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Chiquita Brands Part III-C: Of Bananas, Money, Guns, and Drugs: What Did Chiquita Really Do?
Readers of my other posts about the Chiquita story will have seized on one of the central issues in determining Chiquita's liability to the wrongful death claimants under the Anti-Terrorism Act and the Alien Tort Claims Act — how close is the relationship is between Chiquita's payments to the FARC guerillas and the paramilitaries of the AUC, on the one hand, and the kidnappings and murders that resulted?
The federal court hearing the cases, Judge Marra presiding, ruled against Chiquita in the New Times Missionaries case that allegations of substantial payments over a long period of time preceding the kidnappings and murders are sufficient if proven to make Chiquita liable, without more in terms of actual knowledge of these specific acts of violence. Legal observers and the parties hotly debate whether this standard of "causation" is too loose. As discussed in Part IIIA of this series, Judge Marra ruled that if Chiquita's payments were a "substantial factor" in the deaths it is sufficient to make Chiquita liable. Plaintiffs argue that the payments alone are enough, no knowledge of murders, kidnapping, or the means for them are needed.
Chiquita angrily denies any involvement in guns and drugs. Chiquita says no such evidence turned up in the DOJ investigation. Chiquita's Board appointed a Special Committee that found no evidence of anything more than the payments that were admitted, specifically denying, in a footnote, any Chiquita involvement in arms shipments. Read my discussion of the Special Committee report here and the report itself is here.
But there are detailed allegations, which purport to be drawn from knowledgeable (if questionable) sources, that Chiquita was doing more than making extorted security payments. Former National Security Council official Lee Wolosky, now at Boies Schiller, filed a complaint on behalf of hundreds of plaintiffs against Chiquita in Henao Montes v. Chiquita Brands, No. 0:10-cv-60573 (S.D. Fla.) which is consolidated for pre-trial briefing with Does 1-976 v. Chiquita Brands International, Inc., No. 10-cv-00404-RJL (D.D.C.)). The complaint alleges that plaintiffs are either survivors of Colombian nationals who were murdered by the paramilitaries of the AUC, or were themselves injured by the AUC in Colombia, and seek to collect damages from Chiquita under the ATS, the Torture Victim Protection Act, 28 U.S.C. § 1350 note, and state tort law.
These plaintiffs come right out and accuse Chiquita of direct involvement in drug and weapons shipments, to demonstrate a close link between the Chiquita payments and other actions, on the one hand, and acts of kidnapping and murder, on the other. And they cite some pretty bad people, and some pretty serious organizations, as support.
So who's right? In Part 1 below, I am going to use an old trick of some judges, and hear the Defendant Chiquita's argument first that the allegations do not measure up to the legal standard. Then, in Part 2, I will set forth in detail many of the operative allegations from the Henao Montes complaint.
You be the judge.
In response to the Henao Montes complaint, Chiquita filed a motion to dismiss all the cases, arguing:
The individual claims are set out in now-familiar long strings of short, conclusory paragraphs with virtually no detail about any of the alleged incidents and no facts purporting to tie Chiquita to any asserted death or injury. (My emphasis.)
As to Chiquita's role in these purported offenses, the Montes plaintiffs allege that
Chiquita was extorted by the FARC, which motivated Chiquita to pay the AUC…. [T]he new plaintiffs do not explain why Chiquita would want to have its own workers killed or why Chiquita was not equally prone to extortion from the ruthless and violent AUC, which was notorious for attacking those who resisted its demands… [I]n direct contravention of the facts recited in the plea agreement on which they rely [that Chiquita was "instructed" to make payments to the AUC and that "failure to make the payments could result in physical harm to Banadex personnel and property], plaintiffs ask the Court to accept as plausible their unsupported theory that Chiquita paid the AUC in exchange for the AUC's violent "services" in "pacifying" the banana-growing regions.
Plaintiffs repeat the sensational, and entirely conclusory, allegations that Chiquita
engaged in weapons and drug trafficking. Here too, apart from misstatements or speculation, no facts are alleged to support the bald assertion that Chiquita—a U.S. public corporation that was thoroughly investigated by the U.S. Department of Justice for its extorted monetary payments to these armed groups—engaged in gun running and drug trafficking.
If the Supreme Court's directives in Twombly and Iqbal mean anything, Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 8 requires more than a plaintiff's say-so that a public company engaged in a side business of arms and narcotics smuggling, and that the U.S. Department of Justice chose to overlook it
Chiquita crystallized its legal arguments as follows:
The theory of liability for "material support of terrorism" does not satisfy the Alien Tort Statute, as construed by the US Supreme Court in Sosa v. Alvarez-Machain, 542 U.S. 592 (2004), which requires clearly defined or universally recognized violations of international law. Neither the International Convention for the Suppression of the Financing of Terrorism, 39 I.L.M. 270 (December 9, 1997) ("Financing Convention") nor the hodgepodge of other sources on which plaintiffs rely establishes a universal and clearly defined norm sufficient to give rise to subject matter jurisdiction under Sosa.
Trying this case would be intrusive and disruptive to the foreign relations of the United States, as this Court would be called upon to adjudicate plaintiffs' assertions that the current president and the president-elect of the Republic of Colombia, a close ally of the United States, are complicit in mass murder. These are exactly the considerations the Supreme Court had in mind when it commanded the lower courts to exercise great caution in recognizing new causes of action under the ATS.
A violation of international law ordinarily requires state action, i.e., allegations establishing the direct participation of a government or public official in each of the particular killings or injuries alleged (relying on the appellate decision dismissing allegations against Coca-Cola, Sinaltrainal v. Coca-Cola Co., 578 F.3d 1252 (11th Cir. 2009)).
The theory of "crimes against humanity" continues to be unrecognized as an actionable violation of international law, and in any event plaintiffs do not allege any facts tying the alleged killings to an "attack" on a civilian population.
Claims that Chiquita was an "accessory" require that the accessory share the wrongful "purpose" of the primary violator.
While they may have pled facts sufficient to trigger an inference that Chiquita made payments to the AUC knowing that the AUC would engage in violent conduct, the Complaints lack any facts giving rise to a plausible inference that Chiquita shared the murderous intent of the paramilitaries.
Chiquita's payments to both sides—coupled with plaintiffs' ready admission that both of these notoriously violent, armed groups routinely extorted private business and that the AUC sought the "elimination of anyone . . . who opposed or complicated [its] control" — support the "obvious alternative explanation," Iqbal, 129 S. Ct. at 1951, that Chiquita was extorted by both when they controlled the areas where Banadex operated.
Chiquita raises a number of other defenses, such as the statute of limitation and failure to plead necessary elements of state law causes of action, and argues the "prudential limitation on Article III standing non-resident aliens cannot sue in U.S. courts absent compelling circumstances." (Emphasis mine.)
So, how do the allegations measure up against these arguments? I excerpt here for the reader the core of the (unproven) allegations from the Henao Montes complaint (with some notations by me) that specifically allege not only material financial support, but crucial financial support, as well as weapons and narcotics shipments, and that Chiquita did these things to boost profits, control workers, and maintain operations.
C. Chiquita Purposefully Aided And Abetted The AUC's Use Of The Paramilitary Terrorism Tactics.
355. Until approximately 1997, leftist guerillas controlled the rural northern areas of Colombia, including the banana-growing regions in and around Santa Marta and Urabá.
356. At all times relevant to the allegations in this Complaint, the Colombian security forces were unable to defeat the leftist guerillas operating in the banana-growing regions and were unable to protect landowners and businesses from guerilla attacks, kidnappings for ransom, massacres, murders, and extortion. The Colombian security forces effectively ceded control of the banana-growing regions to the FARC and the ELN.
357. Without any opposition from Colombian security forces, leftist guerillas in the Santa Marta and Urabá banana-growing regions created an environment of violence, fear, and danger. Landowners and businesses were regularly subjected to kidnappings for ransom, murders, property damage, extortion, and war taxes. Banana workers and citizens in communities surrounding the banana farms were repeatedly subjected to murder, torture, and massacre by leftist guerillas.
358. In or around 1982, Chiquita stopped banana operations in Colombia, in part because of the political turmoil and violence pervading the banana-growing regions.
Ed. Note: Plaintiffs argue that Chiquita would later face the choice of leaving, but stayed instead, and got involved in the violence.
359. In 1989, Chiquita returned to Colombia and resumed banana operations in Santa Marta and Urabá. Upon returning, Chiquita formed Banadex to control all of its business operations in Colombia. By the mid-1990s, all of Chiquita's Colombian subsidiaries were consolidated under the management of Banadex and its general manager.
360. Chiquita purchased a large number of banana farms and became a large landowner with approximately 9,500 acres of farmland in the Santa Marta and Urabá banana-growing regions.
361. Chiquita also steadily increased its workforce to support its expanding banana operations. By the mid-1990's, it employed, through Banadex, aapproximately 4,000 people in the banana-growing regions.
362. At the time it resumed operations in Colombia, Chiquita knew that leftist guerillas controlled the banana-growing regions in and around Santa Marta and Urabá. Chiquita knew the leftist guerillas were hostile to its business interests. Chiquita knew the leftist guerillas would demand the payment of war taxes and that the leftist guerillas controlled the banana-growing regions through almost daily acts of violence, including murder, kidnapping for ransom, and extortion.
Ed. Note: The following allegations detail how Chiquita itself was savaged by the violence of the guerillas. Chiquita says these attacks demonstrate it had no choice but to pay extortion and was not aligned with the extortionists, while the Henao Montes plaintiffs allege Chiquita settled into a pact with the paramilitaries and that payments and other support were less "extortion" than they were some kind of necessary evil.
363. At the time it resumed operations in Colombian, Chiquita knew that its executives, employees, and property would be subject to attack by leftist guerillas.
364. Notwithstanding its knowledge, Chiquita first resumed, and then steadily expanded, banana operations in the leftist guerilla-controlled banana-growing regions in and around Santa Marta and Urabá. Chiquita knew it would be required to deal with the FARC and the ELN guerillas in the course of operating its business.
Ed. Note: These paragraphs are directed at Chiquita's "mens rea" or criminal intent.
(1) FARC And Other Leftist Guerillas Damaged Chiquita's Banana Operations By Creating A Hostile And Dangerous Environment In Santa Marta and Urabá.
365. Shortly after Chiquita resumed business operations in Santa Marta and Urabá, FARC and ELN guerillas began killing Chiquita's banana workers and causing damage to its physical infrastructure.
366. In and around the same period of time, the FARC began to extort Chiquita by demanding payments from the company. Chiquita executives understood that the FARC intended to kidnap its employees if the payments were not made.
367. In order to continue doing business in the Colombian banana-growing regions, Chiquita began making regular payments to FARC and other leftist guerilla groups. At various times, Chiquita also made payments to the ELN. High-ranking officers in Chiquita's world-wide headquarters were informed of, and approved, payments to the FARC and the ELN.
368. Chiquita made regular payments to the FARC and the ELN from in or about 1989 through in or about 1997, when the FARC and the ELN controlled the Santa Marta and Urabá banana-growing regions.
Ed. Note: Both sides argue the significance of the extortion of Chiquita, with Chiquita claiming their choices were limited, while the Henao Montes plaintiffs contend Chiquita eventually retaliated against the guerillas in siding with the paramilitaries and, having little choice but to leave, cooperated actively with them.
369. Notwithstanding regular payments, the FARC and the ELN guerillas continued to violently attack banana workers and infrastructure. The attacks significantly affected Chiquita's operations in the Santa Marta and Urabá banana-growing regions.
370. In 1990 or 1991, leftist guerillas kidnapped Chiquita's security director in Colombia and held him for ransom. Chiquita was forced to negotiate for the director's release.
371. Between 1991 and 1997, leftist guerillas kidnapped and held for ransom at least three other Chiquita employees.
372. In or about 1992, the ELN destroyed Chiquita's wharf in the city of Turbo.
373. During the four months between September and December 1993, leftist guerillas killed more than 220 banana workers in the Urabá region. Even though the area was experiencing high unemployment rates, the frequent slaughter of banana workers by the FARC and the ELN made it difficult for banana growers to find enough employees willing to work. According to press reports, the leftist guerilla-fueled violence resulted in a twenty percent reduction in the production and export of bananas from Urabá.
374. During 1993, leftist guerillas forcibly shut down operations at a number of banana farms, preventing landowners and banana workers from cultivating the land. According to press reports, growers expected the leftist guerilla violence to reduce banana production for the year by up to twenty-five percent in comparison to the previous year.
375. In 1995, leftist guerillas bombed a packing station owned and operated by Chiquita.
376. On August 30, 1995, seventeen banana workers were massacred during a raid on a banana plantation by leftist guerrillas with automatic weapons. The guerillas lashed the banana workers hands behind their back, forced them to lay face-down on a muddy soccer field, then shot them in the head.
377. On August 31, 1995, banana workers went on strike to demand protection from leftist guerillas. The strike shut down all banana operations in the Urabá region. At the time of the strike, Urabá accounted for 70% of all banana exports from Colombia.
378. On September 20, 1995, leftist guerillas massacred twenty-six banana workers. Leftist guerillas made the workers lie down in a ditch beside the road and then shot them, point blank, in the back of the head. Leftist guerillas captured and shot the workers only a few minutes' drive from a military base.
379. The violence caused even more banana workers to flee Urabá. As a result, Chiquita and other banana producers continued to encounter difficulty finding enough employees. According to press reports, growers and producers in the area expected banana production to drop by twenty-five percent in comparison to the previous year.
380. In 1996, leftist guerillas bombed another packing station owned and operated by Chiquita.
381. In or around 1996 or 1997, leftist guerillas ambushed, shot, and wounded Chiquita's Colombian Quality Control Director and his bodyguard while they were inspecting banana farms in a company car. The leftist guerillas spared the Quality Control Director's life only after discovering that he was not the general manager of Banadex, who was their intended target and was reportedly Chiquita's most senior employee in Colombia.
382. In or around 1996 or 1997, leftist guerillas ambushed two cars carrying the general manager of Banadex and Chiquita executives who were traveling to a company farm in Santa Marta. The leftist guerillas opened fire on both cars with automatic weapons. Chiquita's employees escaped unharmed and evaded capture only because they were inside bullet-proof vehicles.
(2) Colombian Security Forces Were Incapable Of Defending Chiquita Against Leftist Guerilla Attacks.
383. At all times relevant to the allegations in this Complaint, Colombian security forces were incapable of defending Chiquita, its executives, employees, and infrastructure, from attacks by FARC and ELN guerillas.
384. Local and national law enforcement agencies were incapable of defending Chiquita against the FARC and the ELN guerillas. Local law enforcement agencies lacked the weapons, training, and personnel to successfully confront the leftist guerillas. In addition, the effectiveness of most local police agencies was degraded by rampant corruption. The national police force was equally ineffective at confronting leftist guerillas and incapable of defending Chiquita from attack.
385. Colombia's military could not defend Chiquita. In fact, the military was unable to defend itself from attack by leftist guerillas. Throughout the 1980's and 1990's, the FARC and the ELN regularly attacked military bases, killed soldiers, and stole weapons, munitions, and equipment.
386. On several occasions, the Colombian Army demonstrated its inability to protect Chiquita from attack by leftist guerillas. For example, following the destruction of its wharf in Turbo, Chiquita asked the military for help. The military informed Chiquita that it could not respond promptly because it did not have flashlights and fuel.
387. In late 1994, the military notified Chiquita that intelligence indicated that leftist guerillas intended to attack two Chiquita facilities. In a January 8, 1995 letter concerning the impending attacks, Brigadier General Alvarez Vargas of the Colombian Army informed the company that the military could not provide protection. Instead, General Alvarez recommended that the company "make a greater commitment to increase and improve [its] own security."
(3) Chiquita Agreed To Provide The AUC With Practical Assistance And Material Support To Pacify The Banana-Growing Regions.
388. In late 1996 or early 1997, the Banadex general manager, and another Chiquita employee from Colombia, participated in a meeting of banana growers to discuss security issues arising from leftist guerilla activity in the Santa Marta and Urabá regions. The meeting was also attended by Carlos Castaño, the leader of the AUC. ("Castaño Meeting").
389. Chiquita's employees recognized Castaño and were familiar with the AUC. Among other things, they knew the AUC was a participant in the War against the leftist guerillas. They also knew that the AUC used the Paramilitary Terrorism Tactics as part of its strategy for defeating the leftist guerillas and protecting landowners and businesses. From information widely reported in the Colombian media, Chiquita's employees knew that the AUC's tactics included, among other things, massacres, extra-judicial killings, forced disappearances, torture, and forced displacements.
Ed. Note: This is the "turning point," in the Henao Montes allegations, when Chiquita first aligned with the AUC to provide Chiquita with security.
390. During the Castaño Meeting, Castaño told Chiquita's executives that the AUC had begun a sustained offensive to drive the leftist guerillas out of the Santa Marta and Urabá regions. Because of what they knew about Castaño and the AUC, Chiquita's executives understood that the AUC intended to use the Paramilitary Terrorism Tactics.
391. Castaño asked Chiquita to support the AUC in its War effort against the leftist guerillas in two ways. First, Castaño asked Chiquita to stop making payments to the leftist guerillas. Second, Castaño asked Chiquita to begin paying the AUC.
392. Castaño informed Chiquita's executives that the AUC would use money it received from Chiquita to finance Paramilitary Terrorism Tactics that would be used to drive the leftist guerillas out of the Santa Marta and Urabá banana-growing regions; protect the company, its executives, employees, and infrastructure from future attacks by leftist guerillas; and create a business and work environment that would enable Chiquita's Colombian banana-growing operations to thrive.
393. At the Castaño Meeting, and at all relevant times thereafter, Chiquita took sides with the AUC in the War against the leftist guerillas and helped to finance and assist the AUC's efforts in that War.
394. At the Castaño Meeting, and at all relevant times thereafter, Chiquita agreed, and acted with the intent, to aid and abet the AUC's use of Paramilitary Terrorism Tactics to drive leftist guerillas out of, and maintain control over, the Santa Marta and Urabá banana-growing regions.
Ed. Note: The next few paragraphs state the crux of the complaint: Chiquita provides assistance and support to the AUC knowing it engages in "Paramilitary Terrorism Tactics" in order for Chiquita to be secure from the guerillas, this support substantially caused the AUC's violence, and the support was criminal, not the acts of an innocent victim.
395. Following the Castaño Meeting, Chiquita knowingly and intentionally provided practical assistance and material support to enable the AUC to use Paramilitary Terrorism Tactics for the purpose of (i) driving leftist guerillas out of the Santa Marta and Urabá banana regions; (ii) maintaining control over the banana-growing regions; and (iii) creating an environment where the company's banana-growing operations could prosper.
396. According to information developed by the Attorney General for the Republic of Colombia, the agreement between Chiquita and the AUC constituted a "criminal relationship" to bring about the "bloody pacification" of the banana-growing regions.
397. The assistance provided by Chiquita had a substantial effect on the AUC's ability to successfully employ the Paramilitary Terrorism Tactics in the two regions. Chiquita knew the AUC was using its assistance to employ the Paramilitary Terrorism Tactics.
(4) Chiquita Purposefully Assisted The AUC When It Made More Than 100 Payments Totaling Over $1.7 Million Between 1996 And 2004.
398. For more than seven years – from in or about 1996 through on or about February 4, 2004 – Chiquita, through Banadex, paid money to the AUC in Santa Marta and Urabá. Chiquita paid the AUC, directly or indirectly, nearly every month. From in or about 1996 through on or about February 4, 2004, Chiquita made over 100 payments to the AUC totaling over $1.7 million.
(i) High-Ranking Company Officers And Directors Knew That The AUC Engaged In The Paramilitary Terrorism Tactics And Approved The Payments.
399. Chiquita's payments to the AUC were reviewed and approved by senior executives of the corporation, including high-ranking officers, directors, and employees. No later than in or about September 2000, Chiquita's senior executives knew that the corporation was paying the AUC and that the AUC was a violent, paramilitary organization led by Carlos Castaño. An in-house attorney for Chiquita conducted an internal investigation into the payments and provided a high-ranking officer in the company with a memorandum detailing that investigation. The results of that internal investigation were discussed at a meeting of the Audit Committee of the Board of Directors in the company's Cincinnati headquarters in or about September 2000.
Ed. Note: To paraphrase the Watergate mantra, "What did Chiquita executives know and when did they know it?" It is alleged they learned through an in-house attorney's investigation and report. In the compliance world, this is a big "red flag."
400. For several years, from in or about 1996 until April 2002, Chiquita paid the AUC by check through various convivir in both the Santa Marta and Urabá regions. The checks were nearly always made out to the convivir and were drawn from Banadex's bank accounts. Chiquita recorded these payments in its corporate books and records as "security payments" or payments for "security" or "security services."
401. In or about April 2002, Chiquita seated a new Board of Directors and Audit Committee following its emergence from bankruptcy.
402. On or about April 23, 2002, at a meeting of the Audit Committee of the Board of Directors in Chiquita's Cincinnati headquarters, the Audit Committee adopted new procedures for secretly paying the AUC. Pursuant to the new procedures, Chiquita's executives in Colombia would issue checks payable to an individual employee who would endorse the checks. After converting the check to cash, another Chiquita employee in Colombia was assigned to deliver the funds, in cash, to the AUC.
Ed. Note: The allegation that the Audit Committee knew of, and directed the means for, secret payments is something Chiquita argues was necessary and plaintiffs argue shows a guilty mind.
403. Beginning in or about June 2002, Chiquita began paying the AUC in the Santa Marta region of Colombia directly, secretly, and in cash according to new procedures established by Chiquita's senior executives. The Chiquita employee to whom the AUC checks were made payable maintained a private ledger of the payments that did not reflect that the AUC was the ultimate and intended recipient of the payments.
(ii) Chiquita Continued To Assist The AUC Even After The United States Government Designation Made The Payments A Felony.
404. The United States government designated the AUC as an FTO on September 10, 2001. That designation was well publicized in the American public media. The AUC's designation was first reported in the national press by the Wall Street Journal and New York Times, among others, on September 11, 2001. It was later reported in the local press in Cincinnati, Ohio where Chiquita's headquarters were located. The Cincinnati Post reported the AUC's FTO designation on October 6, 2001, and the Cincinnati Enquirer reported the designation on October 17, 2001. The AUC's designation was even more widely reported in public media in Colombia.
Ed. Note: To defeat Chiquita's innocent victim defense, the Henao Montes plaintiffs argue that Chiquita disregarded published information it could not have missed, as Chiquita argues, that it was now actively funding a banned terrorist organization, thus elevating the seriousness of the actions. This occurred the day before the 9/11 attacks, at a time when attention to terrorist support was at an all-time high.
405. Chiquita had information about the AUC'S designation as an FTO specifically and global security threats generally through an Internet-based, password-protected subscription service that it paid money to receive. On or about September 30, 2002, a Chiquita employee, from a computer within Chiquita's Cincinnati headquarters, accessed the service's "Colombia-Update page," which contained the following reporting on the AUC. "US terrorist designation International condemnation of AUC human rights abuses culminated in 2001 with the US State Department's decision to include the paramilitaries in its annual list of foreign terrorist organizations. This designation permits the US authorities to implement a range of measures against the AUC, including denying AUC members US entry visas; freezing AUC bank accounts in the US; and barring US companies from contact with the personnel accused of AUC connections."
406. Even after learning that the United States government had formally designated the AUC as an FTO, Chiquita continued to make payments to the AUC in the Santa Marta and Urabá regions of Colombia without applying for a required government license. From on or about September 10, 2001, through on or about February 4, 2004, Chiquita made 50 payments to the AUC totaling over $825,000.
(iii) Chiquita Continued To Assist The AUC Against The Advice Of Its Outside Counsel In The United States.
407. On or about February 20, 2003, high-ranking officers and employees of Chiquita spoke with attorneys in the District of Columbia office of a national law firm ("outside counsel") about the United States government's designation of the AUC as an FTO and Chiquita's ongoing payments to the AUC.
Ed. Note: The following allegations of acting against attorney advice go to Chiquita's criminal intent.
408. Beginning on or about February 21, 2003, outside counsel advised Chiquita that the payments were illegal under United States law and that Chiquita should immediately stop paying the AUC directly or indirectly. Among other things, outside counsel, in words and in substance, advised Chiquita:
· "Must stop payments." (notes, dated February 21, 2003)
· "Bottom Line: CANNOT MAKE THE PAYMENT" "Advised NOT TO MAKE ALTERNATIVE PAYMENT through CONVIVIR" "General rule: Cannot do indirectly what you cannot do directly" "Concluded with: CANNOT MAKE THE PAYMENT" (memo, dated February 26, 2003)
· "You voluntarily put yourself in this position. Duress defense can wear out through repetition. Buz [business] decision to stay in harm's way. Chiquita should leave Columbia." (notes, dated March 10, 2003)
· "[T]he company should not continue to make the Santa Marta payments, given the AUC's designation as a foreign terrorist organization[.]" (memo, dated March 11, 2003)
· "[T]he company should not make the payment." (memo, dated March 27, 2003)
409. Chiquita ignored the legal advice of its outside counsel and continued to make unlawful payments to the AUC. In February and March 2003, Chiquita made cash payments to the AUC totaling $36,871.
410. On or about April 3, 2003, a member of the board of directors and a high-ranking officer reported to the full board of directors that Chiquita was making payments to a designated FTO. The board agreed to disclose the payments to the DOJ.
Ed. Note: When can/should extortion victims report the crime to local or US government officials? Here, the Henao Montes plaintiffs allege that Chiquita ignored what DOJ officials said, but the Special Committee report concluded that DOJ was statements were reasonably misunderstood by company officials.
411. On or about April 4, 2003, according to the notes of Chiquita's outside counsel concerning a discussion about the AUC payments, high-ranking Chiquita executives were of the opinion to "just let them sue us, come after us."
412. On or about April 8, 2003, high-ranking Chiquita executives instructed the company to continue making make payments to the AUC.
413. On or about April 24, 2003, a director and high-ranking officer of Chiquita, together with Chiquita's outside counsel, met with DOJ officials. The DOJ officials told Chiquita that the company's payments to the AUC were illegal and could not continue.
414. However, Chiquita continued to make payments to the AUC. Between May 12, 2003 and September 1, 2003, Chiquita made nine cash payments totaling approximately $140,866.
415. On or about September 8, 2003, Chiquita's outside counsel advised Chiquita in writing that DOJ officials had repeatedly stated that they could not condone current or future payments to the AUC.
416. Despite this warning, Chiquita continued to make payments to the AUC. Between September 8, 2003 and December 16, 2003, Chiquita made six cash payments totaling approximately $126,250.
417. On or about December 22, 2003, a member of Chiquita's board of directors warned other board members in an email that the company appeared to be "committing a felony" by continuing to make the AUC payments.
418. Despite this warning, Chiquita continued to make payments to the AUC. Between December 22, 2003 and February 4, 2004, Chiquita made three more cash payments to the AUC totaling approximately $43,023.
419. On March 13, 2007, the United States filed a criminal information against Chiquita in the United States District Court for the District of Columbia.
420. On or about March 19, 2007, Chiquita pleaded guilty to one count of Engaging in Transactions with a Specially-Designated Global Terrorist, in violation of 50 U.S.C. § 1705(b) and 31 C.F.R 594.204. In conformity with its plea agreement, Chiquita agreed to a criminal fine of $25 million and was placed on corporate probation for a period of five years.
Ed. Note: The next few paragraphs relate Chiquita's financial assistance to the violent acts of the AUC.
421. The financial assistance Chiquita provided to the AUC had a substantial effect on the AUC's ability to carry out its plan to drive leftist guerillas out of the Santa Marta and Urabá banana-growing regions and its ability to maintain control after regaining the regions from the leftist guerillas.
422. According to Jose Gregorio Mangones Lugo ("Mangones"), an AUC leader of the William Rivas Front in the Santa Marta banana region, the income the AUC received from Chiquita was essential to its operations in the area. In a normal month, eighty to ninety percent of the income for the William Rivas Front came from banana companies, including Chiquita. The William Rivas Front used the funds it received from Chiquita to pay salaries for paramilitary soldiers, purchase weapons and supplies for the soldiers, and to provide transportation for its operations. Without the payments from Chiquita, the AUC's William Rivas Front could not have prosecuted the War and used the Paramilitary Terrorism Tactics.
423. According to Mangones, during the period of time Chiquita made payments to the AUC, the AUC killed many civilians in the Santa Marta region as part of what the AUC "had to do in order to win" the War against the leftist guerillas. Among those killed by the AUC were some individuals targeted for assassination by Chiquita executives in Colombia.
424. Chiquita made the payments to the AUC for the purpose of facilitating the AUC's ability to combat the leftist guerillas and employ the Paramilitary Terrorism Tactics for which it had become notorious, including massacres, extra-judicial killings, forced disappearances, torture, and forced displacements of civilians accused of being leftist guerillas and their sympathizers or supporters.
425. As a result of the funding it received from Chiquita, the AUC had the resources needed to carry out the War against leftist guerillas, their sympathizers, and supporters and to maintain control over the banana-growing regions.
426. As a result of the funding it received from Chiquita, the AUC killed, injured, or forcibly disappeared the individuals identified in Paragraphs 9 to 252 of this Complaint using Paramilitary Terrorism Tactics.
Ed. Note: The following allegations are the explosive ones (no pun intended – this is serious stuff). Nicaraguan arms offloaded through Chiquita facilities with its knowledge would, if true, seriously change the character of the case. But wasn't this information known to the US government when it prosecuted Chiquita? Why did it not come out?
(5) Chiquita Purposefully Assisted The AUC When It Facilitated The Shipment Of Arms And Ammunition Through Its Turbo Port Facilities.
427. Chiquita facilitated the AUC's use of Paramilitary Terrorism Tactics by making its seaport facilities in the city of Turbo available to the AUC for illegal arms shipments. Chiquita purposefully made its seaport available in order to assist the AUC in driving leftist guerillas out of the Santa Marta and Urabá banana-growing regions and maintaining control over the regions so the company's banana-growing operations could prosper.
428. In 2001, the Nicaraguan National Police made arrangements to exchange 3,000 AK-47 assault rifles and 5 million rounds of ammunition for weapons more suited to police work. The Nicaraguan National Police employed a private Guatemalan arms dealer to handle the exchange. The arms dealer, in turn, arranged to sell the AK-47 assault rifles and ammunition for $575,000 to an arms merchant based in Panama acting on behalf of the AUC.
429. In November 2001, a vessel named the "Otterloo" left Nicaragua with Panama as its declared destination carrying the assault rifles and ammunition. Instead of sailing to Panama, the Otterloo traveled to Turbo, Colombia.
430. Bills of lading, shipping invoices, and other documents identified Chiquita as the intended recipient of the arms and ammunition shipment.
431. The arms and ammunition were off-loaded at sea from the Otterloo onto Chiquita's barges by Chiquita's employees and brought to Chiquita's private warehouse facility where they were stored for a period of time. Chiquita employees and/or agents supervised a fictitious inspection of the shipping containers and arranged to load the weapons and ammunition onto trucks for delivery to the AUC.
Ed. Note: How valid are the arm's allegations? They are attributed some weight by the General Secretariat of the OAS. But the allegations "upon information and belief" are really conclusions or inferences drawn by plaintiffs counsel, not facts they believe they already can prove. What is the evidentiary probity of an interview with Carlos Castano, the notorious head of the AUC?
432. A formal report by a General Secretariat of the Organization of American States concluded that the transfer of arms and ammunition to AUC could not have occurred without accomplices in Turbo.
433. Plaintiffs are informed and believe that Chiquita facilitated at least four more arms and ammunition shipments through its Turbo port facilities. According to an interview with the Colombian newspaper El Tiempo, Castaño boasted in response to a question about the Otterloo incident, "This is the greatest achievement by the AUC so far. Through Central America, five shipments, 13 thousand rifles."
434. Chiquita was aware that it had substantially assisted the AUC's use of Paramilitary Terrorism Tactics by helping them acquire a large number of military-grade assault rifles together with a large quantity of ammunition for those rifles. The arms had a substantial effect on the AUC's ability to carry out its strategy to drive leftist guerillas out of the Santa Marta and Urabá banana-growing regions and to, thereafter, maintain control over the regions through the use of Paramilitary Terrorism Tactics.
435. As a result of obtaining weapons with assistance from Chiquita, the AUC had the resources needed to carry out the War against leftist guerillas, their sympathizers, and supporters and to maintain control over the banana-growing regions.
436. As a further result of obtaining weapons with assistance from Chiquita, the AUC killed, injured, or forcibly disappeared the individuals identified in Paragraphs 9 to 252 of this Complaint using Paramilitary Terrorism Tactics.
Ed. Note: The introduction of narcotics into the mix also changes the character of the case against Chiquita, like allegations of weapons shipments. The same skeptical questions must be asked, however.
And, in both cases, we will be watching to see whether the same Chiquita executives that felt it necessary to make the payments were advised of and permitted the additional cooperation on guns and drugs, and if so, how they will argue their innocence in the kidnappings and murders that followed.
(6) Chiquita Purposefully Assisted The AUC When It Facilitated The Shipment Of Narcotics Through Its Turbo Port Facilities.
437. Chiquita also purposefully assisted the AUC by allowing it to use the company's private seaport facilities to smuggle large quantities of illegal drugs, especially cocaine, out of Colombia.
438. According to Colombian prosecutors, the AUC shipped drugs on Chiquita's boats carrying bananas to Europe. AUC leaders have stated that the AUC tied drugs to the hulls of banana ships at high sea to evade security agencies' control points. On seven different occasions, the Colombian government seized cocaine hidden in banana shipments on Chiquita's boats. More than one and one-half tons of cocaine has been found hidden in the company's produce, valued at over $33 million dollars. Two of the ships on which drugs were found were named the Chiquita Bremen and the Chiquita Belgie.
439. Upon information and belief, drug shipments could not have been attached to Chiquita's banana boats, or hidden in the cargo, without the active collusion or willful ignorance of Chiquita employees.
440. Chiquita knew the AUC obtained large sums of money from its illegal drug trafficking activities. Chiquita also knew the AUC used the money it obtained from drug trafficking activities to finance its participation in the War, including its use of the Paramilitary Terrorism Tactics. Chiquita purposefully allowed the AUC to use its banana boats and ships to help the AUC acquire money that could be used to support and facilitate its effort to drive leftist guerillas out of the Santa Marta and Urabá banana-growing regions and to, thereafter, maintain control over the regions using the Paramilitary Terrorism Tactics.
441. By providing the AUC with access to its private port at Turbo and to freighters that are owned, operated, or controlled by the company, Chiquita had a substantial effect on the AUC's ability to carry out its plan to drive leftist guerillas out of the Santa Marta and Urabá banana-growing regions and to maintain control over the regions.
442. As a result of the funding it derived from drug trafficking activities carried out with assistance from Chiquita, the AUC had the resources needed to carry out the War against leftist guerillas, their sympathizers, and supporters and to maintain control over the banana-growing regions.
443. As a further result of the funding it derived from drug trafficking activities carried out with assistance from Chiquita, the AUC killed, injured, or forcibly disappeared the individuals identified in Paragraphs 9 to 252 of this Complaint using Paramilitary Terrorism Tactics.
D. Chiquita Took Sides With The AUC For The Benefits It Would Receive From The Defeat And Expulsion Of Leftist Guerillas, Sympathizers, And Supporters In The Banana-growing Regions.
444. As a result of purposefully providing assistance and material support to the AUC, Chiquita received significant benefits arising from the AUC's use of the Paramilitary Terrorism Tactics to drive the leftist guerillas, and their sympathizers and supporters, out of the Santa Marta and Urabá banana-growing regions. Chiquita received additional benefits when the AUC used the Paramilitary Terrorism Tactics to maintain control over the banana-growing regions.
445. Because the AUC succeeded in driving the leftist guerillas out of the banana-growing regions, Chiquita executives in Colombia were no longer in constant danger of being kidnapped and held for ransom. Chiquita's executives were no longer subject to great risk of being shot and killed by leftist guerillas. The AUC also protected Chiquita's banana workers from attacks by leftist guerillas.
446. The AUC used Paramilitary Terrorism Tactics to ensure that local people living in the banana-growing regions would never again entertain the idea of supporting or joining the leftist guerillas.
447. The AUC guarded Chiquita's farms and infrastructure to protect them from being bombed, burned or destroyed by leftist guerillas. The AUC stopped common criminals from hijacking banana shipments, looting company storage facilities, or damaging company infrastructure. The AUC also provided armed escorts to accompany major bananas shipments from the farm to storage facilities and then from storage facilities to the port for shipping.
448. Chiquita also used the AUC to resolve complaints and problems with banana workers and labor unions. Among other things, when individual banana workers became "security problems," Chiquita notified the AUC, which responded to the company's instructions by executing the individual. According to AUC leaders, a large number of people were executed on Chiquita's instructions in the Santa Marta region.
449. The AUC also helped Chiquita by "pacifying" the labor union that represented banana workers in the region by assassinating its leftist president and installing a new union leader that would represent both the workers and Chiquita. Following the assassination, the AUC continued to oversee the labor unions on Chiquita's behalf to ensure that union members did not attempt to take advantage of the company.
450. Throughout the period of time it made payments to the AUC, Chiquita and the AUC communicated regularly to identify problems and resolve problems.
451. As the AUC took and maintained control over the banana-growing regions, land prices improved and became stable, benefiting large landowners like Chiquita.
452. By 2003, Chiquita's operations in the Santa Marta and Urabá regions were the company's most profitable banana-producing operation anywhere in the world.
from → Anti-Corruption, Anti-Money Laundering
← Chiquita Brands Part III-B, Deterrence: How Private Litigation Can Supplement Anti-Terrorist Enforcement Actions
Announcing Private Equity Study of Colombia, Brazil, Mexico →


We haven't had much luck with the weather over the last couple of weekends. It was wet last weekend for our trip to the Central Coast, and now it's wet again today. After a couple of busy days rearranging furniture, it was nice to have some fun at home with the boys.
This morning we all got dressed in our wet weather gear and went out in the rain for a little bit. The boys enjoyed jumping in the puddles in the gutter, and Thomas put a bowl and cup out in the rain to collect some rainwater to drink. Afterwards we had nice warm baths and showers, followed by soup for lunch.
The new playroom continued to pass the test, and today we had a fold-up car-shaped tent in there. Somehow all four of us managed to squeeze in there at the same time. It was a bit like one of those "how many uni students can you fit in a Mini" competitions, but we all made it. A good fun day to finish off the long weekend.


You are not logged in. [Log In] JPF Home Page Forums Keyboard and Piano Forum Idea's For Good Midi Controller?
#1031252 - 12/02/13 11:39 PM Idea's For Good Midi Controller?
What is a good brand and cheap midi controller for my puter. I am an absolute newbie on these and being disabled I can't afford a whole lot, but I don't really want a cheapo either. I guess I want one with good flexibility more than anything.
Last edited by L. James Tanner; 12/02/13 11:41 PM.
Depends on what you want from the controller.
1. Do you want to just enter MIDI notes or do you want to play entire compositions? In other words, do you want to be EDM-artist-flavor-of-the-month, or play Chopin?
If you want playability and have a budget, you'll do better with a digital piano instead of a plain MIDI controller. The piano will have far better keys. If you'd still go for a MIDI controller, I suggest something with semi-weighted keys. These do a better approximation of acoustic piano keys and don't always cost a bomb.
As for brands, I've never seen anyone regret buying an Akai. Their keys aren't the best but their pad quality is top notch. For keys, I suggest going for a Roland. Their A-500 Pro is a fantastic keyboard. Stay away from M-Audio; their keys have a habit of falling apart after a few heavy jam sessions. Another great but slightly expensive brand is Nektar. Their Panorama P4 is great.
Last edited by Cheyenne; 01/17/19 10:33 AM.
There are a few different things to cover here.
1) Do you care about how many keys your controller has?
2) Do you want a bunch of different parameter controls or does that not matter?
3) Weighted keys? Most controllers won't have weighted keys so you would want to get a digital piano if you want that in my opinion.
I would recommend going with the popular Akai MPK 249 or the Arturia Keylab MK2 as it's brand new and getting great reviews. This has only 49 keys, but it's plenty!
Here is a MIDI Controller good breakdown of MIDI controllers that I found really helpful as it covers all sizes.
Last edited by dannyrichardson; 02/11/19 12:49 AM.
There's lots of options available. I think Akai is a pretty good place to start. I personally use a Yamaha P-45, but this is more of a digital piano and not a MIDI controller, though I use it as one.


Echoing what the President said upon releasing his plan for dealing with an avian flu pandemic….local health officials warn individuals will end up having to take care of themselves if a pandemic strikes in their city.
Controversial legislation that would require schools to add information about gays and lesbians to their curriculums is moving forward.
Several state lawmakers are calling for University of California President Robert Dynes to resign or be fired.


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text:
Globe-Trotter celebrates 50th anniversary of You Only Live Twice with limited edition case
Globe-Trotter celebrates the 50th anniversary of You Only Live Twice with the release of a 14" Limited Edition case.
The black leather case features a gold insignia for the You Only Live Twice film on the outside, and comes with a luxurious red inner lining.
The red tag with gold text reads "Celebrating the 50th Anniversary of YOU ONLY LIVE TWICE - 007 - GLOBE-TROTTER - MADE IN ENGLAND"
The black and red design is reminiscent of the famous Swaine, Adeney & Brigg attaché case used by James Bond in the 1963 movie From Russia With Love.
Limited Edition Globe-Trotter YOLT suitcase, click to enlarge
This exclusive Globe-Trotter case is limited to only 50 pieces worldwide and exclusively available on the official 007store.com website for £850.
Globe-Trotter created suitcases for the movie SkyFall in 2012 (the stabilist case used by Patrice) and SPECTRE in 2015 (James Bond's brown suitcase in Morocco), and has been offering 007 branded leather goods and cases, some of which are still available on 007store.com.
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The 007 Diaries by Roger Moore to be released in 2018
Globe-Trotter Stabilist Case
In celebrating 007′s 50th anniversary on the silver screen and the release of SkyFall, Globe-...
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Barbour x Land Rover Briefcase Bag
Q (Ben Whishaw) uses a Barbour x Land Rover Briefcase Bag in Austria in the movie SPECTRE.This...
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Globe-Trotter Original Brown suitcase
James Bond carries a Globe-Trotter Original Brown suitcase in SPECTRE.The suitcase can be seen when...
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Globe-Trotter announces SPECTRE collections
Globe-Trotter has announced that the label will be producing two ranges of leather goods and...
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text:
Mahlobo forges ahead with govt's nuclear power plans – report
Officials in the minister's department are reportedly working weekends to finalise the country's reviewed integrated energy resource plan.
Minister of Energy David Mahlobo at the SADC Double Troika summit on Lesotho on July 3, 2015 in Pretoria, South Africa. (Photo by Gallo Images / Sunday Times / Simphiwe Nkwali)..
Energy Minister David Mahlobo is reportedly forging ahead with government's nuclear power plans.
City Press reports that, officials in Mahlobo's department are working weekends to finalise the country's reviewed integrated energy resource plan, four months ahead of schedule.
This after President Jacob Zuma told MPs on Thursday, a nuclear deal for South Africa was still on the table.
The papers reports that, the plan to determine the energy mix the country needs was expected to be finalised in February next year, but will now be finished in the next two weeks.
This would reportedly enable Mahlobo – who was appointed energy minister on October 17 in a Cabinet reshuffle – to make projections of the country's future energy demands based on "empirical evidence".
Since his appointment to the post, there has been wide spread speculation there was renewed pressure from the Russian Federation to fast track the controversial nuclear build programme, which is estimated to cost taxpayers a massive R1 trillion.
However, the Presidency denied claims Zuma reshuffled his Cabinet after meeting a delegation from the Russian government.
While the Russian embassy in Pretoria said it was "highly disappointed to see yet another example of sensationalism and fake news in South African press, especially, in an evident attempt to emulate the worst kind of groundless anti-Russian attacks by some of the global mainstream media."
Finance Minister Malusi Gigaba told City Press last week that nuclear energy was neither affordable for the sluggish economy, nor immediately necessary. The paper reports that this could set Mahlobo on a collision course with Gigaba and Treasury.
Mahlobo told the paper that government should not be "reckless", however, energy was central to the country's security and should not only be treated as an economic issue.
North West premier accused of 'pushing' President Khama off his own road
For more news your way, follow The Citizen on Facebook and Twitter.
david mahlobo


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KEVIN BERNE/CENTER REPERTORY COMPANYMark Anderson Phillips is Scrooge in Center Repertory Companhy's "A Christmas Carol."
Lisa Kohler Photography/ChanticleerThe acclaimed vocal group Chanticleer brings its holiday show to venues through the Bay Area in December.
Courtesy ODC Dance TheatreODC's annual production of "The Velveteen Rabbit," based on the beloved children's story, returns to San Francisco Nov. 29-Dec. 15.
Here's a partial roundup of Bay Area dances, plays and concerts for the holiday season.
San Francisco Ballet: Dec. 11-29; War Memorial Opera House, San Francisco; $25-$220; www.sfballet.org.
Ballet San Jose: Dec. 13-26; San Jose Center for the Performing Arts; $20-$105; www.balletsj.org.
Oakland Ballet: With Oakland East Bay Symphony; Dec. 21-24; Paramount Theatre, Oakland; $20-$59; www.oaklandballet.org.
Dance Project|SF: "Nutcracker Sweets" is a 50-minute version designed for families with young children; Dec. 7-24; Southside Theater at Fort Mason Center, San Francisco; $18-$28; http://nutcrackersweets.org.
Valley Dance Theatre: Accompanied by Livermore Amador Symphony; Dec. 14-22; Bankhead Theater, Livermore; $18-$34; www.mylvpac.com.
Berkeley Ballet Theater: Dec. 13-15 and Dec. 20-22; Julia Morgan Theatre, Berkeley; $8-$30; www.berkeleyballet.org.
Black Diamond Ballet Theatre: Dec. 7-8; Pittsburg Creative Arts Building; $15-$20; www.blackdiamondballet.org.
San Jose Dance Theatre: In collaboration with Los Gatos Ballet; Dec. 6-8; San Jose Center for the Performing Arts; $22-$55; www.sjdt.org.
Contra Costa Ballet: An hourlong narrated production aimed at the family crowd; Nov. 29-Dec. 1; Lesher Center for the Arts, Walnut Creek; $23-$33; www.lesherartscenter.org.
The Jewish Nutcracker: Katy Alaniz Rous' work adapts the classic ballet into a history of Judaism; Dec. 6-8; Children's Creativity Museum, San Francisco; $18-$28; www.jewishnutcracker.com.
Moscow Ballet's Great Russian Nutcracker: 3 p.m. Dec. 14; Flint Center; $28-$88; www.ticketmaster.com.
Western Ballet: 7 p.m. Dec. 6, 1 and 7 p.m. Dec. 7; Mountain View Center for the Performing Arts; $25-$30; www.ci.mtnview.ca.us/mvcpa.
Soo Dance Company: 6:30 p.m. Dec. 15; Lesher Center for the Arts, Walnut Creek; $22; www.lesherartscenter.org.
Nutcracker Pinata: Presented by Compania Mexico Danza; 2 and 7 p.m. Nov. 30; San Leandro Performing Arts Center; $10-$20; http://sanleandropac.com.
Alameda Civic Ballet: 2 p.m. Dec. 21-22; Kofman Theatre, Alameda; $18-$25; www.alamedacivicballet.org.
Smuin Ballet: The troupe's "Christmas Ballet" includes more than two dozen short works, ranging from sassy to whimsical to classical; Nov. 22-Dec. 28 at venues across the Bay Area; $24-$74; http://smuinballet.org.
"Velveteen Rabbit": ODC's annual adaptation of the classic children's fairy tale; Nov. 29-Dec. 15; Yerba Buena Center for the Arts, San Francisco; $20-$75; www.odcdance.org.
Carolina Lugo: The East Bay flamenco performer presents a holiday show; Dec. 1-29; Pena Pachamama, San Francisco; $15 (without dinner), $39.50 (with dinner); www.brownpapertickets.com.
"Fiestas Navidenas": A blend of Mexican song, dance and pageantry presented by Ballet Folklórico Costa de Oro; 7:30 p.m. Dec. 3; Bankhead Theater, Livermore; $15-$55; www.mylvpac.com; 3 and 7 p.m. Dec. 14, 3 p.m. Dec. 15; San Leandro Performing Arts Center; $20; www.bfcostadeoro.com.
An International Holiday: Presented by Arete Dance Center; 8 p.m. Dec. 20; $27; www.ci.mtnview.ca.us/mvcpa.
Fiesta de Navidad: A night of flamenco dancing, music and singalong carols (in Spanish); 7 p.m. Dec. 29; Rhythmix Cultural Works, Alameda; $10-$20; www.rhythmix.org.
Center Repertory Company: Dec. 12-22; Lesher Center for the Arts, Walnut Creek; $27-$41; www.centerrep.org.
Northside Theatre Company: Dec. 5-29; Olinder Theatre, San Jose; $17-$22; www.northsidetheatre.com.
Brian Copeland's "The Jewelry Box": The writer/performer's holiday show recounts his attempts to buy his mother the perfect Christmas present; through Dec. 28; the Marsh, San Francisco; $15-$100; www.themarsh.org.
"Coney Island Christmas": New musical centers on a Jewish girl who is cast as Jesus in her school's Christmas pageant; presented by City Lights Theater Company; Nov. 21-Dec. 22; City Lights Theater; $25-$30; http://cltc.org.
"Tristan & Yseult": A dark romantic fairy tale presented by London's Kneehigh Theatre Company; Nov. 22-Jan. 6; Berkeley Repertory Theatre; $14.50-$99; www.berkeleyrep.org.
Great Dickens Fair: Annual extravaganza turns Cow Palace into Victorian-era London at Christmastime, featuring street scenes, more than 700 costumed characters, music, food and grog, and — of course — tons of shopping opportunities; Nov. 23-Dec. 23; Cow Palace, San Francisco; $12-$25; www.dickensfair.com.
"The Book of Mormon": Off-color musical comedy from the creators of "South Park"; Nov. 26-Jan. 19; Orpheum Theatre, San Francisco; $90-$260; www.shnsf.com.
"The Snow Queen": Based on the Hans Christian Andersen fable; Nov. 27-Dec. 22; San Jose Repertory Theatre; $34-$79; www.sjrep.com.
"Snoopy!": Musical based on the Charles Schulz' beloved "Peanuts" comics, presented by 42nd Street Moon; Nov. 27-Dec. 15; Eureka Theatre, San Francisco; $25-$75; www. 42ndstmoon.org.
"It's a Wonderful Life Radio Play": Presented by San Jose Stage Company; Nov. 27-Dec. 22; $17.50-$40; www.thestage.org.
"A Grand Night for Singing": Featuring the songs of Rodgers and Hammerstein, presented by Diablo Theatre Company; Nov. 29-Dec. 7; Lesher Center for the Arts, Walnut Creek; $47-$49; www.diablotheatre.org.
"Little Women": Adapted from Louisa May Alcott's novel; presented by Theatreworks; Dec. 4-Jan. 4; Lucie Stern Theatre, Palo Alto; $28-$55; www.theatreworks.org.
"Edward Gant's Amazing Feats of Loneliness": Dark comedy presented by Shotgun Players; Dec. 5-Jan. 12; Ashby Stage, Berkeley; $8-$35; www.shotgunplayers.org.
"Irving Berlin's White Christmas": Dec. 6-15; presented by Children's Musical Theatre of San Jose; $30; www.cmtsj.org.
Holiday Shorts: A night of improv comedy by East Bay's Creatures of Impulse troupe; 7:30 p.m. Dec. 5-6; Firehouse Arts Center, Pleasanton; $2-$10; www.firehousearts.org.
"Every Christmas Story Ever Told (And Then Some)": Holiday spoof presented by Town Hall Theatre Company; Dec. 5-21; Town Hall Theatre, Lafayette; $20-$32; www.townhalltheatre.com.
"Cinderella": Acclaimed annual holiday show by African-American Shakespeare Company; Dec. 7-22; Buriel Clay Theatre, San Francisco; $12.50-$37.50; www.African-AmericanShakes.org.
Killing My Lobster Winter Follies: Presented by the San Francisco improv troupe, with caroling by the Boneless Children Foundation; Dec. 12-15; Z Space, San Francisco; $20; www.killingmylobster.com.
"A Sweet Noel": Bay Area cabaret singer Craig Jessup stars in this musical revue featuring songs Noel Coward, Stephen Sondheim, the Gershwins, Richard Rodgers, Lorenz Hart and more; Dec. 17-22; Aurora Theatre, Berkeley; $32-$50; www.auroratheatre.org.
"The Biggest Gift": Annual holiday show by youth troupe Fantasy Forum Actors Ensemble; 10 performances Dec. 19-22; Lesher Center for the Arts, Walnut Creek; $14; www.lesherartscenter.org.
"Santa, We've Been Bad": A night of improv comedy by Ready or Not Improv; 8:15 p.m. Dec. 21; Lesher Center for the Arts, Walnut Creek; $15; www.lesherartscenter.org.
Kung Pao Kosher Comedy: Back for its 21st year, featuring Gary Gulman, Adrianne Tolsch, Samson Koletkar, Lisa Geduldig; proceeds San Francisco and Marin Food Banks and Jewish Home San Francisco; Dec. 24-26; New Asia Restaurant, San Francisco; $44-$64 (with and without dinner); www.koshercomedy,com.
Holy Names University Chorus: Winter concert featuring works by Bardos, Gershwin, Haydn, Kodaly, Palestrina, Victoria, and others; 7:30 p.m. Nov. 23; university's McLean Chapel, Oakland; $5-$10; www.hnu.edu/musicevents.
San Francisco Opera: The company's Adler Fellows present a holiday concert; 7:30 p.m. Nov. 27; Scottish Rite Masonic Center, San Francisco; $30-$65 (student rush, $15); www.sfopera.com/futureisnow.
Concord Sing-Along Messiah: A benefit for San Francisco Rescue Mission; 7 p.m. Dec. 1; First Presbyterian Church of Concord; donations accepted; www.fpcconcord.org.
Walnut Creek Concert Band: Holiday show features works by Leonard Bernstein, Manheim Steamroller, and more; 7:30 p.m. Dec. 3; Lesher Center for the Arts, Walnut Creek; $14-$17; www.lesherartscenter.org.
San Francisco Girls Chorus: Two holiday concerts — "Noel, Noel," featuring Mykola Leontovych's "Carol of the Bells" and other works; 8 p.m. Dec. 6; First Congregational Church, Berkeley; "Hark, the Herald Angels Swing," with bassist/composer Marcus Shelby and his Trio and featuring audience singalong; 8 p.m. Dec. 22; Davies Symphony Hall; San Francisco; $18-$65; www.cityboxoffice.com.
Schola Cantorum: The Silicon Valley chorus with Oxford Street Brass performs a new work by John Cavallaro, Britten's Hymn to the Virgin, and traditional Christmas carols; 3 p.m. Dec. 8; Mountain View Center for the Performing Arts; $20-$30; www.ci.mtnview.ca.us/mvcpa.
San Francisco Bach Choir: "A Candlelight Christmas" featuring William Byrd's "O Magnum Mysterium" and other works; 8 p.m. Dec. 7, 4 p.m. Dec. 8; Calvary Presbyterian Church, San Francisco; $10-$30; http://sfbach.org.
Ragazzi Boys Chorus: Holiday show "A Cheerful Noise" features works by Mozart, Purcell, Handel and Halley; 5 p.m. Dec. 7; First Congregational Church, Palo Alto; 4 p.m. Dec. 8; Old First Church, San Francisco; 4 p.m. Dec. 15; Cunningham Memorial Chapel, Notre Dame de Namur University, Belmont; $10-$30; at www.ragazzi.org.
Chanticleer: The acclaimed male vocal group's annual holiday show, "A Chanticleer Christmas," is a blend of traditional carols, Renaissance songs, Rachmaninoff, a world premiere work by composer Steven Sametz, a medley of African-American spirituals, and more; performances Dec. 11-23 at various Bay Area venues; $28-$65; www.chanticleer.org.
Oakland East Bay Symphony: The orchestra's annual "Let Us Break Bread Together" holiday show includes four new gospel works, four choruses, as well as soul-stirring gospel soloists — and a klezmer band, Kugelplex. Details: 4 p.m. Dec. 15; Paramount Theatre, Oakland. $15-$50. www.oebs.org.
A Festival of Carols: Presented by San Francisco Choral Society; 4 p.m. Dec. 15; First Unitarian Universalist Church, San Francisco; $12-$15; www.sfchoral.org.
American Bach Soloists: Handel's Messiah; 7:30 p.m. Dec. 11; Grace Cathedral, San Francisco; 7:30 p.m. Dec. 15; Mondavi Center, Davis; $20-$94; www.americanbach.org.
Mountain View Sing-Along Messiah: Featuring Schola Cantorum; 7:30 p.m. Dec. 16; $18-$22; www.ci.mtnview.ca.us/mvcpa.
San Jose Chamber Orchestra: The orchestra performs a holiday concert with San Jose-based Choral Project; 8 p.m. Dec. 21; First Presbyterian Church, Palo Alto; 7 p.m. Dec. 22; Mission Santa Clara; $20-$30 ($25-$35 at the door); www.sjcp.org.
San Francisco Symphony Orchestra and Chorus: "'Twas the Night" holiday concert features soprano Lisa Vroman and an audience singalong; 4 p.m. Dec. 22, 8 p.m. Dec. 23, 11 a.m. Dec. 24; Davies Symphony Hall, San Francisco; $15-$75 (half price, ages 17 and under); www.sfsymphony.org.
California Symphony: Annual holiday concert "Home for the Holidays," with Pacific Boychoir, 7:30 p.m. Dec. 23; Lesher Center for the Arts, Walnut Creek; $15-$65; www.lesherartscenter.org.
Youth Music Holiday Variety Show: Featuring young area performers; 2 and 7:30 p.m. Nov. 30; Firehouse Arts Center, Pleasanton; $8-$12.
Irish Christmas in America: Touring show featuring vocal group Lumiere, singer-songwriter Seamus Begley, 8 p.m. Dec. 1; Freight & Salvage, Berkeley; $22.50-$24.50; www.thefreight.org.
A Doo Wop Holiday Celebration: Featuring Hit Parade Hall of Famer Johnny Tillotson, pop band the Vibrations, A Tribute to The Platters, and more; 2 p.m. Dec. 2; Bankhead Theater, Livermore; $16-$65; www.mylvpac.com.
Triple Ho Show: Featuring Pitbull, Macklemore and Ryan Lewis, Enrique Iglesias, Zendaya and more; 7:30 p.m. Dec. 3; SAP Center; $37.50-$138, www.997now.com.
Glide Memorial Church: A 50th anniversary celebration featuring Maya Angelou, Valerie Simpson, Judith Hill and more; 7 p.m. Dec. 4; War Memorial Opera House, San Francisco; $65-$250; www.glide.org.
A Winter's Night: A night of prose, poetry and Celtic and Scandinavian folk music featuring Ensemble Galilei; 8 p.m. Dec. 4; Freight & Salvage; $20.50-$22.50; www.thefreight.org.
Cris Williamson: Singer-songwriter presents an "off-beat holiday" show; 8 p.m. Dec. 5; Freight & Salvage, Berkeley; $24.50-$26.50; www.thefreight.org.
Alice in Wonderland: Featuring Michael Franti, Gavin DeGraw, Delta Rae, and more; 8 p.m. Dec. 5; Bimbo's 365 Club, S.F.; sold out but check www.radioalice.com for updates.
Not So Silent Night(s): Night 1 features Kings of Leon, Vampire Weekend, Queens of the Stone Age and Arctic Monkeys; Night 2 features Arcade Fire, Phoenix, Lorde and others. 5:30 p.m. Dec. 6-7; Oracle Arena, Oakland; $39.50-$150, www.live105.com.
KFOG's Concert for Kids: Featuring Toad the Wet Sprocket, Serena Ryder and Brett Dennen; 7 p.m. Dec. 7; Nob Hill Masonic Center, San Francisco; $25-$100; www.kfog.com.
Oakland Interfaith Gospel Choir: Presents its annual holiday show; 7:30 p.m. Dec. 7; Paramount Theatre, Oakland; $10-$40; www.paramounttheatre.com; 7:30 p.m. Dec. 20, Mountain View Center for the Performing Arts; $28-$36; http://www.ci.mtnview.ca.us/mvcpa; 7 and 9:30 p.m. Dec. 24; Slim's, San Francisco; $15; www.slimspresents.com. More information at www.oigc.org.
The Klezmatics: A concert by the famed Jewish roots band; 8 p.m. Dec. 8; Freight & Salvage, Berkeley; $26.50-$28.50; www.thefreight.org.
Home for the Holidays — A World War II Christmas: Concert by Andrea Marcovicci; 7:30 p.m. Dec. 10; Bankhead Theater, Livermore; $15-$55; www.mylvpac.com.
Patrick Lendaza: Award-winning guitarist and singer presents a "Hawaiian Christmas," with several musical guests; 8 p.m. . Dec. 11; Freight & Salvage, Berkeley; $24.50-$26.50; www.thefreight.org.
The Christmas Jug Band with Maria Muldaur: The musical collective, with blues singer Muldaur at the mic, presents such holiday originals as "Mistletoe Jam" and "Santa Lost a Ho"; 8 p.m. Dec. 12; Freight & Salvage, Berkeley; $22.50-$24.50; www.thefreight.org.
A Classic Rock Christmas: Concert by touring band December People; 8 p.m. Dec. 12-13; Firehouse Arts Center, Pleasanton; $30-$40; www.firehousearts.org.
Kem: R&B-soul singer; 8 p.m. Dec. 12; Warfield, San Francisco; $49.50-$89.50; www.axs.com.
Mix 106.5 holiday show: Featuring Matt Nathanson, Fitz and the Tantrums and Parachute; tickets given away by the station to listeners; 6:45 p.m. Dec. 13; San Jose Civic Auditorium; www.mymix1065.com.
BeauSoleil avec Michael Doucet, a Cajun Christmas: 8 p.m. Dec. 15; Yoshi's, Oakland; $25; www.yoshis.com.
Wild Jam: Featuring J. Cole, Mac Miller, Ariana Grande, Kid Ink, Iggy Azalea, Jay Sean and the Far East Movement; 7 p.m. Dec. 15; SAP Center, San Jose; $18.50-$94.50, www.wild949.com.
Hardly Strictly Klezmer: Concert featuring contemporary Jewish music performers the Red Hot Chachkas, Klezmer Playboys and Reich & Goldberg; 8 p.m. Dec. 17; Freight & Salvage, Berkeley; $20.50-$22.50; www.thefreight.org.
A Winter Gift: A night of Celtic harp featuring Patrick Ball and others; 8 p.m. Dec. 19; Freight & Salvage, Berkeley; $22.50-$24.50; www.thefreight.org.
A Cash Country Christmas: Starring Johnny Cash tribute performer James Garner; 2 and 8 p.m. Dec. 21; Firehouse Arts Center; $12-$25; www.firehousearts.org.
The Vandals: Legendary SoCal punk stages 18th annual Christmas formal; 9 p.m. Dec. 21; Slim's, San Francisco; $18; www.slimspresents.com.
Christmas with the Celts: The Nashville based band performs Scottish-Irish traditional tunes and Celtic pop-rock originals; 2 and 6 p.m. Dec. 22; Yoshi's, San Francisco; $28-$55; www.yoshis.com.
Dave Koz and Friends Christmas Tour: With Oleta Adams, Keiko Matsui and Jonathan Butler; 8 p.m. Dec. 22; Warfield; $39.50-$125.50; www.axs.com.
The Brian Setzer Orchestra: The former Stray Cat singer/guitarist returns with annual holiday show; 8 p.m. Dec. 24; Warfield, San Francisco; $49.50-$69.50; www.axs.com.


… Equifax, which revealed a massive data breach; Amazon Web Services, which faced a leak of sensitive data; and Arcserve, whose CEO departed for … more.
Fairfax is, of course, already home to the East Coast campus of Amazon Web Services. Fairfax successfully competed against Texas and Washington … more.
… are "somewhere between hard [and] impossible to run on the commodity clouds like Amazon [Web Services]," said Muly Gottlieb, the company's vice … more.
… Gerald Sauvageon, head of broadcast and entertainment for Google, and Kip Schauer, head of media and entertainment for Google Cloud. more.
SYS-CON Media (press release) According to the latest research from Strategy Analytics, Apple has shipped 1.2 billion iPhones worldwide cumulatively in the past 10 years. more.
By bringing its Azure App Service, the company's fully managed cloud platform, to the Linux operating system, Microsoft is showing yet again that … more.
Adobe and Microsoft this week expanded their partnership to name each … In turn, Adobe has made Microsoft Azure the preferred cloud platform for … more.
Think about the top four public clouds (AWS, Microsoft Azure, Google, IBM) as Mount Rushmore-type figures, said Sanjay Poonen (pictured), chief … more.
… retail segments will reach $500 million on their own by 2025, with cloud unit Amazon Web Services (AWS) hitting $600 billion over the same period. more.
The cloud- and service-based architecture is a major component of that transformation, Lefebvre explains. Liberty uses Amazon Web Services and … more.
Called Dedicated Interconnect, it allows companies to treat servers in Google's cloud as if they were part of their own private address space. more.
The Google Drive app on PC and Mac has been one of the primary conduits for accessing documents and files in Google's cloud since the service … more.
Ingram Micro continued to experience solid demand across the majority of its largest countries, led by strength in technology solutions and mobility … more.
The rise of Microsoft Azure as a major competitor to Amazon Web Services has become a mixed blessing for IT managers. While many were pleased … more.
To help you choose 2FA solutions for your enterprise we've compared three popular solutions: SAAS, Entrust IdentityGuard and Microsoft Azure … more.
Datometry partners with leading cloud service providers and database vendors including Amazon Web Services, Google Cloud Platform, Microsoft, … more.
… and the firm was acquired by Amazon Web Services for $296 million in 2015. Blackman then became the CEO of the rebranded AWS Elemental. more.
… like those provided by Amazon Web Services or Microsoft Azure) for the cloud infrastructure (e.g. compute, storage, networking, security resources). more.
Are veterans the answer to the channel's cyber security skills gap?
"But most of the transition was from me being interested in technology, so I've got myself trained in things like Cisco and Amazon Web Services … more.
Google Cloud Platform has rolled out a Beta version of Dedicated Interconnect a networking service that connects customer on-premise networks … more.
SYS-CON Media (press release) SEATTLE, Sept. 8, 2017 /PRNewswire/ – Xbox is excited to announce the creation of custom, one-of-a-kind Xbox One S consoles that will pair … more.
In the past, Segment set up log monitoring tools, such as LogDNA and Amazon Web Services CloudWatch logs, to send IT operations pros alerts on … more.
service, is now available in the US West (Oregon) & US East (Ohio) … more.
… subtle causes of production problems in clouds at scale, based on experiences running Microsoft Azure, processing a trillion edge graph on a single … more.
Despite a series of missteps over several years with its own vCloud Air offering, VMware has managed to emerge from the burning house of its own … more.
Products Solutions Pricing Getting Started Documentation Software … more.
"It's a huge win for Microsoft for Adobe to say 'We're going to move our e-signature product to Azure,'" Fauscette said. "For Adobe, the e-signature … more.
The service differs from its previous interconnect operation now called Carrier Peering with the direct link, while it differs from Google Cloud VPN, … more.
… chief scientist of Google cloud Fei-Fei Li, CBS This Morning co-host and 60 Minutes correspondent Charlie Rose, and Teen Vogue editor-in-chief … more.
This will allow you to build all kinds of conversational applications, said Andy Jassy, chief executive of Amazon Web Services, during a keynote in … more.
Technology industry analyst firm Gartner Inc. Thursday published its latest Hype Cycle for Cloud Security products, which is designed to inform … more.
SYDNEY, Sept. 8, 2017 /PRNewswire/ – OnePlace Solutions has launched a new add-in for Microsoft Outlook on Android that enables Android users … more.
Microsoft wants to speed IoT deployments for its customers with a new cloud offering called Azure IoT Hub Device Provisioning Service that automates … more.
PRISMA Telecom Testing, a leading supplier of innovative performance testing solutions for the wireless industry, will unveil the latest developments … more.
We're thrilled that our partnership with Adobe has now grown to span our three Clouds Microsoft Azure, Office 365 and Dynamics 365, providing … more.
Google's cloud storage service will continue to exist unchanged and will therefore remain accessible, either from the web, smartphone or "Backup and … more.
GE's stock has dropped to a two-year low after a J.P. Morgan analyst expressed concerns about growth. The fall has worsened GE's market slump, … more.
kicking off the AWS IoT App Challenge by live coding a sample IoT app! more.
First and foremost, the Google cloud service known as Drive is going to be just fine. If you log in to your Google account and utilize Drive's storage … more.
RICHMOND, Va., Sept. 8, 2017 /PRNewswire-USNewswire/ – Consulting Magazine has released their annual 'Best Firms to Work For' rankings, … more.
Dedicated Interconnect offers private connections with high bandwidth and predictable performance, similar to Microsoft Azure ExpressRoute or AWS … more.
… the last two weeks, and previously, the same group also used Dropbox and Google's cloud storage services to store the same malicious payloads. more.
… Fund, said the dual-city strategy pushed Amazon toward an eventual split between its Amazon Web Services business and its retail business. more.
SYS-CON Media (press release) DALLAS, Sept. 8, 2017 /PRNewswire/ – AT&T* successfully completed testing a single-wavelength 400 gigabit Ethernet (GbE) data speed across its … more.
SYS-CON Media (press release) BRYN MAWR, PA–(Marketwired - September 08, 2017) - Patients in Delaware, Montgomery, and Chester counties can now experience both skin … more.
SYS-CON Media (press release) New 2017 design guide for battery compartments. Experienced designers offer ideas for brackets, battery hardware, contacts, materials and coatings. more.
VANCOUVER, Sept. 8, 2017 /PRNewswire/ - Destiny Media Technologies Inc. (TSXV: DSY) (OTCQB: DSNY) today announced that former President … more.
… speculated that the two-headquarters move could give Amazon the ability to separate its retail operation from its fast-growing Amazon Web Services … more.
Here's our new partnership that's just gone live on Amazon Web Services Inc. Worried about security in the hybrid cloud? We've got this product … more.
MIAMI, Sept. 9, 2017 /PRNewswire/ – Today, SimpleTexting, the Miami-based provider of a bulk text messaging service, began offering its web-based … more.
This centralized hub allows anyone to donate to an existing GoFundMe or start a campaign and raise money for an individual or a charity. Additionally … more.
LAS VEGAS, Sept. 8, 2017 /PRNewswire/ – CenturyLink, Inc. (NYSE: CTL) today announced that AT&T SportsNet, the exclusive television rights … more.
Blue Virginia (press release) (blog) … with reports late last year that Amazon Web Services will buy the power produced by two of the largest solar farms in the mid-Atlantic that Dominion … more.
In order to move forward with its digitization goals, the bank sought help from Microsoft Azure. Microsoft Azure is Microsoft's cloud computing service … more.
… email requirements or high performance servers to deal with your requirements for database or application based services similar to Microsoft Azure … more.
WIRED … 9,400 sensitive resumes, many from US veterans, were found accessible and exposed in a recruiting firm's Amazon Web Services server, according … more.
CBC reported that Amazon Web Services in the United States already hosts "low-risk" Canadian data, such as for Canada.ca web pages, on its cloud … more.
WeeklyHub The Firm operates through three divisions: North America, International and Amazon Web Services . It has a 243.72 P/E ratio. The Company's products … more.
TechGenix (blog) The added declaration that Amazon's lead is over puts him in a group of AWS hunters with the likes of Azure, Google Cloud, and Alibaba cloud, all of … more.
SYS-CON Media (press release) TORONTO, ONTARIO – (Marketwired) – 09/08/17 – International Wastewater Systems Inc. has announced a name change to Sharc International … more.
PELLA GIANNITSA, GREECE – (Marketwired) – 09/08/17 – Homie Recipes, Inc. (OTC PINK: HOMR) ("Homie Recipes" or the "Company"), is pleased … more.
International Business Times UK The blockchain platform - a first of its kind in the insurance industry built on Microsoft Azure global cloud technology - is planned for implementation … more.
Amazon Web Services has been a big boon to the company. But the e-commerce giant isn't the only one who has benefitted from its cloud leadership. more.
… for hybrid Cloud, VMware last week announced the premature availability of VMware Cloud on Amazon Web Services (AWS), the market major. more.
… Google (G Suite and Google Cloud), Sumo Logic, Splunk, Skyhigh, Netskope, MuleSoft, IBM (DataPower and Radar) and Amazon Web Services. more.
ZDNet … looking to AI as the future of computer interfaces – "from Salesforce Einstein, to Microsoft Azure Cognitive Services, to the Google Cloud Platform. more.
MONTREAL, QUEBEC – (Marketwired) – 09/08/17 – TECSYS Inc. (TSX:TCS), (the "Corporation"), announces the results of the matters voted upon at … more.


text:
Ana Terra — personagem da trilogia literária O Tempo e o Vento, de Érico Verissimo
Ana Terra (filme) — filme com Rossana Ghessa, baseado na personagem
Ana Terra (compositora)
Ana Terra (ilustradora)

Desambiguações de antropônimos

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


Do Sequin Thongs Make Good Curtains?
Cher-designer Bob Mackie's mansion goes on the market; plus Faith Hill, Tim McGraw.
If you're not superstitious, you might not mind moving into actor Ving Rhames' posh Brentwood pad. A staff member tragically died on the property in 2007. Rhames was cleared of any responsibility.
Ever wondered what the upholstery's like at Bob Mackie's house? Now's your chance to find out. The over-the-top designer behind so many of Cher's sparkly, blush-inducing get-ups has put his WeHo-adjacent pad on the market for $2.5 million. One amenity we can assume is a killer walk-in closet.
Also move-in ready is the Beverly Park estate of Faith Hill and Tim McGraw. The country super-couple is asking $14.2 million for the six-bedroom Mediterranean spread, which includes a tricked-out gym (clearly used, if you saw Hill's abs on Shape's cover this month.) Does this mean they're leaving LA?
Actor Ving Rhames is selling his Brentwood abode. Though on film he's best known for tough-guy roles in 'Pulp Fiction' and 'Mission: Impossible,' he garnered unwanted press in 2007 when a man was mauled to death by dogs at the house (Rhames was out of the country, and the dogs ultimately cleared of responsibility). The asking price is $2.7 million. Let's hope the "Beware of Dog" sign is included.


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text:
<?php

namespace Bold\ImageBundle;

use Symfony\Component\HttpKernel\Bundle\Bundle;

class BoldImageBundle extends Bundle
{
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


In this tutorial, I will show you one method to create the appearance of a burn on skin using a texture you may not have thought of before.
Here are the 2 images I shall use, a hand and a crab shell.
Okay – firstly, the hand should be on the bottom layer with the crab shell on top. Drop the opacity of the shell so you can see to position it where you want the burns to be. Also use Free Transform (Ctrl + T) to enlarge or decrease the size according to what you want.
As you can see, I'm also including a bit of the wood grain on the arm. Now – Bring the opacity back up to 100%. Time to pick a blend mode.
I'm going to use Overlay for this example.
Some brightness/contrast tweaks, Dodge & Burn if you want to create dark and light areas to accentuate the texture.
Note, the effect here worked best on the arm rather than the hand. If you're to use this in a piece of your own, make sure to pick a texture which suits the whole image… Or mix and match!
Other textures you may not have thought of for this effect would include Mother of Pearl, most shells, diseased leaves, etc.


text:
Women's groups urge federal court: Acknowledge the ERA is legally dead
ADF files brief on behalf of Concerned Women for America, Susan B. Anthony List
WASHINGTON – Alliance Defending Freedom attorneys representing Concerned Women for America and Susan B. Anthony List filed a friend-of-the-court brief Friday that urges the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia to acknowledge that the Equal Rights Amendment's ratification deadline has expired.
Concerned Women for America, the nation's largest public policy women's organization, promotes constitutional principles through advocacy and has led campaigns and participated in litigation against the ERA. Susan B. Anthony List, named for a champion of women's equal rights, has consistently advocated against ratification of the amendment, through public opposition to attempted state ratifications and through coordinated lobbying of Congress.
"The Equal Rights Amendment is legally dead," said ADF Senior Counsel Denise Harle. "Congress gave states seven years to ratify it, a deadline that came and went decades ago. Honest advocates for the ERA have long understood that their time has expired, and any legitimate effort to add this amendment to the Constitution must start over from the beginning. If the current campaign to illegally sneak the ERA into the Constitution is successful, the rule of law will be undermined as the Constitution's amendment process is discarded for political convenience. Even long-time supporter of the ERA, Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, acknowledges that the recent push comes 'long after the deadline passed' and that ERA advocates should 'start over.'"
The brief filed with the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia in Commonwealth of Virginia v. Ferriero explains that Congress set a valid seven-year time limit for ratification that ended in 1979. In addition, the brief notes, the U.S. Supreme Court dismissed ERA litigation as moot after the time for ratification expired and, "Remarkably, none of the parties before the Supreme Court disagreed with the incontrovertible point that the ratification period was forever closed."
Pronunciation guide: Harle (HAR'-lee)
Alliance Defending Freedom is an alliance-building, non-profit legal organization that advocates for the right of people to freely live out their faith.
# # # | Ref. 76679
Related Case
Commonwealth of Virginia v. Ferriero


Pupuan Belimbing Village offers the beauty of beautiful and cool countryside.
Beautiful green rice fields with several coconut trees around it.
The air in Belimbing Village is also cool, the perfect vacation spot for those of you who are used to breathing polluted city air.
Come here, and see for yourself how interesting this nature is.
This village own the fertile land with some of tropical plantation. Those are included Durian, coffee, clove, rambutan, mangosteen and much more. Meanwhile, the magnificent view of Belimbing rice terrace with Batukaru Mount as a backdrop has captivated the tourist to come and enjoy this panorama. Rice Paddy Trekking is one of the tourist attractions at this site. It explores the pure natures, rice field and see the local farmer who working in the field.


text:
Partnerships & Initiatives
Rainwater Prize Program
Tau2020 Global Conference
Research with a sense of urgency
The Tau Consortium's mission is to accelerate the development of new treatments for Alzheimer's disease, frontotemporal dementias, and other neurodegenerative diseases involving the dysfunctional tau protein. We help scientists to work collaboratively, engage strategic partners who share our mission, and establish the critical resources needed to accelerate progress for understanding the underlying causes of these tau-related neurodegenerative diseases. Tau Consortium participants act with urgency and with patients in mind to develop novel approaches and cutting-edge treatments.
Since founding the Tau Consortium in 2009, the Rainwater Charitable Foundation has committed over $100 million to the program and has helped to put eight treatments into human trials.
Light micrograph of human brain tissue
A resource to the field
In addition to funding-specific projects, the Rainwater Charitable Foundation actively seeks to serve as a resource for the entire field of academic researchers, industry players, funding partners, and policy makers. As part of these efforts, we are collaboratively hosting an international open conference that is open to everyone. We have also launched a major prize program that aims to encourage and accelerate scientific progress toward new treatments for neurodegenerative diseases.
Learn more about The Rainwater Prize Program
The Tau Consortium's goal is to foster high-impact, collaborative networks of scientists who can help us to better understand tauopathies and guide development of effective treatments for patients. Research programs are currently built around four key focus areas: (1) understanding genetic markers and clinical characteristics of disease, (2) creating novel technologies and models for studying tauopathies, (3) understanding the mechanism of tau's normal function vs. dysfunction, and (4) identifying drug candidates and biomarkers for potential translation to human use.
Why focus on Tau?
The Tau protein is present and has important functions in the brains of healthy people, but its abnormal build-up seems to be an important characteristic of Alzheimer's disease, progressive supranuclear palsy, chronic traumatic encephalopathy, and more than 20 other serious neurodegenerative diseases. With its normal function unclear, and its dysfunctional state a consistent component of so many disorders, understanding tau will bring us closer to better treatments for patients suffering from neurodegeneration.
Learn More About the Tau Consortium
Primary cultured neurons that express the tau protein were exposed to pathogenic tau fibrillar seeds.
Rainwater Charitable Foundation Announces Inaugural Winners As Part of World's Largest Prize Program for Brain Research
The Rainwater Charitable Foundation, one of the largest independent funders of neurodegenerative disease research, today announced Dr. Michel Goedert (Medical Research Council Laboratory of Molecular Biology, Cambridge, UK) and Dr. Patrick Hsu (University of California, Berkeley) as the first recipients of the Rainwater Prize for Outstanding Innovation in Neurodegenerative Research and the Rainwater Prize for Innovative Early-Career Scientists.
PARTNERSHIP AWARDS $3 MILLION IN GRANTS FOR PROMISING NEW TREATMENTS IN ALZHEIMER'S AND RELATED DEMENTIAS
$3 million in newly-awarded research grants give researchers across the country the ability to investigate creative new ways to target abnormal tau, a toxic brain protein that is a hallmark of Alzheimer's disease, frontotemporal dementia, and many other neurodegenerative disorders.
Rainwater Foundation Deploys Millions Toward Rare Brain Disease, PSP
November 7, 2018 - David Holley - Xconomy
A foundation started by a Texas billionaire announced Tuesday it will offer millions of dollars in awards to scientists who research neurodegenerative diseases such as Alzheimer's and progressive supranuclear palsy.
A Billionaire's Dying Wish: A $10 Million Prize to Fight Brain Diseases
November 6, 2018 - Michela Tindera - Forbes
Featured in Forbes – The Rainwater Charitable Foundation launches the world's largest brain prize program to encourage researchers to fight neurodegenerative diseases like Alzheimer's and PSP.
Rainwater Medical Research Programs
Copyright 2018 © Rainwater Charitable Foundation – Medical Research Programs


The skinnies are back out due to the lack of direct sunlight... Is that summer finished now? I'm wearing a Topshop checked shirt and Zara coated jeans, Topshop sandals. The jacket is H&M but I savaged and studded it myself.


Fragile Shipping Labels 3" x 5"
Top Selling Fragile Labels Insure that Your Package is Handled Carefully!
• Red labels stand out from the box. These fragile labels help insure that the glass contents of yoru package get handled safely.
• Paper labels have an aggressive adhesive that is specially formulated to stick to corrugated cartons, packing envelopes and plastic or steel drums.
• To keep your fragile labels handy and neat, order a dispenser too.
hope it helps breakage claims!
Nice big stickers for shipping my glass, very noticeable.


Annual school budgets have been cut by £1.7 billion in real terms since 2015, a Labour analysis of IFS figures reveals.
The analysis shows that annual spending on schools would be £1.7bn higher in 2019-20 than the amount allocated by government if funding per pupil had been maintained in real terms since the Tories won a majority in 2015.
The new analysis of cuts to annual funding for schools comes after the Chancellor's controversial announcement of a one-off fund for schools to spend on so-called "little extras" in this week's Budget speech. The funding was for capital funding only, and worth just over a tenth of the amount already cut from capital funding overall. Schools will not be able to spend it on running costs like staff pay, and the Chancellor suggested that the average school could use it for items like a "couple of whiteboards".
"The Tories have slashed billions from schools and now the Chancellor thinks they should be grateful he's offered them a whiteboard. His suggestion that schools just need 'little extras' is downright insulting.
"Instead of offering a sticking plaster to schools this government should be genuinely investing in them, reversing their unjustifiable cuts.