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The decriminalization of sex work is the removal of criminal penalties for sex work (specifically, prostitution). Sex work, the consensual provision of sexual services for money or goods, is criminalized in most countries. Decriminalization is distinct from legalization (also known as the "regulationist" approach).

The decriminalization of sex work is a controversial topic. Advocates of decriminalization argue that removing the criminal sanctions surrounding sex work creates a safer environment for sex workers, and that it helps fight sex trafficking. Opponents of decriminalization argue that it will not prevent trafficking (or even increase trafficking) and could put sex workers at greater risk.

Organizations including: the Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS), the World Health Organization (WHO), Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), and the medical journal The Lancet have called on countries to decriminalize sex work in the global effort to tackle the HIV/AIDS epidemic and ensure sex workers' access to health services. Almost all organisations run by sex workers themselves around the world favour the decriminalisation of sex work, and it tends to be their main goal. The majority of academics in the United Kingdom, the United States and elsewhere also favour decriminalising sex work.

A European Parliament resolution adopted on 26 February 2014, regarding sexual exploitation and prostitution and its impact on gender equality states that, "decriminalising the sex industry in general and making procuring legal is not a solution to keeping vulnerable women and under-age females safe from violence and exploitation, but has the opposite effect and puts them in danger of a higher level of violence, while at the same time encouraging prostitution markets – and thus the number of women and under-age females suffering abuse – to grow."

Two countries have decriminalized sex work. In June 2003, New Zealand became the first country to decriminalize sex work, with the passage of the Prostitution Reform Act. The one remaining criminal law surrounding commercial sexual activities in New Zealand is a requirement to adopt safer sex practices. Despite decriminalisation, its sex industry is still controversial, with some issues remaining. In June 2022, Belgium became the first country in Europe and the second country in the world to decriminalize sex work.

Legal models of sex work

There are a wide variety of legal approaches to regulating prostitution. NGOs, academics, and government agencies typically use five different models to organize the different approaches. Scholars have also used three-fold and four-fold classifications, and terminology may differ between studies. Some may equate the term "criminalisation" with "prohibition(ism)", while others regard all policies except "decriminalisation" as a certain degree of criminalisation.

Prohibitionism
Hindle et al. (2008) stated: "Prohibitionism seeks to eliminate prostitution by criminalizing all aspects of the prostitution trade. Under this approach, prostitution is seen as a violation of human dignity. Criminal law and effective law enforcement are viewed as critical tools in reducing the number of individuals involved in prostitution." Kulick (2003) stated that prohibitionist models "criminalise the actual transaction of selling sex." Scoular (2015) noted that those taking a prohibitionist approach believe that the sex trade is a violation of moral (usually religious) beliefs, and seek "to deter parties from engaging in prostitution by punishing one (usually the female sellers) or, increasingly, both parties."

Abolitionism
Hindle et al. (2008) stated: "Abolitionism is often described as the middle ground between prohibitionism and legalization. Advocates of this approach maintain that even though prostitutes may choose to enter the trade, it is nevertheless immoral. They believe that governments must take the necessary steps to allow prostitution to take place only as long as it does not infringe on public safety and order. Generally, abolitionists call for the criminalization of public solicitation." Kulick (2003) defined abolitionism as "a legal system that holds that prostitution in itself is not an offence, but the exploitation of the prostitution of others is; thus any third party recruiting, profiting from, or organising prostitutes is penalised."

Neo-abolitionism
Neo-abolitionism, also called the Nordic or Swedish model, is used in Sweden, Norway, France and other countries. While selling sex is not criminalized under this approach, the buying of sex is illegal. Neo-abolitionists claim these models do not punish prostitutes, but instead penalize those who purchase sex from sex workers. This model is criticized for causing sex workers to do their business in areas with less police, which often makes it more dangerous.

Legalization

Legalization is also referred to as "regulationist". In countries that legalize prostitution, it is no longer prohibited, and there is legislation to control and regulate it. The extent and type of legislation varies from country to country and may be regulated by work permits, licensing or tolerance zones.

Decriminalization

Decriminalization is the removal of criminal penalties for sex work. In countries that decriminalize sex work, sex workers receive the same protection and recognition as workers in other industries. The very first line of the World Charter for Prostitutes' Rights, written and adopted by the International Committee for Prostitutes' Rights on 15 February 1985 at the first World Whores Congress in Amsterdam, states: "Decriminalize all aspects of adult prostitution resulting from individual decision."

Effects of criminalization

Health
According to the World Health Organization (WHO), sex workers are considered one of the key populations at risk for HIV infection, and sex workers who inject drugs are at even more risk due to unprotected sex, syringe sharing, alcohol or drug dependence, and violence. Stigma, poverty, and exclusion from legal social services have increased their vulnerability to HIV infection. Health risks and transmission of HIV as well as other sexually transmitted infections (STIs) are increased in incidences where condom usage and accessibility is limited or used to identify and criminalize sex workers. Many sex workers are managed by 'gatekeepers' who may be brothel owners, clients, or law enforcement figures, who often dictate condom usage. In Cambodia, a survey showed that 30% of sex workers who refused to put on condoms were sexually coerced. Fear of law enforcement and incarceration also discourages possession of condoms since they provide evidence for officers to prosecute and arrest. Evidence suggests that HIV risk can be sharply reduced when sex workers are able to negotiate safer sex. Decriminalization of sex work decreases the risk of HIV infection by breaking down stigma and increasing access to health services, reducing the risk of HIV/AIDS and STIs.

According to a 2020 study, criminalisation of sex work in one district in East Java, compared to neighbouring districts where sex work was not criminalised, increased the rate of sexually transmitted infections among female sex workers by 58%, made their income after leaving sex work lower on average, and their children more likely to begin working to supplement household income rather than go to school (as school expenses were harder to meet). A 2018 study found that the 2003–2009 decriminalization of indoor prostitution in Rhode Island led to reduced sexually transmitted infections (female gonorrhoea incidence declined by over 40%) and fewer rapes (reported rape offences fell by 30%). A 2017 study found that the introduction of legal prostitution zones in the Netherlands substantially reduced drug-related crime, sexual abuse and rape (the latter two by 30–40% in the first two years).

Violence
According to a 2021 study, the openings of adult entertainment establishments (strip clubs, gentlemen clubs and escort girl services) in New York City were associated with a 13% decrease in sex crime one week after the opening (while having no impact on other forms of crime). The evidence suggests that potential sex offenders frequent such establishments rather than commit sex crimes.

Discrimination and stigma

Sex workers experience significant stigma and discrimination as a result of criminalization. Though they consider sex work a legitimate income-generating activity, sex workers are viewed as immoral, deserving of punishment, and thus excluded from healthcare, education, and housing. Criminalization laws exclude sex workers from health systems that provide access to preventative care such as condoms and regular HIV or STI testing.

Human rights abuses
Sex workers, as a population that suffers disproportionately from HIV/AIDS, are often denied many human rights such as the right to freedom from discrimination, equality before the law, the right to life, and the right to the highest attainable standard of health. A study conducted in more than 11 countries by Sex Workers' Rights Advocacy Network (SWAN) concluded that more than 200 sex workers have experienced violence and discrimination. These acts of violence toward sex workers often include abuse, rape, kidnappings, and sexual violence. Sex workers also face extortion and unlawful arrests and detention, which profoundly impact their mental, physical, and social wellbeing. It is difficult for sex workers to seek criminal justice when it is reported that many police officers are partaking in the sexual and violent abuse. In North Macedonia, police sexual assault towards sex workers is particularly high: 82.4 percent of sex workers were assaulted by police in 2007. Criminalization also forces sex workers to work in unsafe settings to avoid police detection which increases their risk of being forced of coerced into sex trafficking. Criminalization laws such as bans on buying, solicitation, and the general organization of sex work perpetuate an unsafe environment for sex workers, provide impunity for abusers, and prevent sex workers from reporting the crime to the police.

Poverty
In countries where sex work is a crime, encounters with law enforcement and the judicial system can cause great financial difficulty for sex workers. Frequent arrests and legal fines may accumulate over time, and because a fair share of sex workers come from impoverished backgrounds anyway, the toll can be immense. In Washington, D.C., for example, a sex worker's first offense will result in a fine for as much as $500. The financial impact can then magnify over time after an encounter with law enforcement. With a sex work offense on their record, sex workers may complicate (or completely bar them from) acquiring housing. If a sex worker with a criminal record seeks employment in another industry, they may face discrimination or be disallowed from applying. 55% of Black trans sex workers who participated in a 2015 survey reported being unemployed, while 40% of trans sex workers had experienced gender discrimination when seeking employment.

Specific populations

Male sex workers
Over the course of the past several decades, the demand for male sex work has risen dramatically as people's opinions on not just homosexuality but prostitution as well have begun to change to look at both in a more favorable light. As society's opinions on homosexuality and prostitution have changed in different parts of the world, there has been a subsequent push for the changing of the laws and regulations regarding these matters in some countries, which have helped to increase the demand for male sex work around the world.

The demand for the decriminalization of sex work has also increased. Organizations like the Sex Workers Project, the Sex Workers Outreach Project, the International Committee on the Rights of Sex Workers in Europe, the Asia Pacific Network of Sex Workers, and the African Sex Workers Alliance all work internationally to fight for the rights of both male and female sex workers and for the decriminalization of sex work as whole. This reflects how much the atmosphere surrounding the decriminalization of sex work has changed in the past several decades, as none of the organizations listed above existed before the 1990s.

Similarly to female sex work, there is a long history of discrimination against male sex work, but for different reasons. Much of the sentiment against male sex workers has come from its association with homosexuality, which for much of history was not socially acceptable. Much of this anti-homosexual sentiment stems from the fact that traditionally the three major Abrahamic religions (Judaism, Christianity, and Islam) taught that homosexuality was sinful, citing Leviticus 18:22 where it states, "You shall not lie with a male as with a woman; it is an abomination" as the main reasoning for this belief. As a result, homosexuality was made illegal in many societies, and punishments were put in place for homosexual behavior.

Anti-homosexual sentiment still exists in some parts of the world. In some places, it is still illegal and punishable by death to be gay. For example, in countries like Yemen, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Mauritania, Nigeria, Brunei, Qatar, Pakistan, Sudan, United Arab Emirates, Somalia, and Afghanistan being homosexual is still punishable by death. In other countries, it is not punishable by death but is still illegal and is punishable in other ways. Punishment in these countries can range, 0–10 years, 10–life, and lashes/corporal punishment. Therefore, in many of these countries male sex workers work in unsafe conditions where they run a higher risk of experiencing violence, or sexual abuse to avoid detection by the police who are sometimes the proponents of this violence. Another issue associated with working in these unsafe conditions is the risk of contracting an STI or HIV is much higher.

There has been a push in the past several decades for the decriminalization of sex work in general and more specifically male sex work. The success of some of these movement in achieving the decriminalization and in some cases even legalization of sex work has increase the demand for male sex workers worldwide. Even in countries where neither legalization nor even full decriminalization has been achieved, these movements have at least been successful in relaxing the regulations regarding sex work in general and more specifically male sex work. Which as a result of the relaxing of these regulations even where unsuccessful in achieving full decriminalization, there has been a general increase in the demand for sex work and thereby male sex workers. The advent of the internet has also only worked to further increase the demand for male sex work as not only has it allowed male sex workers to connect with their clients more easily, but it has also allowed them to do so more discreetly, which is important in countries where prostitution is still illegal and for clients who want to keep their business private.

There are a number of organizations internationally who fight for the rights of sex workers and the decriminalization of prostitution which just to mention a few include the Sex Workers Project, the International Committee on the Rights of Sex Workers in Europe, and the African Sex Workers Alliance. These organizations serve as the leaders in the fight for the decriminalization of sex work as they use the power of their numbers to help them influence policy makes. Which leads to the argument for the decriminalization of male sex work. The argument for the decriminalization of male sex work shares many of the same key points as the arguments for the decriminalization of female sex work. With the main argument for the decriminalization of male sex work and sex work in general being that it is in the best interest of the public health to decriminalize sex work, to ensure that sex workers are capable of going through more professional channels to do their work. Allowing sex workers to use more professional channels in their work would allow them to more easily access protection, get tested for STIs and HIV, and enforce that their clients wear protection and be tested.

STIs and HIV are major issues in the field of male sex work, with some studies finding that up to 50% of male sex workers tested positive for HIV in some regions, many of whom were completely unaware. The rates of STIs and HIV amongst male sex workers varies wildly based on income level, race, and sexual preference. This a prime example of an area that would become more equitable to male sex workers of all income levels, races, and sexual preferences, if male sex and sex work in general were to be decriminalized and could only improve even further with full legalization. In general the rates of HIV were highest amongst male sex workers who identified as gay, and it is suggested that this may be partially the result of a lack of education regarding the need and importance of still using protection when engaging in gay sex. It has also been suggested that male sex workers may be unable to enforce that their clients use condoms due to the risk of experiencing violence for refusing to engage in condomless sex. These would both be less of an issue if male sex work and sex work in general were to be decriminalized, as it would allow them to go about their work in more professional settings that would greatly reduce the risk of them experiencing violence or contracting STIs and HIV.

Transgender sex workers
Transgender sex workers experience a disproportionate amount of discrimination and violence, and many activist groups advocate for decriminalization of sex work because it would greatly benefit transgender individuals in the industry. For example, the National Center for Transgender Equality expressed its support for the Amnesty International resolution in support of decriminalizing sex work on the basis of its goal to protect the human rights of workers in the sex industry.

One study of transgender sex workers that examined their reasons for involving themselves in the industry found that many transgender female sex workers experienced worry that they would not be hired by other employers because of their gender identity. Therefore, they sought work in the sex industry because they felt it was their only choice. However, many transgender female sex workers express satisfaction with their occupation because their clients approach them as "real females", and they experience less gender discrimination than they do in their daily lives. Many advocates view this sort of positive experience as evidence supporting the need to decriminalize sex work. In various qualitative studies, interviews with transgender female sex workers revealed their experience with policing and law enforcement, and numerous reported believing that their gender identity combined with their job in the sex industry resulted in discriminatory treatment from law enforcement, including verbal and physical abuse. The criminalization of sex work also imposes a unique risk to transgender sex workers because, if arrested and incarcerated, they experience highly disproportionate levels of physical and sexual violence at the hands of cisgender male prisoners in the facilities where they are required to be housed.

Practical comparison

This section compares some examples of various legal models in practice.

Abolitionist practice

Brazil
Brazil operates within the abolitionist model of sex work. This means that selling sex in exchange for money is legal, and sex workers can even claim pensions and benefits when employed in the industry. However, it is illegal to employ sex workers or to profit off the work of a sex worker. In practice, this means that brothels and pimps are criminalized as is sex trafficking. Despite selling and buying sex being legal (only when occurring between sex workers and their clients), there are still many laws and regulations that limit those working in the sex industry. For example, sex workers in Brazil are often charged with vagrancy, loitering, or public disorder when law enforcement sees them soliciting clients. In Rio de Jainero specifically, legal authorities set up campaigns to dissuade sex tourism, and many individuals known to be promoting prostitution have been arrested.

Neo-abolitionist (Nordic) practice

Canada

In 2013, a study was conducted in Vancouver, where purchasing sex was enforced by the Vancouver Police Department as illegal but selling it was not. The study found that while the introduction of this policy did improve relations between sex workers and the police, it also "reproduce[d] the harms created by the criminalisation of sex work, in particular, vulnerability to violence and HIV/STIs".

Canada's prostitution law was challenged in 2013 by Terri-Jean Bedford, Amy Lebovitch, and Valerie Scott in the Bedford v. Canada case. The plaintiffs argued that the criminal laws disproportionately increased their risk of violence and victimization by preventing them from being able to employ safety strategies during the course of their work. In a 9–0 ruling, the Supreme Court of Canada determined that the communication provision, the bawdy house provision, and the living on the avails provision violated sex workers' rights to security of the persons. To give the Government of Canada time to respond, the declaration of invalidity was suspended for one year.

In 2014, the Government of Canada enacted the Protection of Communities and Exploited Persons Act (PCEPA). This legislation is modelled after the Nordic Model, and criminalizes buyers of sexual services as well as third-party supporters (brothel ownership and pimping are also illegal). Most Canadian sex workers' rights groups rejected the Nordic model, because it was deemed to be "harmful and inconsistent with sex workers' constitutional rights to health and safety", according to the Canadian Alliance for Sex Work Law Reform (CASWLR). Instead, they favoured New Zealand's model of decriminalisation, because it supposedly 'decreased violence against sex workers and increased police protection while improving employment conditions, including protection from harassment by the sex worker's employer'. In February 2020, an Ontario court judge struck down three parts of the PCEPA as unconstitutional: the prohibitions on advertising, procuring and materially benefiting from someone else's sexual services were violations of the 'freedom of expression' and 'security of the person' as defined in the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. If upheld, this would allow third-party involvement, which sex workers said would provide them important protections, but Christian anti-trafficking activists claimed would facilitate sex trafficking.

France
In 2016, the French federal government estimated that there were around 30,000 prostitutes in the country, and 93% of them were foreign. In April 2016, the French National Assembly passed a law that partially decriminalized sex work. While selling sex, loitering, and public soliciting by prostitutes is now legal, paying for sex carries a fine of around 1,500 euros. People found guilty of paying for sex may also have to complete an "awareness-raising course on the fight against the purchase of sexual acts".

The French government also attempted to fight prostitution by providing compensation to sex workers who wanted to leave the sex industry. However, although the government hoped to help 600 prostitutes by 2018, only 55 sex workers signed up for the program. Some sex workers argue that the monthly stipend, which is 330 euros, is not enough money to make ends meet.

The 2016 law has also resulted in increased violence against sex workers. Because of the heightened police presence, the sex work that does happen has been pushed off the streets and into areas with limited surveillance. This has created more dangerous conditions for prostitutes that continue to work. According to a survey conducted by the French NGO Médecins du Monde, 42% of percent of prostitutes in France say that they have been exposed to more violence since the law took effect in 2016.

Sweden
Sweden passed a law in 1999 which criminalised buying sex, while maintaining that selling sex is legal. Kulick (2003) and Matthews (2008) have labelled this Swedish law 'prohibitionist' (with Kulick arguing Sweden was 'abolitionist' before 1999), while Niklas Jakobsson & Andreas Kotsadam (2010) called it 'neo-abolitionist'. Since the implementation of the law, supporters of this approach have claimed the number of prostitutes has decreased. However, this may just be a result of the increased police surveillance, as many sex workers are leaving the streets and turning instead to other spaces, including the internet.

Pye Jakobsson, a spokeswoman for the Rose Alliance which represents sex workers, believes that this reduction in numbers of street workers may not necessarily mean less prostitution, pointing to the 50% of sex workers who work indoors. Jakobsson claims that "you can't talk about protecting sex workers as well as saying the law is good, because it's driving prostitution and trafficking underground, which reduces social services' access to victims."

In a 2010 review, the Swedish government agreed with Swedish sex workers that this model has increased stigma against sex workers. However, the Swedish government viewed this as a positive outcome, arguing that sending a message about sex work is more important.

Sex workers have reported a number of human rights violations as a direct result of these laws, including the deportation of sex workers, increased evictions, increased vulnerability to homelessness, and high rates of discrimination from authorities. The 1999 law has also led to sex workers being used as witnesses by the police in cases that they did not want to be a part of. In addition, because police oftentimes use condoms as evidence in these cases, condom use has gone down among Swedish sex workers and customers. By 2021, the Christian anti-prostitution and anti-pornography NGO Talita reportedly had major influence in the public debate about sex work, as it was frequently cited in news and opinion articles in Swedish media, which tended to focus on the alleged harmful aspects. Swedish sex workers think that Talita and the media used "overly negative wordings", and attempts to incorrectly link all sex work to human trafficking only increased stigmatisation. Workers have argued that "it would be better to hold a realistic discussion about the pros and cons, instead demonising it as a whole."

Legalisation (regulationist) practice

Denmark
In Denmark, prostitution was legalised in 1999, allowing for both selling and buying of sex to be legal as long as both participants are above the age of 18. Brothels and pimping, however, still remain illegal in the country. Previously, sex workers were permitted to work as long as it was not their only source of income.

Germany
Germany legalized sex work in 2002. The 2002 law mandated that sex workers register themselves and pay taxes. In return, their employers would have to provide benefits like health care and paid leave. In addition, customers of sex workers are not allowed to deny payment because they "aren't satisfied". After the law was put in place, the German sex industry boomed. According to 2005 estimates by the German federal government, there are about 400,000 sex workers in Germany, and over 1.2 million men pay for their services every day.

The implementation of the law was flawed because of a lack of outreach and training. As a result, the law was interpreted differently in different cities. In Berlin, the law was interpreted in ways that are favorable to sex workers; in Cologne, a "pleasure tax" that only applies to sex work was imposed.

A 2014 article in The Daily Telegraph claimed that, while this law was designed to protect the rights of sex workers and recognise their occupation as a job like any other, it has instead resulted in massive, multi-story brothels and the introduction of roadside "sex boxes" (German: Verrichtungsboxen).

Netherlands
The Netherlands lifted the 1911 brothel ban in 2000, earning its international status as a symbol of a 'liberal' approach to sex work. The Dutch legalisation model was contrasted with the neo-abolitionist model introduced by Sweden in 1999. According to Heumann et al. (2017), the 1911 brothel ban was vaguely formulated, poorly enforced, and sex workers themselves were not criminalised, but despite this pre-2000 'regulated tolerance' (Dutch: gedoogbeleid), they were still stigmatised as 'fallen' or 'sinful' women, or 'psychiatrically disturbed'. Feminists (concerned about women's rights and oppression) and conservatives (concerned about public order, 'morality' and women's 'dignity') reached a rough agreement in the 1980s to legalise sex work while countering sex trafficking. However, the Repeal Bill (to lift the 1911 brothel ban) and Trafficking Bill proposed together in 1987 and passed by Parliament were put on hold in the Senate, and finally blocked in 1989 by the new fervent abolitionist Justice Minister Ernst Hirsch Ballin (Christian Democrats). He heavily revised both bills to the effect that all migrant women were considered trafficking victims; these proposals were strongly opposed by the Senate in 1992. Eventually a thoroughly altered version of the Trafficking Bill was approved in 1993, while the Repeal Bill was postponed indefinitely. The Repeal Bill was taken up again in 1997 by the first secular government coalition of the Netherlands, involving social democrats (PvdA), conservative liberals (VVD) and progressive liberals (D66), who agreed on lifting the ban in 1999, which went into effect in 2000. The theory behind the government's legalisation was harm reduction, to increase the visibility of criminal activities and to fight trafficking, and overall better governmental control over prostitution. Notably, migrant sex workers without a residence permit were not allowed to work legally. After 2000, certain interpretations of the law and further local legal restrictions introduced various neo-abolitionist elements into the Dutch situation, pushing especially migrant sex workers into illegality. Moreover, sex workers' rights including labour rights were pushed to the background and undermined, either by the government by invoking 'protection', or by the major brothel companies, who were the only ones capable of complying to the strict licensing requirements and paying for them, and capable of using lawyers to evade taxes and undermine the rights of sex workers.

Nevada, United States

Nevada is the only state in the United States in which prostitution is legal, although only in 10 rural counties and only in licensed houses.

There was no state law on prostitution in Nevada until 1971, when a section of the Nevada Revised Statutes effectively legalized prostitution in counties with a population of under 400,000. In the mid-1970s, a man named Walter Plankinton attempted to open a brothel in Nye County, Nevada. County officials initially blocked him from opening the brothel (which he planned to call "The Chicken Ranch"), citing a 1948 state law that called brothels a "nuisance". However, this law was overturned by the Nevada Supreme Court in 1978. In 1980, the Nevada Supreme Court officially legalized prostitution in counties with a population of under 400,000. However, prostitution outside of a "licensed house of prostitution" wasn't banned until 1987, when the Nevada Revised Statutes made it explicitly illegal.

Sex work in Nevada is regulated in the ten counties and five cities that permit it. Prostitutes are regulated by a patchwork of both state and local laws that address a number of different areas. Zoning laws in Nevada prohibit brothels from being located near a school, house of worship, or main road. Brothels are also barred from advertising on public roads or in districts where prostitution is illegal. The county licenses for brothels are very expensive, to the point of being a significant item in county revenue. Other existing regulations mandate STI testing before prostitutes are hired, and weekly testing once they are employed. Sex workers with HIV are also prohibited from working. Sex workers who continue to work after testing HIV-positive can be punished with two to ten years in prison or a $10,000 fine.

Decriminalisation practice

Belgium

In March 2022, Belgium moved to become the first European country to decriminalise sex work.
 On 17 March 2022, the Chamber of Representatives of Belgium approved a sexual crimes legislation reform bill, developed under the responsibility of Justice Minister Vincent Van Quickenborne. The reform bill inter alia envisioned a phased decriminalisation of sex work for adults (18 years or older). In the first step, sex work would only be legally allowed for self-employed sex workers. They would only be permitted to advertise their own sexual services via designated types of media. This law came into effect on 1 June 2022.

South Africa

In November 2022, the Cabinet of South Africa has approved a bill for decriminalizing sex work. The bill has not yet been written into law and once published in the Gazette will be open to the public to comment.

Australia

Laws covering sex work in Australia are state and territory based, with different regulations in different places. New South Wales, which includes the city of Sydney, decriminalised sex work in 1995 after the Wood Royal Commission showed that police were inappropriate regulators of the sex industry, because criminalisation led to police corruption, great health risks to sex workers and the community, as well as public nuisance.

New South Wales towards prohibition 1908–1976
New South Wales amended the Police Offences Act in 1908 to criminalise men, but not women, who lived off the earnings of prostitution, so that male brothel owners henceforth risked prosecution. The 1924 amendments to the Crimes Act increased these penalties, while police were given more power over the movement of prostitutes; the latter were more exposed to police arrest and violence from clients by these legal restrictions on their male associates. Combined with the criminalisation of gambling and newly introduced drugs, criminal gangs emerged in Sydney, which waged "razor wars" in the streets for the control of all these profitable illegal activities. Changes to the law in 1929 gave the police more power to combat the criminal gangs, who were quickly crushed, but replaced by corrupt police control. By the 1960s, the police corruption over prostitution in Sydney had solidified, and sex workers had to pay regular bribes (called "weighing-in") to the two police branches in the area. Nevertheless, sex workers could still be arrested by the police and be convicted for various prostitution-related offences such as soliciting, consorting, and 'offensive behaviour'. The arrival of American troops from the Vietnam War from 1966 and onwards quickly stimulated the rise of drug- and prostitution-related violent rival criminal syndicates which collaborated with the corrupt police. The conservative Askin Government (Liberal Party) further criminalised sex work in 1968 by introducing extra offences, increasing penalties, and also making it a crime for women to live off the earnings of prostitution; as a result, police bribes and arrests increased, and sex workers were driven further underground.

New South Wales partial decriminalisation and re-criminalisation 1976–1995
When the progressive Wran Government (Labor Party) took office in 1976, libertarians – arguing the state should not interfere with private sexual acts between consenting adults – and feminists – arguing the law discriminated against women, because women selling sex were criminalised, but men buying sex were not – pushed for decriminalisation of most aspects of prostitution, except when it caused public nuisance or involved exploitation. The 1979 legal amendments decriminalised public soliciting and for sex workers to be found on premises used for prostitution, while brothel-keeping was still criminal per the Disorderly Houses Act, and advertising and selling sexual services under the guise of other services such as massage were criminalised; as a result, street prostitution boomed. The police campaigned against these reductions of their authority, while local communities pressured the government for better city planning to avoid public nuisance created by prostitution (the latter caused legal amendments in 1983 prohibiting soliciting near schools, churches, hospitals and dwellings). The new conservative Greiner Government (Liberal Party) taking office in 1988 reversed some Labor policies with the new Summary Offences Act, which increased penalties for all prostitution-related offences and also criminalised customers – although few men have been charged; police corruption increased once again.

New South Wales decriminalisation 1995–present
The new Carr Government (Labor Party) appointed Justice James Roland Wood to lead the Royal Commission into the New South Wales Police Service (1995–1997) to deal with, amongst other things, the police corruption relating to sex work in the state. The Commission concluded that the Disorderly Houses Act enabled police corruption, and because the lack of secure brothels forced many sex workers into the streets, posing greater health risks to themselves and the community, the Commission concluded it was better to enable safe brothels for sex workers. The Government acted upon its findings by amending the Disorderly Houses Act in 1995, making brothels normal businesses requiring no special licence or registration. Brothels could now only be shut down by a formal complaint to the Land and Environment Court, taking away the power of the police to shut down, or threaten to shut down, any brothel as a 'disorderly house', which had been an importance cause of the police corruption. The 1995 amendments also allowed third parties to work with prostitutes again. Thus, New South Wales decriminalised sex work in 1995. A governmental review in 2016 resulted in continuing "support of decriminalisation of sex work as the best way of protecting sex workers and maintaining a more transparent sex work industry".

Northern Territory decriminalisation 2019

Victoria decriminalisation 2022–2023
In February 2022, Victoria passed legislation to decriminalise sex work. "The Sex Work Decriminalisation Act 2021 will partially abolish street-based sex work offences and associated public health offences, remove the licensing system and move to regulate the industry through existing agencies." From 1 December 2023, a sex services business will be able to operate exactly the same way as any other business in Victoria.

New Zealand
New Zealand became the first country to decriminalize prostitution in June 2003 with the passage of the Prostitution Reform Act 2003. The purpose of this law was to "decriminalise prostitution (while not endorsing or morally sanctioning prostitution or its use); create a framework to safeguard the human rights of sex workers and protect them from exploitation; promote the welfare and occupational health and safety of sex workers; contribute to public health; and prohibit the use of prostitution of persons under 18 years of age." The PRA also established a certification regime for brothel operators".

Catherine Healy, the national coordinator of the New Zealand Prostitutes' Collective (NZPC), who was part of the driving force for the original 2003 law, in an interview twelve years later, had "detected a marked change in police-sex worker relations after passage of the PRA. 'After decriminalization that dynamic shifted dramatically, and importantly the focus on the sex worker wasn't on the sex worker as a criminal. It was on the rights, safety, health and well being of the sex worker. Further, "sex workers in New Zealand are beginning to assert their rights now that the stigma associated with sex work has begun to decrease" as demonstrated by a sex worker successfully prosecuting a brothel owner for sexual harassment by her employer.

United States

Washtenaw County, Michigan
On 14 January 2021, Prosecutor Eli Savit of Washtenaw County, Michigan County Prosecutor's Office announced his office would no longer prosecute consensual sex work. The change applies to both sex workers and those seeking to buy sex. In their publicly released policy directive, the office outlined the justification for such change. First, they said, criminalizing sex work is antithetical to Constitutional principles of bodily autonomy and personal liberty. They also emphasized that prohibitionist policies generally result in exploitation and noted that criminalization often causes sex workers to operate in more dangerous environments where they are more likely to be victimized. The Prosecutor's Office also mentioned the negative health effects of criminalization, as well as the disproportionate negative effect of prohibition on transgender sex workers and those from racial and ethnic minorities. Finally, they noted that working in the sex industry is often not an individual's first choice, and the criminal charges they potentially face make it more difficult to seek work in other industries. The policy directive makes special mention of the criminality of instances where a client refuses to use a condom despite the sex worker asking and when a buyer does not pay a sex worker with whom they've engaged in sexual activity. The policy specifies that "pimps" still face criminal charges, but the victims of trafficking do not. Washtenaw thus became the first county in the United States to decriminalise sex work, and the first outside Nevada to legally allow sex work, with Oakland County Chief Assistant Prosecutor David Williams indicating he wanted to follow Washtenaw's example.

Montpelier, Vermont
On 22 June 2022, the city council of Montpelier, Vermont pushed for the decriminalization of sex work and the repeal of a local ordinance that prohibits prostitution. On 24 August 2022, Montpeller repealed its prostitution ordinance and is the second city in Vermont to do so.

See also

 Bodily integrity
 Liberty
 Prostitution law
 Revolting Prostitutes
 Right to sexuality
 Sex workers' rights
 List of sex worker organizations
 Revolting Prostitutes
 Sex-positive feminism
 Sex-positive movement

References

Works cited

Further reading

 Legal prostitution zones reduce incidents of rape and sexual abuse. HuffPost. Author - Alison Bass. Published 14 March 2017. Updated 7 April 2017.

Prostitution
Human sexuality
Sex industry

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Is Beer or Soda Better For You?
This was not the planned blog post for this week, but after talking with someone from the gym about their soda addiction, I decided I needed to write this because there could be more of you out there.
The reasoning behind the title is that at first glance most would immediately say 'beer' is worse for you, but the question is why? Is it because you can buy a coke at any age? Is it because we have known alcoholics or heard about drunk drivers hurting people? I think that sugar and alcohol are both toxins and not good for you, but the advertisement of one dramatically affects the way people perceive it.
I believe that people should not drink sodas at all, and drink alcohol in moderation. Seems silly being in the health and fitness industry but below are few comparisons that may get you to see it the same way.
Sodas have ZERO health benefits. They contain zero vitamins or minerals. Beer has some of these, but not enough to provide a substantial amount of micronutrients to stop taking your vitamins. In 2010 the American Heart Association released guidelines stating that there are benefits to having one twelve ounce beer each night. I have yet to find one that says this for sodas.
In the average lagger, there are fewer calories than in a twelve-ounce soda and most light beers have about fifty fewer calories per twelve ounce can. Beer has zero grams of sugar while sodas could have forty or more in each can. If we are counting calories and sugar, I would say someone who drinks two beers a day is much less likely to get a beer belly at the same rate as someone who drinks two sodas a day. Many times, people who may not look obese and think they are healthy do not realize that the effects of sugar and sodas on the liver are just as harmful as someone who is a heavy beer drinker. You could be dying on the inside thinking you are more healthy because you are not drinking beer and not overweight.
If you need to clean the corrosion off your car battery you don't pour beer on it first, you pour a coke on it.
Both beer and sugary sodas have been shown to cause a release of endorphins in the brain. The more you drink of either, the more that is released. The more you drink, the more you build up a tolerance to it and the more you will need to drink in order to get the release of endorphins again. In comparison, both cause the same thing. The main difference here is the more beer you drink, the more inebriated you will become. This creates the issue of response time, bad decisions and other problems that being impaired can cause. Although both drinks are addictive in the same fashion as opioids; only one can create an inebriated state.
Someone who is an avid soda drinker would think that beer is the 'more evil' one of the two in this comparison, but it's not. When I googled 'diseases linked to alcohol' and 'diseases linked to sugar' many of the same diseases appeared on both sides including liver health, heart health and kidney function. But the major player from sugar deaths did not appear on the alcohol list at all, and that is Diabetes.
The primary fight against big soda is because, according to the American Diabetes Association, 40% of all death certificates have diabetes listed on them. This is a significant player in millions of deaths each year, and sugar has been directly linked to them. One soda a day can increase your chances of diabetes by 22% according to a European study done with 350,000 people from eight different countries.
Beer and alcohol products are required to have a warning label on them letting everyone who drinks it know that they are drinking a product that can cause health issues and impair your senses. Sodas are not required by federal law to have this same warning label on them, but in some cities and states they have or are trying to pass laws where this will be the case. Just based of some basic research into the health benefits of sugar one could conclude that a drink that contains over three tablespoons of sugar each should include a warning label on it in every state and every country. Beer and alcohol companies do not advertise to children because of the legal drinking age and their warning label. Sodas do not have a warning label (yet) but have made a promise not to advertise to children. Seems a little strange?
In comparison, both are bad for you. People have this thought that because you can buy sodas at any age, they are safer for you. Both of these products will kill you at some point. Both will leave you worse after you start them. Both are dangerous; end of story. If you can avoid both for the rest of your life, you will live a longer healthier life.
HOWEVER WHAT YOU DECIDE TO DO IS UP TO YOU. YOU MAKE THESE DECISIONS FOR YOURSELF. BUT, IF I WERE TO ASK YOU, I WOULD EVEN SAY PLEAD WITH YOU…PLEASE DO NOT GIVE YOUR CHILDREN SODAS. DO A QUICK GOOGLE SEARCH ON A FEW STUDIES OF WHAT SODAS ARE DOING TO KIDS. YOU COULD POSSIBLY AND PROBABLY MAKE YOUR KIDS OVERWEIGHT, SICK AND UNHEALTHY BY FEEDING THEM THIS POISON.


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Home/Country/Egypt/Delta Packaging's Profits Dip in 2021
EgyptNewsPackaging
Delta Packaging's Profits Dip in 2021
Sanjeev Varma Send an email November 16, 2021
Egypt-based packaging material manufacturer Delta Co. for Printing & Packaging SAE announced its financial results for the first nine months of the current year 2021, showing a decline in profits by 31% year on year.
The company stated recently that it achieved a nine-month net profit of 17 million Egyptian pounds during the period starting January to September, 2021, compared to 24.64 million pounds a year ago during the same period. The decrease in profits was attributed to the increase in cost of sales during the period as compared to the same period in the year 2020.
However, the company registered a rise in its revenue during the period to a tune of 190.44 million pounds, compared to 172.01 million pounds for the same period in the previous year.
Delta recorded a H1 net profit of 12.05 million pounds from the beginning of January until the end of last June, compared to 15.8 million pounds for the same period in 2020.
The company's H1 net sales rose to 111.94 million pounds ending June 2021, versus 107.35 million pounds during the same period last year.
Located in the northern Egyptian city of New Borg El Arab in the Alexandria Governorate, Delta Co. for Printing and Packaging SAE is engaged in the manufacture of packaging materials. The Company is active in producing, manufacturing and printing packaging and wrapping materials, especially cardboard, paper, plastic and multi-layer materials.
Agfa Launches Antibacterial Synthetic Paper

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Having an online presence often should go further than simply creating a page that lists your hours and phone number. It's now recommended that businesses join online forums pertaining to their specific industry. This type of online presence can go a long way in bolstering your business as an industry leader.
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Attorney Michael Davis
Email: mdavis@hufflawplc.com
Attorney Michael Davis handles the firm's criminal, traffic, and DUI cases throughout Virginia.
Attorney Michael Davis was born and raised in the Dayton area of Ohio. He is passionate about the resolution of criminal matters and focuses his practice solely in criminal, traffic, and DUI defense. Prior to becoming an attorney, Michael was a police officer for nine years. He was promoted to the rank of sergeant before retiring early due to an injury he sustained while on the job. While a police officer, he became certified as a sexual assault forensic examiner.
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text:
EHF European Cup 2017/18
MEN'S EHF CUP MEN'S EHF CUP ▼
Men's Challenge Cup
Women's Challenge Cup
one year ago - 3/13/2018
Media accreditation for three top club events of the season starts
The 2017/18 club season will culminate in May with three most prestigious tournaments taking place in three different venues.
The Women's EHF FINAL4 will be played over 12 and 13 May in the Budapest Papp Laszlo Sportarena. One week later, the focus of the handball world will shift to Ottostadt Magdeburg EHF Cup Finals in the GETEC Arena in Magdeburg, Germany and the season will reach its climax on 26 and 27 May in the majestic LANXESS arena in Cologne.
For the first time the EHF Media and Communications Department is launching the accreditation procedure for all three events at the same time and requests from media representatives are now being accepted.
Written media, photographers, TV and radio representatives can submit their request for accreditation via online forms below. Requests can only be made online.
Women's EHF FINAL4 – 12/13 May 2018, Papp Laszlo Budapest Sportarena
Click here to enter the media accreditation page
Deadline: Friday 20 April 2018
Ottostadt Magdeburg EHF Cup Finals – 19/20 May 2018, GETEC Arena, Magdeburg
Deadline: Friday 4 May 2018
VELUX EHF FINAL4 – 26/27 May 2018, LANXESS arena, Cologne
Media accreditation is only open to professional media representatives working at the event. Freelance media representatives may be asked to provide additional evidence of their work. There are limited places and it may not be possible to accept all requests for accreditations.
By applying for a media accreditation, media representatives also agree to the Media Terms and Conditions (EHF Events). Please read them carefully before making your application.
Author: EHF / br
Besiktas face Sabac in the Men's EHF Cup qualification
DRAW REVIEW: Perennial Turkish champions to lock horns with the former Champions Cup winners from Serbia
154 teams await largest draw of the season
NEWS: All eyes on the EHF Office in Vienna as the opening rounds of the EHF Cup and Challenge Cup are drawn on Tuesday 17 July


To establish negligence on the part of a defendant, a plaintiff must first establish that the defendant owed the plaintiff a duty of care. The duty of care is a legal duty owed to a particular individual or the public at large, which, in most circumstances, requires the exercise of reasonable care. Generally, the court, not the jury, determines if the defendant owed the plaintiff a duty of care.
Because every act or circumstance is different and because the reasonableness of someone's carefulness can depend on the situation they face or the resources that are available to them, one's duty of care shifts depending on the situation. This section will only paint the duty of care in very broad strokes. Specifics are best left to an attorney during a consultation.
In South Carolina, a legal duty may be established in many ways, including by statute, contract, relationship, property interest, or other circumstance. If a defendant does not owe a plaintiff a duty, the plaintiff cannot satisfy the elements of negligence and cannot prevail in a negligence action.
The duty of care depends on several variables. First, a person is only required to consider the foreseeable risks of his or her conduct. Thus, there is no duty to prevent unforeseeable injuries to a foreseeable victim or foreseeable injuries to unforeseeable victims.
Foreseeability itself, however, does not give rise to a duty itself. The duty of care requires that a person act reasonably to mitigate foreseeable risks.
South Carolina courts have applied two distinct tests to determine whether a defendant acted reasonably. The first is the calculus of risk standard. The second is known as the reasonable person standard. Read about both below.
The calculus is demonstrated by a mathematic formula: B < P * L. The formula has been applied in some cases in South Carolina. In this formula, B equals the burden or cost of preventing an injury. One can also think of B as the cost of the duty of care itself. P equals the probability that the injury-causing event will occur if the person that may owe the duty does not undertake the burden of preventing it. L equals the costs of that injury if it occurs. P multiplied by L determines the likely cost of a failure to abide by a duty of care. Under the B < P * L analysis, if the cost of the duty of care exceeds the cost of the probable injuries resulting from failing to abide that duty, then that duty is not owed and there can be no breach. If the burden of the duty is less than the costs of the probable injuries, then the defendant does owe the duty.
This calculus is more theoretical than practical. It is hard to determine the true value of each variable. Thus, courts more commonly look to the reasonable person standard in assessing whether a duty was owed.
South Carolina courts have stated that negligence is the failure to do something that a reasonable and prudent man would do under the circumstances. This is an objective standard. When deciding whether a defendant acted reasonably under the circumstances, the court will first focus the jury on the defendant's conduct. If a reasonable person would not engage in the defendant's conduct, even if that conduct is what a person would normally do, then they may be found to breach their duty.
When a person does an activity for which they have special skills or training, then they are held to a higher standard – one that asks them to act as a reasonable person with their skill or training.
Special duties of care can also apply when there is a special relationship between the person that owes the duty of care and the person that benefits from it. Common carriers, such as transportation services, owe a higher duty to their passengers. Innkeepers owe a higher duty to their guests. Businesses owe a higher duty to their patrons. In some circumstances, an employer may owe an employee a higher duty. K-12 schools owe their students a higher duty. Landlords may owe their tenants a higher duty.


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Screens are getting bigger and brighter
Dazzling colours and starker contrasts are making TV shows more vivid than ever before. Simon Willis sizes up the latest screens
Simon Willis | April/May 2018
I thought I had seen "Stranger Things", a Netflix show about a quartet of kids battling mutant creatures in small- town America. Then I watched it again on a brand-new TV. A 65-inch monster made by Sony, it dominated my old Samsung the way Orson Welles once dominated conversation, putting the company in the shade with its size and vividness.
Its quality was especially noticeable at one particular moment. Eleven, a girl with supernatural powers, is wandering through the Upside Down, a copy of the real world that differs from it in one crucial respect: everything's dead. As she stalks the dark corridors of the local school, details that I hadn't noticed before popped out of the murk. I'd barely registered the periodic table on the classroom wall, but now I could read every character. I didn't remember the clock above the blackboard, but this time I noticed that it was just past ten. On my old screen, the portal to the real world that glows at the end of a corridor seemed bright. Now its incandescence threatened to melt the television, and the corona around its edge had a far richer palette of primrose, scarlet, mauve and magenta. As Eleven looked through it, the dust around her face fluorescing like embers, I could pick out every strand of pale down on her cheek.
It is often said that we're living in the golden age of television. But whatever you think of the dramatic quality of the shows on Netflix or HBO, one thing's for sure: they look better than ever. The descriptive power of TV – its ability to render texture, colour and contrast – is growing fast. Directors have advances in screen technology to thank.
The TV I was trying out had what manufacturers call 4K HDR, a pair of acronyms that mark a giant leap in picture quality. 4K refers to the screen's resolution. Television is a kind of electronic pointillism: as with painting, the smaller and more numerous the points are, the more realistic the picture will be. These points of light are called pixels and, until around 2014, TVs had about 2m of them at most. As manufacturers have found ways to make pixels smaller, their density has increased. The ultra-high resolution of today's TVs is called 4K because of a fourfold growth in the number of pixels to 8m. It is thanks to the added sharpness they deliver that close-ups of textures, like the down on Eleven's face, stand out so clearly. Resolution is about to improve again. This year the first 8k televisions will go on sale, with 32m pixels and a picture that, in its smoothness and clarity, will be nearly indistinguishable from looking out of the window.
HDR, meanwhile, stands for "high dynamic range". That's how companies refer to the ratio between the darkest picture a TV can generate and the brightest. HDR is driven by two lighting technologies that dominate the television industry – light-emitting diodes (LEDs) and organic light-emitting diodes (OLEDs). Though they have similar names, they offer two very different routes to the dramatic levels of contrast that define HDR: LEDs shine very brightly and OLEDs go very dark.
An LED is made from a bundle of semi-conductors that shines when charged with electricity. In an LED TV, a bank of these illuminates an array of pixels made of liquid crystals from behind. These channel light from the LEDs onto the screen. Thanks to improvements in materials and the efficiency with which they convert electricity into light, LEDs are getting more powerful. The brighter they are, the better they can represent effects like light glinting off a car bonnet, streaming from a torch or pouring through a portal to another world. TV-makers measure brightness in units called "nits": a mid-range television might kick out around 400; an expensive model with the latest LED technology will manage almost 2,000. This year, Sony unveiled a prototype screen that can generate 10,000 nits.
You can generate contrast not just by making a screen brighter but also darker. That's where OLEDs come in. In an LED TV the pixels act as shutters that block light to create dark images. But even when they are closed, some light bleeds through. However bright the vibrant colours are, the darks are never perfectly black.
OLEDs work better. They are thin films of organic molecules that fluoresce when jolted with electricity, and they're so small that the pixels themselves can be made of them. There is no longer a need for pixels to block the backlight; the OLED is just turned off altogether, delivering pure black and even greater contrast.
As these screens become more common, television networks are adapting shows especially for them. After they are recorded, shows are sent to post-production studios where teams of colourists pick out certain details and intensify their highlights and colours especially for 4K HDR TVs. The quantity of such material available on Netflix and Amazon is growing. Last December "Blue Planet II" became the first programme from the BBC to be released in this way. The skill of the colourists can be seen in the blobs of light shimmering across a coral reef and on the glowing flanks of bioluminescent fish emerging from the inky depths.
A new technology is emerging that may push picture quality even higher. At the 2018 edition of the Consumer Electronics Show (CES), a jamboree of gadgets and gizmos held every January in Las Vegas, Samsung unveiled a 146-inch TV called The Wall, which will go on sale later this year. It is powered by microLEDs.
In theory they offer two advantages: though they're as bright as regular LEDs, they're also the size of individual pixels, which means they should be able to function just like OLEDs, delivering equivalent levels of darkness. There is a downside, however. As LEDs grow smaller, it becomes harder to wire them up. Samsung has yet to work out how to compress them sufficiently to create 4K resolution on a smaller device. For those who can't squeeze a 146-inch screen into their living room, there may be a long wait.
Simon Willisis associate editor at 1843
Illustrations alexei vella
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