of the Soviet Union's existence, the Supreme Soviet of Byelorussian SSR adopted the Declaration of State Sovereignty on 27 July 1990. On 15 August 1991, Stanislaŭ Šuškievič was elected as the country's first president. Ten days later on 25 August 1991, Byelorussian SSR declared its independence and renamed to the Republic of Belarus. The Soviet Union was dissolved four months and one day later on December 26, 1991.
The term Byelorussia (Russian: Белору́ссия, derives from the term Belaya Rus' , i.e., White Rus'. There are several claims to the origin of the name White Rus'.[4] An ethno-religious theory suggests that the name used to describe the part of old Ruthenian lands within the Grand Duchy of Lithuania that had been populated mostly by early Christianized Slavs, as opposed to Black Ruthenia, which was predominantly inhabited by pagan Balts.[5]
The latter part similar but spelled and stressed differently from Росси́я, Russia) first rose in the days of the Russian Empire, and the Russian Tsar was usually styled "the Tsar of All the Russias", as Russia or the Russian Empire was formed by three parts of Russia—the Great, Little, and White.[6] This asserted that the territories are all Russian and all the peoples are also Russian; in the case of the Belarusians, they were variants of the Russian people.[7]
Following the Bolshevik Revolution in 1917, the term "White Russia" caused some confusion as it was also the name of the military force that opposed the red Bolsheviks.[8] During the period of the Byelorussian SSR, the term Byelorussia was embraced as part of a national consciousness. In western Belarus under Polish control, Byelorussia became commonly used in the regions of Białystok and Hrodna during the interwar period.[9] Upon the establishment of the Byelorussian Socialist Soviet Republic in 1920, the term Byelorussia (its names in other languages such as English being based on the Russian form) was only used officially. In 1936, with the proclamation of the 1936 Soviet Constitution, the republic was renamed to the Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic transposing the second ("socialist") and third ("soviet") words.
On August 25, 1991 the Supreme Soviet of the Byelorussian SSR renamed the Soviet republic to the Republic of Belarus, with the short form "Belarus". Conservative forces in the newly independent Belarus did not support the name change and opposed its inclusion in the 1991 draft of the Constitution of Belarus.[10]
History of Belarus
Early East Slavs
Principality of Polotsk
Principality of Turov
Early elective monarchy (1569–1648)
Deluge and decline (1648–1764)
Three partitions (1764–95)
Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth
Partitions of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth
Russian rule (1795–1918)
Belarusian People's Republic
(from 1918)
Byelorussian Soviet Republic
West Belarus (1919–39)
Modern Belarus (from 1991)
Belarus portal
See also: History of Belarus
Main article: Western Oblast (1917–1918)
Prior to the First World War, Belarusian lands were part of the Russian Empire, which it gained from the Partitions of Poland more than a century earlier. During the War, the Russian Western Front's Great retreat in August/September 1915 ended with the lands of Hrodna and most of Viĺnia guberniyas occupied by Germany. The resulting front, passing at 100 kilometres to the west of Minsk remained static towards the end of the conflict, despite Russian attempts to break it at Lake Narač in late spring 1916 and General Alexei Evert's inconclusive thrust around the city of Baranavičy in summer of that year, during the Brusilov offensive further south, in Western Ukraine.
The abdication of the Tsar in light of the February Revolution in Russia in early 1917, activated a rather dormant political life in Belarus. As central authority waned, different political and ethnic groups strived for greater self-determination and even secession from the increasingly ineffective Russian Provisional Government. The momentum picked up after the incompetent actions of the 10th Army during the ill-fated Kerensky Offensive during the summer. Representatives of Belarusian regions and of different (mostly left-wing) newly established political powers, including the Belarusian Socialist Assembly, the Christian democratic movement and the General Jewish Labour Bund, formed a Belarusian Central Council.
Towards the autumn political stability continued to shake, and countering the rising nationalist tendencies were the Bolshevik Soviets, when the October Revolution hit Russia, that same day, on 25 October (7 November), the Minsk Soviet of workers and soldiers deputies took over the administration of the city. The Bolshevik All-Russian council of Soviets declared the creation of the Western Oblast which unified the Viĺnia, Viciebsk, Mahilioŭ and Minsk guberniyas that were not occupied by the German army, to administer the Belarusian lands in the frontal zone. On 26 November (6 December), the executive committee of workers, peasants and soldiers deputies for the Western Oblast was merged with the Western front's executive committee, creating a single Obliskomzap. During the autumn 1917/winter of 1918, the Western Oblast was headed by Aleksandr Myasnikyan as head of the Western Oblast's Military Revolutionary Committee, who passed this duty on to Karl Lander. Myasnikyan took over as chair of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party's (RSDRP(b)) committee for Western Oblast and Maisiej Kaĺmanovič as chair of the Obliskomzap.
Countering this the Belarusian Central Council reorganised itself as a Belarusian National Council (Rada) and started working on establishing governmental institutions, and discarded the Obliskomzap as a military formation, rather than governmental. As a result, on 7th (20th) of December, when the first All-Belarusian congress convened, the Bolsheviks forcibly disbanded it.
German involvement
Although German espionage played a key role in bringing the October Revolution to Russia, and one of the first decrees issued by the new government was the Decree on Peace de facto fulfilling the promise of ending Russia's role in World War I, the Russo-German front in Belarus remained static since 1915 and formal negotiations began only on the 19th of November (2 December N.S.), when the Soviet delegation traveled to the German-occupied Belarusian city of Brest-Litoŭsk. A cease-fire was quickly agreed and proper peace negotiations began in December.
However, the German party soon went back on its word and took full advantage of the situation, and the Bolsheviks' demand of a treaty "without annexations or indemnities" was unacceptable to the Central Powers, and on February 18 hostilities resumed. The German Operation Faustschlag was of immediate success and within 11 days, they were able to make a serious advance eastward, taking over Ukraine, Baltic states and occupying Eastern Belarus. This forced the Obliskomzap to evacuate to Smolensk. The Smolensk guberniya was passed to the Western Oblast.
Faced with the German demands, the Bolsheviks accepted their terms at the final Treaty of Brest-Litoŭsk, which was signed on 3 March 1918. For the German empire, Operation Faustschlag achieved one of their strategic plans for World War I, to create a German-centered hegemony of buffer states, called Mitteleuropa. Support of local nationalist groups alienated by Bolsheviks was key, thus, when four days after Minsk was occupied by the German Army, the disbanded Belarusian National Council declared itself as the sole authority in Belarus, the Germans stood by, and recognised the declared Belarusian Democratic Republic on the 25th of March.
Main article: Socialist Soviet Republic of Byelorussia
After Germany was defeated in the First World War, it announced its evacuation from the occupied territories of Belarus and Ukraine. As the Germans were preparing to depart, the Bolsheviks were keen to enter the territory to re-claim Belarus, Ukraine, and the Baltics to realize Soviet premier Vladimir Lenin's advocacy to seize the territories of the former Russian Empire and advance the world revolution.
On 11 September 1918, the Revolutionary Military Council ordered the creation of the Western Defence region in the Western Oblast out of Curtain forces which were stationed there. Simultaneously the Council reorganized the Western Oblast as a Western Commune. On 13 November, Moscow annulled the Treaty of Brest-Litoŭsk. Two days later it transformed the Defence region into a Western army. It began an initially bloodless advance westward on the 17th. The Belarusian National Republic barely resisted, evacuating Minsk on 3 December. The Soviets maintained a distance of about 10–15 kilometres (6.2–9.3 mi) between the two armies,[11] and took Minsk on the 10th.
Encouraged by their success, in Smolensk on 30/31 December 1918, the Sixth Western Oblast Party conference met and announced its split from the Russian Communist Party, proclaiming itself as the first congress of the Communist Party of Byelorussia (CPB(b)). The next day, the Soviet Socialist Republic of Byelorussia was proclaimed in Smolensk, terminating the Western Commune, and on 7 January it was moved to Minsk. Aleksandr Myasnikyan emerged as head of the All-Byelorussian Central Executive Committee and Zmicier Žylunivič as head of the provisional government.
The new Soviet republic initially consisted of seven districts: Baranavičy, Viciebsk, Homieĺ, Hrodna, Mahilioŭ and Smolensk. On 30 January, the republic announced its separation from the Russian SFSR and renaming as the Soviet Socialist Republic of Byelorussia (SSRB). This was conferred by the First Congress of deputies, composed of workers, soldiers and Red Army men, which met on 2–3 February 1919, to adopt a new Socialist constitution. The Red Army continued its westward advance, capturing the city of Grodno on New Year's Day 1919, Pinsk on 21 January, and Baranovichi on 6 February 1919, thereby enlarging the SSRB.
Main article: Lithuanian–Belorussian Soviet Socialist Republic
The western winter offensive described above was not limited to Byelorussia; Soviet forces similarly moved to the north into Lithuania. On 16 December the Lithuanian Socialist Soviet Republic (LSSR) was proclaimed in Vilnius.
The Lithuanian operation and continuing conquest of Byelorussia were threatened by the rise of the Second Polish Republic after the withdrawal of German forces. However the conflict with Poland did not break out and the Soviet High Command's 12 January directive was to cease advance on the Neman-Bug rivers. However, the region to the east of those lines was historically mixed among a population of Belarusians, Poles and Lithuanians, with a sizeable Jewish minority. The local communities of each respective group wanted to be part of the respective states that were establishing themselves.
In the Kresy ("Borderland") areas of Lithuania, Belarus and western Ukraine, self-organized militias, the Samoobrona Litwy i Białorusi numbering approximately 2,000 soldiers under General Wejtko, began to fight against the local communist and advancing Bolshevik forces. Each side was trying to secure the territories for its own government. The newly formed Polish Army began sending its organised units to reinforce the militias. On 14 February, the first clash between regular armies took place and a front emerged.
Eager to win support, the Bolshevik government decided to restore the Great Duchy of Lithuania by merging the Lithuanian and Byelorussian republics into the Lithuanian–Belorussian Soviet Socialist Republic, or Litbel on 28 February 1919. Its capital was proclaimed as Vilnius, with five guberniyas: Vilno, Grodno, Kovno, Suwalki and Minsk. The Vitebsk and Mogilev guberniyas were transferred to the Russian SFSR, and were soon joined by the Gomel Governorate, which was created on 26 April.
The operations in Lithuania brought the front close to East Prussia, and the German units that had withdrawn there began to assist the Lithuanian forces to defeat the Soviets; they repelled the Red offensive against Kaunas in February 1919.
In March 1919, Polish units opened an offensive: forces under General Stanisław Szeptycki captured the city of Slonim (2 March) and crossed the Neman, whilst Lithuanian advances forced the Soviets out of Panevėžys. A final Soviet counter-offensive retook Panevėžys and Grodno in early April, but the Western Army was too thinly spread to fight both the Polish and Lithuanian troops, and the German units assisting them. The Polish offensive quickly gained momentum, and Vilna offensive in April 1919, forced Litbel to evacuate the capital first to Dvinsk (28 April), then to Minsk (28 April), then to Bobruysk (19 May). As the Litbel lost territory, its powers were quickly stripped by Moscow. For example, on 1 June Vtsik's decree put all of Litbel's armed forces under the command of the Red Army. On 17 July, the Defence Soviet was liquidated, and its function was passed to Minsk's Milrevcom. When on 8 August Polish forces captured Minsk, that same day the capital was evacuated to Smolensk. On 28 August Lithuanian forces took Zarasai (the last Lithuanian town held by Litbel) and the same day Bobruysk fell to the Poles.
By late summer of 1919, the Polish advance was also exhausted. The defeat of the Red Army allowed the outbreak of another historic disagreement over territory between Poland and Lithuania; their competition to control the city of Vilnius soon erupted into a military conflict, with Poland winning. Facing Denikin and Kolchak, Soviet Russia could not spare men for the western front. A stalemate with localised skirmishes developed between Poland and Lithuania.
Pawn on a chessboard
The stalemate and the occasional (though fruitless) negotiations gave Russia a much needed pause to concentrate on other regions. During the latter half of 1919 the Red Army successfully defeated Denikin in the South, taking over the Don, North Caucasus and Eastern Ukraine, pushed Kolchak from the Volga, beyond the Ural mountains into Siberia. In autumn of 1919, Nikolai Yudenich's advance on Petrograd was checked, whilst in the far north the Evgeny Miller's army was pushed into the Arctic. On the diplomatic front, on 11 September 1919, the People's Commissar of Foreign Affairs of Soviet Russia, Georgy Chicherin, sent a note to Lithuania with a proposal for a peace treaty. It was a de facto recognition of the Lithuanian state.[12] Similar negotiations with Estonia and Latvia, gave way for a peace treaty with the former on 2 February 1920 and a cease-fire agreement with the latter a day earlier.
Having secured several frontiers and breaking the "Ring of Fronts" the Soviet government began building up its forces for the massive offensive westwards, bringing the World Revolution to Europe. However the Polish role of preventing this and creating a "buffer zone" at the expense of Belarus was not its sole goal. The new leader Józef Piłsudski rallied the Poles under a nationalist rhetoric to re-create the historic Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, the Międzymorze, which would include Lithuania, Ukraine, Belarus and push the eastern border as far as possible into Russia.
War continues
In April 1920, Poland initiated its major offensive. However the Soviet Red Army was much more organised than it was a year earlier, and though Polish troops managed to make several gains in Ukraine, notably the capture of Kiev, in Byelorussia, both of its offensives towards Zhlobin and Orsha were thrown back in May.
In June, the RSFSR was finally ready to open its major Western advance. To preserve the neutrality of Lithuania (though the peace treaty was still being negotiated), on 6 June the exiled government of Litbel was disbanded. Within a few days, the 3rd Cavalry Corps under command of Hayk Bzhishkyan broke the Polish front, causing a collapse and a retreat. On 11 July Minsk was re-taken, and on 31 July 1920 once again the Soviet Socialist Republic of Belorussia was re-established in Minsk.
As the front moved west, and more Belarusian lands were adjoined to the new republic, the first administrative decrees were issued. The entity was divided into seven uyezds: Bobruysk, Borisov, Igumen, Minsk, Mozyr and Slutsk. (Vitebsk, Gomel and Mogilev remained part of the RSFSR.) This time the leaders were Aleksandr Chervyakov (head of Minsk's milrevcom) and Wilhelm Knorin (as chairmen of the Central Committee of the Belarusian Communist Party). The SSRB sought to join further territories, as the Red Army crossed into Poland, but the decisive Polish victory at the Battle of Warsaw in August ended these ambitions. Once again, the Red Army found itself on the defensive in Belorussia. The Poles were able to successfully break the Russian lines at the Battle of the Niemen River in September 1920. As a result, the Soviets were not only forced to abandon their World Revolution targets, but Western Belarus too. However early autumn rains halted the Polish advance, which exhausted itself by October. A cease-fire agreed on 12 October, came into effect on 18 October.
Slutsk uprising
Main article: Slutsk Defence Action
As the negotiations between the Polish Republic and the Russian Bolshevik government took place in Riga, the Soviet side saw the armistice as only a temporary setback in its western advance. Seeing the failure of overcoming the Polish nationalist rhetoric with Communist propaganda, the Soviet government chose a different tactic, by appealing to the minorities of the Polish state, creating a fifth column element out of Belarusians and Ukrainians. During the negotiations, RSFSR offered all of BSSR to Poland in return for concessions in Ukraine, which were rejected by the Polish side. Eventually a compromising armistice line was agreed, which would see the Belarusian city of Slutsk handed over to the Bolsheviks.
News of Belarus' upcoming permanent division angered the population, and using the town's Polish occupation, the local population began self-organising into a militia and associating itself with the Belarusian Democratic Republic. On 24 November the Polish units left the town, and for nearly a month the Slutsk partisans resisted Soviet attempts to re-gain control of the area. Eventually the Red Army had to mobilise two divisions to overcome the resistance, when the last units of Slutsk militia crossed the Moroch River and interned by the Polish border guards.
Early-Soviet years
In February 1921, the delegations of the Second Polish Republic and the Russian SFSR finally signed the Treaty of Riga putting an end of hostilities in Europe, and Belarus in particular. Six years of war had left the land neglected and looted, and the endless change of occupying regimes, each worse than the previous left their mark on the Belarusian people, who were now divided. Almost half (Western Belarus) now belonged to Poland, Eastern Belarus (Gomel, Vitebsk and parts of Smolensk guberniyas) were administered by the RSFSR. The rest was the SSRB, a republic with 52,400 square kilometres and a population of a mere 1.544 million people.
An interesting paradox arose in the status of SSRB within the future Bolshevik state. On one hand its small geographic, population and almost negligent economic indicators did not warrant it much political weight on Soviet affairs. In fact the leader of the Communist Party of Byelorussia (Bolshevik), Alexander Chervyakov would represent Byelorussian communists at seven party congresses in Moscow, but not once be elected into the party's Central Committee. Moreover, the weak national sentiment of the Belarusian people would easily have allowed SSRB to be disbanded and annexed to the RSFSR, unlike for example Ukraine.
On the other hand, the region's strategic role decided its fate, as a full Union republic within the negotiations upon forming the future state. For one Leon Trotsky and his supporters within the Soviet leadership still supported its World Revolution concept, and as said above, viewed the Treaty of Riga as only a temporary setback to the process, and a future advance would require a prepared bridgehead. This justified giving the SSRB the status of a full union republic within the Treaty on the Creation of the USSR that was signed on 30 December 1922. SSR Byelorussia became a founding member of the Soviet Union in 1922 and became known as BSSR.[13]
However the politics in Moscow took a different course of events, and eventually the accession of Joseph Stalin saw a new policy adapted Socialism in One Country. In accordance to which, expansionist and irredentist claims were removed from Soviet ideology, which instead would focus on making regions economically viable. Thus on March 1924, by decree of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, Russia returned most of territories that made up the Vitebsk and Mogilev Governorates, as well as parts of Smolensk. The passing of land that largely survived the destruction of war not only doubled the SSRB's area to 110,600 square kilometres, but also raised the population to 4.2 million people.
SSRB in the mid-1920s
According to its entry in the Great Soviet Encyclopedia,[14] in 1925 SSRB was a largely rural country. Out of the 4,342,800 people that inhabited it, only 14.5% lived in urban areas. Administratively it was split into ten okrugs: Bobruysk, Borisov, Vitebsk, Kalinin, Minsk, Mogilev, Mozyr, Orsha, Polotsk, and Slutsk; all of which contained a total of 100 raions and 1,229 selsoviets. Only 25 towns and cities and an additional 49 urban settlements.
Trotsky's plan for the SSRB to act as a future magnet for the minorities in the Second Polish Republic is clearly evidenced in the national policies. The republic initially had four official languages: Belarusian, Russian, Yiddish, and Polish, despite the fact that the Russians and the Poles made up only around 2% of the total population (most of the later lived next to the state border in the Minsk and Borisov districts). The most important minority was the Jewish population of Belarus, which had a long history of targeted oppression under the Tsars, and in 1925 made up almost 44% of the urban population and began to be aided by affirmative action programmes. In 1924 the government created a committee - Belkomzet - to allocate land to Jewish families, in 1926 a total of 32,700 hectares were given for 6,860 Jewish families. Jews would continue to play a major role in Byelorussian politics, society and economy right up to the Second World War, in fact between 1928 and 1930 the First secretary of the Communist Party of Byelorussia, was Yakov Gamarnik, a Jew.
Yet, the titular nation of the SSRB were the Belarusians, which made up 82% of the rural population, but less than half of the urban one (40.1%). The Belarusian national sentiment was a lot weaker than that of neighbouring Ukraine, this was greatly exploited by the Bolshevik-Polish power struggle in the Polish-Soviet War. (In fact to avoid being annexed to Poland, at the census of 1920, many chose to be label themselves as Russians.[14]). To appeal to the Belarusians of Western Belarus and also to prevent the nationalist element of the exiled Belarusian National Republic from having any influence on the population (i.e. to avoid another Slutsk uprising), a policy of Korenizatsiya was widely implemented. Belarusian language, folklore and culture was put at front of everything else. This went on par with the Soviet policy of liquidation of illiteracy (likbez).
Economically the republic remained largely self-centred, and most of the effort was put into restoring and repairing the war-damaged industry (if in 1923 there was only 226 different fabrics and factories, then by 1926 the number climbed to 246, however the employed manpower jumped from 14 thousand to 21.3 thousand workers). The majority was food industry followed by metal and wood working combines. A lot more was centred in local and private sector, as allowed by the New Economic Policy of the USSR, in 1925 these number 38.5 thousand who employed almost 50 thousand people. Most being textile workshops and lumber yards and blacksmiths.
To further make the republic prosperous and to continue the creating of well-defined national territorial units. On 6 December 1926 the SSRB was once again enlarged by passing parts of RSFSR's Gomel Governorate, which included the cities of Gomel and Rechytsa. This increased the area to 126,300 square kilometres and the 1926 Soviet census that was held at the same time reported a population of 4,982,623. Of the latter 83% was rural, and Belarusians made up 80.6% (though only 39.2% of urban, yet 89% of rural).
On 11 April 1927, the republic adopted its new Constitution, bringing its laws in tie with those of the USSR and changing the name from the Soviet Socialist Republic of Byelorussia to the Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic The head of government (chairman of the Soviet of People's Commissars) was taken up Nikolay Goloded, whilst Vilhelm Knorin remained the first secretary of the Communist Party.
Stalinist years
The 1930s marked the peak of Soviet repressions in Belarus. According to incomplete calculations, about 600,000 people fell victim to Soviet repressions in Belarus between 1917 and 1953.[15][16] Other estimates put the number at higher than 1.4 million persons.,[17] of which 250,000 were sentenced by judicial or executed by extrajudicial bodies (dvoikas, troikas, special commissions of the OGPU, NKVD, MGB). Excluding those sentenced in the 1920s-1930s, over 250,000 Belarusians were deported as kulaks or kulak family members in regions outside the Belarusian Soviet Republic. The scale of Soviet terror in Belarus was higher than in Russia or Ukraine which resulted in a much stronger extent of Russification in the republic.
A Polish Autonomous District was founded in 1932 and disbanded in 1935.
In September 1939, the Soviet Union, following the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact with Nazi Germany, occupied eastern Poland after the 1939 invasion of Poland. The former Polish territories referred to as West Belarus were incorporated into the Belarusian SSR, with an exception of the city of Vilnius and its surroundings that were transferred to Lithuania. The annexation was internationally recognized after the end of World War II.
In the summer of 1941, Belarus was occupied by Nazi Germany. A large part of the territory of Belarus became the General District Belarus within the Reichskommissariat Ostland.
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After World War II, the Byelorussian SSR was given a seat in the United Nations General Assembly together with the Soviet Union and Ukrainian SSR, becoming one of the founding members of the UN. This was part of a deal with the United States to ensure a degree of balance in the General Assembly, which, the USSR opined, was unbalanced in favor of the Western Bloc. A Byelorussian, G.G. Chernushchenko, served as President of the United Nations Security Council from January–February 1975.
In its last years during perestroika under Mikhail Gorbachev, the Supreme Soviet of Byelorussian SSR declared sovereignty on 27 July 1990 over Soviet laws.
Following the failed coup in August, the republic declared independence from the Soviet Union on 25 August 1991. The republic was renamed the Republic of Belarus on 19 September 1991. On 8 December 1991 it was a signatory, along with Russia and Ukraine, of the Belavezha Accords, which replaced the Soviet Union with the Commonwealth of Independent States. Belarus received independence on 25 December 1991. A day later the Soviet Union ceased to exist. However, the Constitution (Fundamental Law) of the Republic of Belarus of 1978, was retained after independence.
Main article: Politics of the Soviet Union
See also: Politics of Belarus
Byelorussia was a one-party socialist republic, governed by the Communist Party of Byelorussia, a branch within the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU/KPSS). Like all other Soviet republics, it was one of the 15 constituent republics composing the Soviet Union from its entry into the union in 1922 till its dissolution in 1991. Executive power was exercised by the Byelorussian Communist Party authorities, at its top sits the Chairman of the Council of Ministers. Legislative power was vested in the unicameral parliament, the Supreme Soviet of Byelorussia.
Belarus is the legal successor of the Byelorussian SSR and in its Constitution it states, "Laws, decrees and other acts which were applied in the territory of the Republic of Belarus prior to the entry into force of the present Constitution shall apply in the particular parts thereof that are not contrary to the Constitution of the Republic of Belarus."[18]
See also: Foreign relations of Belarus
On the international stage, Byelorussia (along with Ukraine) was one of only two republics to be separate members of the United Nations. Both republics and the Soviet Union joined the UN when the organization was founded with the other 50 states on 24 October 1945. In effect, this provided the Soviet Union (a permanent Security Council member with veto powers) with another vote in the General Assembly.
Apart from the UN, the Byelorussian SSR was a member of the UN Economic and Social Council, UNICEF, International Labour Organization, Universal Postal Union, World Health Organization, UNESCO, International Telecommunication Union, United Nations Economic Commission for Europe, World Intellectual Property Organization and the International Atomic Energy Agency. Byelorussia was excluded separately from the Warsaw Pact, Comecon, the World Federation of Trade Unions and the World Federation of Democratic Youth.
According to the 1959 Soviet Census, the population of the republic were made up as follows:
Ethnicities (1959):
Belarusians - 81%
Poles - 16%
Lithuanians - 5%
Ukrainians - about 1%
Jews - about 1%
Russians - <1%
The largest cities were:
Main articles: Culture of Belarus and Culture of the Soviet Union
Main articles: Soviet cuisine and Belarusian cuisine
Whilist part of the Union, the cuisine of Byelorussia consisted mainly of vegetables, meat (particularly pork), and bread. Foods are usually either slowly cooked or stewed. Typically, Byelorussians eat a light breakfast and two hearty meals, with dinner being the largest meal of the day. Wheat and rye breads are consumed in Belarus, but rye is more plentiful because conditions are too harsh for growing wheat. Many of the cuisines within Byelorussia also shared its cuisine with its Russian neighbour.
↑ In interwar Soviet Belarus, between 1924 and 1938, four languages were official, namely, Belarusian, Polish, Russian and Yiddish (See: Кожинова, Алла Андреевна. 2017. Языки и графические системы Беларуси в периодот Октябрьской революции до Второй мировой войны (pp 133-156). Studi Slavistici. Vol 14. http://www.fupress.net/index.php/ss/article/download/21942/20141)
↑ Note: Some parts, e.g., Švenčionys, Šalčininkai, Dieveniškės, Adutiškis, Druskininkai, were annexed in 1939 from Poland to Byelorussia, but passed to Lithuania in 1940
↑ https://books.google.ca/books/about/Art_of_Soviet_Byelorussia.html?id=R7AuAQAAIAAJ&redir_esc=y
↑ Zaprudnik 1993, p. 2
↑ Аб паходжанні назваў Белая і Чорная Русь (Eng. "About the Origins of the Names of White and Black Ruthenia"), Язэп Юхо (Joseph Juho), 1956.
↑ Philip G. Roeder (15 December 2011). Where Nation-States Come From: Institutional Change in the Age of Nationalism. ISBN 978-0-691-13467-3.
↑ Handbook of Language and Ethnic Identity: The Success-Failure Continuum in Language and Ethnic Identity Efforts. 13 April 2011. ISBN 978-0-19-983799-1.
↑ Richmond 1995, p. 260
↑ Ioffe, Grigory (25 February 2008). Understanding Belarus and How Western Foreign Policy Misses the Mark. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc. p. 41. ISBN 0-7425-5558-5.
↑ Ryder 1998, p. 183
↑ Čepėnas 1986, p. 315
↑ Čepėnas, Pranas (1986). Naujųjų laikų Lietuvos istorija (in Lithuanian). II. Chicago: Dr. Griniaus fondas. pp. 355–359. ISBN 5-89957-012-1.
↑ In Soviet historiography the term "SSRB" was suppressed, but there is documentary evidence of the usage of the term SSRB rather than BSSR, see, e.g., A 1992 cancellation of a 1921 SSRB laws
1 2 Great Soviet Encyclopedia 1st edition, Volume 5, p.378-413, 1927
↑ В. Ф. Кушнер. Грамадска-палітычнае жыццё ў БССР у 1920—1930-я гг. // Гісторыя Беларусі (у кантэксьце сусьветных цывілізацыяў) С. 370.
↑ 600 000 ахвяраў — прыблізная лічба Archived March 11, 2012, at the Wayback Machine.: з І. Кузьняцовым гутарыць Руслан Равяка // Наша Ніва, 3 кастрычніка 1999.
↑ Ігар Кузьняцоў. Рэпрэсіі супраць беларускай iнтэлiгенцыi і сялянства ў 1930—1940 гады. Лекцыя 2. Archived October 3, 2011, at the Wayback Machine. // «Беларускі Калегіюм», 15 чэрвеня 2008.
↑ Constitution of Belarus, Art. 142.
Byelorussia : speeding towards abundance by Tikhon Kiselev.
Republics of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (1922–1991)
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1The annexation of the Baltic republics in 1940 was considered as an illegal occupation and was not recognized by the majority of the international community such as the United States, United Kingdom and the European Community. The Soviet Union officially recognized their independence on September 6, 1991, prior to its final dissolution three months later.
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text:
First Released Aug 6, 2008
Superb Check out the review
Proof that a big budget and fancy graphics are NOT needed to make a breath taking game.
User Rating: 9.5 | Braid X360
By Vividnightmare | Review Date: August 8, 2008
A many of things can be said of BRAID, the best thing to say though is perfection. At least for a puzzle platformer. Braid doesn't take place in any specific time, which is good because the game switches from fantasy world to more modern from world to world. The concept it's self is a little dizzying so don't worry about taking it all in at once. The story for braid is one that you'll have to place through a couple times to probably get, but basically Tim (that's you) was in love with a Princess and through many mistakes in your life with her things between you two fell apart. Luckily Tim has the ability to control time, more or less. Through seven of the most amazing and breath taking worlds ever Tim will come to decypher his past and fix his mistakes.
Controls - Exactly what you would expect from a platformer, the controls are responsive and actually rather forgiving. You don't really die in braid, if you make a mistake you just press rewind. Unlike other time based games like Prince of Persia you don't run out of power, you can rewind levels all the way back to their beginning if you choose too. While this does make the concept of a game over not possible don't believe that this game will lack challenge.
Graphics - While you wouldn't expect a 2d game to have great graphics Braid would prove you wrong. Crisp fine detail line and a amazing colour pallete mixed with genius art design cause Braid to be down right breath taking, most impressive to myself is the intro level and the first world which seems to all be painted in a Van Goh like style. The game isn't just a 2D game, it's a 2d Art Platformer to be honest which makes it just plain fun to look at.
Sound - Again I generally dismiss sound unless something is really awful about it OR in Braids case truly amazing. It's been a long time since a game went all out and just went with all orchestra based instruments, but Braid, a back to basic 2d platformer does just that. The musical alignment for Braid is very very well thought out, tempos and pitches hitting just the way they should just when they should portraying emotions and feelings while reading the games text based story or running through a level, never has a game let someone feel so at peace and relaxed.
Story - I really would love to tell you the story, but the story is the best part. It's a twist metaphorical ending, everything you read and everything you intake for the story will have to be resorted and re-thought by the games wonderful ending. The game refrences light and warmth a lot, as well as creation and castles... what ever could they mean?... plenty of clouds in the game too..... now if only they said something about mushrooms, not in the since of drugs but in their shape. Truly you should play it a few times through to get a good grasp of the story.
Overall - After playing the demo i had to have this game, it took me a couple of days to finally bring myself to pay 15 dollars for a tiny LIVE game but I did and I don't regret it. Today not many games tend to feel deeply thought into, most things feel like a giant mega corp. developed them and wrote them and made the story "something for everyone". Otherwise known as easy to understand easy to grasp. Braid on the other hand dares to be different and comes out with story so complex I figured is was a dead art form. If it were only longer it would have been a perfect 10.
Other Helpful Reviews for Braid
Pure Genius!!
By MuffinPunk | Review Date: Aug 06, 2008 | X360
I bought Braid because it looked like one of the more original titles on Xbox Live Arcade (I also loved Portal, another unique puzzle game). After playing it, I'm glad I purchased it. Its a puzzle game enhanced with a se... Read Full Review
Seminal. The Watchmen of video games? Oh, go on, then.
By AlmightyMax | Review Date: Feb 06, 2010 | X360
The 'games as art' debate has been raging for years. Traditionally gamers have struggled arguing their side, but we may finally have our ace in the hole. It's safe to say that with Braid, Jonathan Blow has done for video... Read Full Review
new $8.95
used $7.97

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Young Adult Court
Behavioral Health Court
Community Justice Center
Family Treatment Court
Juvenile Reentry Court
Veterans Justice Court
YAC Policy and Procedures
YAC Implementation Evaluation
Young Adult Court Fact Sheet
Young Adult Court Eligibility Requirements
Young Adult Court Participant Handbook
The last two decades have given rise to a body of research establishing that young adults are fundamentally different from both juveniles and older adults in how they process information and make decisions. The prefrontal cortex of the brain — responsible for our cognitive processing and impulse control — does not fully develop until the early to mid-20s. At the same time that young adults are going through this critical developmental phase, many find themselves facing adulthood without supportive family, housing, education, employment and other critical protective factors that can help them navigate this tumultuous period. Our traditional justice system is not designed to address cases involving these individuals, who are qualitatively different in development, skills, and needs from both children and older adults.
Young Adult Court (YAC) in San Francisco was established in summer 2015 for eligible young adults, ages 18-24. The court strives to align opportunities for accountability and transformation with the unique needs and developmental stage of this age group. The case load in the first year will serve approximately 60-80 clients. Partner agencies include the Superior Court, Office of the District Attorney, Office of the Public Defender, the Department of Public Health, Adult Probation Department, Department of Children, Youth and their Families, the San Francisco Police Department and Family Service Agency/Felton. YAC is the first of its kind nationwide.
January 31, 2019 Young Adult Court Graduation- (photo from left to right) Felton Institute Case Manager Ashli Rocha, TAC graduate Alonso, and YAC Judge Bruce E. Chan
Judge Bruce E. Chan
Melanie Kushnir-Pappalardo, LCSW
Collaborative Justice Programs
Superior Court of California, County of San Francisco
400 McAllister St
YAC News & articles
National League of Cities Report on Young Adult Justice 2022
Shamann Walton, President of the San Francisco Board of Supervisors, speaks at Young Adult Court December, 2021 Graduation
View Supervisor Shamann Walton's Instagram Post on the Young Adult Court Graduation Program
Young Adult Court featured on KPIX May, 2021
The San Francisco Chronicle, June 29, 2018
Graduating in a S.F. Courtroom
BBC World Service, November 06, 2017
Neurolaw & Order
Boston Globe, November 02, 2017
Eighteen year olds can barely rent cars. Are they old enough for jail?
The New York Times, April 17, 2017
A California Court for Young Adults Calls on Science
San Francisco Magazine, September 2016
Breaking Free: A new program in San Francisco attempts to shatter the school-to-prison pipeline
Newsweek, April 2016
Neuroscience Is Changing the Debate Over What Role Age Should Play in the Courts
CommonWealth, March 2016
Building a developmentally appropriate justice system


text:
Home Magazine Features 40 Under 40: JD Sutphin
40 Under 40: Aaron Ray-Dykstra
40 Under 40: Rachel Thompson
40 Under 40: JD Sutphin
by Liz Long
Courtesy of JD Sutphin
JD Sutphin
JD SUTPHIN, 35 / President/Owner, Big Lick Entertainment
As an entertainment promoter, a Nashville recording artist and leader of his band, Low Low Chariot, JD Sutphin is no stranger to the spotlight. For him, however, it's all about using his position to build awareness for great causes. Big Lick Entertainment puts on many events throughout the year, with about 90% of them benefiting local charities, such as Council of Community Services, Presbyterian Community Center, NAMI of Roanoke Valley and more. Whether running established events like Big Lick Burger Fest or more recent additions such as Big Lick Train Tug or Virginia Steak Fest, his organization raises thousands of dollars to help nonprofits make a difference in their reach and impact. "People in my own town inspire me!" Sutphin says. "I think a vast majority of people in our community are some of the most electric and caring people you could ever meet. People really do go out of their way to be creative but also support one another. It's amazing."
Gold winner of "Your Male Star of the Star City" in The Roanoker Magazine, 2018
From the Nomination: "JD Sutphin has been performing and booking great entertainment events in the Roanoke Valley for many years. He has helped sponsor many charity events as well as other great festivals throughout the valley. He is a great asset to the community because of the dedication and follow up to make events successful and meaningful to the public. He has several businesses he runs and still finds time to help and be a family man. He has accomplished so much in his lifetime. He has a love for his community he always puts forth his best to help out and for everyone to play it forward. He brings so much joy to people with everything that he has done from great music entertainment to great food."
How does your passion impact our community?
Sutphin: "I'm most passionate about challenging myself and my business to do better. More entertainment value to our patrons. More integration with the charities involved with our events. I can't comprehend settling for the same thing every day or every year."
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We can only accept cancellations on custom orders if it has not been passed to production. Custom products are processed within 12 hours of being ordered, it then gets passed along to the production process. Since this is a personalized product catered to you, once the product begins we are unable to cancel it.
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We only replace items if they are defective or damaged. If you need to exchange it for the same item, fill out a form on our Contact Us page and we will direct you further.
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Store Manager - Airport HUGO BOSS MAĞAZACILIK LTD. ŞTİ.
HUGO BOSS is one of the leading premium fashion and lifestyle companies with around 14,000 employees worldwide. As the most important interface to our customers, we are looking for Store Managers who have passion for our products and act as a brand ambassador for HUGO BOSS. Join a team that creates an exceptional brand and shopping experience with enthusiasm, fun and expertise – because to create something extraordinary, we must explore new paths together. Shape your personal future at HUGO BOSS!
In your role as a Store Manager, you act as an inspirational role model in leading and coaching your team members in the KPI achievement with a tireless drive to deliver excellent customer service.
Mağaza ekiplerimizi 10:00-18:00 ve 14:00-22:00 arası iki vardiya olarak çalışmaktadır.


text:
Home WinBuzzer News Microsoft Pledges Carbon Negativity by 2030 but Its Ties to Big Oil...
Microsoft Pledges Carbon Negativity by 2030 but Its Ties to Big Oil Remain
Microsoft says it will remove all of its historical carbon emissions from the atmosphere by 2050 while committing to furthering research and legislation.
January 17, 2020 11:56 am CET
Microsoft will lead the way among tech giants by becoming carbon negative within the next decade. It's a significant extension of its 2017 commitment to cut 75% of its carbon emissions by the same date and builds on 2019 revisions of 70% renewable energy by 2023 and the creation of 825,000 carbon-neutral Xbox's.
"While the world will need to reach net zero, those of us who can afford to move faster and go further should do so," Microsoft President Brad Smith said of the new commitment. "That's why today we are announcing an ambitious goal and a new plan to reduce and ultimately remove Microsoft's carbon footprint."
To reach its target, the company will require ambitious innovations across multiple sectors. After reaching carbon neutrality, it wants to work on removing existing carbon from the atmosphere. To aid in those efforts, it has created a $1 billion Climate Innovation Fund to accelerate new tech. By 2050, it wants to remove enough to offset all the historical emissions Microsoft has made since its founding in 1975.
Smith says Microsoft will also take drastic action to reduce the carbon produced in its supply chain. The graph above shows the projected pathway to net-zero, falling from 16 million metric tons today to 0 by what looks like 2029. This will extend to the value chain as well as supply.
Public vs Private Policy
It all sounds very encouraging, and that's because it is. Microsoft's goals are significantly more lofty than competitors like Amazon, which plans for carbon neutrality (not net-zero) by 2040. However, some of the company's previous actions have been flagged as contradictory to its public persona as a climate-loving good guy.
In September 2019, employees criticized the company for a partnership with oil giant Chevron. Its deal was designed to "accelerate the creation of innovative petrotechnical and digital technologies", but workers accused it of "making millions of dollars in profits by helping oil companies extract more oil".
Microsoft published its commitment to carbon-neutral Xbox's just days later, seemingly shifting the focus to what it is doing, rather than what it refuses to. In November it announced yet another oil-related partnership, this time with Suncor Energy.
"While there is a lot to celebrate in Microsoft's announcement, a gaping hole remains unaddressed: Microsoft's expanding efforts to help fossil fuel companies drill more oil and gas with machine-learning and other AI technologies," said Greenpeace senior campaigner Elizabeth Jardim.
The tech giant argues that by working with these companies, it can increase efficiency and show the value of renewable tech, therefore cutting their damage. However, critics suggest that those outward ambitions are clearly at odds with the plans of fossil fuel CEOs, who may just exploit the efficiency to further drill the earth.
On top of all this, there's the joining of the Climate Leadership Council, a group of oil giants that protected its members from historic climate change liability at the time Microsoft joined, but has seen some reform in recent times.
Going forward, the Redmond giant has committed to lobbying for policies that advance the world's carbon efforts. It says it will use its voice to support legislation that removes regulatory barriers that slow carbon reduction, as well as energy transparency, pricing mechanisms, and research/collaboration.
Even so, the efforts of a single company won't be enough. Microsoft sees its main role here as a provider of energy-saving and carbon-tracking cloud tech to others. Part of this effort is its new Microsoft Sustainability Calculator and a partnership with Vattenfall to let its customers choose the green energy they want and ensure they match their goals. In providing such services, it will help the planet, but you can also bet it'll make a tidy amount of cash on top.
SOURCEMicrosoft
Carbon Negative
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Microsoft Climate Plan to Become Carbon Negative Starts Taking Shape
Microsoft Engineer Says Tengizchevroli Project Sought to Spy on Oil Workers
Microsoft Says It Will Make 825,000 Carbon Neutral Xbox's following UN Climate Summit
Malwarebytes Confirms SolarWinds-Related Attack Through Microsoft 365 and Azure
Here's Microsoft's Windows 10X Running on a Surface pro 7 and M1 MacBook
Microsoft Teases Affordable LTE Windows 10 Laptops and Classroom Pen 2 Update
Microsoft Give Users of Cortana Control Over Voice Recording Access


text:
Watch Mysteries Decoded all seasons and episodes for free on 123movies.
Documentary series investigates some of America's greatest unsolved mysteries.
Genre: Uncategorized
Actors: Jennifer L. Marshall
Networks: CW seed
When they were twelve years old, Mark, Pru, Danny and Slade were out together in the park. Mark's five-year-old brother, Jesse, was annoying them. They were mean – told him…
In the 1960s, Israeli clerk-turned-secret agent Eli Cohen goes deep undercover inside Syria on a perilous, years-long mission to spy for Mossad.
Normal high school kids by day, protectors of Paris by night! Miraculous follows the heroic adventures of Marinette and Adrien as they transform into Ladybug and Cat Noir and set…
Genre: Action & Adventure, Animation, Family, Kids
Watch Catfish: The TV Show Full Tv Series Online 123Movies. Catfish: The TV Show 123Movies Watch Free Online. Catfish: The TV Show 123 Movies ===> In each episode, with the…
Based on Philip K. Dick's award-winning novel, The Man in the High Castle explores what it would be like if the Allied Powers had lost WWII, and Japan and Germany…
A high concept thriller that tells the story of Dr. Ephraim Goodweather, the head of the Center for Disease Control Canary Team in New York City. He and his team…
Genre: Drama, Mystery, Science Fiction
Two mismatched students at a magical school for knights in training form an unlikely alliance to protect each other's secret and pursue their dreams.
A writer gets caught up in a murder investigation involving his mentor, an esteemed American author. Based on the book of the same name, by Joël Dicker.
A Silicon Valley pioneer discovers that one of his own creations – a powerful A.I. – might spell global catastrophe, and teams up with a cybercrime agent to fight a…
Genre: Crime, Drama, Sci-Fi & Fantasy
A look at the impact of Spain's Basque conflict on ordinary people on both sides, such as the widow of a man killed by the ETA who returns to her…
Almost a decade into his new devoted married life Nathan is rocked to the core when Bob, an unwelcome face from the past, turns up on his doorstep with shocking…
The story of an unassuming American family drawn into the workings of a turbulent Middle Eastern nation. Bassam "Barry" Al Fayeed, the younger son of the dictator of a war-torn…


text:
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/**
 * Created by PhpStorm.
 * User: gseidel
 * Date: 2020-06-13
 * Time: 10:56
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namespace Enhavo\Bundle\TranslationBundle\Metadata\Provider;

use Enhavo\Bundle\AppBundle\Util\NameTransformer;
use Enhavo\Bundle\TranslationBundle\Metadata\Metadata;
use Enhavo\Bundle\TranslationBundle\Metadata\PropertyNode;
use Enhavo\Component\Metadata\Exception\ProviderException;
use Enhavo\Component\Metadata\Metadata as BaseMetadata;
use Enhavo\Component\Metadata\ProviderInterface;

class PropertyNodeProvider implements ProviderInterface
{
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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
NGC 7209 je otvoreni skup u zviježđu Gušterici.

Izvori

Vanjske poveznice

  Hartmut Frommert: Revidirani Novi opći katalog
  Izvangalaktička baza podataka NASA-e i IPAC-a
  Astronomska baza podataka SIMBAD
   VizieR
 DSS-ova slika NGC 7209
  Auke Slotegraaf: NGC 7209 Deep Sky Observer's Companion
  NGC 7209 DSO-tražilica
  Courtney Seligman: Objekti Novog općeg kataloga: NGC 7200 - 7249

7209

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


... drama he presents is too much for even this couple. In addition to the racism, this commercial has sexist undertones as well. The woman seems to be the one really pushing for more drama while the man simply nods and is along for the ride. She is also the one that picks up the puppy therefore, she is more directly involved in the drama than the man. All women, not just those of a specific race, are thought to be more involved in drama than men in todays society. Females are known for dramatizing situations, whereas males are not, even though this is not the case for every individual. Did you notice how protective the mother wolf was though, That is also making the sexist statement that mothers are very, sometimes overly, protective of their young. The young couple is causing the puppy no harm, but the mother wastes no time and starts snarling as soon as she sees people are holding her baby, which is also making her seem somewhat dramatic. The sexism and racism are used in such small ways that many people dont realize they are there, but they are and they enhance the overall commercial in more ways than most would imagine. However, they can also be offensive to those who relate to the race or gender if they do not have the same views as are being portrayed in the ad. Even though the ads main reason for existence is to persuade people to shop with Cars.com, it shows how a certain race and gender is known for wanting drama in their lives. Every person is different and has different likes and dislikes in life and should not be categorized by gender or race.Works CitedCars.com. Wolf. Youtube.com Youtube.com. 3 February 2013. Web. 19 February 2013.


I want to highlight a great tradition that takes place each year in June in our capital city as hundreds of our state's most distinguished young leaders meet on the University of Nebraska-Lincoln campus for an exercise in democracy.
The annual meeting of Cornhusker Boys State and Cornhusker Girls State were held this week. These programs are sponsored by The American Legion to provide young leaders with the first hand experience of forming and governing in a democracy.
Each year high school juniors from across the state come together and spend a week as citizens of the mythical Boys State and Girls State living in towns, electing leaders in local, county and state elections, and governing according to Nebraska law.
The positions and appointments mirror those of state government with constitutional officers and senators elected through primary and general elections, and Supreme Court positions appointed by the sitting Governor of Boys or Girls State. The experience provides a first-hand look at the political process of our democracy, with campaigns, platforms, debates, and elections that are an exercise in consensus building and problem solving.
Whether participants go on to pursue a career in politics, public service or another career path, the experience is an opportunity to learn about the political processes of our state and nation. Students also have the opportunity to interact with state leaders. Over the years, members of my staff, and leaders from the Nebraska Legislature and Nebraska Supreme Court have spent time meeting with participants and sharing their insights on how government works in Nebraska.
It is a longstanding tradition that the Governor addresses the participants of Boys and Girls State. As a former participant in Boys State, I really enjoy the opportunity to interact with Nebraska's best and brightest students. The students asked challenging questions about our state budget priorities; education, economic development and agriculture.
Students come away from this experience with a greater understanding and appreciation for the challenges of making policy decisions that affect our entire state. My message to this year's participants was that we want them to be part of Nebraska's future. They are Nebraska's future leaders.
I want to thank The American Legion and the American Legion posts and auxiliary groups across the state for supporting the Cornhusker Boys and Girls State program. It is a valuable and memorable experience.


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Athletes regularly train before sunrise, putting in the early morning work necessary to succeed. To perform at peak levels, they require not only optimal training, but optimal recovery. Klean Recovery™ is a delicious milk chocolate-flavored powder formulated with the athlete's recovery in mind. Its 4:1 ratio of carbohydrates to protein helps support glycogen re-synthesis and muscle protein synthesis immediately after a workout. In addition to whey protein, Klean Recovery™ contains a special hydrolyzed marine protein that is quickly and efficiently absorbed. It is rich in amino acids such as methionine, histidine and arginine that are crucial to muscle building and nitrogen balance.
Mix one rounded scoop with 10 to 12 ounces of water and consume within 30 minutes post-exercise or competition.


Contrary to reports, Spider Games is not developing an Xbox 360 version of PC and PlayStation 3 RPG Mars. In an e-mail conversation with Destructoid, Spider CEO Jehanne Rousseau said an Xbox 360 version of the game was a logical step and is being planned, however, taking the game to the Microsoft platform would require help from a publisher.
"For now we're still searching for a publisher, so in one way the 360 version relies on them," Rousseau said. "But we do actually have a PC version and we're planning to develop for 360 as well, as it seems very logical. I'll be able to give you the final answer about the different platforms when I have the contract in hand."
In a recent interview, Rosseau indicated that the lead platform for Mars was the PlayStation 3. In his words, the choice was made because "the PS3 is a very complicated platform." Spider would rather jump whatever hurdles now, as opposed to later. Good call. Run a mile, then take a walk.
[Update: Rousseau contacted us with this statement, making this all perfectly clear: "Mars has no publisher at all for now," he exclaimed, "not only the 360 version. The preproduction of the game has been done on PS3 and PC, but there is nearly no doubt that the game will be developed for Xbox 360 except if Sony buy the rights for an exclusivity. As we're still in preproduction it was more interesting to work on the hardest console to unlock all the technical problems we could meet."


When people come to our showroom or website, they are curious – about what we offer and if there is anything we provide that they might need or be able to use. They are asking themselves questions as they peruse our website or walk around our showroom – even before or in addition to any personal contact they might have with us.
They are interviewing us – albeit one-sided – to determine if they like what they see so far and want to continue learning about us. If they figure that we aren't a good fit for them, our prices are unrealistic, or our selection doesn't align with their expectations, they may terminate the interview 9evaluation) at that point. We might not even know that any of this has occurred.
While we can't please everyone – and we don't really want to except in being available, approachable, pleasant, and professional – we should at least look like we have the knowledge and experience to assist them should they want our help.
When they do actually engage us – over the phone, by email, or in-person (at our location, a home show, or their home) – they are going to have a series of questions to ask us. They want to determine our level of expertise, our appreciation for their needs, and our potential ability to address what they would like done.
Based on our response, they will move us to the top of the list of candidates for them to consider employing for their job, keep us in the running for possible consideration, or dismiss us. Assuming that the job aligns with our business model and general scope of services, we would really like for it to be the first one.
However, maybe we don't want to work with them or the job isn't something that we should undertake. So, we have to do our own interview. Call it discovery, needs assessment, or whatever other term you want to apply, we must determine what they want, what their budget is, what they have considered or seen so far, and how realistic their expectations are.
Based on this overall picture, we can feel good about continuing to get to know them and getting serious about helping them, or we can politely walk away – knowing that this is not a good use of our time.
When two sides get together to talk about potential remodeling or aging-in-place solutions – the consumer or client and us – an interview is going to ensue. They are going to be sizing us up, and we are going to be evaluating them. When there is a good meeting of the minds, and the potential job is a good fit for what we offer, we can feel good about proceeding with the assignment. Conversely, it may be something that we should not undertake.
It's called a sales interview because each side is evaluating the other through a series of questions and non-verbal signals to learn if they feel good about the prospects of working together. The customer won't always choose us, and we won't always agree to perform the proposed job. This is part of the interview process.


text:
Origins of Classical Architecture
Temples, Orders, and Gifts to the Gods in Ancient Greece
Mark Wilson Jones
The Greek architectural orders—Doric, Ionic, and Corinthian—lie at the heart of the classical traditions of building, and yet satisfying accounts for their origins have proved elusive. In contrast with conventional theories that would see the orders originating over the course of a long evolution, this book stresses the suddenness of the phenomenon and its dependence on historical context, human agency, and artistic inspiration. Casting new light on a subject that has preoccupied architects since the Renaissance, Mark Wilson Jones shows how construction, influence, appearance, and meaning found expression in complex and multifaceted designs. New emphasis is placed on the relationship between the orders and the temples of worship that they were created to adorn. Temples were exquisitely made offerings to the divinity, and they also contained valuable offerings. In revealing affinities between certain offerings and the orders, the author explains how these gave architectural expression to sensibilities of intense social and religious significance.
Mark Wilson Jones is an architect, architectural historian, and scholar of archeology in the department of Architecture and Civil Engineering at the University of Bath.
"In this lucidly argued and beautifully produced book Mark Wilson Jones attempts the hugely ambitious task of explaining the genesis of classical architecture"—Peter di Figeiredo, Context
"This book contains many new observations and arguments, and is superbly illustrated. . . . The book is a major contribution to the study of Greek architecture and can be recommended for everyone interested in classics, history of art, archaeology or ancient history.—András Patay-Horváth, Bryn Mawr Classical Review
304 pages, 8 1/4 x 10 1/4
65 color + 170 b/w illus.
Also of Interest More from this Author
Yorkshire West Riding: Sheffield and the South
Ruth Harman and Nikolaus Pevsner
Clare Hartwell, Nikolaus Pevsner, and Elizabeth Williamson
Elizabeth Williamson, Anne Riches, and Malcom Higgs
The Architecture of the Yale Center for British Art
Jules David Prown; Foreword by Amy Meyers; Photographs by T
The Final Testament of Père Corbu
A Translation and Interpretation of Mise au point by Ivan Zaknic
Le Corbusier; Edited by Ivan Zaknic
Building After Auschwitz
Jewish Architecture and the Memory of the Holocaust
Gavriel D. Rosenfeld
Principles of Roman Architecture
Art and Architecture > Architecture


text:
Q: MySQL - search for duplicates RESOLVED!  THANKS EVERYONE.
I need to search for duplicates - table as follows:
id, q1, q2, q3, text

id is unique and I am only interested in finding duplicates where the field text is the same.
Any suggestions as I have no idea where to start!
Thanks,
Homer.

A: This will return you duplicate values of text:
SELECT  text
FROM    mytable
GROUP BY
        text
HAVING  COUNT(*) > 1

This will return all records having duplicate values of text:
SELECT  m.*
FROM    (
        SELECT  text
        FROM    mytable
        GROUP BY
                text
        HAVING  COUNT(*) > 1
        ) q
JOIN    mytable m
ON      m.text = q.text

A: When I do similar things, I usually do a combination of a count query and 'having'.
for example:
select
  text,
  count(*) as cnt
from
  table_name
group by
  text
having cnt > 1;

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


This is the 21st Century recreation of the original NAD 3020 amplifier from the seventies that provided an outlet for thousands of young people on the hunt for real HiFi.
Exceptional power and smoothness for the money and with ridiculous headroom for party animal opportunes.
NAD has an enviable reputation for creating some of the best performing budget amplifiers of all time. The lineage is impressive, all the way from the 3020 of 1978 to the current C325BEE, with many "Best Amp" awards and 5 Star reviews along the way. As loudspeaker quality and performance has continued to improve, especially at modest price points, NAD felt that there was room for a lower cost amp that could take advantage of these speakers; creating a new entry point for serious musical performance.
The NAD Design Team faced a difficult challenge: to maintain the same performance specification as our more expensive amplifiers while removing cost. Cost is usually removed by reducing features, power, and performance.
While not quite as full featured as our own C325BEE, the C316BEE is far from a "stripped down" product. With 6 line level inputs, full IR remote control, defeatable tone controls and a front panel input for a portable MP3 player, the C316BEE is fully equipped to be the control center for a high performance music system.
Continuous power is a conservative 40 watts, and dynamic power (more important for music listening) is impressively rated at 90 watts into 8 Ohms! This is far more usable power on tap than other amps at this price. And this power is available across the entire audible band at a class leading 0.02% rated distortion!


text:
Olympic Games star Stephanie Devaux-Lovell joins sailing staff
Rydal Penrhos' sailing department has received another huge boost with the arrival of a well-respected international coach.
Stephanie Devaux-Lovell will be working with the school's talented sailors over the next few weeks under the guidance of programme head Max Todd, and the pair also recently worked together at the Performance Racing Clinic over the half term break.
The 22-year-old hails from St Lucia and has competed at the inaugural Youth Olympic Games in Singapore aged 14 after taking up the sport as an eight-year-old.
She said: "The Youth Olympics was the most extraordinary experience I had ever had and it opened my eyes to the world of Olympic competition. It was here that my dream of going to the Olympic Games was created.
"Ever since then, my life has been revolved around achieving this dream. The road to the Games was not easy as it required a lot of sacrifice, hard work and determination.
"Luckily, I had a great support system who believed in me and made my Olympic campaign possible."
Her dream of competing at another landmark event were realised when Stephanie represented her country at the Olympic Games in Rio, where she competed in the Women's Laser Radial event and secured an impressive 29th placed finish overall.
Following the games, the coach took up a place at the University of Toronto in Canada, where she is also training to qualify for the 2020 Olympics in Tokyo.
"My passion for sailing continues to grow and I hope to one day win St Lucia it's first ever Olympic medal," added Stephanie.


text:
Q: SpringBoot STOMP over Websocket connecting to a network of ActiveMQ Brokers I built a chat client using Spring Boot Websocket and STOMP connecting to a full featured ActiveMQ Broker. I have six instances of my spring boot application running fronted by a load balancer, however, I would like to scale my ActiveMQ single instance to use a network of ActiveMQ Brokers, I was able to configure a network of ActiveMQ Brokers but I cannot figure out how to have my SpringBoot application connect to this network of Brokers, any help would be much appreciated.
Here is a snippet of code that I use to connect to the external single instance broker.
@Override
public void configureMessageBroker(MessageBrokerRegistry messageBrokerRegistry)
{
    messageBrokerRegistry.setApplicationDestinationPrefixes("/app");

    if (UseSimpleMessagingBroker)
    {
        // Destination Prefix - Connect to default in-memory broker
        log.warn(
            "NOTE: ***CHAT SERVICE IS CONFIGURED TO USE A SIMPLE EMBEDDED MESSAGING BROKER. IT IS RECOMMENDED TO USE A MESSAGE BROKER CLUSTER LIKE ActiveMQ or RabbitMQ. THIS CAN BE CONFIGURED IN application.properties => UseSimpleMessagingBroker=false");
        messageBrokerRegistry.enableSimpleBroker("/topic/", "/queue/");
    } else
    {

        // connect to AMQ
        StompBrokerRelayRegistration broker = messageBrokerRegistry.enableStompBrokerRelay("/queue/", "/topic/");
        broker.setRelayHost(StompBrokerRelayHost);
        broker.setRelayPort(StompBrokerRelayPort);
        broker.setSystemLogin(brokerUser);
        broker.setSystemPasscode(brokerPassword);
        broker.setClientLogin(stompClientUser);
        broker.setClientPasscode(stompClientPassword);
        // broker.setVirtualHost(virtualHost)
    }

}

--


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In Russia, there is much disagreement over how to respond to Hizb ut-Tahrir, Forum 18 News Service has found. Hizb ut-Tahrir is banned as antisemitic in Germany, and its Danish spokesman was given a suspended jail sentence for distributing racist propaganda. Rejecting democracy and core human rights such as religious freedom and purporting to reject violence, it has made violently antisemitic statements but not publicly called for specific terrorist acts. In Russia, 29 alleged Hizb ut-Tahrir members have been given jail terms, following a Supreme Court decision banning the organisation as terrorist. Some, such as Aleksandr Verkhovsky of the Sova Centre, think that monitoring and targeted prosecution of concrete cases of incitement to violence or hatred would be a more effective response. Mukaddas Bibarsov, co-chairman of Russia's Council of Muftis, told Forum 18 that he had only met three sympathisers, suggesting that, instead of prison terms, the Muslim community should challenge such people, but lamented that "there is no [Muslim] intellectual force to explain that (..) everyone must live by the Constitution here."
Human rights activists, Islamic studies specialists, Muslim leaders and the courts disagree sharply in their evaluation of Hizb ut-Tahrir's activity in Russia and how the state should respond to it, Forum 18 News Service has found.
The Russian Supreme Court banned Hizb ut-Tahrir as a terrorist organisation in February 2003, and those publicly questioning this ruling were recently given an official warning by the state authorities (see F18News 10 April 2006 http://www.forum18.org/Archive.php?article_id=756).
A self-styled international Islamic political party that claims to reject violence, Hizb ut-Tahrir has had many of its members imprisoned in Central Asia (see F18News 29 October 2003 http://www.forum18.org/Archive.php?article_id=170 and 16 February 2004 http://www.forum18.org/Archive.php?article_id=253). Those charged with membership of the organisation in Russia have claimed that they are being persecuted for their religious beliefs (see F18News 18 April 2006 http://www.forum18.org/Archive.php?article_id=761).
A major point of contention has been whether the organisation may be regarded as terrorist or extremist. While doubting – on the basis of media reports – that Hizb ut-Tahrir is preparing or engaged in terrorist acts, the editor of the Sova Centre's Moscow-based religious affairs website examines, in an extensive 6 February 2006 article, whether the organisation calls for violence in Russia and is thus liable to prosecution under the 2002 Extremism Law.
Aleksandr Verkhovsky notes that Hizb ut-Tahrir's literature – the only publicly available source of information about the organisation – is likely to be understood literally by its target audience. He finds that Hizb ut-Tahrir does not accept existing self-proclaimed Muslim nations as truly Islamic, and aims to restore the Islamic Caliphate (abolished by the Turkish republic in 1924) by establishing an Islamic state in a historically Muslim country.
Forum 18 notes that, while Russian Hizb ut-Tahrir members insist, in a 10 March 2005 statement, that they regard not Russia but Arab countries and those with a predominantly Muslim population as the basis of this future Caliphate, it remains unclear whether they consider traditionally Muslim republics - such as Chechnya - as an integral part of Russia.
Both the 10 March 2005 statement and Hizb ut-Tahrir's English-language website present the organisation's purported rejection of violent acts in terms of the Prophet Mohammed's sole reliance upon dawah (preaching) until he and his followers had established an Islamic society in Medina. By continuing this analogy, Forum 18 notes that the use of violence would prove a likely option should Hizb ut-Tahrir succeed in – albeit possibly peacefully - creating even a small Caliphate area. As Verkhovsky points out, the organisation also categorically rejects both the democratic system as a method of extending power and such key human rights as religious freedom.
Nevertheless, Verkhovsky finds that it would be difficult to prosecute Hizb ut-Tahrir under Russia's 1998 Terrorism Law on the basis of these texts and even the organisation's 1988 resolution legitimising hijack of aeroplanes belonging to a country "in a state of war with Muslims." (According to Verkhovsky, the 1988 resolution was removed from Hizb ut-Tahrir's English-language website some years ago but has never been repudiated.) This, he explains, is because "encouragement" to commit terrorist attacks under Russia's 1998 Terrorism Law means a direct instruction to commit a certain action, rather than general appeals.
Verkhovsky does believe, however, that Hizb ut-Tahrir's defence of hijacking and its antisemitic March 2002 statement describing Jews as "a defective people" and calling upon Muslims to remove them from Palestine (still on the organisation's Russian-language website until recently and likewise not repudiated) would be sufficient to prohibit Hizb ut-Tahrir as an extremist organisation under Russia's 2002 Extremism Law.
Entitled "Kill them wherever you find them, and cast them out from wherever they cast you out" - a quotation from the Koran - the March 2002 document begins by describing Jews as "renowned for their treachery and broken promises (..) they kill prophets and innocent people." While stopping short of calling for specific terrorist acts, it describes how "in Palestine today the mujahidin display examples of piety - young men compete in acts of self-sacrifice (..) and mothers encourage their sons to become shahids [a term for suicide bombers] and bow to Allah in gratitude if they hear news that their children have fallen as shahids." It concludes by calling upon Muslims to mobilise armies for battle "in order to cast the Jews into misfortune for their deeds and wipe their vile persons from the land of Isra and Mi'raj" (a reference to a journey said to have been undertaken by the Prophet Muhammed from Mecca to Jerusalem and then heaven in one night).
Under Russia's 2002 Extremism Law, extremist activity is defined as "the planning, organisation, preparation for or execution of actions aimed at the forcible change of the constitutional order or violation of the territorial integrity of the Russian Federation; the undermining of the security or the assumption of the governing powers of the Russian Federation; the creation of illegal armed formations; terrorist activity; the incitement of racial, ethnic or religious discord or social discord in connection with violence or calls for violence; humiliation of national dignity; the organisation of mass unrest, hooliganism or acts of vandalism motivated by ideological, political, racial, ethnic or religious hatred or hatred towards a particular social group; the propaganda of exclusivity, superiority or inferiority of citizens on account of their attitude towards religion, social status, race, nationality, religion, or language."
Forum 18 notes that Hizb ut-Tahrir is banned as antisemitic in Germany, while the organisation's Danish spokesman, Fadi Abdelatif, was given a sixty-day suspended jail sentence for distributing racist propaganda in October 2002, after he circulated the March 2002 antisemitic statement on the streets of Copenhagen.
To date, 29 alleged Hizb ut-Tahrir members have been sentenced to lengthy prison terms in Russia, as a result of the Supreme Court's February 2003 decision banning the group as a terrorist organisation (see F18News 18 April 2006 http://www.forum18.org/Archive.php?article_id=761). Verkhovsky suggests that continual monitoring and targeted prosecution of concrete cases of incitement to violence or hatred by individual members would be a more effective response. "If such calls became widespread, closure of Hizb ut-Tahrir as an extremist group should be based on sound reasons, acceptable and convincing for the public."
Forum 18 notes, however, that under Russia's new Terrorism Law – signed by President Vladimir Putin on 6 March 2006 – an extremist organisation is now automatically terrorist; it recognises an organisation as such if, in its name or interests, "the organisation, preparation and commission takes place of acts punishable under Articles 282-1 and 282-2 of the Criminal Code [extremism]."
Some commentators are not convinced by the seriousness of even the extremist threat posed by Hizb ut-Tahrir, however. Interviewed by Forum 18 on 23 January, Vitali Ponomarev - who as Central Asian programme director at Memorial Human Rights Centre has closely followed many prosecutions of the organisation's members - described Hizb ut-Tahrir's pursuit of a universal Caliphate as "utopian, purely theoretical" ideas which its members view as a natural element of Islam. If they are to be regarded as an attempt to undermine the state, he remarked, "You could just as well say that the Last Judgement in Christianity is advocating the replacement of the constitutional legal system." Ponomarev maintained that Hizb ut-Tahrir is opposed to the military tactics of the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan and has no members in the conflict-ridden northern Caucasus. He also stated that its antisemitic sentiments are "practically never met" in Russia.
In an interview with Forum 18 in Saratov in June 2005 Mukaddas Bibarsov, who heads the Volga Region Spiritual Directorate of Muslims and is co-chairman of Russia's Council of Muftis, said that he personally had never heard calls to violence from Hizb ut-Tahrir: "In all my time I've come across only three of their sympathisers, naive young Bashkir girls." Instead of dealing with them by handing down prison sentences, he suggested, the Muslim community should work with such people, "but no one wants to. There is no intellectual force to explain that Muslims are the native population of this country, that we have no other homeland and everyone must live by the Constitution here. The Islamic state that they want is in reality impossible – we need to explain to them that first we need to have Muslim economists, Muslim doctors and so on."
In an interview with Forum 18 on 24 January Georgi Engelhardt, a researcher into militant Islam at the Russian Academy of Sciences, maintained by contrast that Hizb ut-Tahrir was "openly extremist, present and serious," while acknowledging that it remained unclear whether the organisation's extremism was limited to propaganda rather than actions. "But no one is going to say openly that they are a terrorist – if you caught bin Laden now he'd say he enjoys mountaineering or is hiding in a cave out of self-defence." In particular, he expressed doubt as to whether the grounds set out in the Supreme Court's February 2003 decision – which has still to be officially published - were the whole set of motives for banning the organisation, "perhaps there is also a classified part."
Asked whether Hizb ut-Tahrir could be regarded as extremist in the same way as the Russian Orthodox monarchist movement, in that both seek to do away with the constitutional secular state, Engelhardt pointed out the main difference as being that "in the monarchists' case, there is no place in Russia or abroad where a holy war is being waged by those radicals – [Leonid] Simonovich and his [Union of Orthodox] Banner-bearers are the most radical that there is." He thus suggested that even apparently moderate Islamists pose a danger to society: "Their adherents one way or another form a mindset more inclined to political violence – they lay the groundwork for future radicalism, and if someone is looking for soldiers, he finds a prepared audience."


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