text:
Joe Torre book fills the winter vacuum
By Jay Price
Joe Torre and A-Fraud...oops, Alex Rodriguez, in happier times. (AP)
Is that all there is?
It's been a slow week in the Toy Department.
It's been months since Plaxico Burress shot himself, or anybody else, or Charles Barkley spouted one of those outrageous comments that would get most broadcasters fired and run out of the business, not necessarily in that order.
Sure, it's Super Bowl week, but what does that mean to the big city, where we were worrying, just a little while ago, about how the NFL would handle the logistics for a Jets-Giants conference championship doubleheader in the Meadowlands? Even Media Day at the Super Bowl has lost some of its never-seen-anything-like-it appeal. The next time there's NOT at least one dude in a blond wig and feather boa, or a faux audition for "Dancing with the Stars" featuring 300-pound linemen -- that'll be news. The football players don't even bother videotaping each other anymore, the way they used to when it was all fresh and exciting.
Which, of course, is one more reason to be grateful Joe Torre wrote a book.
The tabloids have been aflame since the first glimmerings from "The Yankee Years," the third-person account of Torre's last half-dozen disappointment-laden seasons in the Bronx, and his already much-examined pinstriped divorce, started leaking out, just before he whole 477-page flood came roaring over the spillway.
What else were they going to use to spice up the back pages in the lull between football and baseball?
The Knicks?
You just thought there might be a little more meat to the story when the smoke cleared, was all, and a little less hamburger helper.
Most of the revelations turned out to be as shocking as finding out Rush Limbaugh's not planning any sleepovers at the Obama White House.
What's that you say? A-Rod's needy?
Gary Sheffield's stand-offish?
Well, knock me down with a feather.
Next thing you know, somebody will be telling us David Wells was fat.
Of course, Torre didn't actually write any of the stuff that had headline writers and their editors hyperventilating.
Not even the part about Wells being fat.
But that makes them even.
Now that he's with the Dodgers, Torre has no problem talking about his time in the Yankee clubhouse. But really, is anything that we've heard all that shocking? (AP)
Because the guys writing all those frothy stories about narcissism and betrayal at the corner of 161st Street and River Avenue hadn't read it.
Not that that it stopped them from being appalled -- in much the same way the Vichy police captain in "Casablanca" was shocked to learn there was gambling at Rick's -- that Torre would violate the what-happens-here-stays-here sanctity of the clubhouse.
Tom Verducci provides the voice in "The Yankee Years," a companion piece to "Chasing the Dream," Torre's first book about how he told George Steinbrenner to calm down, and won the first of the Yankees' four World Series in five years.
Presumably, those two are prequel to the final book in Torre's managerial trilogy, the one where he tells us how he hid his Yoda-like skills as a sub-.500 manager with the Mets, the Braves and the Cardinals.
Most of the issues raised in "The Yankee Years," qualify as old news, and peter out before they get really interesting, destined to be remembered as opportunities lost, kind of like Alex Rodriguez with men on base in the postseason.
Nobody's going to be surprised that most Yankees thought Alex Rodriguez was too worried about his image. Or that Brian Cashman was too worried about saving his own butt to protect Torre's.
We could've been in for some real fun if Cashman -- or, even better, A-Rod -- had taken the bait, and let it slip that the reason Torre looked so calm in the dugout was that he was falling asleep behind his sunglasses, the way Casey Stengel is supposed to have done.
Sadly, baseball is too highly evolved for that sort of thing, the way Torre's Yankee pitchers were too civilized to move David Ortiz off the plate.
Before Cashman had time to get his shorts in a bunch, Torre was on the phone, smoothing things over, assuring him the b-word -- betrayal -- was nowhere in the book. And A-Rod was issuing statements through friends that he'd laughed off the whole thing.
(Right.)
Either way, it's tough to keep a feud going when everybody involved would really rather sit home and clip their stock coupons.
Unless Cashman or Randy Levine or one of the Steinbrenner boys decides to jump into the fray with the verbal equivalent of a broken beer bottle, calling malarkey on Torre, the whole thing could be winding down to a whimper by the weekend, in which case it would have outlived its usefulness, anyway.
Word is there's a football game Sunday.
Something they used to call the Super Bowl, I think.


All (USA) Los Angeles, CA (USA) Shrine Auditorium, LA, CA Formosa Hsihu,Formosa Los Angeles,California,U.S.A.
In commemoration of the 19th Anniversary of Supreme Master Ching Hai Day, a musical based on Supreme Master Ching Hai's Silent Tears poetry collection, Loving the Silent Tears, premiered on October 27, 2012 at the Shrine Auditorium in Los Angeles, California, USA. On one of North America's largest stages of its kind, the audience was taken on a journey in search of inner peace to 16 countries across six continents, through the artistry of the world's best performers.
May each one find his peace.


Habitat affiliates in the United States tithe 10% of all undesignated funds to Habitat International as part a of global ministry, selecting the country their tithes support. North St. Louis County partners with Habitat México.
Although Mexico has a growing economy; more than half of the Mexican population currently does not have economic means for buying or constructing adequate housing. It was not until 1983 that the right to housing even became a constitutional right and was considered a human right.
Of the employed population (about one third of Mexicans), seven million earn less than the minimum wage. Ten million make less than two minimum wages a day. This means that more than half of Mexico's employed population makes US $30 dollars a month or less. Yet these workers support half of the nation's families.
The Mexican government estimates that one million families live in substandard housing, but these calculations do not include the many families who rent rooms or live cramped inside another family member's home, as do many of the families with whom HFH partners. When considering these families, HFH México estimates that the housing need rises to a staggering two million families, or about 10 million people.
To address overwhelming housing statistics like these, Habitat for Humanity began working in the communities of Dexthi Alberto, Chihuahua, and San Pedro Capula, Hildago in 1988. Habitat has since developed a more extensive presence that today covers 17 states and is one of the largest Habitat programs in all of Latin America and the Caribbean. Habitat México has built/rehabilitated 19,612 homes in its 20 year history.
Habitat México builds in rural, semi-urban and urban areas. The average house is completed in roughly three weeks, measuring between 42 to 49 m². In pliance with urban housing code requirements, Habitat houses in cities measure the minimum 60 m² and have electrical and plumbing installations.
Construction materials vary from region to region. In order to reduce the cost of the homes, Habitat México utilizes local materials whenever possible. Roofs may be built with galvanized zinc or reinforced concrete, and walls consist of clay bricks, adobe or concrete blocks. Materials also vary depending on the area's climate and susceptibility to earthquakes and hurricanes. Habitat México homes cost on average US$5,930.
Tithes from NSLC Habitat totaled $21,679 last year, building 3 1/2 homes in Mexico. In 2004 and 2007 NSLCHF tithed a house for a house, meaning that for every home built in North St. Louis County another home was built in Mexico.
NSLC Habitat feels particularly connected to the beautiful, resilient people and dynamic culture of Mexico, because our executive director, Nathan Thompson, grew up in Guadalajara Mexico. Thank you for prayerfully and financially supporting NSLC Habitat and, through our tithes, Habitat México.


Canonical has announced that an Ubuntu-flavored version of the Intel Compute Stick will go on sale next week, priced at around $110, via online and brick-and-mortar stockists.
Essentially, the Intel Compute Stick is an HDMI dongle that you plug into a TV or monitor to get a PC-like experience, which makes it attractive for use as a halfway house between something like a Chromecast and having a full media center plugged into your TV, for example.
The stick will ship with the 64-bit version of Ubuntu 14.04 LTS pre-installed and has an Intel Atom 1.3Ghz quad-core processor, 1GB RAM and 8GB of on-board storage. There's a microSD slot for additional storage too.
This isn't the first time we've seen the Intel Compute Stick but it is the first time that the Ubuntu version has been offered for sale. The Windows version, with slightly better hardware, costs a little more though, at $150.
The Ubuntu version will be available from retailers such as Amazon, Best Buy and Newegg.com, but Canonical didn't say exactly when next week they'd go on sale.


starring Claude Raines with the four blonde sisters Lane.
as, one of these fine days, I bet my bottom dollar that eventually it will.
so that the sufferer is deserving to be shunned.
more hard than curing leprosy itself.
and then, like Father Damien, contracted the disease.
My father, thankfully, was spared that fate, was cured.
Where would you go and what would you explore?
Would you leave our home to set out for a foreign land?
Hand in hand by the beach every day.
And a life full of freedom and fire.
On a love that soars higher and higher.
A man who could crush them with one mighty blow.
despite mobbed-up fight games, still gave them a show.
stood up for his rights as an athlete who was free.
and named him America's least favored son.
Sieg heiled with his victory in Der Feuhrer's face.
Black fists were held high.
Did it end our damn racism?
Did we give it a try?
they were targeted often to do certain jobs.
but their promising contracts can't be understood.
and the teen boys are slaves soon, against their own wills.
and promises them everything up to the sky.
and concentrate only on assuring him wins.
figures they won't notice the stench of his deals.
as he tries to pass camels through the eyes of thin needles.
Great wealth controls athletes throughout the land.
If you fracture your kneecap you can still join the band.
But you can sit in the front when you get on the bus.
Not eating enough? Well, don't cause a fuss.
with houses and cars and Sterling-clad deals.
when it comes to revealing their pay checks that swell.
but no lunch or snack time for young human beings.
for coaches that bring their schools national winners.
you're not disenfranchised, so take back the night!
Almost a thousand years ago.
Two lovers linked by a forbidden passion.
Imprisoned in a frigid marriage or a barren convent cell.
For a life of death and undying love.
We must live closer to the dead. Why should anyone fear them? Silence is the trophy of the peaceful. Bursting open are Heaven's walls. The contented, the contentious, the wretched among us, it is done for you, you whose bones are no longer even grey. I stand not on soil but on decomposed sighs turned sturdy root.
Mother, babe, architect, Mayor. How can death be proud? Pride is for those still moving and aching and naming. It is ours, with our machinations and grasping love, burdened with dis-eased desire for living and remembering.
And for what? Shrubs here are searingly red and gold, and the pond's surface provocatively placid — November's witnesses to planetary jitteriness. Physics is against us but death, we are its glad valentine, full of grace.
The reflection of my face upon the water.
The pond that held our image but a muddy puddle.
but who am I anyway?
nor a foe of Reggie's.
being in high school for 47 years?
and a holy old man who is probably bored of everyone's sins.
ah, among them, to do penance, to reconcile with God!
with prioritized lists that I agonized over.
I'll say, Father, I have been neglectful of those i love most.
Father, I have not been chaste.
the economy of Grace flummoxes me every time.
"The only one in our family," she said.
Fresh poetry every week hot off the press!
Check back every week for our members' new poems.


No other special force in history has a mystique equal to that of ancient Rome's thoroughbred protection and counter-insurgency squadron--the renowned Praetorian Guard. Originally conceived as a personal army for the emperor, the Guard assumed a much greater role than simple bodyguard, taking over a wide range of powers in the city and operating for more than 300 years. Inseparable from the machinery of the Roman state, the Praetorians had the power to make or break individual emperors.
InThe Praetorian Guard, Sandra Bingham offers a comprehensive and timely history of this elite military unit, from its foundation by Augustus in 27 BCE to its disbandment by Constantine in 312 CE. Exploring the multifaceted nature of the Guard, she discusses and describes its arms and insignia, size and recruitment tactics, and command structure and individual duties, as well as Guard members' family and religious lives. Bingham provides readers with a unique view of how others in antiquity portrayed these special forces and includes detailed illustrations, maps, and plans to paint a clear picture of this politically mighty military institution.
Sandra Bingham is a teaching fellow at the University of Edinburgh. Her publications include articles on aspects of the praetorian guard and on the Severans. Other interests include the rediscovery and reception of Carthage, Roman imperial women and the concept of imperial retreats.
The right of Sandra Bingham to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by her in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patent Act 1988.
All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations in a review, this book, or any part thereof, may not be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher.
This book is dedicated to the memory of my parents, Alfred (1914–1994) and Adelaide (1923–2012), whose love of learning led me to this path.
2. 'Claudius summoned' by Lawrence Alma Tadema (1867). Image courtesy of the Art Renewal Center® www.artrenewal.org.
3. Aureus of Claudius (first issued AD 41–42) showing the praetorian camp with a figure holding a spear and shield standing in front of a standard. Drawing by Stephen Copp.
4. The Puteoli frieze, possibly from an arch of Trajan. Drawing by Stephen Copp.
5. Details of one of the shield emblazons from the Puteoli frieze. Drawing by Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones.
6. Scene V from Trajan's Column, with the praetorians on the march across the Danube. Photo courtesy of H. R. Goette.
7. Antoninianus of Gallienus, dating to AD 258, celebrating the praetorian guard; the legend reads COHH PRAET VI P VI F. Drawing by Stephen Copp.
8. Tombstone of Lucius Septimius Valerinus (third century AD). Drawing courtesy of S. James.
9. Military diploma for a soldier of the Vth praetorian cohort, dating to AD 246. © The Trustees of the British Museum.
10. Map of Rome, showing the location of the Castra Praetoria in relation to the Forum and the Palatine. Plan by Stephen Copp.
11. The Castra Praetoria: excavated building remains and extrapolated structures. Plan by Stephen Copp.
12. The Castra Praetoria and legionary fortress at Noveseum (hatching indicates location of contubernia). Plan by Stephen Copp.
13. (A) The Louvre relief, possibly from the Arch of Claudius (AD 51); much restored. © Louvre/The Bridgeman Art Library. (B) Drawing of the scorpion cheek-piece by Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones.
14. Relief from the Arch of Marcus Aurelius (AD 176–80) showing praetorian soldiers in full armour. Photo courtesy of H. R. Goette.
15. Panel from the Cancelleria reliefs (late first century AD) with praetorians in tunic and paenula (travelling cloak). Photo courtesy of H. R. Goette.
16. Sestertius of Gaius (issued AD 40–41) addressing the praetorians. Drawing by Stephen Copp.
17. Sestertius of Galba (AD 68) addressing the praetorians. Drawing by Stephen Copp.
This book is based partly on my research on the guard under the Julio-Claudians (University of British Columbia, 1997) and partly on research conducted since then, which now has led to a course on the praetorians that I teach at the University of Edinburgh. Many people have supported me in the endeavour to see this project to fruition. I would like to single out in particular Tom Harrison, Greg Woolf, Jill Harries, Jon Hesk, Roger Rees, Roy Pinkerton, Keith Rutter, Allan Hood, Douglas Cairns, Ulrike Roth and Lucy Grig. An extra special thank you goes to Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones for the drawings but especially for the laughs when I most needed them. I am grateful also to the Canadian contingent, Ann Dusing, Charmaine Gorrie, Arden Williams, Kathryn Simonsen and Eve MacDonald for their unflagging conviction that I would eventually get this done. Thanks also to Kate Collingridge, Jill Shaw and Elaine Hutchison for putting up with me over the years. I am grateful as well to the reader for his insightful and very helpful comments. And finally to the students who took the course on the guard and learned to 'question everything', I hope you find at least some of the answers here.
The greatest debt is owed to my husband, Stephen, who never lost trust even in the darkest times. Without him, the guard would be only a distant memory. Thanks are not enough.
The genesis of the unit can be found in the republican period. In the early part of the first century BC, the praetorian cohort that had functioned as a bodyguard for commanders in the field began to change and to take on more administrative tasks. The civil wars that erupted shortly thereafter halted this progression, and the cohorts reverted to being primarily a military force. But when Augustus decided to institute an armed unit for his personal use, he brought together both aspects of the earlier republican guard, making his imperial praetorians function not only in a military but also in an administrative capacity. Throughout the Julio-Claudian period, reliance on these soldiers for tasks other than guarding the emperor and his family began to take shape, though this expanding role usually does not attract much notice in the sources.³ Even during the reign of Augustus, there had been a realization that having so many soldiers close to the capital meant they could be used in any number of situations requiring large numbers of trained personnel. The evolution of the praetorians into a unit that fought fires, provided security at the games and carried out political espionage can be explained by the practicality of making use of the troops in the city as part of the overall organization of civic administration. In fact, there would be few major changes in the unit until late in the second century AD, by which time the guard was firmly entrenched in the life of the principate, of the city and of the empire.
The placement of the praetorians in Rome and their close relationship with the emperor thus brought about the use of the guard in what might be considered unexpected ways. Such modifications were driven largely by the necessity of accommodating the requirements of the government which, at this time, was essentially a dictatorship relying on the military for support.⁴ Although their primary function was to provide protection for the emperor and his family, from the beginning the praetorians were assigned to other duties related to imperial security. They acted as a strategic military force sent to deal with problems where other measures had proven ineffective, or where there was a need for covert activity. In its early history, a division of the guard, the speculatores, became specifically associated with clandestine action. Moreover, the praetorians were involved in the confinement and execution of those deemed to be a threat to the state. On the other hand, they were also part of the routine civic administration in the capital, assisting the vigiles in firefighting and acting as security at the games and theatre.⁵ They were also involved in a variety of other tasks, ranging from map-making to engineering works.⁶ The guard could be employed in these duties precisely because it was the emperor's personal unit and could therefore be adapted to whatever need he had of his soldiers.⁷ Throughout their history, the soldiers proved to be pragmatic concerning this relationship, carrying out whatever demands were made of them and showing themselves unwilling to put their privileged position at risk. Of course, sometimes this meant betraying the emperor himself when that position was perceived to be threatened.
By the end of the first century AD, though, other units such as the frumentarii had been introduced for tasks that the praetorians had hitherto carried out, and the guard itself was beginning to be used more frequently in the field as frontline troops.⁸ Cohorts took part in the campaigns in Dacia under Trajan and those on the Danube under Marcus Aurelius, for example. This does not mean that they were no longer active in the capital but rather that their remit had expanded as the emperors themselves began to take to the field. This was the case even after the creation in the early second century of the equites singulares Augusti, a mounted unit that served as an additional bodyguard in battle.⁹ It was only at the start of the reign of Septimius Severus (AD 193–211) that the guard of the first two centuries ceased to exist: they were cashiered and replaced with men from the legions. The rationale for this change was to allow the emperor to ensure the loyalty of the unit, though it also rewarded soldiers who had been supportive of Severus' usurpation of power. Although the name continued to be used, the new praetorian guard bore little resemblance to that of the previous period and was much more aligned with the army as a whole, with most recruits coming from the provinces. Still a privileged unit with respect to pay and length of service, nevertheless the 'elite' nature of the guard had been swept aside by the inclusion of regular legionaries. But the hope that the praetorians would remain faithful to the emperor was in vain: instead, the unit played a pivotal role in the so-called 'crisis of the third century', being involved in the removal and accession of several emperors. And just over 100 years after the Severan changes, Constantine disbanded the unit entirely: after 350 years, the praetorian camp was silent.
Information about the praetorians in the ancient literary sources is often limited. This is partly because it was not to the emperor's advantage that their activities be made public, but also because the extant sources usually have other interests on which to focus. It has been noted that '[The guard's] presence appears normally to have been taken for granted by contemporaries, as it has to be by us.'¹⁰ This makes the historian's job that much more challenging. The development of a military unit technically belonging to the army but superior to them in status and functioning as a separate entity answering only to the emperor did not lend itself to close scrutiny. The challenge is to try and identify the guard's role in the workings of the principate, and, in doing so, to consider in each case the attitude of the authors who did include them in their work.
The general problem with the literary sources in the imperial period has been well documented and only a brief overview need be made here.¹¹ Much of the information on the early history of the guard is derived from only three sources: Tacitus, Suetonius and Cassius Dio. Each of these clearly made use of those writers who had lived during the reigns of the early emperors, but the extent of the debt to each is difficult to ascertain, especially since it is only rarely that a named citation is provided. The praetorians appear in all of these authors, to varying degrees, but the references are often incidental, most commonly in passages which record events directly connected with the emperor. It is rare that a passage deals only with the praetorians.¹² Other sources such as Josephus, the younger Seneca and the elder Pliny provide occasional glimpses into the workings of the guard in the first century AD, but without comment on the significance of the praetorians in the events that they narrate.
The situation is even more complicated for the second century. There are few extant sources at all and those that remain often are fragmentary, as is the case with Dio for the first half of the century.¹³ The unreliability of the Historia Augusta, a group of biographies beginning with Hadrian, only complicates matters.¹⁴ From Marcus Aurelius onwards, the material is better, though for much of this period Dio is available only in epitomes. Herodian, writing in the mid-third century, is complete but presents problems of his own.¹⁵ The result is that, with the exception of the fuller accounts of the first century AD, there really is very little material in the written sources on which to rely for information about the guard.
In fact, the praetorians figured more prominently in the history of imperial Rome than might be surmised from a preliminary reading of the extant literary sources. Unfortunately, the material sources do not provide too much help either. Numismatic evidence for the guard is not plentiful: there are a few coins illustrating its close relationship with the emperor in its early history in particular, but in general, praetorians are not singled out.¹⁶ The archaeological remains of the praetorian camp, the Castra Praetoria, in many ways provides more questions than answers (see Chapter 3). And for issues such as number of cohorts and effective (that is, the number of men per cohort), while there is epigraphic evidence attesting to the careers of the officer class, the inscriptions do not reveal much about matters to do with the day-to-day management of the unit. Military diplomata fall into the same category (see Chapter 3). All in all, then, the material record adds some but not much to the overall picture.
Since the publication of the monumental work by Marcel Durry in 1938, Les Cohortes Prétoriennes, followed closely by Alfredo Passerini's Le Coorti Pretorie, there have been few comprehensive studies of the guard and none easily accessible in English.¹⁷ Recent works in German, Spanish and French are virtually inaccessible to an English-speaking audience.¹⁸ General books on the army mention the unit, but usually only as imperial bodyguards, with rarely any mention of duties beyond that key responsibility.¹⁹ A recent study on the praetorian prefects includes some incidental information on the guard in its discussion of the commanders.²⁰ Durry's work is still cited as the definitive study of the praetorians, and in fact most modern scholarship on the praetorians is based on material from his work. But much new evidence has emerged over the past 70 years, and there is a need for an updated survey. General histories of the empire usually include information on the unit, but again only as the official bodyguard of the emperor, sometimes with reference to their privileged position in Rome. Biographies of emperors also make mention of the guard, though without much consideration of its role in the events of the reign. This is not surprising, since the focus of these studies is elsewhere, but it is also the case that such works can continue to perpetuate certain dated ideas about the praetorians.
The impression of the guard in modern culture is that of a unit associated with nefarious deeds, most notably the assassination and replacement of emperors. Rarely are the praetorians shown in any other light.²¹ In visual media, the series I, Claudius, originally broadcast by the BBC in the 1970s, provides an extensive treatment of the praetorians.²² In most episodes, they appear in the background, standing, watching, guarding, more part of the backdrop than active participants. Occasionally they are involved in intimidation of individuals and are seen as executioners, both elements attested in the ancient sources. Yet they rarely speak and for the most part are seen only as the visual representation of imperial power, clad in their full armour with the distinctive 'Attic'-style helmets (see Chapter 3). More recently, the movie Gladiator, set in the reign of Commodus, featured the guard throughout.²³ Most notably, the praetorians are shown as a fighting force in the opening scene; throughout the rest of the film they are seen in various guises, but always as the bad guys. One scene in particular, however, rings true, namely when praetorians are sent to arrest the senator Gracchus, played by Derek Jacobi. The soldiers, marching up to the villa, are spotted by a slave who then informs his master that they are approaching; Gracchus' response – sending the slave indoors and quietly going with the praetorians – represents an accurate picture, though fictional, of what is reported occasionally in the ancient sources.
In print, given the number of novels that deal with imperial Rome, praetorians make a regular appearance. A good example is the series of Roman detective novels by Lindsay Davis, the so-called Falco series, with 21 volumes in all so far (1989–2012). Some books focus more tightly on the guard, for example, Optimus: Praetorian Guard (2006) by P.M. Prescott or Praetorian by Simon Scarrow (2011). In the former, a guardsman becomes a Christian and part of a group lobbying for a Christian emperor; it is set in the first century AD. The second novel is one of intrigue, set in AD 50: the guard must be infiltrated because of its republican sentiments. In such cases, any adherence to historical veracity is incidental, but the reader clearly knows that when choosing to read fiction.
The imperial praetorian guard was not an invention of the first emperor, but rather the modification of a republican institution. Prior to the establishment of the principate, there are several references to armed men acting as bodyguards for generals in the field, though it was not until the first century BC that the term cohors praetoria was applied in the sources to this type of unit, and the attribution was not then restricted just to the military sphere. But the basic idea remained the same: a corps of men chosen by the commander to be his guard and often to assist him in other capacities.
Moreover, there is some flexibility in the first century BC in the use of the expression cohors praetoria, because governors of provinces had their own staff, often referred to in the sources by the same term. For example, in his speech against Verres, who had been governor of Sicily, Cicero makes several references to the governor's praetorian cohort, part of Verres' staff.¹⁹ Its members were used in many different tasks, in particular in a judicial capacity.²⁰ A similar type of unit is found with Cicero's brother Quintus when he was governor in Asia in 61–58 BC.²¹ Cicero himself, when governor of Cilicia, made use of a praetorian cohort for administration.²² On one occasion at least his cohors praetoria was actively engaged in battle.²³ In the late republic, then, a cohors praetoria could be either the armed bodyguard of a general or the administrative staff of a governor – both functions would be brought together in the guard of the imperial period.
Later in 43 BC, after a reconciliation had been effected, Octavian, Antony and Lepidus entered Rome as triumvirs. Each was accompanied by both a praetorian cohort and a legion; the spectacle was enhanced by the fact that they entered Rome separately on three consecutive days.³¹ It has been suggested that the presence of praetorian cohorts with the triumvirs clearly distinguished them from the consuls.³² More importantly, of course, the triumvirs were no longer on campaign; while in the field, consuls had the use of a praetorian cohort, as seen with Hirtius above, but this unit was not allowed within the boundaries of the city of Rome. The triumvirs blatantly ignored this principle. That there should be troops in the capital was startling enough; the presence of a select force for each triumvir no doubt added to the unease of the citizens. Not only did the cohorts provide protection but, more importantly, they offered visible evidence of the power of each of the triumvirs. The reaction of the citizens was doubtless something that Octavian would remember when, as Augustus, he instituted the imperial guard.
After the triumvirs' victory at Philippi, those soldiers who had served their time were released by Antony and Octavian. But of these, 8,000 opted to remain active and the two leaders divided them into praetorian cohorts.³⁶ It is not clear, however, how many units were created or their size. In 41 BC, it is recorded that Octavian made use of his praetorian cohorts when fighting against Lucius Antonius; these are most likely the cohorts organized after Philippi, though there is no specific evidence to that effect.³⁷ Moreover, Antony is said to have had three praetorian cohorts with him in 36 BC when he fought against the Parthians.³⁸ The importance of these soldiers to Antony is emphasized on a coin issued by him in 32 BC, with the legend CHORTIUM PRAETORIARUM; it provides the earliest physical evidence that we have for the term.³⁹ But there is no further information in the sources about these units. The division of soldiers into praetorian cohorts after Philippi has been called the 'véritable naissance' of the guard.⁴⁰ The evidence shows, however, that even after that date commanders were not always protected by praetorian cohorts. For example, Octavian was attacked and nearly killed by soldiers for expelling one of their number from the games in the late 40s; there is no indication that any protection was in place for him at this event.⁴¹ And Plutarch records that in 35 BC, Octavia sailed to meet Antony in Greece, bringing with her 2,000 men to serve as his praetorian guard.⁴² It is not clear whether these should be considered an adjunct to the units he already had with him in the east, but the implication is that there was a need for additional troops, specifically for his protection.
It is probable that the praetorian cohorts of both Antony and Octavian were involved in the fighting at Actium in 31 BC. But the only evidence for their participation comes from a late source which records that Octavian had five cohorts with him.⁴³ After his victory, Octavian took over Antony's praetorian cohorts, releasing some of the soldiers and settling them in new colonies.⁴⁴ Before long, however, he had formed the majority of the soldiers from these cohorts into the imperial praetorian guard.
The praetorians clearly were intended for the emperor's personal use. In his account of the military strength of the empire under Tiberius, Tacitus uses the term proprius miles in reference to the praetorian and urban cohorts: 'his own army occupied the city – three urban and nine praetorian cohorts, nearly all chosen from Etruria and Umbria, or old Latium and the old Roman colonies'.⁴⁷ Evidence for the closeness of this relationship between emperor and guard is provided by the language on diplomas issued to the praetorians, where the phrase qui in meo praetorio militaverunt ('those who served in my imperial guard') clearly illustrates the strong association.⁴⁸ Another way in which this link can be demonstrated is through the oath taken by the soldiers in the city. Given their proximity to the emperor, it is to be expected that there was a special oath for the praetorian and urban cohorts that confirmed their allegiance to the emperor and his household in a way that bound them more directly to him than were the provincial armies.⁴⁹ The devoted relationship between the emperor and his praetorian cohorts is shown further by the inclusion of his image on their standards, something not done by the legions where the image was carried separately. In addition, the emperor directly gave the watchword to the cohort on duty at the palace (see Chapter 3). That the unit also played a major role in the funeral of Augustus adds to this closeness.⁵⁰ All of these factors serve to illustrate that the guard was not just an integral part of imperial power but was linked inexorably to the emperor himself.
The history of the guard, then, is intertwined closely with the early history of the principate: the presence of a considerable number of troops in Rome whose loyalty was to Augustus alone was a clear indication that the imperial period had begun.⁵⁷ In fact, until the major transformation brought about by Severus in the late second century AD, much of the way in which the unit was organized remained the same, with only minor changes to such features as the size and number of cohorts and the command structure (see Chapter 3). While the area of recruitment was broadened over the course of the first two centuries of the imperial period, the majority of guard members continued to come from Italy and those areas that had been colonized early on. The duties of the praetorians did begin to involve a wider remit, however, with increased action in the field becoming common after the Julio-Claudian period (see Chapter 4). But it is to the credit of Augustus that the way in which he structured the guard in the early years of his rule remained in place for so long.
The other ways in which the guard was later employed – assisting with the fighting of fires, providing security at the games, dealing with prisoners – probably originated during the reign of Augustus, but again there are only hints of this in the sources. For example, Suetonius records that there were soldiers at the games, and that on several occasions troops were posted throughout the city, as after the Varan disaster of AD 9, but without specific reference to the guard.⁶¹ The involvement of the praetorians in firefighting is not specifically attested for Augustus' reign, but they must have taken part in battling any major blazes, especially before the organization of the vigiles in AD 6.⁶² The evidence for the guard being involved in executions under Augustus is meagre, but there was a precedent for such activity. While still a triumvir, Octavian had had the praetor Quintus Gallius removed from his presence by centurions and soldiers; he was tortured and then executed because Gallius was suspected to have been armed at one of the tribunals.⁶³ Suetonius also records the execution of a knight suspected of being a spy because he had been taking notes during one of Octavian's speeches to the soldiers and the citizens.⁶⁴ Such tasks would be precisely the sort of assignment expected of the guard. Yet the situation under Augustus was substantially different from that of the emperors who came after him: the presence of an armed force in the city, while not unknown, was still unusual. The lack of information, then, about the movements and responsibilities of the praetorians in this reign can be attributed partly to a desire by Augustus to downplay their role in the running of the state.
The rationale for the transfer of direct control over the guard from the emperor to the prefects is not recorded in the sources.⁷⁶ In fact, there may be a practical explanation for the transfer of power, namely the inability of the emperor to continue to oversee the day-to-day command of the cohorts himself, especially since the praetorians were becoming involved in so many different activities in the capital. A command structure was necessary to coordinate these tasks, and it is likely that the movement of the tribunes through the system did not allow for long-term commands to be established.⁷⁷ The orders for the soldiers would have continued to originate from the palace, however, where it is likely that the prefects had their headquarters.⁷⁸ It is clear, however, that the emperor maintained overall control of the guard, since it remained his personal army.
The guard under the Julio-Claudian emperors quickly matured into the force that is regularly documented in general accounts of Roman imperial history. There were several important developments in this period: the construction of a permanent camp for the unit – the Castra Praetoria – under Tiberius, and the use of the guard on a recurring basis to remove those deemed a threat to the principate are perhaps the most important of these.⁷⁹ Of course, members of the praetorians were involved in the assassination of Gaius in AD 41; they also played a significant role in the accessions of Claudius and Nero and, in a more subtle way, those of Tiberius and Gaius. A closer look at these events, therefore, is required.
Following the deaths of Augustus, Tiberius and Claudius, the guard assisted in the way in which information about these events was made public. In each case, an individual ensured that arrangements were in place for the accession of the chosen successor with the help of the praetorians. For Augustus, the agent was his wife Livia, who acted in concert with the guard to make certain that news of the emperor's death was delayed until such time as the transition of power was secure: Tiberius was on his way to Dalmatia at the time and it is not clear from the sources whether he returned to find Augustus alive or dead.⁸⁰ The empress stationed praetorians around the house in Nola so that no one could approach; it is likely that they were used as well to convey the message of Augustus' decline to Tiberius, given the need for strict secrecy.⁸¹ The guard was employed again in AD 37 at the death of Tiberius in Misenum to convey news of his demise to the provinces; the role of his praetorian prefect, Macro, was key here. The use of speculatores in this instance would have provided him with feedback as to the reaction of the governors and thus allow him to gauge the attitude towards the new emperor.⁸² When Claudius died, as had happened with Augustus, the change occurred with the collusion of the empress, Agrippina, who was acting in the interests of her son, Nero.⁸³ Together with the prefect Burrus, she ensured a smooth transition of power.⁸⁴ Praetorians were used to restrict access to the palace until it was deemed an auspicious time to announce the death of Claudius and the accession of Nero.⁸⁵ But the guard also was a concern: it was not clear whether the praetorians would consent to the choice of successor (there being another possible candidate in the person of Claudius' son Britannicus), and Tacitus records that Burrus had to encourage the cohort on duty at the palace to show allegiance to the new emperor: 'Then, in the middle of the day, the third before the Ides of October, the doors of the palace suddenly were opened. With Burrus accompanying him, Nero went out to the cohort which, in military fashion, was present as the watch. There, at the prefect's encouragement, they cheered him and he was put into a litter. They say that there were some who hesitated, looking about and asking where Britannicus was; soon, with no other option, they followed what was on offer.'⁸⁶ It seems that even the best-made plans could not completely guarantee the loyalty of the unit at the transfer of power.
It is the assassination of Gaius, though, that has gripped historians, both ancient and modern.⁸⁷ As has been noted, the imperial praetorian guard had been developed by Augustus first and foremost for his own protection. Though the soldiers became involved in many other tasks after the establishment of the unit, the security of the emperor still remained their primary function, the one to which all of the others were subordinated. It is remarkable, therefore, that, just over 50 years after their introduction, members of the praetorians were responsible for the assassination of the man they had sworn to protect. Yet, by AD 41, the guard was so firmly established as a vital part of the management of the state that several of its members were willing to risk their positions to help advance other political aims through the elimination of the emperor. It should be remembered, however, that the conspiracy was restricted for the most part to a few officers. It is possible that the close association of these men with the emperor and with the administration meant that they were more easily influenced by the political situation around them and were corruptible. Most importantly, they had easy access to Gaius through their personal contact with him. But the conspirators by no means represented the attitude of the entire force, which on the whole remained loyal to the emperor. Nevertheless, the success in carrying out the assassination brought an increased recognition by all involved in political life in Rome that the praetorians were a force to be reckoned with and, for the emperor, a potential threat.
The involvement of the praetorians in the murder of Gaius is immensely significant in the history of the guard. This was the first time that the emperor's personal unit had taken part in an overtly political action. Although the impetus had come from some of the officers, and the reasons which led to the act remain unknown for the most part, it was inevitable that a few of the rank and file of the guard would be drawn in by the conspirators who needed their cooperation; the impetus was probably anticipation of a reward. On the other hand, the murder of Gaius by the very soldiers who had taken an oath to protect him signalled a transformation in the imperial attitude towards the guard. The emperor's personal troops had played an important role at the transition of power between Augustus and Tiberius, and between Tiberius and Gaius, by helping to ensure a smooth succession. Now, however, members from the same unit had been the primary means by which the next succession had taken place, through an act of murder, and the assassins were men who had been promoted by the emperor himself. Such a step demonstrated to all that the praetorians could have a huge impact in the political arena in Rome, and sent a clear message to Claudius, and to those who came after him, that praetorian officers in particular must be carefully chosen and closely monitored.
The actions of the guard after the murder are vague, for the account is garbled in Josephus and difficult to unravel. There are two versions. In the first, the praetorians decided at a meeting that they must provide their own candidate for emperor if they were to safeguard their position; their choice was Claudius.¹⁰³ The second records that the acclamation of Claudius occurred by accident when a soldier named Gratus stumbled upon him hiding in the palace as members of the guard were rampaging through it. The praetorian saluted Claudius as emperor, and along with the rest of the praetorians in the palace escorted him back to the camp.¹⁰⁴ There are problems with both accounts, however, and it is more likely that Claudius himself is implicated in the transfer of power, having prearranged with some of the conspirators (perhaps a group acting separately from Chaerea and his colleagues?) to be found in a certain place in the palace.¹⁰⁵ The role of the prefect Clemens should be taken into account here: although it is acknowledged that he did not play an active part in the assassination, it is feasible that, once informed, he alerted Claudius to the plot and assisted him in escaping after the assassination.¹⁰⁶ That the new emperor was discovered in a somewhat out-of-the-way place in the palace by a member of the guard lends credibility to this scenario.¹⁰⁷ Furthermore, it is unlikely that any plot would have succeeded with the knowledge of the prefect unless he had chosen to support the murder by throwing his support behind a designated successor.
One of Claudius' first acts was to execute Chaerea for his involvement in the conspiracy.¹¹⁹ Of the other tribunes involved, only Lupus was put to death. Since by this time the emperor had assured himself of the support of the guard, the execution of these officers was not likely to result in any resentment. In fact, the attitude of the praetorians after the murder, as it had been during crises in the past, was one of pragmatism. It is possible that for many of the soldiers the change in emperor was of limited significance. As long as their needs were looked after and they were well rewarded for their continued loyalty, there was little incentive to get involved in political intrigue.
The history of the guard in the early first century, then, is one of gradual development: the institution was changing and maturing into the force that later authors such as Tacitus would recognize. It was in this period that the organization of the unit became well established and the duties with which the praetorians would be associated were sanctioned (see Chapter 4). In addition, the office of praetorian prefect began to assume the importance that it would later have.¹²⁰ The men who held the position in the first century were not chosen for their military ability; as has been noted, most often their appointments were the result of imperial patronage, which meant that they were selected because of their affiliation with the imperial household rather than for any particular ability to manage such a large military force. The reason for this was simple: the emperor needed to know that someone he could trust implicitly was in command of his guard, for the greatest danger he could potentially encounter would come from the armed men who had sworn to protect him.
Burrus was well known to the imperial family. From Vasio in Gallia Narbonensis, he had been begun his civil career as Livia's procurator and, after her death, was retained by Tiberius and Claudius.¹³¹ This connection with the imperial household would have brought him into contact with Agrippina, and his appointment as praetorian prefect should be viewed in that context.¹³² At some point, Burrus also was awarded the ornamenta consularia, granting him the rank of consul without having held the office, a detail recorded on the inscription at Vasio but neglected by the ancient historians.¹³³ It is not clear when or why he was honoured in this way, though it is possible that his role in the accession of Nero provides the rationale. In connection with Seneca, Burrus managed the early career of the young emperor.¹³⁴ Nevertheless, he did not play an active role in what was the most significant event in those years, namely the murder of the emperor's mother.
Yet it was also under Nero that the threat that had been inherent in the guard from the very beginning was realized when the praetorians abandoned their emperor.¹⁴⁷ The impetus came from one of their prefects, Gaius Nymphidius Sabinus.¹⁴⁸ Appointed to office in AD 65 after the exposure of the Pisonian Conspiracy, he also was awarded an honorary consulship, presumably for his role in bringing the plot to light.¹⁴⁹ When Nero went to Greece in AD 66, Nymphidius remained in Rome in command of those cohorts that did not accompany the emperor.¹⁵⁰ This gave him military control of the capital and it is possible that he made use of this opportunity to ingratiate himself with the soldiers. When Nero returned the next year, alerted to the danger of conspiracy by one of his freedmen, Helius, who had remained in Rome, he made a grand entrance, with the guard in full display.¹⁵¹ Yet, before long, Nymphidius was able to convince the praetorians that Nero had deserted them since a serious rival for the principate – Servius Sulpicius Galba, governor of Spain – had been proclaimed by his troops in spring AD 68. This marks the first time that the rank and file of the unit as a whole had forsworn their oath and deserted an emperor, but it appears to have been made possible only because Nero's authority had been undermined while he was absent. By the time that the emperor returned from Greece, it is clear that the praetorians who had remained in Rome (that is, the majority of the unit) were extremely dissatisfied with him and that he needed to reassert his authority over them. Had he done so – appearing in the camp and addressing the soldiers – Nero could have regained control in Rome, since the praetorians had in the past chosen to support the status quo rather than risk their privileged position.¹⁵² In fact, Tacitus notes that the guard were led to desert Nero by the deception of its prefect rather than through its own impetus, for the praetorians always had maintained their loyalty to the Julio-Claudian house. But the emperor was either unwilling or unable to negotiate with his household troops in a timely fashion and, as a result, they were left with only the word of their prefect that the emperor had deserted them, which made their decision that much easier.
The choice of Galba as emperor had been decided by the troops in the field, but any ruler needed the support of the praetorians as well. After all, they had become so integrated into the workings of the principate that to neglect them would bring about massive discord. The new emperor, however, did not seem to recognize this. The bitterness of the guard at being denied the donative promised by Nymphidius, coupled with Galba's cruel treatment of the soldiers on the march to Rome and the dismissal of several officers from the city cohorts, resulted in much resentment among the soldiers.¹⁵⁶ Because of these problems, Marcus Salvius Otho, former governor of Lusitania and now one of Galba's confidants in Rome, was able to ingratiate himself with the praetorians. He used bribery to gain their support; Tacitus records the gift of 100 sesterces – a substantial amount – to each member of the cohort attending Galba at dinner as an example of his tactics.¹⁵⁷ Furthermore, after being overlooked as Galba's designated successor in the January of AD 69, Otho used his influence with the guard to convince them to switch allegiance to himself.¹⁵⁸ On the appointed day, though the cohort guarding the palace remained loyal for the most part, Galba was unable to defend himself against the praetorians and assorted legionaries that attacked him, and he was murdered in the Forum.¹⁵⁹ In the end, it was Galba's inability or unwillingness to accept that he needed the support of the troops in the city and that a donative, even a small one, had to be paid to them in order to establish this trust, which helped to bring him down.
Of course, the role that the guard had played in ensuring Otho's succession demanded recognition, and Tacitus records that the new emperor acquiesced to the demands of the soldiers. The guard requested the right to appoint its own prefects, the first time that choice had been granted to it.¹⁶⁰ By allowing them this right, Otho presumably thought that he would provide a safeguard for himself, for the soldiers ought to be well disposed toward the commanders they had chosen, who, in turn, would answer to him. Interestingly, there is no mention of a donative either demanded or offered. It has been pointed out that this means that 'the troops were by no means out of control, the emperor by no means their helpless victim'.¹⁶¹ Yet, an incident in the following month (February AD 69) reveals the fragility of the situation.¹⁶² Otho had ordered the urban cohort in Ostia to come to Rome; no reason for this move is provided in the sources, but the unit had need of weapons, whatever the intention was.¹⁶³ A tribune of the guard, Varius Crispinus, was given the task of gathering the weapons from the armoury in the Castra Praetoria.¹⁶⁴ He did so at night, and his actions caused great concern among the soldiers in the camp, who assumed that the purpose of the distribution of weapons was for an attack on Otho himself. Crispinus was killed in the ensuing fracas and a group of praetorians rushed to the palace to ensure that the emperor was safe; they withdrew only after Otho appeared and appeased them through tears and entreaties. The next day, two officers addressed the guard and promised a donative, though it seems also that there was a reluctance on the part of the officers to continue to serve when their troops were so volatile, and this apparently contributed to the change of heart by the soldiers.¹⁶⁵ It is clear that early in AD 69 the attitude of the praetorians was unpredictable.
In contrast to Nerva, the relationship between Trajan and the guard is represented in the sources with the emperor in complete control. On his initial entry into Rome, Pliny describes Trajan as moving freely through the crowd, his praetorians mingling with the assembled masses: 'the soldiers were no different from the people in manner, self-control or deference'.¹⁹⁹ Furthermore, Pliny makes a special point of the fact that Trajan had paid only part of the donative promised.²⁰⁰ As has been noted, Vespasian had awarded a reduced sum due to financial restraints, but there is no suggestion that what he paid was only part of the donative. Titus and Domitian had granted the full amount, according to Dio, and it is assumed that Nerva paid a donative, but there is no evidence.²⁰¹ The suggestion has been made that because of the situation at Trajan's accession – namely that it was uncontested – he need not offer much.²⁰² Yet given the recent unrest within its ranks, it would have been risky to deny the guard the amount promised. It may be that, before he was dismissed, Aelianus had allayed any concerns on the part of the praetorians regarding the payment.
The relationship between Trajan and the guard thus appears to be one of mutual respect, though it is difficult to tell from the sources how realistic this portrayal is. In fact, it has been argued that the praetorians suffered a loss of status under Trajan and, in particular, that their duty as bodyguard for the emperor was assumed by the equites singulares Augusti.²⁰³ A mounted unit for the most part, these soldiers were based in Rome and accompanied the emperor on campaign.²⁰⁴ But the reason put forward for preference for the equites singulares – that Trajan could not trust the praetorians and so implemented a new force to act as his bodyguard ('a blow to the praetorians') – is unfounded.²⁰⁵ There is no corroboration for this alleged loss of position and in fact there is evidence that indicates the opposite – that the guard retained its position under the new emperor – in the form of a relief from Puteoli, associated with an arch of Trajan.²⁰⁶ It is clear that these are praetorians from the scorpion decoration on the shield of one of the soldiers.²⁰⁷ That this unit appears on such a prominent monument dating to early in Trajan's reign suggests the praetorians' importance to him, especially in light of the infrequency with which they are represented in art in general. It has been noted that 'their presence is highly significant and it draws on and asserts their historical/ideal function. They are portrayed as the premier Roman/Italian soldiers ... their role confirms [the emperor's] legitimacy and excellence, while he allows and encourages them to be represented as the ideal supporters he would like them to be. Their representation in this way so early in his reign supports the modern view that Trajan's principate was indeed a golden age for the Praetorian Guard.'²⁰⁸ Given such prominence, and in the absence of other evidence, it must be acknowledged that there was no loss of status for the guard at this time.²⁰⁹ More likely, then, the praetorians and the equites singulares worked together, with the creation of the latter unit made necessary by the increased involvement of the guard in the field and the need for additional mounted support, something which had begun under Domitian and would continue under his successors.
The involvement of praetorians in Trajan's Dacian Wars (AD 101–2, 105–6) also indicates their importance to the emperor, for they played an active role in the campaigns.²¹⁰ A contingent of the guard, along with one of their prefects, Tiberius Claudius Livianus, accompanied Trajan and fought with him alongside legionaries and auxiliaries. Evidence comes from inscriptions and, in particular, from Trajan's Column, where praetorians are shown in various episodes.²¹¹ Though it is often difficult to distinguish between different types of soldiers on the Column, occasionally it is possible to identify the guard in situations which suggests active involvement in the campaigns.²¹² For example, praetorians along with their standards are depicted following the emperor himself as he heads to war.²¹³ They are also shown ready to take part in battle – a stark change from the first-century idea of the guard.²¹⁴ How many praetorians were involved is not clear, with only the IXth cohort confirmed.²¹⁵ The involvement of the praetorians in battle would continue under Marcus Aurelius who, in AD 162, sent the praetorian prefect Titus Furius Victorinus with the co-emperor Lucius Verus to the east against the Parthians.²¹⁶ Marcus also had both prefects with him on campaign in the north against the Marcomanni later in his reign; units of the guard were there as well.²¹⁷ By the late second century, then, the guard had become accustomed to being in the field, not only as part of the imperial entourage but also as active participants in battles.
At the end of AD 192, Commodus was murdered in a conspiracy that involved the praetorian prefect Quintus Aemilius Laetus but not the praetorians.²²⁸ Following the emperor's death, the guard was caught up in the turbulent events that produced three rulers in six months. Throughout the accounts of both Dio and Herodian for this period, the praetorians are caricatured as unruly and inept: for example, Herodian mentions their desire for plunder and debauchery, Dio their delicacy caused by soft living in the capital.²²⁹ Such depictions are not helpful when trying to determine the role that the guard played in the events of the first half of AD 193, and the attitude of the two authors must be borne in mind in the discussion that follows.
It became clear very quickly that Julianus had a rival for the principate in the figure of the governor of Upper Pannonia. Lucius Septimius Severus had been declared emperor on 9 April by his troops and lost no time in making his way to Rome, arriving in early June to find that Julianus had been declared a public enemy by the senate and murdered. One of the first acts undertaken by Severus was to cashier the entire praetorian guard. The reason given was the assassination of Pertinax; it is of note that there is no mention of the alleged buying and selling of the empire.²³⁹ Although those directly responsible for the murder were put to death, that the entire guard was cashiered as well is remarkable: it is clear that Severus did not want to employ the former praetorians and used this as an opportunity to be rid of them. The dismissal happened so quickly after his arrival at the capital that there must have been much advance planning involved; in fact, Herodian indicates that officers of the guard had been approached in secret to betray their men in return for rewards.²⁴⁰ On the other hand, the soldiers probably expected that they themselves would be rewarded, as had happened so often in the past with a change of emperor, and thus were able to be deceived quite easily.²⁴¹ The real reason behind the cashiering, however, must have been that getting rid of those currently serving in the guard gave Severus the chance to reward his own troops who had supported him in his bid for power, much as had happened in the civil war of AD 69. But unlike the earlier occasion, this time Severus took the decision to dismiss all of the men without compensation, probably because of the somewhat uncertain financial situation.²⁴² And so, for the first time, the praetorian guard began to be treated as just another part of the army, with Severus' legionary soldiers promoted to what in the past had been an elite unit, open only to Roman citizens from a prescribed area.²⁴³ This practice of recruitment from the legions – a completely different approach to what had happened previously – would be followed until the guard was disbanded in AD 312.


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"We have been overwhelmed by the support": First ever Heavy Music Awards to take place tonight
by George Garner
August 24th 2017 at 6:26AM
The first ever Heavy Music Awards is set to take place in London tonight (August 24). Public-voted awards across ten categories will be presented to a star-studded audience of musicians and industry guests at House of Vans.
Speaking ahead of the event, HMA co-founder Iain Johnson told Music Week, "We have been overwhelmed by the support for the HMAs in our first year, with the number of votes underlining how positively the scheme has engaged fans from the off. We have been working tirelessly alongside the incredible team at House of Vans London to deliver an unforgettable event, and we can't wait to share it with the heavy music family tonight."
Almost 100,000 votes were cast earlier this summer to decide the winners of Best Album, Best UK Band, Best International Band, Best Breakthrough Band, Best Photographer, Best Producer, Best Venue, Best Festival and Best Album Artwork.
The seven finalists in each category were chosen by a panel of more than 300 judges from across the music industry, with the coveted Best Album category featuring Architects, Biffy Clyro, Black Peaks, Black Sabbath, Bring Me The Horizon, Creeper and Frank Carter & The Rattlesnakes.
The event, backed by headline sponsor by EMP, will feature live performances from Creeper, Venom Prison, Vukovi and Dead!, is an invitation only reception.
The HMAs have also partnered with Eagle Rock Entertainment to premiere three tracks from Black Sabbath's End Of The End - the first time any part of the release has been seen publicly, over a month before the cinema release - and a further three tracks from Slipknot's Day Of The Gusano, documenting their set in Mexico City.
The event will be filmed and broadcast on Scuzz TV (Sky 367), premiering on Saturday 16 September at 9pm.
You can follow the event via heavymusicawards.com and social media from 6pm.
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I am proud to present Part 2 of Conversations with Sarah featuring Edie, The Salsa Freak!! I am so happy with the response from Part 1 that I feel great enthusiasm putting this one out there.
Leave one comment below: what inspires you most about what Edie is saying?
Thank you so much to Edie, The Salsa Freak!! for joining us, sharing with us and giving us so much of her insight, wisdom, experience and love! We love you Edie!
Wow.. another FANTASTIC interview!! EDIEEEEEE!!!!!!! YOU are one POWERFUL SISTAR!! Your wisdom, sass, truth, brilliance shine through… THANK YOU Sarah for creating a space for Edie to share so brilliantly during this interview!! What an uplift you are creating!
AWESOME Laura!!! Thanks for viewing and passing on! It means so much to me that you receive the value from this! That is SO AWESOME! I love you. Your support and feedback is INVALUABLE!


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Belle and Sebastian Bring Broadway Showmanship to Radio City | Village Voice
Belle and Sebastian Bring Broadway Showmanship to Radio City
by Linda Laban
Voice Choice
Stuart Murdoch of Belle and Sebastian onstage at Radio City Music Hall, 6/10/15 Robert Menzer for the Village Voice
"I was walking down Broadway earlier today, singing to myself…" Belle and Sebastian guitarist and singer Stevie Jackson wasted no time in diving into the banter with his bandmates onstage at Radio City Music Hall.
"Oh, and what were you singing, Stevie?" retorted de facto bandleader Stuart Murdoch with the chirpy glibness of a classic vaudevillian setup.
"It was Guys and Dolls."
"Oh, which part?" And with that cue, Jackson let out a mighty rendition of a tune from that famous musical as a punchline. In reply, if not in competition, Murdoch recalled the song he had been singing earlier, and he, as well as the band, launched into "Feelin' Groovy," the breezy old Simon and Garfunkel hit. The audience lapped that one up, joining in and singing along.
This second date on Belle and Sebastian's summer tour through the U.S. in support of their ninth album, Girls in Peacetime Want to Dance, brought the Scottish troupe to Radio City Music Hall for a sold-out show. Girls in Peacetime, their first album in five years, was released in January, so perhaps it wasn't a surprise that this show felt much more like a career retrospective than an album promotion, as though the new songs had already found their position in the Belle and Sebastian story alongside the old ones.
What with their jovial banter, a big band swelling the core sextet to as many as fourteen at one point, a quartet of choreographed dancers, and a video backdrop of visuals that ranged from Bond-like silhouettes to full-on busy vignettes, the performance felt more like a Broadway musical than a pop show. But then Murdoch and co. have a knack for turning the ditty into an epic statement. The theatrics, however, didn't overreach, and struck a playful chord, avoiding overindulgence.
Belle and Sebastian onstage at Radio City Music Hall Robert Menzer for the Village Voice
Main singer and songwriter Murdoch was mostly center stage and a focal point — not that he kept still much. He wore a long-sleeved Breton shirt and even a jacket, which he lost after the first song. (Such is summer in Glasgow, not New York City.) He donned a pork pie hat for some songs. He's among the springiest and sprightliest of frontmen, bopping about and dancing in place and chatting away. "Let's have a party!" he announced, launching into "The Party Line," a funky techno-inflected number from Girls in Peacetime rooted in Latin beats and disco-pop. "Jump to the beat of the party line," he urgently sang, giving the song a political edge, but also noting the sheep-like quality of the dance music world. He strummed at an acoustic guitar while Jackson etched out lines on an electric for the percussive "The State I Am In" (from 1996's Tigermilk).
Despite a quartet of violinists, a cellist, a trumpet player, recorders, bagpipes (on "Sleep the Clock"), keyboards, guitars (as many as three at once at one point), the sound even at its richest kept a lightness to it. Much of that was due to Murdoch, whose reedy voice sat in an enigmatically central place. Not that he was there to indulge his considerable singer-songwriter side: Whether it was bopping to the bouncy "The Boy With the Arab Strap" or beautifully duetting with violin player and vocalist Sarah Martin on "I Didn't See It Coming," he was there to play around.
It seemed the wildest of ideas when Jackson suggested channeling the Grateful Dead, but "Perfect Couples" became a big psychedelic jam, and a darkly sinister one at that, with Murdoch beating out a cha-cha-cha rhythm on bongos.
The four dancers joined in on a handful of songs, wearing outfits of the kind director Wes Anderson might come up with — sort of retro, normal, and everyday, but somehow quirky — and mimed out the story of the song at hand (waitress aprons and a disgruntled attitude in "Dear Catastrophe Waitress," for instance).
Toward the end of the main set, an invited stage invasion of a dozen or more folks, all wearing laminates indicating an insider connection, seemed to blur band and audience. But when one hapless fan clambered up to dance with them, he was promptly manhandled offstage.
For the encore, Murdoch bounced back onstage saying, "Thank you for having us back, guys," with all the naïve chirpiness of Mickey Rooney proclaiming the show must go on. And it did with Girls in Peacetime's "Play for Today," named for a BBC TV series that brought high art into living rooms, which was a duet with Dum Dum Girls leader Dee Dee Penny, who sings on the record. Dipping way back to 1996, "Judy and the Dream of Horses" was rendered as a bop-a-go-go number, with trumpet leading this mini orchestra to its grand finale and a shiny, happy ending. Belle and Sebastian: The Musical, anyone?
More:Concert Reviews


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Steven Levy has authored a masterpiece of oral history (written down) about Apple's Infinite Loop. Offices are integral to a company's culture and character. You shape the space, and to some extent the space shapes you. The struggles for space can be cultural watershed moments.
I fondly recall what we referred to as "office space Risk" (as in the war game simulation) with my first employer. We were crowded into an overstuffed building on the hill, with an amazing view of downtown – along with a few other fast growing Austin companies – Tivoli and Dazel – and we tried hard to outlast them and pick up the spare empty offices here and there to box them in so that they would move and we could take all of the space (which eventually we did). Our parties on the patio looking over the lake were fond times to relax after a tough week, and before coming in to work over the weekend (no one had Internet access at home yet).
It's kind of amazing to have worked for a place where the little tidbits and war stories about office space are actually worthy of journalism. I bet someone could write an epic story about IBM's acquisition of its vast real estate empire, for example.


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One Planet Summit Nairobi: Africa pledge
20 March 2019 by R20CLIENTKpQ7szy4SU7Q53d 0
On March 14, 2019, in Nairobi (Kenya), the first regional edition of the One Planet Summit sought to build momentum ahead of the UN Secretary-General's 2019 Climate Summit with new commitments, initiatives and coalitions, such as the Global Alliance for Smart Cities in Africa, to develop renewable energy and protect biodiversity in Africa.
Convened by Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta, French President Emmanuel Macron, Interim WBG President Kristalina Georgieva and UN Deputy Secretary-General Amina Mohammed, the One Planet Summit in Nairobi highlighted the unique role of Africa as a global partner facing both challenges and opportunities from climate disruptions and ecosystem resilience. With a focus on renewable energy access and the protection of African ecosystems, this first regional edition of the One Planet Summit brought together representatives from government, the private sector, civil society, financial institutions and academia to showcase concrete achievements and successes, and to spark new coalitions. A series of new commitments – the Africa Pledge – and a call for action – the Nairobi Call for Action on the conservation and preservation of forests in Africa – were made by the participants.
"The only way to scale-up renewable energy in Africa is through a multistakeholder approach and innovative financing"
Amongst the many commitments of the Africa Pledge, R20, together with the Leonardo DiCaprio Foundation, Africa Development Solutions Group (ADS), JCDecaux, Signify and Société Générale, announced the creation of a Global Alliance for Smart Cities in Africa (GASCA) to provide access to clean energy and connectivity, and launch of a smart lamppost program. the Alliance was introduced during the high-level session by Samba Bathily, founder of Solektra International and ADS. In his intervention, Samba Bathily highlighted the need for integrated solutions, such as GASCA, to promote breakthrough technologies and business model throughout Africa. "The only way to scale-up renewable energy in Africa is through a multistakeholder approach and innovative financing" he said, "which is why we are announcing the creation of GASCA today".
Other announcements from the Africa Pledge include commitments by:
The World Bank, who announced it will double its climate support for Africa to $22.5 billion over 2021-2025 –more than half of which will be devoted to adaptation and resilience ($12-$12.5 billion)
The African Development Bank, who will commit at least US$25 billion from its own resources towards climate finance for the period 2020 –2025. Through the Africa Financial Alliance on Climate Change (AFAC), The African Development Bank will also support African financial institutions to align financial flows with the Paris Agreement.
The Agence Française de Développement (AFD) who will launch a Biodiversity Facility (10M€) to support 16 countries develop their national biodiversity strategies in collaboration with WWF and IUCN.
Sweden, who, through the Nordic Environment Finance Corporation and Swedish International Development Cooperation announced it will expend off-grid electricity solutions in sub-Saharan African countries by social impact procurement.
In his closing address, French President, Emmanuel Macron, stressed that the Africa Pledge is not only about governments mobilizing, but also about public-private investors, businesses, NGOs and the civil society moving forward with them. He highlighted the importance of decentralized cooperation and how R20, through multistakeholder partnerships and innovative finance, supports African local governments in building concrete solutions. "Everywhere things are moving forward, and our responsibility is to highlight and help accelerate these solutions", he concluded.


Why has KCCI excluded Jake Porter from its Iowa governor debate?
Home Intrigue Why has KCCI excluded Jake Porter from its televised Iowa governor debate?
A NEWS GROWL SPECIAL REPORT: Despite having "major party" status under Iowa law, KCCI television and the Des Moines Register are excluding the Libertarian candidate for Iowa governor from an upcoming televised debate.
KCCI television, along with media partners the Des Moines Register, will host the first Iowa governor's debate in their studios on October 10th.
Republican incumbent Kim Reynolds and Democratic challenger Fred Hubbell have been invited, but the debate organizers have controversially excluded Libertarian candidate Jake Porter. This is despite Porter being on the ballot in November and Porter winning Iowa's first ever Libertarian primary in June.
Founded over sixty years ago, KCCI is one of one of Iowa's most respected providers of television journalism, and has historically been Des Moines' highest rated channel for news.
Nine months later, at a moment when KCCI is quite literally providing a platform for debate, the station appears to have changed tact. Instead of merely providing a neutral platform for viewers, KCCI has decided to curate which candidates Iowans should hear from.
The decision-making process used for debate inclusions has also been a point of controversy.
News Growl contacted Sather and KCCI News Director Dave Busiek for further explanation. Specifically, the letter appears to refer to other "objective" criteria used in their decision-making process not listed. We asked for the full list.
We also asked when the policy of using these criteria had been implemented by the station.
Despite our best efforts, we have been unable to locate answers to our questions within the letter itself.
The criteria listed are specifically named as being "among others" which are clearly not named. Also, we could find no mention of when the criteria (either named and unnamed) were adopted as station policy.
Soon after our email exchange with Sather, however, we discovered that "always" may not be meant to extend as far back as 2014.
In 2014, KCCI and the Register hosted another debate, this time for candidates seeking the Republican nomination for Iowa's 3rd Congressional District. Six candidates were invited to take part, including schoolteacher Joe Grandanette.
A self-described political outsider, Grandanette had only a modest support base and campaign infrastructure at the time of the debate. He had never held public office. During his entire campaign he never broke the $5,000 fundraising threshold that requires candidates to file reports with the Federal Election Commission. In a Loras College poll released a week before the debate, Grandanette's support was sitting at 2%. This prediction was fairly accurate: in the primary itself Grandanette received 1.6% of the vote.
With Porter being the main "someone else" on the ballot, and 23% of respondents remaining undecided, it is plausible to think Porter's support level could end up determining who the ultimate winner is. On this count alone, Iowa voters certainly have a public interest in hearing from the Libertarian candidate.
But even if KCCI still considers Porter's campaign unviable, it is hard to see how KCCI could consider his 2018 candidacy less viable than Joe Grandanette's 2014 candidacy.
News Growl contacted Grandanette to ask if the station had discussed any criteria with him in 2014, or asked him to provide any evidence to justify his inclusion in the debate.
After discovering Grandanette's inclusion in the 2014 debate, News Growl asked KCCI for an explanation. We received no reply.
In a September 5th tweet, the communications manager from Democratic candidate Fred Hubble's campaign provided another possible explanation for Porter's exclusion from the debate.
We asked Gajewski for clarification of her tweet, but received no reply. It does strongly imply, however, that she believes the Reynolds campaign has been pressuring debate organizers to exclude Jake Porter.
Governor Reynolds declining to speak to Jake Porter at the 2017 Iowa State Fair.
It is not uncommon for politicians, especially incumbents, to refuse debates until they secure concessions from the organizers. But in this instance, Iowa's top elected official is allegedly pressuring private media organizations to deny coverage to one of Iowa's three legally-recognized major parties.
Put that way, the implications of Gajewski's allegations are much more ominous.
News Growl asked KCCI if they have been pressured by the Reynolds campaign to exclude Porter, but received no reply.
While KCCI and the Register are sticking to their decision to exclude Porter, other Iowa media are not afraid to voice their disquiet.
"Iowa law requires official political parties to have a candidate for governor or president earn at least 2 percent statewide every two years. Libertarian Gary Johnson surpassed that mark in 2016, and the Libertarians are now one of three major parties under the law.
"The media necessarily serves some sort of gatekeeper function in American politics. There simply aren't enough reporters, newspaper pages or local broadcast news minutes to give every race and every candidate equal attention. Official party status seems a reasonable standard for debate access.
Is not being a Democrat or Republican the problem?
While KCCI's debate policy had been politically inclusive in previous years, it is possible that being a Democrat or a Republican might be one of the unnamed criteria they consider when deciding who to include.
After losing the Republican 3rd District primary again in 2016, Joe Grandanette ran in the general election as an independent. He is also running as a pro-Trump independent for the same office in 2018. But, according to Grandanette, since dropping his major-party affiliation KCCI has stopped inviting him to debates.
Although there is no sign that KCCI or the Register will change their minds, Porter and his Libertarian supporters are still working hard to make the fallout for the media outlets as awkward as possible. A protest is being organized for the night of the debate, and his supporters are collecting names of KCCI advertisers for so-far unspecified action.
What does the candidate himself think of his exclusion? Speaking to News Growl, Porter says he thinks KCCI may be succumbing to political pressure.
Editor's note: both the Reynolds campaign and the Hubbell campaign were invited to contribute to this report but did not reply to our requests.


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Order By Name A-Z Date Soonest Duration Up Duration Down Price Low to High Price High to Low Latest Special Offer Soonest Special Offer Latest Tours
Venice Early morning Pastry Food Tour
This tour will make you appreciate the real beauty of Venice, when St. Mark's Square is still empty and illuminated by the first morning lights. You will enjoy a great breakfast with three of the best pastry shops of the city
Secret Venice: The Exhibition Domus Grimani
This tour will take you to some of the most fascinating, yet lesser known attractions in Venice, such as 'Palazzo Grimani', St. Maria Formosa's church and the 'Acqua Alta' bookshop. The itinerary is designed to explore the city off the beaten path, walking through alleys and small bridges across the 'sestiere' of Castello, one of the least tourist neighborhoods in Venice
Secret Gardens of Venice
Discover the secret gardens of Venice on a walking tour. Explore Venice's green lung off the beaten track
Inside Venice - Doge's Palace & St Mark's Basilica
A tour combo to deep into the heart of Venice's history and past. Let's explore Venice's symbols: The Doge's Palace an St. Mark's Basilica
Absolute Venice
This tour combination is the right one for those who crave a full immersion into Venice and its ever lasting symbols. A tour not only to see Venice, but to experience this City through its history and glorious past, still shining in its historical sites and legendary characters. A walking tour, to explore the hidden corners of the city and to learn interesting facts about life in a water city and the past of Venice. The Doge's Palace, Venice's symbol and architectural masterpiece. The Basilica: One of the most beautiful cathedrals in the world


Established in 2003, Saporito Catering is a family run business focused on building a team with passion for food. Our chefs and service team with their vast experience in many of Montreal's finest establishments have contributed to the success of the business.
Initially opening as a retail food store, we saw the demand for personal catering pave the way to our current operations. Our state-of-the-art kitchen has allowed us to branch out to a diverse clientele generating numerous corporate events and parties, personal family functions and premium healthy meal plans for students at over 20 private and public schools, as well as running their cafeterias.
We invite you to tour our menus and let us cater to you.
Please don't hesitate to contact us for a more personalized menu.
experience as well as a premium personal service.
Traiteur Saporito Catering is synonymous with offering our customers an appetizing experience as well as a premium personal service.


text:
Q: Alignment of rotated text I'm facing a problem of rotating text vertically. I've already looked here and here, but still couldn't adjust my snippet to work properly.
i'm trying to achieve vertical text to be align at the center and equal heights for both divs.

    short title

     long text

and current css:
.wrapper {
  display: inline-table;
}
.vertical {
  display: table-cell;
}
.vertical-text {
  display: inline-block;
  transform: rotate(-90deg);
  white-space: nowrap;
}
.horizontal { display: table-cell; }

Here's the link to a Plunker.

A: You can add to .vertical css class this line:
vertical-align: middle;

it will align you text vertically.

So your class should be like this:
.vertical {
  display: table-cell;
  vertical-align: middle;
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


Salem, MA was absolutely crazy with tourists this past weekend with more fright fests, witch parades, and costumes than you could imagine, even at the NYC Halloween Parade. I'm going out now to decorate the apartment door in preparation for the kiddies who go trick-or-treating in Manhattan buildings -- it's an entirely different experience here. We also have lots of houses decorated in NYC, too, with fabulous lights, but mostly for Christmas. I wanted to share with you this wonderful Halloween sight-and-sound set-up that's taken YouTube by storm. Enjoy!


text:
A black metal song in episode 41 of My Hero Academia
There's a song that plays in My Hero Academia season 2, episode 41 around 20:45-20:58ish when the villains showed up during the poison gas/tree burning scene. It was growling black metal type vocals and drums.
What is that song?
music my-hero-academia
Could you give a timestamp; I have no idea where in the episode this is. – Lukegotjellyfish Apr 23 '18 at 16:52
@around 20:45 - 20:58ish – user40308 Apr 23 '18 at 17:17
From what I can gather, the only artist mentioned in the end credits is Miwa. After hours of searching all I could come up with was this video of her doing a metal cover. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8eVHPqmgvrE It sounds close, but Im not 100% sold on it. But it does prove she can sing that style so perhaps its a new song by her. If that is the case we will have to wait for the OST.
LuvStruK93LuvStruK93
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=r7dYMxIpJis
It's call All out Attack on the MHA soundtrack.
Isaac WolfIsaac Wolf
Not the answer you're looking for? Browse other questions tagged music my-hero-academia or ask your own question.
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Our autumn 2014 collection is inspired by the futuristic form of German research and experience centre Paläon, created by swiss architects Holzer Kobler Architekturen. The mirror like facade reflects its placement in a historical site where some of the most important stone age finds were ever made, bringing together the futuristic design with the past. The graphic lines, shades, the volume and the reflection of the historical surroundings make it a unique and dramatic work of art. these are the dynamics that grounds the autumn 2014 collection.
Journals Summer 2014 Collection is inspired by the grave contrast of beautiful city Corralejo. Based in the Atlantic Ocean in spanish colony Fuerteventura, the beaches, the light and the reflection of the sea shows the citys amazing mix of colours.
The complexity of being both a bohemian haven and a stereotypical tourist trap at the same time, shows the citys two faces. All depending on where you make a turn you will either find a typical main street full of european tourists or a hidden surfers paradise.
Reflections of the eclectic surroundings is the key word for the Summer 2014 Collection; colours from the sea, graphic shapes, tourist styling but with a carefree bohemian feel.
This collection emphasize our signature fabric consiousness; silk blend yarns, indigo dyed linen from Italy, jaqard woven and garment dyed items ,liberty art fabrics drawn by artist OK David, all defines the collection.
Journal Summer 2014 Collection 'Corralejo' is a carefree yet well defined collection, with the characteristic Journal signature.
The collection is available in selected shops from mid April 2014.