Danish paper cord is the material used to weave typical seats and backs found in many Danish, Scandinavian, and Mid Century Modern furniture designs. It is a very strong 3-ply fibre / fiber product and the weaving typically incorporates wrapping or rushing style weaving. It gained popularity starting after World War II in Denmark and other European countries. It is generally only seen on high end, quality made furnishings. The basic Danish Cord seats often found on Møller and Wegner seats.
The weaving is one sided and only wraps around a single rung on all sides. From the underside you will see the cord is attached by specialty hook nails.
Some chairs are woven in the rush pattern using Danish cord material. Rushing pattern Danish Cord mimics traditional rushing with the Danish Cord material. Often these chairs have extensive slots that the Danish Cord must be fed through which makes weaving these seats more labour intensive.
Danish cord weaving is very time consuming. The variations of Danish weaves are specific to the chair style and dimensions. A properly restored piece is truly beautiful.
© 2019 Caning Calgary Specialty Weaving Since 1986 . All Rights Reserved.


text:
No One Will Believe You
True life stories not to be believed. All are chronologically listed and linked in "Journal" above.
Incidentals (An Introduction)
Journal (1994-2016)
Politics and History, Uncategorized
Yellow Journalism on the Prairie: Illinois Ablaze Amid the Lincoln-Douglas Debates in a Political Fire Flamed by the Ink of Partisan Newsprint
Posted by Will Carlson on June 2, 2016 June 11, 2016
written June 2009
The Lincoln-Douglas debates of 1858 are generally perceived and beheld as a series of seven oratory contests between two Illinois men of renown, the prize being a United States Senate seat. The historical record of the events, however, in the form divisive newspaper reports and editorials, theoretically expanded the field to that of four figurative men. Senator Stephen A. Douglas, as the Democratic incumbent, railed for states' rights as it concerned the Kansas-Nebraska Act. Of the fifth debate in Galesburg, Illinois on October 7th, the Chicago Times depicted "the Little Giant" as an "illustrious visitor" (Sparks, 380) to the western railroad town, while Quincy's Daily Whig noted the same Douglas "foamed at the mouth" with "the saliva of incipient madness" (Sparks, 385). Abraham Lincoln, a decade removed from one term in the House of Representatives, was hailed the same day by multitudes of banners such as "Abraham Lincoln the Champion of Freedom" (Sparks, 374), while the Chicago Times regarded Lincoln as "lamentably weak" and "the most abject picture of wretchedness we have ever witnessed" (Sparks, 381-382).
During the first debate in August at Freeport, Lincoln stated, "Public sentiment is everything… he who holds public sentiment is greater than he who makes statues" (Lincoln, 1). Case in point, newspapers of the mid-nineteenth century were much more to their Illinois communities than simple, passive purveyors of fact and occurrence. They actively and openly molded sentiment and formed statues that to this day impact and distract from our understanding of the debates. News-sheets of 1850s Illinois were often civil antagonists, intent on an ideological bent decades before the infamous "yellow journalism" of Joseph Pulitzer and William Randolph Hearst. An exact and impartial record of these debates may be forever lost, yet the passionate and biased articles left by editors, stenographers, and transcribers, give historians a clearer picture into antebellum media ethics and tactics, as well as a clue as to the nature, function, and importance of media outlets to their home readers. The Galesburg debate serves to effectively measure the chasm of disparity in what later appeared in various newsprints.
The role of politics and its stature within Illinois communities during this era cannot be overstated. Holzer relates, "The pulse of politics and the heartbeat of community life throbbed as one; election fever was a year-round malady" (5). Part mode of creating solidarity with like-minded people, part non-violent, intellectual combat that raised and released tensions, and part recreation, frontier Illinois eagerly soaked up the goings-on of the day and had equally strong opinions. The newspapers for their part served to provide a media outlet to those of like minds, but being partisan was also good for business, as the "press depended on political organizations to survive" (Holzer, 7). Backing by local party branches ensured subscriptions, advertising, and a certainty of revenue. Most large Illinois communities supplied two newspapers that viscously assaulting the other. Two of Chicago's top rivals was the Democratic, Douglas-supporting Daily Times, while the Daily Press and Tribune backed Lincoln's new Republicanism. In Illinois, as around the country, showing your allegiance to a party or political philosophy in the age "before campaign buttons, was by the newspaper you carried and read" (Holzer, 8).
This sentiment was perhaps never truer than during the late 1850s, as the pot of 'state's rights versus the expansion and morality of slavery' was boiling over. Into this enthusiastically acidic atmosphere stepped Lincoln in July of 1858, by responding in Chicago to remarks recently made by Douglas. Newspapers quickly took note, as did their readers. On July 22nd the Chicago Daily Press proposed a joint venture: "Let Mr. Douglas and Mr. Lincoln agree to canvas the State together, in the old western style" (Holzer, 3). The crowds and clamor rose as Lincoln and Douglas crisscrossed Illinois from Ottawa to Freeport, on to Jonesboro and then Charleston. This simple race for Senate had begun to take on larger meaning for the state and the nation as America watched the titanic issue of the age being grappled with. The Richmond Enquirer suggested they were witness to "the great battle of the next Presidential election" (Holzer, 2).
Stephen Douglas was the first to arrive in Galesburg, at ten o'clock, by train. Ofthis fact, at least, the newspapers can agree on. The Times would report the station "overflowing with Democrats from the western part of the country, and very few abolitionists" (Sparks, 383). The mention of the lack of Abolitionists, or the supposedly poor turnout of them, would be a common theme running throughout the event, no doubt very much pleasing and relieving the Timesreaders.
Galesburg, founded by the Presbyterian minister George Washington Gale from New York in 1835, was home to the first anti-slavery society in the state, begun only two years later. The town and surrounding areas were also stops along the Underground Railroad. Not letting this fact go unchecked, the Douglas-supporting Missouri Republican admonished the Abolitionists, or "Black Republicans" for a "secret circular" to drum up attendance that had presumably failed, leaving them "crest-fallen" and "weakened around the knees" (Sparks, 376). Lincoln newspapers for their part made numerous mentions to the debate in "Egypt" (Cairo) in which Lincoln made Douglas "drink milk." The Daily Whigportrayed the Judge as "black and repulsive enough to turn all the milk in Egypt sour" (Sparks, 385).
Lincoln would arrive at noon from Knoxville, the reliable Chicago Press and Tribune noting "Long Abe" was "heralded by a long procession of citizens" with "a cavalcade of one hundred ladies and gentlemen on horseback" (Sparks, 378). The Chicago Times was cuttingly able to explain the sight as proof "the republicans has spared neither money nor pain…begging their people to be present." TheMissouri Republican simply stated "Lincoln came from some place, to this depondent unknown" (Sparks, 377).
As is clear by these examples, newspapers tactics strove to support their candidate by relating inflated crowds for their man while minimizing or negating the opponent. The crowd size at Galesburg can only be estimated, with most now taking it to have been around 20,000 spectators- perhaps the largest crowd of any debate. The Times and the Missouri Republican both reported this number, and proclaimed a "two to one" Democratic majority. The Chicago Journal guessed only 10,000 people, two-thirds of them for Lincoln, even though the reporter freely stated being stuck on a moribund train outside of Galesburg during the speech, relating instead "the opinions of whose that did hear" (Sparks, 387-388). The Daily Whig asserted 12,000-15,000 were present, eighty-percent being Republicans (Sparks, 384). These articles' emphasis on the number of adherents and their high levels of support or disdain further point to the emotional nature of the argument over a rational appeal. This was probably not lost on Lincoln, who at Galesburg began to move away from a lawyerly argument to that of moral principles and universal justice.
The final aspect of the day all newspapers were in agreement on was the frigid, gusting winds and generally miserable conditions. The elemental effects on Lincoln and Douglas as the reporters saw it, however, were mixed. When at about three o'clock the Judge was first introduced on the grounds of Knox College, theDaily Whig stated he received such a "faint cheer… that it caused universal laughter" (Sparks, 385). Again, the Daily Whig was more kind to "Old Abe" who we're told "was received with three such tremendous cheers as made the welkin bell ring. His happy, good natured countenance [was] in such marked contrast with that of Douglas" (Sparks, 385). To contrast this sunny picture, Lincoln was "an old scare-crow looking individual," that again "delivered himself of speeches suited to localities" according to the Times (Sparks, 384). Of the crowds themselves newspapers were as equally blunt. Unfavorable Lincoln supports were "dirt-poor, foreigners, and abolitionists," while those that cheered on Douglas were called "Irish, drunk, or both" (Holzer, 8). A man at Galesburg attempted to co-opt Douglas' own slander of Lincoln supporters with a sign reading, "Small-fisted Farmers, Mud-sills of Society, and Greasy Mechanics for A. Lincoln" (Holzer, 236).
The crucial matter of who won or lost the debate was front-paged as quickly as offices could receive information, yet this was forgone conclusion. It was only a matter of how much of a blow a newspaper's preferred jouster had heroically struck or horribly missed. The Freeport Weekly Journal weighed in with "A Good Hit":
"At Galesburg, Douglas repeated his state nonsense concerning the Declaration of Independence, declaring that it never was intended to include "a n—-," as entitled to "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." Lincoln replied to him that neither Washington, Jefferson, or any President, any member of Congress, or any living man, ever took that position until the present policy of the Democratic party in regard to slavery, and to invent that affirmation" (Sheetz, 1).
These reports ran in tandem with, and bracketed, transcripts of the debate speeches as prepared by eye-witness stenographers (Holzer, 9). These introductions to the speeches, as have been discussed, commenting on crowds, cheers, banners, and general support, were designed in reality as conclusions, striving to convince readers of Lincoln's and Douglas' validity long before ever reading their actual arguments. The Times lead with "Lincoln Again Defeated" then characterizing him as "nervous and trembling" as he climbed the stand (Sparks, 380, 382). The paper, finally the partisan stage set, entreated its audience to read the texts in full, the Times hopeful "that they will be carefully read by both our friends and opponents. We now proceed to give a correct and faithful report of both parties" (Sparks, 382).
The speech texts themselves were also often quite different, depending on the paper's political affiliation. As Holzer explains, the task of transcription was a hurried one, too rushed and immediate a job to consciously insert or delete. Rather, the changes occurred on the editors' desks, often simple involving a sweetening and clarifying one speaker's prose while leaving the other with all the original errors (Holzer, 10). The effect, as planned, was an Illinois public that became further ideologically divided and certain, a toxic frontier environment for a populace already addled.
Newspapers were well aware of these inconsistencies. Bloomington's Daily Pantagraph brought to the public's attention the findings of a study by the Galesburg Democrat. It compared its coverage with that of the Chicago Timeshandling of Lincoln's speech, with the Galesburg editor finding the discrepancies "number ONE HUNDRED AND EIGHTY [sic]" (Foote, 1). The Chicago Tribunealso related shock of the rival Time's Galesburg coverage of Lincoln, leaving him "shameful and outrageously garbled… The scamp Douglas hires to report Lincoln's speeches would be a ripe subject for the penitentiary" (Holzer, 14). TheTimes rejoined this post-Galesburg battle with:
"We do not attempt, much, to fix up the bungling effort [of Lincoln]; that is not our business. Lincoln should have learned, before this, to "rake after" himself" (Holzer, 13).
The debaters themselves eventually weighed in on the issue of imbalanced journalism concerning the debates. Lincoln mentioned his believing Douglas might have "hired two reporters" that purposely "revised their manuscripts before they went to press" (Holzer, 14). Douglas mentions the Galesburg debate in particular for their "storms and boisterous weather" that might have made it "impossible for reporters to hear distinctly and report literally." The raw conditions of Galesburg that day may imbibe this with some truth. Yet Douglas later admitted that some reporting, including positives about himself, was "imperfect and in some respects erroneous" (Holzer, 15).
The legacy of the Lincoln-Douglas debates is now far from the initial aspirations of its participants, attendants, or recorders. Stephen Douglas claimed the Senate seat vied for, thus perhaps winning the debates in the short term, yet in the long-term Abraham Lincoln gained national fame as a result of these matches, which would aid in propelling him into the White House- and past Democratic presidential candidate Senator Douglas- in 1860. Such ironies now make who exactly "won" the debate a moot point- the interest is in the event itself and more importantly its cultural impact on wider America. This critical juncture in Illinois history now resides far from the nastiness of the moment, such as the New York Herald's opinion, which dismissed the debates as having "degenerated into the merest twaddle upon quibbles" (Holzer, 237). Rather, it is now a revered moment in American history, renowned for its unique clash over the most elemental concepts of rights and freedoms. The memory of the pomp and pageantry at each stop as faded; the side speeches and presentations of gifts have been forgotten. Both the cheers and hisses are silent. The Galesburg debate of October 7, 1958, as with the other six encounters, is remembered for the two Illinois statesmen themselves who met there and openly challenged American conceptions and beliefs. Yet those at Old Main of Knox College numbered only 20,000, while an entire state waited to discover the latest Lincoln parry or Douglas thrust. Stenographers, editors, and reporters, caught amidst the frenzy of the climate and the journalistic ethics of the day, presented for ready consumption a highly charged, perilous world of electric certainties and absolutes. At the verging of perhaps the greatest crisis in America's history Illinois newspapers, as a result of and a further encouraging of community fervor, certainly played their part to stir the pot. This heated method of reporting offers us an emotional window in which to view the era that, ironically, objective journalism might not have captured. We are then left to discover other, more moderate voices, in personal diaries and correspondences. Most of the grandiose labels and viscous smears newspapers helped create and perpetuate have washed away from both Lincoln and Douglas- the four men have since become two again, yet the ill-formed statues newspapers molded must still be found and melted down. With a new awareness of the journalistic bias and hyperbole in which newspapers framed the debates and presented it as a matter of public and historical record, we are left to question their wider relevancy and impact. Armed with such caution and knowledge we can better reconstruct the historical debates of 1858.
Foote, William E. "180 Mutilations of Lincoln's Speech." The Daily Pantagraph. October 13, 1858.
Holzer, Harold, Abraham Lincoln, and Stephen Douglas. The Lincoln Douglas Debates: The First Complete, Unabridged Texts. Fordham University Press, 2004.
Sparks, Edwin Erle, ed. "Collections of the Illinois State Historical Library, Vol. III." Lincoln Series: The Lincoln-Douglas Debates of 1858. Vol. 1. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1908.
Lincoln, Abraham. "Debate Address." Freeport, Illinois. August 27, 1858.
Sheetz, H.M. "A Good Hit." The Weekly Journal. October 14, 1858.
1858AbolitionAbraham LincolnAmerican HistoryAntebellumBiasCivil WarDebateElectionsGalesburgGalesburg IllinoisHistoryIllinoisIllinois HistoryJournalismLincoln-DouglasMediaNewspapersPoliticsPolitics and HistoryPresidentsReportingSlaverySpeechesStephen DouglasU.S. HistoryUnited States
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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


The Happy Planner will help you fall back in love with life and start truly living again- it is a your roadmap to increased positivity and happiness. We designed this planner to take all the hard work out of how to cultivate happiness. Using positive thinking, done for you happiness exercises, mindfulness and gratitude the focus is on making each day a happy one.
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Thoubal District Pensioners Union (TDPU) convened a meeting at the community hall of Thoubal Melaground today which witnessed the attendance of several individuals who have retired from various government departments.
The event was attended by former joint director of Education department, RK Yaiskul as chief guest while retired teachers, M. Ibopishak, Tekcham Rameshor, L. Ibobi and Thoubal advisor of TDPU and former joint director (Veterinary), Dr. M Rajendra shared the dais as president and guests of honour respectively.
During the meeting, various issues were discussed in detail including elections for post bearers of the Union which had remained defunct for a while and resumption of activities; demands to me made to the State government for funds allocated for pensioners and demands of the Union which have been met and those that have been unfulfilled yet along with the construction of an own community hall for the pensioners.
Speaking on the occasion, several pensioners highlighted the difficulties and inconveniences faced by them along with the issue of lack of information regarding the various schemes inaitiated by the government for pensioners. They also appealed pensioners who are not members of the Union to also enlist themselves in order to make TDPU stronger.
After the meeting during which various resolutions were taken; M Ibopishak was selected as the new president of TDPU while RK. Yaiskul and T. Rameshwor were selected as vice presidents. Retired coach of SAI, K. Michael was also selected as general secretary of the Union.
It may be mentioned here that TDPU which was formed in 2006 has now a total of 236 members.


What exactly is the purification process?
The purification process starts with a pre-filter, screening the source water at the point of entry. In the Noah product line, the pre-filter screens are incorporated with the inlet hose. This is essential in preventing the system from becoming plugged with rocks, mud, feces and other large debris.
The carbon block filtration process is actually comprised of two distinctly different procedures.
Chemical Bonding: Uses activated carbon (sometimes called activated charcoal) which has a slight electro-positive charge added to it, making an even more attractive bonding agent to chemicals and impurities. When water is forced through the solid carbon block, it is forced to slow down and increase the amount of contact time with the carbon, allowing the carbon bonding to take place.
Mechanical Straining: The carbon is compacted into a solid brick of material. Every molecule of water is forced through the microscopic pores of carbon, effectively straining out particle matter.
Ultraviolet treatment is the final, and in most cases, the most important step in the purification process. After the carbon filter has cleansed the water, it is exposed to intense dosages of UV light. This exposure effectively destroys viruses, bacteria, fungi, algae and protozoa. The UV light destroys any microorganisms by scrambling its DNA structure.
As a result,the cells are rendered sterile and cannot reproduce, and thus no longer remaining a threat.


Squash is a racquet sport played by two (singles) or four players (doubles) in a four-walled court with a small, hollow rubber ball. Players must alternate in striking the ball with their racquet and hitting the ball onto the playable surfaces of the four walls of the court with the aim of hitting the ball so that their opponent cannot return it before it bounces twice. Singapore Squash is the governing body of the sport in Singapore.


text:
Ross Creek Bridge is a former railway bridge, now used as a pedestrian walkway in Ross Bridge Park, Hoover, Alabama, United States. The text of the sign posted nearby by the Hoover Historical Society reads as follows:
In 1858 James Taylor Ross, a Scotchman migrated to the South, acquired land and homesteaded in what is now Shades Valley. He provided land for the construction of a Confederate railway, including a bridge spanning Ross Creek. After the Ross family moved westward, his property was purchased in 1907 by TCI, a predecessor of U.S. Steel. In 2002, U.S. Steel, Daniel Corp. and the Retirement Systems of Alabama combined to develop the community of Ross Bridge.

References

https://www.rossbridge.com/history-ross-bridge/

External links
 Hoover Historical Society
 Marker Points Out History of Ross Bridge and Creek
 Bridge Hunter Article with additional photographs

Hoover, Alabama
Transportation buildings and structures in Jefferson County, Alabama
Railroad bridges in Alabama
Pedestrian bridges in Alabama
Former railway bridges in the United States
Stone arch bridges in the United States

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


Maker sankranti is a blissful festival and considered as the most auspicious occasion for hindus . This festival is celebrated in almost all parts of india. It is celebrated in many cultural forms with immense devotion , fervor and cheerfulness. The day is also known by various names and various traditions are witnessed as one experiences the festival in different states.
Maker sankranti represents a period of illumination, peace, affluence and happiness.it is also known as uttarayan . Makar sankranti is fomous for sesame chikki and kite flying. Colourful kites fill the sky on this auspicious day.
Maker sankranti festival is referred to as the harvest festival because this is the time when harvesting is complete and there are big celebration.
Maker sankranti is a first Indian festival that falls in new year so it's a splendid celebration . hope this maker sankranti brings happiness and prosperity in your lifes.wish you a very happy maker sankranti.
For this auspicious day I am sharing a very simple but healthy recipe. Sattu ke barfi. Sattu ke burfi are just melt in mouth are very easy to make. So make this easy, tasty recipe and give gifts to your friends and relatives.
Grind the sugar and make coarse powder of it. Keep aside.
Grease a plate or 9" tin and keep aside.
Take a big wok or kadhai. When its hot add sattu and start roasting it on low flame.
Yes, it's a time taking procedure. You have to stir it continuously, without increasing the flame.
Otherwise sattu may get burn.
And believe me brunt sattu will not taste good.
Stir till the sattu change the colour to light brown and you release a nice aroma.
It may take 20-30 minutes.
In this stage add cardamom powder. Mix well with fried sattu powder.
Add ghee –oil mixture and stir continuously to mix well.
When oil is completely mixed with sattu powder ,add powdered sugar & continue stirring.
Keep mixing for 1 minute more so that the mixture won't stick bottom of the pan.
Switch off the flame and transfer this mixture to the prepared greased tin or plate.
spread the mixture evenly and press with a spatula.
sprinkle chopped nuts on top and let it be cool.
Refrigerate it for 2 hour and let the burfi set.
Cut into pieces and serve it.
The burfi can be stored in room tempeture for 15 days.
Refrigerate the burfi isn't compulsory, one can settled it in room tempeture too.
My sattu is homemade sattu, which is filled with dry fruit powder, that's why I didn't used any dry vfruits on top.
That's may be the reason the colour of the burfi may slightly differ.
Can you plz share Sattu recipe. Since we don't get it here in America. What is Sattu made of?


In our last post, we told you about our visit to Butchart Gardens, but we didn't tell you about the ferry to and from Victoria or about the city of Victoria. We'll do that in this post.
There are two types of ferries from Port Angeles to Victoria. You can take your car, or even your RV, over on a large ferry; or you can take the smaller, faster, passenger ferry. We decided on the passenger ferry.
There are a couple of companies operating ferries out of Port Angeles. We took the Victoria Express. To make things easy, you can book packages directly through them that include the ferry, transportation to the gardens (or other city tour if you prefer not to go to the gardens), admission to the gardens, and even the afternoon tea.
We showed up bright and early for the 8:10 AM ferry departure. Parking in downtown Port Angeles was reasonably priced from $11 a day at the garage directly across the street from the dock to $6 for a lot about a few blocks down the street. We parked in the lot down the street and had a walk of less than 5 minutes to the boarding point.
The photo below is a shot of the ferry as we were about to board.
We had a fairly smooth crossing that took about an hour. Over in Canada, it took only a few minutes to clear customs, then we were on the tour bus and on our way to Butchart Gardens that we told you about in our last post. In this post, we'll tell you a little more about some of the things we saw in Victoria.
As the bus pulled out of the parking lot, one of the first things we saw was the turn-of-the-century Empress Hotel. The hotel was renovated in 1966 at a cost of $4 million and again in 1989 at a cost or $45 million. The Empress has all the things guests expect to find in a 5-star resort - an 18-hole golf course, a spa, fine restaurants, and even afternoon tea in the finest English tradition. The photo below shows the Empress Hotel overlooking Victoria's Inner Harbor.
The Art Deco building adjacent to the Inner Harbor that is now the Victoria Visitor Center was originally an Esso gas station. The top is designed to look like the Empire State Building.
The next photo is Victoria City Hall, which we passed on our way through downtown on the way to the garden.
After our visit to Butchart Gardens and our tea, we caught the next tour bus back to town. We had a few hours before the ferry departed, so we spent some time around the harbor area.
There were some street entertainers along the docks. We watched Plasterman for a while. He would strike a perfectly motionless pose, then reach out and hug an unsuspecting passer-by. If you dropped something in his container, he would pose for a picture with you.
We watched a few other entertainers, then strolled past the craft vendors along the far side of the harbor. Indian art and jewelry were popular items.
The food at the tea at Butchart Gardens was excellent, but it wasn't all that filling. Plus, it was a long day, so we were both getting hungry again. We remembered our bus driver mentioning a good place for fish and chips near the harbor, so we set off looking for it. It is called Barb's Place, and it's a floating restaurant located about four blocks from the Inner Harbor at the fishing docks. The photo below shows Barb's Place.
They had all sorts of seafood - fish, mussels, oysters, prawns, crabs, and more. They are best known for their fish and chips, so we split a two-piece order of fish and chips with a side of slaw. It was delish.
Back at the ferry dock, it was soon time to board to head back to the United States. As the ferry left the Inner Harbor, we could watch the float planes land and take off on the waterway beside us. Victoria is the busiest float plane port in Canada, much to the dismay of the local residents. The photo below shows a departing flight, and, as you can see, there are condos in the background.
...and we overtook another one that had just left port and was heading for the Pacific.
As we crossed the Strait of Juan de Fuca, we could see the Olympic Mountains over on the U. S. side.
The next photo shows the harbor as we approached Port Angeles. The ferry dock is the second building from the left.
We again cleared customs fairly quickly and were on our way back to the motor home. It was a long, but interesting and fun day. Stay tuned...we have more plans for the Port Angeles area.
In addition to wanting a convenient place from which to visit the northern side of Olympic National Park, another reason we stopped in Port Angeles, WA, is because that's where we could catch the ferry for a day trip to Victoria, British Columbia, Canada. Victoria is located on the southern tip of Vancouver Island a little over 20 miles across the Strait of Juan de Fuca. The reason we wanted to go to Victoria was to visit Butchart Gardens, which has an international reputation for its spectacular display of flowering plants.
The public areas of Butchart Gardens cover about 55 acres. There are over 1 million flowering plants representing about 700 varieties on display. There is also a lot going on behind the scenes with 26 greenhouses covering almost 2 acres, trial gardens, and tree and shrub nurseries.
We knew Butchart Gardens was serious about their floral displays when we saw all the flower beds and hanging baskets lining the entry driveway before we even got into the gardens. Even their sign incorporates live flowers.
Robert Butchart, who was a former dry goods merchant, began manufacturing Portland cement in the late 1800s in Ontario. In 1904, he established a limestone quarry and a cement plant in Western Canada on Vancouver Island. Robert and Jennie Butchart made Tod Inlet near the site of the quarry their permanent, year-round home in 1906. Their home near Tod inlet, which is now a restaurant, is a short distance inside the entrance to the gardens.
There were a lot of intertwining paths at Butchart Gardens, so we followed the garden map like we did at the Portland Japanese Garden to avoid missing anything. There are luxuriously-planted beds everywhere. We liked seeing the different combinations of color and texture. In the photo below, a bed of blue heliotrope and contrasting pink geraniums is edged with silver-gray dusty miller.
The next photo shows a water garden outlined with pink begonias. Notice there are hanging baskets on the fence in the background and even flowers on top of the fence.
Even in the shade there were colorful beds.
In areas where there wasn't a lot of room for large planting beds, they used hanging baskets and containers. Each was like its own miniature landscape.
The first major garden we came to was the Sunken Garden. In 1909, the quarry on the property was abandoned when the supply of limestone was exhausted. Jennie Butchart decided to reclaim the bleak quarry pit. She had topsoil hauled in from neighboring farms and had her workmen begin to line the floor of the quarry. Jennie herself hung in a boatswain's chair to plant ivy in the cracks of the barren walls of the quarry. In 1921, the Sunken Garden was completed. The next photo is the view from the entry steps of the Sunken Garden.
There is a mound of unquarried rock in the middle of the Sunken Garden that makes a great vantage point to look down on the colorful flower beds and the different textures of shrubs and trees.
On the floor of the Sunken Garden, there are too many beautiful views to count.
A lake was created in the low point of the quarry.
At the far end of the Sunken Garden is the Ross Fountain installed in 1964 by Ian Ross, who was the Butcharts' grandson. The fountain rises up to 70 feet as the jets swirl and sway in an ever-changing water display.
In the 1920s, the Butcharts began to receive visitors to their gardens. In 1939, they gave the gardens to their grandson, Ian, who was involved in the operation of the gardens for the next 58 years until his death. The gardens remain a family operation today and are currently managed by the Bucharts' great-granddaughter.
From the Sunken Garden, the walkway passed the shade/bog garden, the concert lawn, and the fireworks viewing area. The next photo shows one of the two totem poles near the fireworks area that were carved in 2004 to commemorate the gardens' 100th anniversary.
After the fireworks area, we passed more beautiful flower beds.
The rose garden was added in 1929, and replaced the Butchart's kitchen vegetable garden. Judging from the number of people in the rose garden, it is a popular addition.
From the rose garden, the walkway went on to the Japanese Garden. The Japanese Garden was actually the first garden planted by Jennie Butchart. Soon after moving to Tod Inlet, Mrs. Butchart designed the garden with the help of a Japanese landscape artist. We took time to rest on a bench to enjoy the peaceful tranquility that is typical of a Japanese garden.
The next photo is another view of the Japanese garden. The shade and moss add to the tranquility.
At the far end of the Japanese Garden is the inlet where the Butcharts used to greet guests who arrived in their yachts.
The next stop was the Star Garden, which was specifically designed for Mr. Butchart's collection of ornamental ducks. Today, colorful annuals are planted between the points of the star and water lilies bloom in the pond.
The last stop on the garden tour was the Italian Garden. This garden replaced the tennis courts in 1926.
We completed the tour of the garden at just the right time for our scheduled reservations for tea. Margery and our daughter, Lora, frequently go to have tea when we visit them. When Margery found out the restaurant at Butchart Gardens serves afternoon tea, she was excited. Since Lora obviously wasn't with us, Paul agreed to go. A good pulled-pork barbecue or burger is more to his liking; but, hey, he'll give almost anything a try. The photo below shows us in the tea room.
The setting was lovely with orchids and potted plants all around. The next photo shows Margery with our tray of goodies.
We learned a little about the British tradition of serving tea. The terms afternoon tea and high tea are frequently interchanged, but afternoon tea is traditionally served in the afternoon and usually consists of small sandwiches, cakes, and sweets. High tea is usually a variety of hot foods and would be served in the early evening in place of afternoon tea and in place of the evening meal. The tea at Butchart Gardens is afternoon tea with some elements of high tea because it includes a few hot foods.
We started with the bottom layer of the tray where there were warm sausage rolls and roasted-vegetable mini-quiches. There was also a variety of cold sandwiches including smoked salmon, smoked honey ham on a cheddar biscuit, and mango chicken salad. Margery liked the honey ham and Paul's favorite was the sausage roll. He wanted a dinner-size portion.
The sweets started on the middle layer. There were lemon tartlets with blueberries, slices of lemon and poppy seed loaf, chocolate/Grand Marnier truffles, and more.
The whole thing was topped off by their signature ginger scones with strawberry jam and whipped cream. Everything was yummy!
After our tea, we caught the next tour bus back to town. We'll tell you a little more about our ferry ride and the town of Victoria in our next post.


text:
2007 Pu-Z
Liev Schreiber Biography
Born Isaac Liev Schreiber, October 4, 1967, in San Francisco, CA; son of Tell (an actor and director) and Heather (a painter and cab driver; maiden name, Milgram) Schreiber; children: Alexander Pete (with Naomi Watts). Education: Attended Hampshire College, mid-1980s; attended Royal Academy of Dramatic Art, London, England; Yale University School of Drama, M.F.A., 1992.
Addresses: Agent —Steve Dontanville, William Morris Agency, 151 El Camino Dr., Beverly Hills, CA 90212. Home —New York, NY.
Actor in films, including: Mixed Nuts , 1994; Denise Calls Up , 1995; Party Girl , 1995; Mad Love , 1995; Walking and Talking , 1996; The Daytrippers , 1996; Ransom , 1996; Scream , 1996; Big Night , 1996; Scream 2 , 1997; Sphere , 1998; Twilight , 1998; Desert Blue , 1998; Hamlet , 1999; A Walk on the Moon , 1999; Jakob the Liar , 1999; The Hurricane , 1999; Scream 3 , 2000; Pay It Forward , 2000; Kate & Leopold , 2001; The Sum of All Fears , 2002; Spinning Boris , 2003; The Manchurian Candidate , 2004; The Omen , 2006; The Painted Veil , 2006; The Ten , 2007. Made directorial debut with Everything Is Illuminated , 2005 (also author of screenplay). Television appearances include: RKO 281 , HBO, 1999; Lackawanna Blues , HBO, 2005; CSI: Crime Scene Investigation , CBS, 2007. Also narrator for several documentary films and specials, including episodes of The American Experience , 1997–2002, and Nova , 1999–2003, both for PBS; narrator for HBO sports documentary series, 1998–. Stage work includes: productions of the Yale Repertory Theatre, New Haven, CT, 1990–93; In the Summer House , Vivian Beaumont Theatre, Lincoln Center, New York City, 1993; The Tempest , New York Shakespeare Festival, Delacorte Theatre, Public Theatre, New York City, 1995; Cymbeline , New York Shakespeare Festival, Delacorte Theatre, Public Theatre, 1998; Hamlet , New York Shakespeare Festival, Estelle R. Newman Theatre, Public Theatre, New York City, 1999, and Anspacher Theatre, Public Theatre, New York City, 1999–2000; The Mercy Seat , Manhattan Class Company, Acorn Theatre, New York City, 2002–03; Henry V , New York Shakespeare Festival, Delacorte Theatre, Public Theatre, 2003; Glengarry Glen Ross , Royale Theater, New York City, 2005; Macbeth , Public Theater, 2006; Talk Radio , Longacre Theatre, New York City, 2007.
Awards: Obie Award for performance, Village Voice , for Cymbeline , 1999; Tony Award for best performance by a featured actor in a play, League of American Theatres and Producers/American Theatre Wing, for Glengarry Glen Ross , 2005.
Few American actors can claim the array of roles in which Liev Schreiber has excelled. His performances range from appearances in Wes Craven's Scream franchise to a New York stage career that prompted Charles Isherwood of the New York Times to call him "the foremost Shakespearean actor of his generation in America." In 2005, Schreiber made his directorial debut with the adaptation of Jonathan Safran Foer's novel Everything Is Illuminated . "Acting in theater is a spiritual endeavor," he told San Jose Mercury News writer Bruce Newman when asked why he divided his time between stage and screen. "You learn amazing things about yourself doing those plays…. I think that helps you feel OK with a profession that oftentimes can make you feel pretty silly, and self-conscious, and narcissistic, and egotistical."
Born in 1967 into a bohemian family living in San Francisco, Schreiber was tagged with the nickname "Huggy" as a child by his mother, a painter. His father was a stage actor, and the family moved to a remote farmhouse in Canada when Schreiber was still an infant. A few years later, the Schreibers' marriage ended, and he and his mother headed to New York City, her hometown. In the city, his mother had a health-food business, drove a taxicab, and even made papier-mâché puppets she sold on the street, and for a time they lived in a "squat," or abandoned building. They eventually settled into more legal digs on the Lower East Side. Though Schreiber has often said in interviews that he recalls few details from his childhood, he did cite his grandfather, a talented cellist in his younger years who delivered meat to restaurants for a living, as a profound influence. "Pretty much everything I imagined a person of substance was, I saw in my time with him," he told Stephen Whitty, a journalist with the Star-Ledger of Newark, New Jersey. "He literally gave my mother his life savings so she could win the custody battle with my father. He sort of raised me once we came back to New York. Even though he was often asleep when I came home—he would work these grueling, terribly long days—the two of us always had this intense emotional connection."
Schreiber grew up in a nominally Jewish household, and attended Friends Seminary High School in Manhattan, a Quaker academy. At Hampshire College in Amherst, Massachusetts, he chose semiotics, the study of symbols, as his major, with a plan to become a writer. A drama teacher, however, suggested the stage might be his calling, so he dropped out to head to London, where he took a course at the Royal Academy of Dramatic Art. Some of the funding for this came from his father, with whom he renewed contact in his teens. As Schreiber explained to Dustin Hoffman in a profile that appeared in Interview magazine, because he knew so little about the man earlier in life, Schreiber sought out what he did know. "Anything he had done I had to explore. Like, he played football, so I played football; he acted, so I wondered what acting was like."
Schreiber won a place at Yale University's prestigious drama school, in part by applying for a performing slot, though he hoped to transfer his literary ambitions into a career as a playwright. Once there, he found he enjoyed the challenge of performing, and moved quickly into stage roles after earning his M.F.A. in 1992. Screenwriter Nora Ephron ( Sleepless in Seattle ) saw him in the Lincoln Center revival of In the Summer House in 1993, and cast him as a transvestite in her next comedy, Mixed Nuts . It was an inauspicious film debut, for the movie earned terrible reviews and quickly vanished from theaters.
The next few film roles for Schreiber came in small, independent productions: He was one of a telephone-dependent group of young New Yorkers in 1995's Denise Calls Up , played the boyfriend of Parker Posey's title character in Party Girl , and appeared in an early Nicole Holofcener ( Friends with Money ) movie, Walking and Talking . He delivered some of the funniest lines in The Daytrippers , in 1996, a road movie about a distraught wife (Hope Davis) whose mission to confront her cheating husband is joined by her eccentric family.
Schreiber began to attract the attention of Hollywood casting agents, and he was offered small or supporting roles in big-budget projects. He was a kidnapper in the 1996 Ron Howard thriller Ransom , played Cotton Weary in the hit Wes Craven flick Scream and its sequels, and held his own against a top-notch cast in Michael Crichton's 1998 underwater action movie Sphere . The salaries from those projects allowed him to keep living in New York City and take the stage roles that interested him. "People credit actors with much more integrity than we really have," he said in the Star-Ledger interview with Whitty. "The reality is that I got paid absolutely nothing to do The Daytrippers . I played Hamlet at the most prestigious Shakespeare theater in the country and I got $300 to do eight shows a week. I was always grateful for any job that paid the bills."
The Hamlet that Schreiber mentioned was another New York Shakespeare Festival event, which regularly tapped him for the lead roles. He won an Obie Award, the Off-Broadway honors bestowed by the Village Voice , for his role in Cymbeline at the open-air Delacorte Theatre in Central Park in 1998. The lesser-known work from the Bard was a family drama with comic overtones, and Schreiber was cast as the scoundrel Iachimo. A New York Times review from Peter Marks noted that even firecrackers exploding elsewhere in the park one evening did not seem to rattle Schreiber during a tense scene, and asserted that "what a marvelously articulated and self-assured performance he delivers, in such a perplexing role. His Iachimo is as sleek and suave as a Bond villain."
Schreiber appeared in a slew of projects in 1999, including a plum role as filmmaker Orson Welles in the HBO movie RKO 281 , which earned him Emmy and Golden Globe nominations. He was Diane Lane's betrayed husband in A Walk on the Moon , and a boxer in the Warsaw ghetto-set Jakob the Liar with Robin Williams. He also found steady work as narrator of television documentaries for the Public Broadcasting Service, HBO, and the Discovery Channel, and delivered a credible performance as a mad scientist in Kate & Leopold , the 2001 Meg Ryan romantic comedy. In 2002, he turned up in The Sum of All Fears , a nuclear-weapons thriller that starred Ben Affleck.
Schreiber's first truly starring role in a major screen event came in 2004 when he played the brainwashed military veteran and hapless vice-presidential candidate in The Manchurian Candidate . The political thriller was Jonathan Demme's remake of a 1962 classic, and co-starred Meryl Streep as a vicious U.S. senator and mother of Schreiber's character; Denzel Washington played a fellow combat veteran haunted by nightmares who tries to solve the mystery of what happened when their platoon was captured by enemy troops—with the possibility that they became unknowing assassins. As Raymond Shaw, Schreiber reprised the role made famous by British actor Laurence Harvey, and he won accolades for the job. Out of all three leads, wrote Newsweek critic David Ansen, "Schreiber's role … is in some ways the toughest: Raymond is a stiff, charmless man so out of touch with his feelings he seems almost robotic. He's also a man capable of performing horrific acts, and the beauty of Schreiber's performance is that he's able to make us feel for him, something Harvey, with his metallic chill, couldn't do."
In 2005, Schreiber made his directorial debut with Everything Is Illuminated , the screen adaptation of Jonathan Safran Foer's acclaimed 2002 novel. Schreiber adapted the story himself, the tale of a young Jewish-American who travels to the Ukraine to locate the woman who reportedly helped his grandfather evade certain death at the hands of Nazi troops. In a comic turn, the protagonist's two guides are a pair of anti-Semitic Ukrainians, one of whom is fascinated by American culture. As Schreiber explained to Hoffman in Interview , when he first read Foer's story he had already written his own family saga. "When my grandfather died I also started developing an idea about Ukraine, because that's where he was from," Schreiber said. "Of course, Jonathan's story was twice as funny as what I'd been working on."
After finishing the screenplay, Schreiber traveled to the Ukraine and Prague to shoot the movie on location. He also wanted to use as many non-actors as possible, and scored a coup when he landed the Ukrainian-born, Brooklyn-living Eugene Hutz, frontman for the raucous punk-gypsy band Gogol Bordello, to play one of the Ukrainian guides. Lord of the Rings star Elijah Wood played Foer onscreen. The film earned mixed reviews, with some critics finding it an unsatisfactorily watered-down version of an impressive literary tour-de-force. In the end, Schreiber's experience behind the camera seemed to make him eager to return to the other side. "It was the hardest thing I've ever done," he told Contra Costa Times journalist Jessica Yadegaran. "Two years. Sixteen-hour days. Four hundred and 80 questions a day. Rain. Let's just say I've publicly apologized to every director I've ever worked with."
In the final week of the 2004–2005 theater season—while still completing post-production work on Everything Is Illuminated —Schreiber returned to Broadway in a revival of the celebrated David Mamet drama, Glengarry Glen Ross . A month later, he earned his first Tony Award for best performance by a featured actor in a play for the role. His next film project was The Omen , a remake of the 1976 chiller. In it, Schreiber reprised Gregory Peck's role as diplomat Robert Thorn, a man faced with the possibility that Damien, his odd son with on-screen wife Julia Stiles, may be an incarnation of the devil. The much-hyped film, released on what was ostensibly the fortieth birthday for the original, fictional Damien, hit theaters on June 6, 2006, to largely lukewarm reviews. Nevertheless Schreiber enjoyed the role, he told Back Stage East writer Simi Horwitz, noting that it "reminded me of classic theatre, epic theatre, Macbeth…. I was intrigued by the challenges of convincing a modern man that his child is the Antichrist. I see Robert Thorn as a lapsed Catholic returning to his faith. At the moment he embraces the idea that his son, the Antichrist, must be destroyed, he is also embracing Christ."
Other projects for Schreiber included The Painted Veil , an adaptation of a W. Somerset Maugham story that would pair him with fiancée Naomi Watts (the couple welcomed the birth of son Alexander Pete on July 26, 2007). Not surprisingly, another Broadway role was in the works, this time in a revival of the Eric Bogosian drama Talk Radio in early 2007. Schreiber candidly admitted to Whitty, in the Star-Ledger interview, that he had taken The Omen role simply for the money. "I almost filed for bankruptcy," he said about the year 2005, noting that Everything Is Illuminated "cost me, personally, doing Glengarry put me in a bad spot financially, I had built my mother a house and renovated my own apartment and suddenly I was not the fancy rich movie star I thought I was."
Austin American-Statesman , August 8, 1996, p. 45.
Back Stage West , September 8, 2005, p. 9.
Contra Costa Times (Walnut Creek, CA), September 26, 2005.
Interview , November 2005, p. 66.
Newsweek , July 26, 2004, p. 54.
New York Times , August 18, 1998; June 29, 2006.
People , June 12, 2006, p. 91.
San Jose Mercury News , May 30, 2002.
Star-Ledger (Newark, NJ), September 18, 2005, p. 1.
Time , September 26, 2005, p. 77.
Liev Schreiber Biography forum
Katharine Jefferts Schori Biography Elisabeth Schwarzkopf Biography


Brand new executive style meeting facility that has a capacity of 30 persons. Overhead projector and screen are available. Wireless internet access throughout the hotel. Complimentary coffee, tea and water station with every booked meeting.


text:
Updated Jan 4, 2021 - Politics & Policy
More Republicans denounce GOP plans to challenge election results
Orion Rummler
Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas) speaks with Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) on Oct. 15 in D.C. Photo: Bill O'Leary-Pool/Getty Images
More than a dozen House and Senate Republicans over the weekend attacked plans by colleagues to object to certifying 2020 election results, calling the effort ineffective, dangerous or lacking in evidence.
Why it matters: Although nearly all lawsuits brought by President Trump, his allies and his legal team to challenge election results have been dismissed, a group of Republican senators led by Ted Cruz says they will oppose certifying Joe Biden's win.
Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.), who joined Cruz on cable news last month to support Trump's unsubstantiated claims of election fraud, rebuked the Texan's plan to hold an emergency audit of election results as "more of a political dodge than an effective remedy."
Graham said Cruz's plan "has zero chance of becoming reality" and is "not effectively fighting for President Trump," but added he would "listen closely" to the challenges.
He stressed Republicans need to give "clear and convincing evidence" that state and federal courts, as well as state legislators, failed to act on investigations into election fraud — although Attorney General Bill Barr said the Justice Department has not found any evidence of widespread voter fraud.
Sen. Tom Cotton (R-Ark.) warned opposing the certifying of votes could "establish unwise precedents" and "take away the power to choose the president from the people."
It could lead to Democrats achieving "their longstanding goal of eliminating the Electoral College" and Congress would "take another big step toward federalizing election law," Cotton added.
Sen. Ben Sasse (R-Neb.) said, "It's a very, very bad idea ... this is bad for the country and bad for the party."
Sen. Mitt Romney (R-Utah) denounced the proposed commission as an "egregious ploy" that "dangerously threatens our Democratic Republic," arguing the precedent would lead partisan lawmakers to "inevitably demand the same any time their candidate had lost."
GOP Conference Chair Liz Cheney (R-Wyo.) wrote to her Republican conference Sunday that "objections set an exceptionally dangerous precedent," NBC's Alex Moe first reported and Axios confirmed.
Cheney singled out Cruz's proposal for a commission as "even more problematic" and asked if Republicans backing the effort realized "they were in essence proposing to delay the inaugural," since the suggested audit would take months.
Maryland Gov. Larry Hogan (R) said the "scheme" trying to overturn the results "makes a mockery of our system and who we are as Americans.
Rep. Adam Kinzinger (R-Ill.) told CNN no lawmaker could object to the results with a "clean conscience."
Former House Speaker Paul Ryan (R-Wis.) said efforts to "sow doubt" on Biden's victory "strike at the foundation of our republic," and the "Trump campaign had ample opportunity to challenge election results."
Seven House Republicans released a statement against the plans to oppose certifying election results, arguing Congress has no authority to disqualify electors nor "to make value judgments in the abstract regarding any state's election laws."
"To take action otherwise — that is, to unconstitutionally insert Congress into the center of the presidential election process — would amount to stealing power from the people and the states."
Sens. Bill Cassidy (R.-La), Susan Collins (R-Maine), Romney and Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska), said in bipartisan statement "further attempts to cast doubt on the legitimacy" of the election are "contrary to the clearly expressed will of the American people."
Cruz responded by urging lawmakers "to tone down the rhetoric," per Politico.
"This is already a volatile situation. It's like a tinder box and throwing lit matches into it and so I think the kind of hyperbole we're seeing, the kind of angry language."
Go deeper: Democrats react to Trump's Georgia call
Editor's note: This article has been updated with more lawmakers' comments.


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WASHINGTON, D.C., USA, February 12, 2019 /EINPresswire.com/ — On the 40th anniversary of the overthrow of the monarchic dictatorship, the main opposition said that the ruling clerical system "is at its weakest point in history," and the prospects of change are shining brighter than ever before.
The U.S. Representative Office of the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI-US), sponsored a panel on Monday, February 11, 2019 to discuss the regime's long and brutal domestic and foreign policy record at home and abroad.
Soona Samsami, the NCRI's representative in the U.S., offered an in-depth examination of the current situation, including major crises that the regime is facing, and struck a note of optimism about prospects for democratic change in Iran.
"The Iranian people are calling for the establishment of a republic, based on democracy and separation of religion and state," she said.
"In contrast to the regime's attempts to paint a picture of strength on its 40th year in power, in reality it is at its weakest point in history."
She cited deep-rooted corruption, large-scale embezzlements by officials, millions of poverty-stricken Iranians, the national currency's rapidly falling value, and the unprecedented decline in citizens' purchasing power as indicators of a rotting theocracy.
On that day, "the Iranian people toppled the Shah's dictatorship known for his notorious secret police, SAVAK, the infamous Evin prison, and the lavish spending of his corrupt regime," said Samsami.
The panel also featured a video compilation of scenes of massive protests in 2018 and 2019, which encompassed more than 160 cities and towns in all of 31 provinces in Iran, dealing the greatest security shock to the mullahs to date.
Former State Department official and ambassador to Bahrain, Adam Ereli, spoke at the well-attended event at Washington's National Press Club.
"Looking back on forty years of revolution: Yes, the mullahs are still there, but so is the MEK," said the ambassador, referring to the main opposition Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK).
Ambassador Ereli added that the fact that the regime's senior leaders, including Khamenei, IRGC commanders and Rouhani, continue to slam the MEK "validates and substantiates the impact that this organization has had and continues to have."
"From the American side, I would simply argue that you've got a very capable opposition." And, "the best thing the U.S. can do is to just stop appeasing the current regime," said Ereli.
Ali Safavi of the NCRI's Foreign Affairs Committee chronicled what he described as the ineffectual Western policy vis-a-vis the mullahs over the past four decades, starting with the early 1980s, saying: " Everything [in the West's policy] begins with the regime and ends with it. Lost in this approach have been the Iranian people."
Western outlook amounted to a "policy of appeasement" that has actually "helped prolong the mullahs' rule," he added.
"The right policy is to recognize the rights of the Iranian people and the organized opposition to overthrow this regime. Unlike Syria and other countries suffering from dictatorships, Iran has a historic, real and viable alternative," Safavi said.
Safavi added that the policy of appeasement toward the mullahs included the unjustifiable blacklisting of the MEK by the U.S. in 1997 as a "goodwill gesture" to Tehran. The energy of this attitude continued to propel appeasement policy during the Obama years, when the administration tragically turned a blind eye to the 2009 protests in Iran and also the massacre of MEK opposition members in camps Ashraf and Liberty in Iraq.
At the same time, the regime has launched an extensive demonization campaign against the MEK. Speakers cited 19 movies, drama series and documentaries produced by the state to tarnish the MEK's image in the minds of the youth.
"In 2018 alone, 18 major books were published by the regime against the MEK, bringing the total over the past few years to 519," said Samsami, with other speakers pointing out that the regime's vilification campaign extends to some in the U.S. and the West, including those directly paid by regime affiliates.
Samsami said: "The NCRI's President-elect, Maryam Rajavi, represents the demands and aspirations of the Iranian people and protestors in recent years. Units of Resistance posted her pictures in major highways and street corners."
"Mrs. Rajavi's 10-point plan for Iran's future includes policy formulations like: separation of church and state; abolition of the death penalty; universal suffrage and elections; gender equality; peace and co-existence with neighbors; and freedom of the press and speech."
Safavi concluded: "Recognition of the NCRI as the sole democratic alternative to the terrorist religious dictatorship in Iran is the imperative to rectifying and ending the disastrous policy of appeasement over the past four decades."


The arrival of Helen and her husband had stirred Hague, and so we were both up nice and early, and decided to head off and see Iron Man at last in the afternoon. As it was so early that meant I had time for a nice cooked breakfast, and a bath before picking a deliciously eclectic mix of clothes and heading out.
Even though I'm not at work, I'm still focused on my 5 a day challenge, and it's definitely helping me to feel a lot better, not to mention regular ;) Do we need the happy poo picture again lol?
With the green babies on the windowsill it was finally time for dinner as I was definitely starving by then! Hague went for fish and chips, but I'd fancied a potato salad type thing. It ended up having just about every vegetable in the fridge in it, plus two Quorn sausages, but it was delish!
Plus it ended up being very purple due to the beetroot, and you have to love purple food! After dinner I fancied something sweet and for the first time in ages, out came the Mikado, along with an apple and a yogurt.
I've missed my Mikado and they went down a treat. With those eaten, and with no nap today, I decided on a nice early night and so headed up not long after 10, and in a very odd move, Hague joined me after about an hour, a very early night for him!
Unfortunately by the end of the day my amazing mood had vanished completely :( I need to focus on the good things that happened yesterday.
My treats have been dispatched and seeing as both have been on my Amazon wishlist for ages I literally can't wait for them to get here.
My pink tartan skirt fits, and may have to be worn for Race for Life.
Just click this whole sentence to be magically taken to the JustGiving page where you can give as little or as much as you can afford.


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It is with great sadness that I offer my beautiful 1967 Olds 442 convertible for sale to the next lucky person who will own this beautiful classic car. There's nothing like riding around in a beautiful classic convertible on Saturday afternoon with the top down.
The value of my car has increased dramatically over the past 15 years that I have owned her and will continue to do so due too it's rarity and beauty so it would also be a great investment.
Oldsmobiles are out of production which also increases the value.
I will accept a reasonable offer.
Engine was Rebuilt and bored .40 over at 79,000 miles so it has approximately 9,000 miles since the rebuild and runs very strong.
Range: 180 to 190 lbs in all cylinders.
442's were only built at the GM plants in Fremont, CA and Lansing, MI. The 'M' in the VIN# is for Lansing, MI.
It has the deluxe coachman seatbelts which were only available for 442 cars built at the Lansing plant.
Original 1967 425ci (385 hp), 480 lbs. Torque.
442 Designation Code: V108714 on front of right head.
Eleven motors were available for this car in 1967 which are: 400ci (350 hp), 425ci (365 hp), 425ci (375 hp), 425ci (385hp) etc.
See Oldsmobile motors image above.
Muncie M-22, 4-speed (Rock crusher) with Hurst 4-speed shifter and 12 bolt Posi-rear end.
Factory installed RPM Dash Tachometer, Vacuum gauge, and Oil, Volts, Temp Gauges.
My car also has the very rare first year factory front disk brakes.
Frame and floors in nice shape.
Muncie M-22 rock crusher 4-speed transmission.
Hurst 4-Speed shifter (442 engraved).
Boxed lower rear control arms.
Heavy duty coil over shocks.
442 insignia's on both front fenders, trunk lid, grille and dash.
Correct headlight bezels (no cutouts).
Non functioning louvered hood (correct).
Deluxe coachman seat belts (Lansing, MI. only).
Correct paint (Original Burgundy under Aqua Marine).
Original GM plates on both doors.
Note: Pictures of interior were taken when dusty, seats are in nice shape. New pictures coming.
I also have a chrome trim piece for the lower left front fender.


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NASCAR's Bubba Wallace crossed the line by comparing NASCAR fans to Antifa rioters
Bubba Wallace is out to prove he's "woke."
While NASCAR and Wallace have alienated many longtime NASCAR fans with the noose hoax and by banning the rebel flag, Wallace is soaking up his time in the spotlight.
But Wallace crossed the line by comparing NASCAR fans to Antifa rioters.
Lifetime NASCAR fans are livid over changes to the sport in the last few weeks.
Bubba Wallace, looking to earn a new "woke" corporate sponsor, latched on to the George Floyd protests by wearing an "I can't breathe" shirt before a race.
He then went on CNN to call on NASCAR to ban the rebel flag from all NASCAR tracks.
The rebel flag, unrelated to the murder of George Floyd, has long been flown side-by-side with the American flag as a symbol of southern pride and embodiment of the rebellious spirit that gave birth to NASCAR in the first place.
NASCAR sided with Wallace and the Leftist corporate sponsors who have always despised the sports ties to the southland.
Now, many fans are planning to protest outside of races, which Wallace acknowledged was their right.
But, Wallace sneered, he doesn't believe the police will be "pepper-spraying them and shooting them with rubber bullets" in an offensive comparison to the Antifa anarchists and Marxist Black Lives Matter rioters toppling statues, looting private businesses, and setting fire to America's cities.
"It's their rights for peaceful protest, my man. It's a part of it," Wallace said. "But you won't see them inside the racetracks where we're having a good time with the new fans that are purchasing their tickets, purchasing their favorite drivers' apparel. You won't see it flying in there."
Wallace continued, "It's exactly what you see on the flip side of everything going on and in cities as they peacefully protest. But you won't see cops pepper-spraying them and shooting them with rubber bullets, will you?"
Bubba Wallace says people have the right to peacefully protest NASCAR's ban of the Confederate flag. He adds: "You won't see cops pepper spraying them and shooting them with rubber bullets, will you?" pic.twitter.com/u1NPqodbyg
— Bob Pockrass (@bobpockrass) June 26, 2020
NASCAR protesters were storming the racetracks trying to set fire to the facilities and steal or destroy cars and tools, you can bet the police would be meeting them with tear gas and rubber bullets to disperse them.
Funny how that works . . .
But even Wallace's claims of "new fans" coming to races or tuning in is dubious at best.
From 2006-2014, Juan Pablo Montoya, a Columbian, raced in NASCAR but failed to ever bring in the hordes of Hispanic fans as promised. Instead, his main claim to fame was running into a jet dryer in Daytona causing a two-hour delay.
The truth is, NASCAR's decision to further alienate its fanbase may result in short-term boost from those who are curious about the sport after so much TV exposure, but will likely prove to be a devastating blow to the sport moving forward.
NASCAR's ratings have been steadily declining since 2005 as executives have rooted out all but a handful of southern drivers and abandoned beloved historic southern tracks.
As a result, despite the fact the sport is far more corporate than it's ever been, there are few corporate sponsors who have agreed to sponsor more than just a handful of races.
NASCAR is desperate for more money.
And going "woke" appears to be their strategy.
Leave a comment below to let Sports with Balls know your thoughts about this story.
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I know that I have so much to tell you. Many of you aren't even sure what's been going on the last few weeks. I will try to fill you in here at least some. I have to say before I even start that I am immeasurably thankful right now - for my health, my life...to be home... for my family, friends and community for the incredible support they have shown our family.
Two and a half weeks ago I started having pain in my lower back. I thought that I had pulled a muscle, because I had been throwing up so much (I had even spent a night on IVs in the hospital, because I was so dehydrated.) Of course I didn't get to tell any of you in any of the fun, creative ways I had imagined, but most of you already know that we are expecting a baby in early June. I could barely walk and spent 24/7 on a heating pad or ice pack.
By Sunday, October 25th, I had taken all I could. I hadn't slept in days and the pain was excruciating. We decided it might be my kidney, so we headed to the ER. That was the day we planned to make our big announcement to the church. Charles went ahead and announced our special news by saying a thank you prayer for our new baby Sunday morning even though I was not there. Luckily my mom was here at that time.
Monday, the doctor (my OBGYN) decided to check me into the hospital in Hendrick to deal with the kidney infection and kidney stones that we thought I had (the ER doctor diagnosed this and my dr agreed). Tuesday night my left leg began to swell to about 3-4 times its normal size. Within a few hours they had done a doppler and properly diagnosed my problem as 3 blood clots in my left leg. The doctor told us that it was a life/death situation. I was in extreme risk of having a pulmonary embolism. We've never been so scared. For a solid week I lay still in bed with constant medication for pain and nausea. Twice a day I have been given blood thinner shots in my abdomen to reduce the danger. Those will continue for at least a year.
Finally, the swelling began to improve and slowly the pain eased. This past week, we have focused on me re-learning to walk and get around. I am using a walker and improving every single day. Yesterday the doctor decided that I can continue my recovery at home. I am so thankful to be home where I can rest and be with my family!!!
The other question many people have is "What now?" Well, as I said we are expecting a full recovery. I am already doing better faster than they expected. Charles and I have both been trained to do the Lovenox shots here at home, and physical therapy sent me home with a list of things to do every day. This is something I will always be at risk for now, so I will have regular check ups. For a while, my travel will be limited, just because being in a car for a long period of time puts me at risk for clotting - especially as I get bigger over the next few months.
Last question I can think of - "visitors?" I do think I can handle visitors now. At the hospital we asked for visits to be limited b/c I was in a very humbled state due to limited mobility. Also I was throwing up around the clock. I lost 11 pounds while I was there. However, I am dressed (although it takes much longer to do right now) and sitting on the couch here in the living room, and I am able to get to the restroom with my walker. Also, Charles' mother has come to help until Tuesday.
Today I am going to try to rest and get a few things done from here at my computer.
Thank you all SO much for your prayers, support and help with anything we've needed. We couldn't have gotten through this time without our family, friends and community. Thank You So Much!


text:
The Democratic Process in The Rightly Guided Caliphate
Leave a Comment	/ History, Political Issues / By almawrid
Author: Javed Ahmad Ghamidi
According to the Qur'ānic directive of Amruhum Shūrā Baynahum (Their system is based on their consultation, (42:38)), the details of the methodology adopted by the Prophet (sws) and his companions for the participation of the Muslims in the affairs of the state in their own times, keeping in view their social conditions, are based on the following two points:
Firstly, Muslims shall be consulted in the affairs of state through their leaders in whom they profess confidence. According to Sahīh Bukhārī:
When the Muslims at the Prophet's behest consented to free the prisoners of Hawāzin, the Prophet said:
I could not know who among you has shown his consent and who among you has not. Therefore, go back, and send your leaders that they may inform us. (Kitābu'l-Ahkām)
It is narrated about Abū Bakr (rta):
Then if he could not find a practice of the Prophet in this matter, he would gather the influential among his people and consult them, and when they would reach a conclusion, he would decide according to it. (Dārmī, Muqaddamah, p. 53)
During the time of the Prophet (sws), the tribal chiefs held this position of trust. The people of the tribes of Aws, Khazraj and Quraysh professed confidence in every sense of the word in their respective leaders. Indeed, these leaders were not elected to this position nor was an election needed in the social conditions which existed at that time. It was, in fact, because of their social status, intellect and experience that their people turned to them in all the political and collective affairs. Before the advent of Islam, it was their tribes' complete faith in them which conferred this position on them and this state continued even after they accepted Islam. However, before accepting Islam, a person could say that his tribal chief had seized power by force and that he was not in a position to show his mistrust in him, but after accepting faith every person from among the Muslim public could express in front of the Prophet (sws) his lack of confidence in his chief. If the majority in a tribe had expressed their lack of confidence in their leader, he could certainly not have retained his position.
The Prophet (sws) in his own times made all the important decisions after consulting these tribal chiefs and during the time of the Rightly Guided Caliphate also, the position of trust commanded by them continued.
While narrating the proceedings of a Shūrā called to session in the time of the Caliph Umar's (rta) rule to decide the fate of the conquered lands of Syria and Iraq, Qādī Abū Yūsuf says:
The people said: you should now seek formal consultation. At this, he consulted the early Muhājirūn and there existed a difference in their opinions. 'Abdu'l Rahmān Ibn 'Awf (rta) maintained that the land should be rightfully distributed among them, while 'Uthmān (rta), 'Alī (rta), Talhah (rta)and Ibn 'Umar (rta) were in agreement with 'Umar's (rta) view. Then he called ten people from the Ansār: five from the leading people of the Aws and five from those of the Khazraj. (Abū Yūsuf, Kitābu'l-Khirāj, Fasl fi'l Fay wa al-Khirāj, [1302 AH], p.27)
'Umar (rta) while explaining his own position in relation to the members of the Shūrā said:
I have bothered you with the burden of coming here so that you can help me in my responsibilities owing to this position you have entrusted me with. I am a human being just like you and do not want that you follow my desires in these affairs. (Abū Yūsuf, Kitābu'l-Khirāj, Fasl fi'l Fay wa al-Khirāj, [1302 AH], p.27)
The manner in which such sessions would be held was that first a person would loudly announce: 'Al-Salāh Jāmi'ah': That is people should gather for prayer. When people would gather, 'Umar (rta) would pray two Rak'ats. He would then deliver a brief speech and would table the agenda on which he wanted to consult the people. The issues of the conquered lands of Syria and Iraq and the participation of the Caliph himself in the battle of Nihāwand were discussed and settled in these meetings. Similarly, the issues of the salary of soldiers, the appointment of representatives, the organization of offices, the freedom of trade for other nations and their taxes were all decided in these meetings. Bilādhurī writes that there was another group of the leaders of the Muhājirūn (the ruling party) who would see to the day to day affairs of the country and would regularly assemble at the Masjid-i-Nabawī for this purpose:
In the Masjid-i-Nabawī, sessions of the Muhājirūn would be convened in which 'Umar would sit and present to them all the happenings and events reported to him from the various parts of his empire. (Bilādhurī, Futūhu'l Buldān, [Qum: Manshūrāt al-Arummiyyah, 1404 AH], p. 266)
Secondly, the tradition was established that among the various groups present in an Islamic State, only that group assumed its political authority which enjoyed the confidence of the majority of the Muslims.
Before his death, the Prophet (sws) clarified that the Quraysh would be his successors and not the Ansār:
Our political authority shall remain with the Quraysh. In this matter, whoever opposes them as long as they follow Islam, Allah shall cast him face down in Hell. (Bukhārī: Kitābu'l-Ahkām)
Consequently, he told the Ansār:
In this matter, bring forward the Quraysh and do not try to supersede them. (Talkhīsu'l-Hubayr, vol.2, p. 26)
The Prophet (sws) stated thus the reason for the decision he had declared:
People in this matter follow the Quraysh. The believers of Arabia are the followers of their believers and the disbelievers of Arabia are the followers of their disbelievers. (Muslim, Kitābu'l-Imārah)
Thus, the Prophet (sws) made it very clear that since the majority of the Arabian Muslims professed confidence in the Quraysh, they were solely entitled to take charge as the rulers of Arabia in the light of the Qur'ānic Directive: Amruhum Shūrā Baynahum, and that they would be passed on the political authority not because of any racial precedence or superiority, but only because virtue of this position.
Those who have studied the history of the Arabs know that before the advent of the Prophet (sws), the Quraysh were at the helm of the state's affairs and their leaders were considered as the leaders of the Arabs. After the battles of Badr and Uhud, though several of their leaders had been killed, yet in the capacity of a party they enjoyed the confidence of all the Arabs. All their prominent people who had accepted faith were present in Madīnah and many of them had distinguished themselves in the service of Islam. It was these people who were there called the Muhājirūn and after the general acceptance of faith by the Arabs their leaders enjoyed the same confidence as the influentials of Arabs did in the pre-Islamic era. Hence, elections were not needed to confirm this reality. There was there no room for a difference of opinion in the fact that the Quraysh had the popular support of the masses behind them and that no tribe could challenge this position of theirs.
There is no doubt that as far as Madīnah was concerned, the Ansār under Sa'ad Ibn 'Ubādah and Sa'ad Ibn Mu'ādh, the respective leaders of Aws and Khazraj, had more influence among the local population. They were no less than the Muhājirūn as regards the services they had rendered for the cause of Islam. They had offered their unconditional support and help to the Muhājirūn when the latter had migrated to Madīnah. Together with them, they had fought gallantly in the battles of Badr, Uhud, Ahzāb and Hunayn. The relationship of brotherhood and fraternity they had established with them was an exceptional one. Particularly, the way they had offered them monetary assistance — just to please the Almighty of course — bears no parallel in history. Had the Islamic State been confined only to Madīnah, it can be said with certainty that after the Prophet (sws), they would have assumed political authority. But after the conquest of Makkah, when a large number of Arabs of other territories accepted Islam, the political scene change drastically. The extent of confidence commanded by the Muhājirūn of the Quraysh out-proportioned that of the Ansār.
However, there was still a chance that owing to the perfectly natural emotions of tribal affiliation and owing to the spirit of outdoing each other in serving Islam, the Ansār might have come forward and challenge the Quraysh. Particularly, the fact that they commanded more influence locally in Madīnah could have caused them to put an undue trust in their strength. If such a situation, God forbid, had arisen the Munāfiqūn (hypocrites) would have certainly tried to benefit from it, and keeping in view the social conditions which prevailed at that time, only a war could have settled their dissension.
Therefore, the Prophet (sws) sensing that this untoward situation might arise, decided once and for all the fate of this matter in his own life in the presence of Sa'ad Ibn 'Ubādah, the leader of the Ansār. He is said to have said:
After me the political authority (imāmat) shall be transferred to the Quraysh. (Musnad Ahmad Ibn Hambal, vol. 3, p. 183)
Consequently, in the Thaqīfah of Banū Sā'idah, when the leaders of the Ansār were delivering stirring speeches to prove their entitlement to the leadership of the Arabs, Abū Bakr reminded them of the Prophet's above mentioned decision in the following words:
O Sa'ad! You know very well that the Prophet (sws) had said in your presence that the Quraysh shall be given the Khilāfat because the noble among the Arabs follow their nobles and their ignobles follow their ignobles. Sa'ad replied: What you say is correct, we are your advisers and you are our rulers. (Musnad Ahmad Ibn Hambal, vol. 1, p.5)
In another report, the words are:
The people of Arabia are not aware of anyone's political leadership except that of the Quraysh. (Musnad Ahmad Ibn Hambal, vol 1. P. 56)
After this verification by Sa'ad Ibn 'Ubādah, the chief of the Ansār, it became clear to those present that they had strayed from the right course in the heat of the discussion and that the right course was only to elect their ruler from the group which held majority in the public; that whoever would be elected would be the Khalīfah of the Muslims and it would be obligatory to obey him; that this course had been outlined by the Prophet (sws) himself and they should not in any case adopt a different one.
The Rightly Guided Caliphate (Khilāfat-i-Rāshidah) was also founded on the basis of this decision declared by the Prophet (sws). When the leaders of the Ansār submitted to it, 'Umar (rta), considering the delicacy of the situation which had arisen in the Thaqīfah, proclaimed the rule of Abū Bakr (rta) being sure of the fact that the leaders of the Quraysh would not differ with him and would, in fact, endorse his step. Later, he himself stated this reason for his step and warned that no one should dare present it as a violation of the Qur'ānic principle: Amruhum Shūrā Baynahum.
No one among you should have the misconception that the oath of allegiance to Abū Bakr took place suddenly. No doubt, the oath was pledged in the this way, but the Almighty protected the Muslims from its evil consequences [which might have arisen] and remember! there is none among you like Abū Bakr, whose greatness cannot be surpassed. Now if a person pledges an oath of allegiance to someone, without the opinion of the believers, no one should pledge allegiance to him as well as to whom he [himself] pledged allegiance because by this both of them shall present themselves for execution. (Bukhārī, Kitābu'l-Hudūd)
At the time of the death of Abū Bakr (rta) also, the general confidence enjoyed by the Muhājirūn of the Quraysh persisted. Since no other tribe of the Arabs including the Ansār had challenged this position, they continued to hold their position of authority, and there was no need to turn to the general public in this regard. Therefore, the leaders of the Muhājirūn of the Quraysh nominated 'Umar (rta) as the new ruler and both the Ansār and the Muhājirūn — the two big tribes of the Muslims — accepted the appointment. Consequently, without any difference of opinion, 'Umar (rta), in direct accordance with the Islamic constitution, assumed the position of Khilāfat. Ibn Sa'ad reports:
When ill-health overtook Abū Bakr and the time of his death approached, he summoned 'Abdu'l-Rahmān Ibn 'Awf and said: 'Tell me about 'Umar Ibn Khattāb'. 'Abdu'l-Rahmān replied: 'You are asking me about something of which you know better'. Abū Bakr said: 'Although [this is correct yet I want your opinion]'. 'Abdu'l-Rahmān answered: 'By God! he is even better than the opinion you hold about him'. Then he [Abū Bakr] called 'Uthmān Ibn 'Affān and asked him: 'Tell me about 'Umar Ibn Khattāb'. 'Uthmān replied: 'You know him better than us'. Abū Bakr said: 'Still! O Abū Abdullāh! [I want your opinion]'. [At this] 'Uthmān answered: 'Indeed, in my opinion his inner self is better than his outer self and no one among us can parallel him'. (Ibn Sa'ad, Al-Tabaqātu'l-Kubrā, vol. 3, [Beirut: Dār Sādir, 1960], p. 199)
Ibn Sa'ad mentions that Abū Bakr (rta), besides these two, consulted all the prominent leaders of the Ansār and the Muhājirūn:
And he, besides these two, consulted Abu'l-A'war Sa'īd Ibn Zayd and Usayd Ibn Al-Hudayr as well as other big leaders of the Ansār and the Muhājirūn, so Usayd said: 'Indeed after you O Abū Bakr! I consider him the best. He is happy on happy occasions and sad on sad occasions. His inside is better than his outside. No one is more suited to bear the burden of this Khilāfat'. (Ibn Sa'ad, Al-Tabaqātu'l-Kubrā, vol. 3, [Beirut: Dār Sādir, 1960], p. 199)
After this Ibn Sa'ad reports that some people differed from Abū Bakr's (rta) opinion but he satisfied them. He then called 'Uthmān (rta) and said:
Write: In the name of Allah the Most Gracious, the Ever Merciful. This is the will of Abū Bakr Ibn Abī Quhāfah which he made at the end of his worldly life, when he is about to leave it and at the beginning of his next life when he is about to enter it, at a time when disbelievers accept faith, the defiant express belief and liars speak the truth. I make 'Umar Ibn Khattāb your Khalīfah. Therefore, listen to him and obey him. (Ibn Sa'ad, Al-Tabaqātu'l-Kubrā, vol. 3, [Beirut: Dār Sādir, 1960], p. 200)
This letter was sealed. According to Abū Bakr's (rta) directive, 'Umar Ibn Khattāb (rta) and Usayd Ibn Sa'īd (rta) accompanied 'Uthmān (rta), who took the letter out to the people and said:
Will you pledge allegiance to the person in whose favour a will has been made in this letter. The people said: 'Yes'. (Ibn Sa'ad, Al-Tabaqātu'l-Kubrā, vol. 3, [Beirut: Dār Sādir, 1960], p. 200)
Ibn Sa'ad reports:
All accepted and agreed to pledge allegiance to 'Umar. Then Abū Bakr called 'Umar in solitude and gave him whatever advice he wanted to. (Ibn Sa'ad, Al-Tabaqātu'l-Kubrā, vol. 3, [Beirut: Dār Sādir, 1960], p. 200)
When 'Umar Ibn Khattāb (rta) was severely wounded and his death looked imminent, the political situation was still unchanged. The Muhājirūn of the Quraysh still enjoyed the majority mandate of the Muslims. Therefore, according to the Islamic constitution only an election of a leader by the majority group was required. The people who held responsible positions asked 'Umar Ibn Khattāb (rta), as reported by Ibn Sa'ad:
Will you not leave a will for us? Will you not appoint a Khalīfah for us? (Ibn Sa'ad, Al-Tabaqātu'l-Kubrā, vol. 3, [Beirut: Dār Sādir, 1960], p. 343)
'Umar Ibn Khattāb (rta), however, adopted another way: Instead of appointing a Khalīfah by consulting the Shūrā members, as had been done by Abū Bakr (rta) , he entrusted the matter to six prominent leaders:
I have deliberated on the matter of Khilāfat and have reached the conclusion that there is no difference among the people in this affair as long as it is one of you. If there is any difference, it is within you. Therefore, this matter is entrusted to the six of you: 'Abdu'l-Rahmān, 'Uthmān, 'Alī, Zubayr, Talhah and Sa'ad. (Ibn Sa'ad, Al-Tabaqātu'l-Kubrā, vol. 3, [Beirut: Dār Sādir, 1960], p. 344)
What he meant was that since the people only looked upon them for Khilāfat and if they agreed to accept anyone among them as Khalīfah, the people would not differ with their decision.
He further said:
Rise, consult and make anyone amongst yourselves as the ruler. (Ibn Sa'ad, Al-Tabaqātu'l-Kubrā, vol. 3, [Beirut: Dār Sādir, 1960], p. 344)
However, since there was a chance that some miscreants might create disorder or that these six might prolong matters, 'Umar Ibn Khattāb (rta) appointed Ansār as the custodians over the six because, being a minority group, they were not a party to the whole affair. Ibn Sa'ad narrates through Anas Ibn Mālik:`
'Umar Ibn Khattāb just before his death summoned Abū Talhah Ansārī. When he arrived, 'Umar said: 'Abū Talhah take fifty men from your tribe Ansār and go to these people of the Shūrā. I reckon they will be present at the house of someone amongst themselves. Stand at their door with your comrades and let no one go inside and do not give them more than three days for electing a leader. (Ibn Sa'ad, Al-Tabaqātu'l-Kubrā, vol. 3, [Beirut: Dār Sādir, 1960], p. 364)
'Umar Ibn Khattāb (rta) instructed them in the following words about the leaders of the Ansār:
Call the leaders of the Ansār to you, but they have no share in political authority. (Ibn Qutaybah, Al-Imāmah wa Al-Siyāsah, vol. 1 [Beirut: Dāru'l-Ma'arifah], p. 28)
Ibn Sa'ad reports that when all of them had assembled, 'Abdu'l-Rahmān Ibn 'Awf (rta) opined that three of them should withdraw themselves in favour of three others. Consequently, Zubayr (rta) withdrew in favour of 'Alī (rta), and Talhah (rta) and Sa'ad (rta) withdrew in favour of 'Uthmān (rta) and 'Abdu'l-Rahmān Ibn 'Awf (rta) respectively. Then he asked 'Uthmān (rta) and 'Alī (rta) to give him the right to decide, if he withdraws: When both agreed, he said to 'Alī (rta):
You have the honour of being among the earliest who accepted Islam as well as being a relation of the Prophet of Allah. By God! If you are entrusted with Khilāfat, promise that you will rule with justice and if 'Uthmān (rta) is made the Khalīfah, you shall listen to him and obey him. (Ibn Sa'ad, Al-Tabaqātu'l-Kubrā, vol. 3, [Beirut: Dār Sādir, 1960], p. 339)
After 'Alī (rta) agreed, he turned to 'Uthmān (rta) and repeated what he had said; when both showed their approval, he said:
O 'Uthmān! extend your hand! When he did so, 'Alī and others pledged their oath of allegiance to him. (Ibn Sa'ad, Al-Tabaqātu'l-Kubrā, vol. 3, [Beirut: Dār Sādir, 1960], p. 339)
There can be two opinions about the Khilāfat of 'Alī (rta). This difference however, is not about any basic principle, but about whether the Muhājirūn of the Quraysh elected their leader with freedom or under coercion. This discussion is irrelevant to our topic. Therefore, even if it is left out, the fact remains that throughout the period of the Rightly Guided Caliphate, power remained with those who commanded the majority support of the Muslims ie, the Muhājirūn of the Quraysh and that their prominent leaders elected the ruler. This is also a reality that all the four Caliphs were elected basically by the same principle. They were elected from the leaders of the majority group and all the leaders of the other groups were also consulted in this election. The only difference is that when they agreed on 'Umar (rta), Abū Bakr (rta) himself enforced this decision, and 'Umar (rta), when he found that their difference was about six eminent leaders, entrusted the responsibility of electing one from among the six on the six person themselves.
From this discussion it is evident that:
(1) In an Islamic state the existence of political parties is perfectly legal and, in fact in the times of the Prophet (sws) and the Rightly Guided Caliphate, they formed an important constituent of the political system.
(2) If today elections are held to ascertain which party enjoys the general support then it cannot be considered against the purport of Islam.
(3) If the traditions of the early Islamic era are kept in consideration, the head of the government of an Islamic State should not be elected directly by the general masses; instead his election should take place in the parliament through their representatives.
(Translated by Shehzad Saleem)