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Constitutional History of Canada
Article by W.H. McConnell
Updated by Gerald L. Gall, Richard Foot, Andrew McIntosh
Published Online February 6, 2006
Last Edited August 18, 2022
The Constitution of Canada is the country's governing legal framework. It defines the powers of the executive branches of government and of the legislatures at both the federal and provincial levels. Canada's Constitution is not one legal document. It is a complex mix of statutes, orders, British and Canadian court decisions, and generally accepted practices known as constitutional conventions. The Constitution has been in constant evolution from colonial times to the present day. The story of the Constitution is the story of Canada itself. It reflects the shifting legal, social and political pressures facing Canadians, as well as their choices as a society.
What is the Constitution?
The Constitution Act, 1867 (formerly called the British North America Act) is of central importance in the Canadian Constitution. It outlines the distribution of powers between the federal and provincial legislatures. The Constitution Act, 1982, which includes the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, is also of high importance.
Unwritten conventions are generally accepted practices. They are not specifically stated in any statute. An example of a constitutional convention in Canada is that the person elected prime minister or premier must have the support of the elected branch of the legislature to remain in power. Another is that seats on the nine-member Supreme Court of Canada should be allocated regionally. These are not "laws" that can be enforced by the courts. But such principles are of the utmost importance to effective constitutional government. (See also Constitutional Monarchy.) During the patriation of the Constitution in 1981, the Supreme Court stated that "constitutional conventions plus constitutional law equal the total constitution of the country." (See also Patriation Reference.)
The courts will not enforce conventions; they can be implemented only by the people or by the Crown. For example, the Crown has the power to dismiss a premier or prime minister who has clearly lost the confidence of the elected legislature and refuses to resign or have an election called. A government that violated a constitutional convention would almost certainly face electoral defeat; in extreme cases, it could face revolution. Such unwritten principles can be more important than many laws.
According to British and Canadian constitutional theory, settlers bring with them laws from their former home that are appropriate to local circumstances. Such English laws as the Bill of Rights (1689), with its concept of limited constitutional monarchy, and the Act of Settlement (1701), with its doctrine of an independent judiciary, are also features of the Canadian Constitution. So too is the Canada Election Act. Quebec's Civil Law system is derived from France. From Britain comes the principle of parliamentary supremacy. It is modified in Canada's federal structure by the distribution of powers and the Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Both of these were influenced by the American system of government.
Constitutional Evolution, Pre-Confederation
French Colonial Period
Prior to 1663, control of New France was given to chartered companies. They exercised extensive administrative, lawmaking and judicial powers. (See also: Company of One Hundred Associates; Compagnie des Indes occidentales.) It is uncertain what system of law was in effect. In 1663, France's North American possessions came under direct royal rule. The Coutume de Paris became the civil law of New France.
King Louis XIV of France acted through Jean-Baptiste Colbert. Colbert supervised colonial affairs with two local officials, the gouverneur (governor) and the intendant. The governor also served as a military commander, a negotiator with the Indigenous peoples and an emissary to other colonial outposts. The intendant oversaw civil administration. He was responsible for settlement, finance, public order, justice, and the building of public works. Under royal rule, there were no elected institutions. However, a Sovereign Council met weekly. It consisted of the governor, the intendant, the bishop and five other councillors.
From 1663 to 1675, the councillors were nominated jointly by the bishop and governor; after 1675, they were chosen by the king. The council dispensed justice swiftly and inexpensively. It managed spending and regulated the fur trade and other commercial activities. Limitations, or "servitudes," exempted civil officials from church discipline; no government official could be excommunicated by the Catholic church for performing his duties, whatever they might entail. The church was also powerless to impose its taxes without the consent of the civil authorities.
(See also Collection: New France.)
British Take Control
During the 18th century, France lost its North American territories to Britain. By the time of the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713, Acadia was ceded to Britain. France retained control of Île Royale (Cape Breton), Île Saint-Jean (Prince Edward Island) and part of modern New Brunswick. France argued that, under the treaty, the Acadians continued to live under French sovereignty, since they lived mostly on the western fringes of the territory.
Caught between rival European powers, the Acadians were expelled by the British in 1755. The French fortress of Louisbourg on Cape Breton fell to the British for the last time in 1758. That same year, the Nova Scotia Legislative Assembly (English Canada's oldest representative body) was convened in Halifax. (See also Nova Scotia: The Cradle of Canadian Parliamentary Democracy.) When the Seven Years' War ended with the Treaty of Paris (1763), all of New France came under British rule, with the sole exception of the islands of Saint-Pierre and Miquelon. ( See also The Conquest of New France.)
Royal Proclamation, 1763
In keeping with the Royal Proclamation of 1763, Governor James Murray was to extend English laws and institutions to Quebec. He was instructed to govern with the help of a council of eight. An elected assembly was planned but did not come to fruition. Murray's instructions also included a Test Oath for office-holders. Because of the oath's religious content, no Catholic could conscientiously take it. This provision resulted in all public offices being held by some of the 200 English-speaking Protestants in the colony, and none of the nearly 70,000 French-speaking Catholics. Murray interpreted his instructions in such a way that he could govern through a 12-member appointed council.
English was the official language, but government was conducted in French. The "liberty of the Catholic religion" was ensured. The Proclamation of 1763 also recognized Indigenous land title; it held that Indigenous people could relinquish their land only to the Crown and only collectively.
The substitution of British courts and laws in Quebec created difficulties. The new Court of King's Bench convened only twice a year. This made justice more costly and less expeditious than it had been under the Sovereign Council. With the abolition of the Coutume de Paris, tenant farmers on seigneurial lands suffered; their rents could now be raised arbitrarily according to English law. Because of the Test Oath, no Catholics could practice law in the new Court of King's Bench. They were permitted to practice in some lower courts.
(See also Royal Proclamation of 1763 (Plain Language Summary).)
Quebec Act, 1774
The Quebec Act of 1774 introduced a colonial governor and an appointed council of between 17 and 23 members. The Act was silent on the use of French. But a new oath allowed Roman Catholics to accept office. The council was not empowered to impose taxes; that matter was dealt with under the Quebec Revenue Act. The seigneurial system was retained and French civil law was restored. It was supplemented by English criminal law. Governor Sir Guy Carleton was instructed to introduce English commercial law as well, but he did not.
The Act was unpopular in the Thirteen American Colonies for two main reasons. First, it permitted Catholicism. Second, it extended Quebec's southwest boundary to the junction of the Mississippi and Ohio rivers. This impeded westward American expansion. The Quebec Act became one of the "intolerable acts" that prompted the American Revolutionary War (1775–83). However, many historians feel the Act encouraged French Canadian support of continued British rule. (See also Quebec Act, 1774 Document; The Quebec Act, 1774 (Plain Language Summary).)
Constitutional Act, 1791
The influx of Loyalists after the American Revolution led to the creation of more British North American colonies. In 1784, New Brunswick and Cape Breton were created from parts of Nova Scotia. In 1791, Upper Canada (present-day Ontario) was separated from Lower Canada (present-day Quebec), with the Ottawa River forming the boundary.
Under the Constitutional Act, 1791, each of the two Canadas was given a two-house legislature. The executive council was appointed by the governor. He was responsible to the British Colonial Office rather than to the people or their elected representatives. Thus, there was representative government. However, the executive council was not responsible to the elected assembly.
In the early 19th century, various governors appointed personal friends to office. This led to charges that they were governing by clique. (See also: Château Clique; Family Compact; Council of Twelve.) Partly as a result, in 1837, unsuccessful rebellions broke out in both Upper and Lower Canada. (See also: Rebellion in Lower Canada; Rebellion in Upper Canada.)
In the Maritime provinces, Nova Scotia was divided into multiple colonies. This enhanced executive power and weakened the assembly. Cape Breton, which remained separate until 1820, lacked an assembly altogether. Prince Edward Island was joined briefly to Nova Scotia from 1763 to 1769. It got its own legislature in 1769. It was at times in danger of losing it. Newfoundland had an appointed governor. It acquired a representative assembly in 1832.
Governor General Lord Durham came to the Canadas in 1838 after the rebellions. He regarded French Canadians as unprogressive and lacking in history and culture. This view, of course, outraged French Canadian elites. Durham feared the French Canadians would use any independent political powers it might acquire to frustrate the policies and objectives of the government. He argued for a "fusion" of the legislatures of Upper and Lower Canada into a single government. This would allow the "more reliable" English-speaking elite to dominate.
Durham also felt that the governor's appointed executive council should enjoy the support of a majority in the elected assembly. This meant the council (Cabinet) would be responsible to the elected assembly and indirectly to the electors, rather than to the Crown or the governor. Local policy would be decided at home. Matters of "imperial interest" — such as constitutional changes, external relations, trade, and the management of public lands — would remain with Britain.
The Durham Report marked the watershed between the first and second British empires. (See also Imperialism.) British colonies, including Canada, began to evolve into self-governing nations. As a result of the report, the Act of Union was passed in 1841. It unified Canada East (formerly Lower Canada) and Canada West (formerly Upper Canada) into the Province of Canada. Each province had equal representation in a shared legislature, even though Canada East had a much bigger population. This was to ensure that the British element had greater representation in the colony.
After some hesitation, responsible government was introduced in 1848. It was adopted first in Nova Scotia and then in the Province of Canada. It was soon in effect throughout British North America. In 1849, Governor General Lord Elgin signed the Rebellion Losses Bill on the advice of his ministers. This affirmed the principle of responsible government. Elgin was also instrumental in introducing French as a language of debate in the Canadian legislature. English, however, remained the sole official language.
(See also: Nova Scotia: The Cradle of Canadian Parliamentary Democracy; Collection: Responsible Government; Editorial: Baldwin, LaFontaine and Responsible Government; Education Guide: LaFontaine, Baldwin and Responsible Government.)
The process of governing the Province of Canada became characterized by deadlock. This was due to the differing political priorities between Canada East and Canada West. By 1851, the English-speaking population outnumbered the French. Canada West began arguing for "representation by population" instead of East-West parity. George Brown's Reform Party advocated for Rep by Pop while the Conservatives opposed it. This political stalemate lasted from 1858 to 1864. In 1864, the parties formed a Great Coalition. Its objective was to unite all British North American colonies.
At the same time, imperial authorities in Britain were letting go of control over Canada. Unoccupied Crown lands were surrendered to the provinces. In 1858, the British submitted to a Canadian tariff imposed on their imported goods. (See Customs and Excise.) And in 1865, the British Parliament affirmed that a colonial law could only be challenged if it was expressly in conflict with an imperial statute that applied to the colony.
At the Charlottetown Conference in 1864, politicians from Canada East and West met with their counterparts from New Brunswick, Nova Scotia and Prince Edward Island to discuss the union of their colonies. The Quebec Conference and London Conference saw further discussion. (See also Quebec Resolutions.) Confederation of the provinces of Canada, Nova Scotia and New Brunswick received Royal Assent on 29 March 1867. It became official on 1 July 1867.
(See also: Timeline: Confederation; Collection: Confederation; Fathers of Confederation; Collection: Fathers of Confederation; Mothers of Confederation; History Since Confederation.)
Constitutional Evolution, Post-Confederation
British North America Act (1867)
The British North America Act (now called the Constitution Act, 1867) became the founding constitutional statute of the new Dominion of Canada. A federal Parliament of two chambers was established in Ottawa. Seats in the House of Commons were allocated on the basis of population. Seats in the Senate were distributed equally (24 each) among the three existing regions (Ontario, Quebec and the Maritime Provinces).
In 1915, the four Western provinces became a full-fledged region with 24 senators of their own. Newfoundland received six senators upon joining Canada in 1949. The territories (Yukon, Northwest Territories and Nunavut) each have one senator.
The Senate was seen as a guardian of regional or provincial interests. However, it has tended not to play that role very effectively. It has often become divided on partisan lines. Senators usually vote as members of a party caucus rather than as representatives of a region.
(See also Constitution Act, 1867 Document.)
Federal-Provincial Powers
Under the Constitution Act, 1867, broad national matters are centralized with the federal government. These include: defence; postal service; trade and commerce; most communications; currency and coinage; and weights and measures. Powers over property, municipalities, and most private law, are controlled by the provinces. Federal law prevails wherever a conflict occurs in shared areas such as agriculture and immigration, or in any subject matter, except old-age pensions. (See also Distribution of Powers; Federal-Provincial Relations.)
Under the Constitution (which includes all provincial constitutions), Canadian provinces are not all treated as equals. This is in part because they were added or created at various times. Saskatchewan's founding statute, for example, said that it could not tax the Canadian Pacific Railway. Quebec and Manitoba were required to publish their laws and allow proceedings in their courts and legislatures in both English and French.
The Prairie Provinces, unlike the original four (Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Quebec and Ontario), did not own the rights to their natural resources when they entered Confederation. They only received them by transfer from Ottawa in 1930. Ottawa had retained control of these assets on the grounds that it needed the resources for railway building and the settlement of immigrants.
Canada's territories — Northwest Territories, Yukon and Nunavut — have elected legislatures. However, they also retain a semi-colonial dependency on the federal government. They all fall constitutionally under federal control.
After Confederation, some provinces advanced the Compact Theory of Confederation. It likened the BNA Act to a treaty, and argued that it could be changed only by the unanimous consent of Ottawa and the provinces. Opponents of the theory denied its constitutionality. They argued that the final terms of the BNA Act were never ratified since the Act was not an agreement but a statute of a superior legislature.
Federal-Provincial Conflict
John A. Macdonald, an ardent federalist, was prime minister of the federal government for a total of 19 years (1867–73; 1878–91). On 20 October 1887, premiers Honoré Mercier of Quebec and Oliver Mowat of Ontario met in Quebec City with representatives from New Brunswick, Nova Scotia and Manitoba. ( British Columbia and PEI did not participate.) The purpose of the meeting was to promote "provincial rights" against an encroaching federal government.
The provinces objected to the federal power of disallowance. It enabled Ottawa to nullify any provincial law. The premiers called for appointment of senators by the provinces. They also affirmed the right of the provincial Crown to use prerogative powers, such as the pardoning power over provincial offences. Macdonald chose to portray the "malcontents" as Liberals confronting their Conservative foes in Ottawa for partisan reasons.
Another confrontation arose in 1890. Manitoba tried to make English the only official language in the province. It also substituted a single public school system for the former Roman Catholic and Protestant schools. (See Manitoba Schools Question.) In 1895, the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council — Canada's highest appeals court at the time — agreed that the educational rights of the religious minority had been adversely affected. The Committee allowed these groups to appeal to the federal Cabinet for redress.
When the Liberals assumed office in 1896, Prime Minister Wilfrid Laurier settled the matter by compromise. In the 1979 Forest case, the Supreme Court of Canada decided that the 1890 Manitoba English-only language law was invalid. This cast doubt on the legal validity of 90 years of provincial legislation; it also required all future laws to be bilingual.
(See also: Federal-Provincial Relations.)
Towards Constitutional Independence (1919–31)
In the early 20th century, Canada took more steps towards full independence from Britain. When the First World War began in 1914, Canada was automatically included in the British declaration of war. This was due to constitutional convention. After the war, Canada's separate signature on the Treaty of Versailles and its membership in the League of Nations symbolized its developing independence.
In 1923, Ernest Lapointe signed the Halibut Treaty without British participation, despite British objections. In 1926, Governor General Lord Byng refused to dissolve Parliament at the request of Prime Minister William Lyon Mackenzie King. King portrayed this as a form of imperial interference in Canada's domestic affairs. However, Byng's refusal was constitutional. (See King- Byng Affair.)
At the Imperial Conference that same year, the Balfour Report was drafted. It described the self-governing Commonwealth Dominions as autonomous and equal communities within the British Empire. In 1931, the Statute of Westminster stipulated that the British Parliament could no longer legislate for a Dominion unless that country requested and consented to the law.
Other parts of the Statute gave local legislatures the power to enact laws even if they violated colonial policy. This allowed Canada to legislate extraterritorially. For example, it could establish shipping laws for Canadian vessels at sea, or apply criminal law to Canadian military personnel serving abroad. The Statute also affirmed (at least according to the provinces) that provincial jurisdiction could not be unilaterally altered by the federal government.
(See also Statute of Westminster: Canada's Declaration of Independence.)
A Canadian Crown
After 1931, in constitutional theory, London was no more central politically than was Ottawa or Canberra, Australia. The Crown, formerly indivisible, now became divided. In 1939, Canada made a separate declaration of war to enter the Second World War. Treaties between First Nations in Canada and the British Crown were now deemed to be the concern of the Canadian government. The monarch became king or queen of Canada, with the governor general consenting to all the remaining prerogative powers in 1947.
In 1952, Vincent Massey became the first Canadian-born governor general. He was succeeded in 1959 by Georges Vanier. From that point on, individuals from English- and French-speaking Canada alternated in the governor general's office.
In 1949, a constitutional amendment allowed Parliament to make constitutional changes that solely affect federal power (e.g., redistribution of seats in the House of Commons). Exceptions were made in sensitive areas (e.g., holding annual sessions of Parliament). Other indications of sovereignty were the Canadian Citizenship Act (1947) and the adoption of the maple leaf flag in 1965. (See also The Great Flag Debate.)
Between 1934 and 1949, Newfoundland, formerly a self-governing colony, was governed by a British-appointed Commission of Government. It had full lawmaking powers. After the Second World War, debate arose about Newfoundland's future. Peter Cashin, a former Newfoundland finance minister, advocated a switch to Dominion status. Meanwhile, Joey Smallwood led the pro-Confederation forces that sought to join Canada.
Some Newfoundlanders supported keeping the commission government. In the second of two referenda held in 1948, the pro-Confederation forces prevailed. In 1949, Newfoundland became Canada's 10th province. It was given six senators and seven members of Parliament.
(See also: Newfoundland and Labrador and Confederation; Newfoundland Bill; Editorial: How the "Canadianized" Community of Newfoundland Joined Canada.)
British Privy Council
Until 1949, the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council was Canada's highest court of appeal. (See also Privy Council.) Some important appeals had been made directly from provincial tribunals to Britain without any participation by the Supreme Court of Canada (established in 1875). The decisions of the Judicial Committee decentralized the centralist provisions of the BNA Act. (See also: Federalism; Federal-Provincial Relations.) They demoted the status of the federal peace, order and good government power and expanded provincial jurisdiction over property and civil rights.
In 1929, the Judicial Committee ruled that women were legal "persons" capable of being summoned to the Senate. (See also Persons Case.) In 1932, the Committee granted power over aeronautics and radio to Ottawa. In 1937, however, it curtailed Prime Minister R. B. Bennett's "New Deal" social program. ( See Bennett's New Deal.) This gravely reduced federal power over such matters; they were deemed instead to be under provincial jurisdiction.
In 1937, Alberta Premier William Aberhart tried to enact a Social Credit program. However, it crossed into federal jurisdiction, particularly the federal power over banking. When the provincial legislation was not allowed by Ottawa, a bitter confrontation ensued. The courts later upheld the federal position. The issue led to the Rowell-Sirois Commission on Dominion-Provincial Relations.
Rowell-Sirois Report: Restructuring Federalism (1937)
The Rowell-Sirois Commission was appointed by William Lyon Mackenzie King's government in 1937. It made far-reaching economic recommendations for restructuring the Canadian federation. The commissioners said Ottawa should have the exclusive right to levy personal and corporate income taxes and succession duties. In return, the federal government would assume all provincial debt. It would also take on certain responsibilities over relief and unemployment insurance (which the court had just consigned to the provinces). And it would pay the less affluent provinces a "National Adjustment Grant" to enable them to maintain services at the average national level.
Quebec's Tremblay Commission (1953–56), started by Premier Maurice Duplessis, saw this proposal as too centralist. The Tremblay Commission argued instead for the principle of "subsidiarity." Duplessis compared federalism to a pyramid. He suggested that as many economic functions as possible should be carried out by local organizations at the base (e.g., municipalities, co-operatives, churches). The federal government, at the top, would perform only limited functions beyond the capacities of local groups. This concept, of course, would strongly reinforce provincial autonomy.
The Rowell-Sirois Commission's 1940 recommendations were never really implemented. The equalization payments to the provinces achieved a similar purpose. They were begun by Prime Minister Louis St. Laurent after the centralization of powers during the Second World War. In one form or another, federal equalization payments to poorer provinces have continued.
Employment insurance was centralized federally by an amendment. But the richer provinces (Ontario, Alberta, BC) objected to subsidizing the poorer provinces. The federal "spending power" was used to fund family allowances. Shared-cost programs were entered into jointly with the provinces. These costly social programs placed a huge strain on all governments in the late 1970s and early 1980s. This led some politicians to question the constitutionality of universal coverage.
By proclaiming the War Measures Act during both the First and Second World Wars and the 1970 October Crisis, the federal Cabinet acquired all legal powers needed to cope with the emergencies. This was true even if such powers fell under provincial jurisdiction. Constitutionally speaking, under the Act, it was almost as if the division of powers did not exist. It was largely for this reason that the War Measures Act was repealed in 1988 and replaced by the Emergencies Act.
The Emergencies Act created more limited and specific powers for the federal government to deal with emergencies. Under the Act, Cabinet orders and regulations must be reviewed by Parliament. This means the Cabinet cannot act on its own, unlike under the War Measures Act. The Emergencies Act also notes that government actions are subject to the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms and the Canadian Bill of Rights.
Secession, Patriation and Beyond
Quebec Independence Movement
An important constitutional development in 1969 was the federal Official Languages Act. (See also Official Languages Act (1988).) It declared English and French to be Canada's "official languages." An array of government services in both languages were provided to all citizens.
The election of the separatist Parti Québécois in Quebec in 1976 showed that the threat of separatism was real. But in a referendum in 1980, Quebec voters rejected the sovereignty-association option by a margin of 60–40.
Following the referendum, Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau promised Quebec constitutional renewal. But a lengthy federal-provincial conference in September 1980 ended in a deadlock. Trudeau then announced that Ottawa would unilaterally add both an amending formula and a Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms to the core of a new Constitution. The Charter would replace John Diefenbaker's 1960 Canadian Bill of Rights. Trudeau noted that federal-provincial negotiators had failed to come up with a constitutional amending formula despite trying nine times since 1927. (See also Federal-Provincial Relations.)
Patriating the Constitution (1980–82)
In the early 1980s, Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau made a controversial attempt to "patriate" (take back from the British Parliament) and amend (change) the Constitution. (See Patriation of the Constitution.) This pitted Ottawa and two provincial allies, Ontario and New Brunswick, against the eight other provinces. They came to be known as the Gang of Eight.
Central to the debate was whether provincial consent was required to make changes to the Constitution that would affect provincial rights, privileges or powers. In September 1981, the Supreme Court decided that Ottawa did have the legal power to unilaterally seek an amendment through the British Parliament. But it also ruled that, by convention, it was improper to do so without a "consensus" of the provinces. The degree of "consensus" was left undefined but would require at least a clear majority. (See also Patriation Reference.)
Neither Ottawa nor the dissenting provinces had won an outright decision of the court. This made compromise essential. All parties except Quebec reached an agreement on 5 November 1981. Spokesmen for Quebec argued that according to the "duality" principle, the concurrence of both English- and French-speaking Canada was required for basic constitutional change. They also argued that the absence of one "national" will created, in effect, a veto on the agreement.
All the other parties denied the existence of the "duality" principle in the form claimed by Quebec. Left unresolved for future consideration were such knotty problems as constitutional revision of the division of powers and institutional reform of the Supreme Court, the Senate and the Crown. Still, the Constitution was renewed and patriated from Britain in 1982. The Charter of Rights and an amending formula were added to the document. The amending formula (the criteria that would have to be met to make future changes) required the approval of the federal Parliament and the legislatures of seven provinces representing at least 50 per cent of the population. This became known as the 7/50 rule.
(See also: Editorial: The Canadian Constitution Comes Home; Editorial: Newfoundland's Contribution to the Patriation of Canada's Constitution.)
Meech Lake Accord (1987)
After refusing to put its provincial signature on the patriated 1982 Constitution, Quebec's acceptance finally seemed secured in June 1987. The first ministers of the federal and provincial governments reached agreement on a series of reforms spelled out in the Meech Lake Accord. (See also Meech Lake Accord: Document.) The deal was reached earlier in the year on the initiative of Prime Minister Brian Mulroney.
Under the Accord:
Quebec was recognized as a "distinct society." Its legislature and government were empowered to preserve and protect the province's distinct identity. English-speaking Canadians within Quebec, and French-speaking Canadians outside its borders, were also constitutionally acknowledged.
Parliament and each provincial legislature had to accept the Accord within three years of the passing of Parliament's enabling resolution. Only in this way would the Accord's provisions be entrenched in the Constitution. Any change in the proposals required unanimous agreement.
All provinces would be given a share in the immigration process.
Making any of the northern territories into provinces would require the consent of all federal and provincial legislatures. This was different from the Constitution Act, 1982; it said such a change would require seven provinces with half the country's population (the 7/50 rule). The simple federal statute required before 1982 was also nullified.
Provinces would be able to opt out of programs that fell under the federal spending power (e.g., a national day-care program; or a minimum guaranteed annual income). They could also receive reasonable compensation from Ottawa to fund their own programs, so long as those programs "conformed to the national objectives."
Constitutional changes to the Senate or the Supreme Court would need the approval of all federal and provincial legislatures.
As vacancies arose in the Senate and the Supreme Court, provinces would submit candidates to the federal government for appointment. The only exception would be the chief justice, who would be appointed by the federal government from among the sitting members of the Supreme Court. Three of the nine members of the Supreme Court would be from Quebec and would be trained in civil law.
Collapse of the Meech Lake Accord (1990)
According to polls, public support for the agreement was more than 66 per cent in 1987. By July, the House of Commons (by a vote of 242–16) and all the provincial legislatures except Manitoba and New Brunswick had passed the Accord. However, opposition grew in the media and among certain interest groups: those representing Indigenous peoples; women's groups; Francophones outside Quebec; and the territories, which believed the Accord would prevent them from ever attaining provincial status. In 1989, a Manitoba task force challenged the legality of the distinct society clause and other aspects of the Accord.
Meanwhile, governments changed and new premiers, such as Frank McKenna of New Brunswick, voiced their opposition. (The New Brunswick legislature gave its approval in 1990.) Eventually, opposition coalesced around Newfoundland premier Clyde Wells. He strongly objected to the distinct society clause. His government rescinded its approval in April 1990.
Desperate to save the Accord, Mulroney called the premiers together in June 1990. On 9 June, the First Ministers emerged with a signed agreement. Wells's approval was conditional, he said, on the approval of the "Newfoundland people or the legislature."
However, procedural delays initiated by Manitoba MLA Elijah Harper threatened to extend Manitoba's approval beyond the deadline. As a result, Wells refused to take a vote in the Newfoundland legislature on the grounds that the situation in Manitoba made the point moot. The deadline expired and the Accord died. The result was bitterness and frustration. Many Québécois interpreted the Accord's failure in English Canada as a rejection of Quebec. Support for separatism soared in Quebec. The end result was the 1995 Quebec Referendum.
(See also: Editorial: The Death of the Meech Lake Accord; Maclean's Article: Meech Lake Ten Years After.)
Constitutional Forums (1990–92)
A new round of negotiations began even before the Meech Lake Accord died. In February 1990, the Quebec Liberal Party established a committee to study options if the Accord failed. In June, Quebec premier Robert Bourassa announced that he would not attend constitutional talks; he would only deal bilaterally with Ottawa. Later that month, Bourassa and Jacques Parizeau announced a special Joint Commission to study Quebec's relationship with Canada. Hearings began in November with co-chairs Jean Campeau and Michel Bélanger.
Meanwhile, on the federal front, Mulroney launched the Citizen's Forum on Canada's Future. It was tasked with answering criticisms that the constitutional process was too closed. The Forum began in November 1990 and was chaired by Keith Spicer. Finally, in December, a special 17-member Joint Senate-Commons Committee was created to come up with a new amending formula. Gerald Beaudoin and Jim Edwards were co-chairs. By December, eight provinces had started or finished constitutional investigations.
Bélanger-Campeau received some 200 briefs and 600 submissions. They finished their hearings on 20 December 1990. One of their first reports stated that the cost of Quebec independence would be minimal. The Committee recommended that a referendum on sovereignty be held if Quebec did not receive a suitable offer from the rest of Canada by October 1991.
In January 1991, the Allaire Committee recommended that the Senate be abolished and that Quebec receive exclusive power over its communications, energy, environment, agriculture, and regional development. The Quebec Liberal Party adopted the Allaire Report but substituted an elected Senate. In May, the Quebec legislature introduced a bill for a referendum to be held by October 1992.
To coordinate the various negotiations and recommendations, Mulroney named Joe Clark minister responsible for Constitutional Affairs in April 1991. Yet another public forum was created in June when the Parliamentary Committee on the Constitution was created. Dorothy Dobbie and Claude Castonguay were co-chairs.
The Edwards-Beaudoin Commons Committee reported on the amending formula in June 1991. It recommended:
Taking two years, not three, to ratify constitutional changes.
A "regional" veto.
A national referendum for major changes.
Unanimous consent for changes involving the monarch, language, and provincial control of resources.
Requiring the consent of the federal Parliament and the legislatures of Ontario, Quebec, two Western and two Atlantic provinces for all other changes.
In June, the Spicer Commission released its report. It recommended that the government review its institutions and symbols to foster a sense of country; that Quebec be recognized as a unique province; that there be a prompt settlement of Indigenous land claims; and that the Senate be reformed or abolished.
In September 1991, the Dobbie-Castonguay Parliamentary Committee released its proposals in "Shaping Canada's Future Together." The proposals included: recognizing Quebec as a "distinct society"; entrenching Indigenous self-government in the Constitution within 10 years; including a "Canada clause" (elaborating certain values, such as egalitarianism and diversity) in the Constitution; and electing a Senate with more powers and "equitable" (but not equal) representation. Castonguay resigned from the troubled committee in November. He was replaced by Gerald Beaudoin.
In March 1992, the now "Dobbie-Beaudoin" Committee recommended a Quebec veto on all constitutional change; recognition of Quebec as a "distinct society"; and an elected, effective and "equitable" Senate subordinate to the House of Commons.
Clark used the report as a basis for negotiations. He set a deadline of 31 May 1992 for Ottawa and the provinces to come up with a constitutional offer for Quebec. He finally reached a deal with nine English-speaking provincial premiers in July. The deal included a "Triple-E" Senate — elected, effective and equitable.
Failure of the Charlottetown Accord (1992)
Clark's deal was met with a lukewarm response by Quebec Premier Robert Bourassa. However, it did bring him back to the table in August. The First Ministers reached a new agreement on 28 August.
The key points of what became known as the Charlottetown Accord included: a Social Charter; elimination of provincial trade barriers; a Canada clause with commitments to Indigenous self-government and recognition of Quebec as a distinct society; a veto for all provinces on all changes to national institutions; a new 62-seat Senate (six for each province and one for each territory); and 18 new seats in the House of Commons for Ontario and Quebec, four for BC and two for Alberta. (See also Charlottetown Accord: Document.)
The Accord was ultimately rejected by Canadians in six provinces and Yukon in a national referendum on 26 October 1992.
Second Quebec Referendum (1995)
As a result of the failure of the Meech Lake and Charlottetown Accords, a second Quebec referendum on separatism was held in the fall of 1995. The vote on separation was narrowly defeated. The "No" side won with only 50.58 per cent of the vote. It was followed by a number of political and legal developments. Jacques Parizeau, the premier of Quebec who had led the pro-separation side, resigned. Lucien Bouchard, the former leader of the Official Opposition in Parliament (the separatist Bloc Québécois), became premier of Quebec.
In September 1997, the premiers of nine provinces (Quebec's Bouchard was absent) agreed at a meeting in Calgary to a new approach to preserve Canadian unity. The so-called Calgary Declaration proposed that all provinces, while diverse, possessed equality of status. It also recognized the unique character of Quebec society, including its culture and tradition of civil law. Within a year, all provincial legislatures except Quebec had endorsed the declaration.
(See also Maclean's Article: Revisiting Mistakes of the 1995 Quebec Referendum.)
Constitutional Veto Law (1996)
Following the near miss of the 1995 referendum, the government of Prime Minister Jean Chrétien passed a law that recognized Quebec as a distinct society within Canada. It also gave the provinces vetoes on constitutional change. The law requires the federal government to get consent for any proposed amendment from each of Quebec, Ontario and British Columbia, as well as at least two provinces representing half the populations of both Atlantic Canada and the Prairies. (It effectively gives Alberta a veto).
This 1996 veto law, however, is largely a political measure. It does not carry the same legal weight as the amending formula in the Constitution Act, 1982. By that formula, most constitutional change requires the approval of Parliament plus any seven provinces; and those provinces must make up at least 50 per cent of the population (the 7/50 rule). Unanimous federal-provincial consent is required for major changes to the country's governing institutions.
Clarity Act (2000)
After the 1995 Quebec referendum, Chrétien referred the question of separation to the Supreme Court. In the Quebec Secession Reference case, Chrétien's government asked the Court if it was legal under both constitutional law and international law for Quebec to unilaterally secede from Canada.
The Court's nine justices said unilateral secession would be illegal without a formal constitutional amendment. However, they added that if a clear majority of Quebecers voted in favour of separation based on a clear referendum question, then the federal and provincial governments would be constitutionally obligated to engage in good faith negotiations with Quebec on the issue. The Court also said any separation must adhere to basic principles such as the rule of law, protection of minorities, and democracy. The Court did not say precisely what would be considered a clear majority or a clear question. It left this up to "political actors" to determine.
The Chrétien government responded with the Clarity Act. It was introduced in Parliament in 1999. It was passed by Parliament and became law the following year. The Act was controversial, especially in Quebec. It gives the House of Commons the exclusive power to determine whether a referendum question on separation is clear and whether there is a clear majority in a referendum vote.
Quebec's Parti Québécois government reacted to the Clarity Act by passing Bill 99. It says the province can unilaterally separate from Canada following a referendum vote of 50 per cent plus one. It is unclear whether Bill 99 or the Clarity Act would withstand constitutional scrutiny. Neither law has been tested at the Supreme Court.
Following his election in 2006, Prime Minister Stephen Harper introduced a motion in the House of Commons. It recognized the Québécois people "as a nation within a united Canada." The motion received majority support in the House. However, Harper's intergovernmental affairs minister, Michael Chong, resigned over of the motion. He believed it could be interpreted as promoting ethnic nationalism in Canada.
Senate Reform
Political efforts to reform the Senate have been underway for decades. Reformers have tried to change the Senate from an unelected chamber with members appointed by the prime minister into an elected body similar to the House of Commons. However, these attempts have been hamstrung because the Senate is a creature of the Constitution.
In 2011, the Conservative government of Stephen Harper introduced the Senate Reform Act in Parliament. It sought to impose nine-year term limits on senators (who can hold office until age 75), and to allow provinces to elect senators if they choose to do so. The legislation was challenged by the Quebec government. In 2013, the Quebec Court of Appeal ruled the Act unconstitutional. It said the changes could not be made by Parliament alone and required a constitutional amendment.
The Harper government referred the matter to the Supreme Court. In 2014, the Court ruled unanimously that any substantial change to the Senate would require a constitutional amendment in line with the 7/50 rule (the consent of seven provinces with at least 50 per cent of Canada's population). The Court also said that abolishing the Senate would require the unanimous support of all 10 provincial legislatures and the federal Parliament.
Harper was unwilling to undertake the political negotiations with the provinces needed to obtain such consent. He declared Senate reform a dead issue for the foreseeable future. "We're essentially stuck with the status quo for the time being," he said.
See also: Constitution of Canada; Constitutional Law; Constitutional Monarchy; Peace, Order and Good Government; Constitution Act, 1867; Constitution Act, 1867 Document; Statute of Westminster; Statute of Westminster, 1931 Document; Patriation Reference; Patriation of the Constitution; Constitution Act, 1982; Constitution Act, 1982 Document.
Interested in the monarchy?
Constitutional Act of 1791
provincial government
Pierre Elliott Trudeau
Brian Mulroney
1980 Quebec Referendum
Constitution Act, 1982
Charlottetown Conference
Jean Chrétien
Meech Lake Accord
British North America Act
Fathers of Confederation
the Charter
Charlottetown Accord
Charter of Rights and Freedoms
Royal Proclamation
Andrew Heard, Canadian Constitutional Conventions: The Marriage of Law and Politics (1991).
Eugene A. Forsey, How Canadians Govern Themselves (1980).
Peter W. Hogg, Constitutional Law of Canada (1985).
W.P.M. Kennedy and Martin Friedland, The Constitution of Canada: An Introduction to its Development and Law (2014).
Adam Dodek, The Canadian Constitution (2013).
Lois Harder and Steve Patten, ed., Patriation and Its Consequences: Constitution Making in Canada (2015).
Howard Leeson, The Patriation Minutes (2011).
Andrew Cohen, A Deal Undone: The Making and Breaking of the Meech Lake Accord (1990).
K.C. Wheare, The Statute of Westminster and Dominion Status (1953).
Barry L. Strayer, Canada's Constitutional Revolution (2013).
Politics in Canada in 1867Terminology and division of powers set out in the Constitution Act of 1867. A University of Ottawa website.
The Constitution of CanadaThis infographic highlights key facts about the the Constitution Act, 1982. From the Canadian Constitution Foundation.
Centre for Constitutional StudiesThe official site of the Centre for Constitutional Studies at the University of Alberta. The Centre was founded to encourage and facilitate the interdisciplinary study of constitutional matters both nationally and internationally.
The Evolution of the British North America ActA question and answer discussion about essential terms of the Constitution Act of 1867 (British North America Act). From the University of Toronto website.
Associated Collections
Resources for Patriation of the Constitution
Royal Commission of Inquiry on Constitutional Problems


MARKS, Kathy (L.). American, b. 1953. Genres: Adult non-fiction. Career: West Virginia Department of Welfare, Sutton, child abuse investigator, 1973-80; Franklin-Williamson Human Services, community worker, 1984-86; Jackson County Probation Office, adult probation officer, 1988-90; Illinois Department of Children and Family Services, child protective investigator, 1990-. Mobile Unit 15, police training instructor. Publications: Faces of Right Wing Extremism, 1996. Address: P.O. Box 305, Marion, IL 62959, U.S.A.
"Marks, Kathy (L.)." Writers Directory 2005. . Encyclopedia.com. 19 Apr. 2019 <https://www.encyclopedia.com>.


We all know that being a stepparent is certain to be a difficult task. After all, raising children isn't easy at the best of times – and it's certain to be even tougher for a stepfather or stepmother. I speak from experience, though not as a stepparent myself; rather I and several of those people closest to me have benefited immensely from the presence of a stepparent. Having also worked with people that have been going through divorces for more than a decade now, I've encountered multiple clients whose children have benefited immensely from the presence of their parent's new partners too.
My stepfather has been an ever-present feature of my life since I was just four-years-old and, with me and my biological father becoming estranged, he provided me with the love, care and attention I needed. I struggled with learning to read, so he sat and read with me daily; he took me to sports practice when I decided I wanted to be like other children my age, before comforting me when it became clear I possessed little to no athletic ability and was left disheartened.
Our relationship reflected those shared between biological fathers and their sons in less positive ways too. There were arguments over curfews, household chores and, of course, my teenage attitude (it left a lot to be desired). As you'd expect, we didn't often see eye-to-eye on these matters and this led to disagreements and exchanges of a deeply unpleasant nature, the cruellest of which was the cliched but still cutting: "you're not my father." In spite of how painful he clearly found this (I can still remember his face to this day), he continued to do things like help me with my homework, drive me to my friends and give me advice on relationships. Like any good parent he tolerated my faults and forgave my indiscretions, even those that were clearly designed to do little more than scar him emotionally.
Of course, it was also necessary for him to exercise discipline such as the time when, at the age of 15, I became too drunk to walk and my friends had no option but to call my parents so they could come and collect me. I was grounded for one month as a result, much to my chagrin. On reflection this was clearly required, but I certainly didn't see it that way at the time. Indeed, throughout my teenage years I assumed I received less favourable treatment than my sisters (both of whom were born to my mother and stepfather) simply because I was a stepson and not a son. On reflection, this was simply not correct. My sisters and I were always treated equally but I would need to witness how they were treated – and indeed disciplined – during their teenage years before I'd come to see this. Due to the eight-year age gap present between me and my sister, this didn't happen until I was 22-years-old.
Following me having reached adulthood, I informed my stepfather of both the fact that I'd believed he was more lenient with my sisters than with me and that, since I'd grown up, I'd come to realise that this was not the case. In return, he informed me that he believed that I didn't really like him which left him greatly upset. This revelation greatly affected me as, firstly, I genuinely love my stepdad and, secondly, it made me think of how much harder this must have made it for him to do all the things he did. Things like visiting my school for parents' evenings and various events, preparing meals, trying to talk to me and provide advice when I felt down (a regular occurrence during my teenage years) and ensuring that he was always accessible and present.
I think, sadly, that it's inevitable that stepparents and stepchildren will both experience similar feelings to those I've discussed above at times. I've learnt, though, that whilst confidence in biological relationships often seems less fragile and that doubt often rears its head when a stepparent and child clash, these relationships are – particularly when a stepparent is serving as one of a child's two main caregivers – significantly more robust than most people would expect – even stronger, perhaps, than the bond between biological parent and child. I know this because I feel a sense of gratitude that stems from the knowledge that my stepfather would not have felt obligated to care for me in the way most biological parents do for their children. To put it another way, I know that my stepdad did everything that he did for me because he wanted to do it.
Having become a parent myself just over two years ago, it's my stepfather who I've looked to, not just for advice, but as an example of how to be a good parent. I always do my utmost to remain calm and to be patient when my daughter is annoyed or frustrated, just as my stepdad was with me. When she's older and feeling disappointed, sad or hurt, I know I will tell her about all of the things that I love about her and why I am proud of her because, when I was younger and found myself feeling this way, it was of great comfort when my stepdad did this for me. Finally – and I'd say this is the most important thing my stepdad did for me and therefore also the most important lesson he taught me – I will guarantee that my daughter knows that she can talk to me about absolutely anything without any fear of judgement, that I will always be there for her when she needs me and that nothing will ever change this.
Jay Williams works for Quickie Divorce, one of the largest providers of uncontested divorce solutions in the United Kingdom. He lives in Cardiff, Wales with his wife and two-year-old daughter Eirys.


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King Kamehameha III Elementary School educator pens book on teaching in Hawaii
David Perry Brown, a Special Education teacher at King Kamehameha III Elementary School in Lahaina, has a new book called "America's Best Job: Teaching in Hawaii."
KAHANA – Kahana resident and educator David Perry Brown recently released his second self-published book, "America's Best Job: Teaching in Hawaii."
The 120-pager is Brown's testament to teaching on Maui at King Kamehameha III Elementary School in Lahaina the past two years.
Born and raised in Southern California, the 60-year-old author graduated from California Polytechnic State University in San Luis Obispo.
As a Special Education teacher, Brown taught for 30 years in the California public school system.
"Then I was retired for five years," Brown said and continued, "My family came here on an extended vacation in 2005."
It was during his lengthy post-retirement, on-island retreat that he fell in love with "the green jewel sitting next to the Banyan Tree" in historic Lahaina.
"I walked by the elementary school while we were here on vacation, probably in 2011. I said to my wife, 'You know, it might be kind of fun to teach at this school someday.' "
"Then a couple of years later, it worked out," and Brown has been teaching at the elementary school since 2015 as a fifth grade Special Education teacher on the 800-student campus.
In an interview, Brown told the Lahaina News why he thinks teaching at Kamehameha III is the best job in the country.
His number one captivation, he said, is the students.
"For two years now, the nicest kids I've ever worked with are right here in Lahaina – much nicer than any kids I worked with in California as a group. Just all of them are delightful, delightful young people," he said.
Working with the awesome staff of fellow teachers was the second on his list.
"It's like a big green emerald down there; it's a jewel for the whole West Side as far as great kids, great teachers, great administrators and all the great, great people who work at the school."
Items three and four on the catalog of allures are, respectively: "the support of the school and also the school district for teachers" and finally "life on West Maui."
In describing the benevolence of the community in support of its children, Brown is awe-struck, enthusiastic and sincere.
"There's a tremendous amount of support for our school," Brown observed.
"I am blown away by how much the Hula Grill does in recognition of our school," Brown added. "They give awards; they bring in lunches – sometimes for the teachers. They give gift certificates – many, many times during the year, generous gift certificates. Plus all sorts of other restaurants and businesses donate to the school for the kids.
"It's just really, really generous. I have been thanked more in one year for teaching over here by community members than I was thanked in 30 years of teaching in California."
Brown's advice to state Department of Education is spot on target.
"I think that the main thing that the state could do to improve education dramatically is to give all the teachers a $20,000 raise. It's not easy, but it's a very simple thing.
"Hawaii salaries are not very high compared to California and a lot of other states; $20,000 more per teacher – boom," and things would get better, he advised.
"America's Best Job: Teaching in Hawaii" is available through Amazon: $5 for Kindle and $9.99 paperback.
His first publication, entitled "Why Teachers Quit But Firefighters Don't," is also available on Amazon.
Brown described the potential readership of "America's Best Job."
"If they have any interest in teaching or students or schools or Hawaii, specifically Maui, then I think they would enjoy reading this book," he said.
One reader on Amazon reviewed the experience: "Great book. Funny, insightful, and thoroughly enjoyable. I'm ready to move to the Islands.
I highly recommend this book."

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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Welcome to Australian Biathlon News!
Australian Biathlon News
Biathlon Downunder! Official latest news from Australian Biathlon
Featured News Here
Latest Updates Here
Over 30 Australian athletes set for Asian Winter Games
November 16, 2016 · by Australian Biathlon
Retrans from Australian Olympic Committee: In just under 100 days over 30 Australian athletes will head to Sapporo, Japan, to take on Asia's best at the Olympic Council of Asia's 8th Asian Winter Games.
The OCA invited the Oceania National Olympic Committees to compete in Sapporo as guests, following an approach by the Australian Olympic Committee. The athletes from Oceania can enter individual sports only and will not be eligible to win medals.
So far, Australia has confirmed its entry, with New Zealand and a few other Oceania NOCs also said to be interested to send athletes to gain high-level winter sports experience, as winter sports are almost non-existent in the Oceania region.
Australia will compete in all individual sports except for ski jumping, with eight athletes in figure skating and seven in short track speed skating.
A total of 2,617 athletes and officials have been registered for the Asian Winter Games. This figure includes 20 National Olympic Committees for men's ice hockey, which will be played at three levels: Top Division for four teams, Division One for six teams and Division Two for 10 teams.
Six teams have entered the women's ice hockey competition.
The 8th Asian Winter Games will be held from February 19-26 and involve five sports, 11 disciplines and 64 events.
The five sports and 11 disciplines are: Skiing (Alpine, Cross-Country, Ski Jumping, Freestyle and Snowboard), Skating (Figure Skating, Short Track Speed Skating and Speed Skating), Biathlon, Ice Hockey and Curling.
Olympic Council of Asia
From: http://corporate.olympics.com.au/news/over-30-australian-athletes-set-for-asian-winter-games
Posted In: Featured News Here, Latest Updates Here
Tagged: Alpine, Asian Winter Games, Asian Winter Games 2017, Australia, Australian Biathlon, australian olympic committee, Australian Sports Foundation, biathlon, Cross Country, cross country ski trails, curling, figure skating, freestyle, IBU, ice hockey, Japan, news, Nordic, Oceania, oceania region, Olympic Council of Asia, Olympic sports, Sapporo, Short Track Speed Skating, skating, Ski, Ski jumping, Skiing, snow, snowboard, speed skating, sport, Sports, winter, winter olympic games, Winter Sports


Which is better Facebook Advertising or Google Advertising?
They work on completely different principles. Facebooks Ads are shown to Facebook members that meet a complex set of parameters selected by the advertiser. Its a passive activity for the Facebook member. Google Ads are shown only when the visitor enters a keyword search that matches the keyword phrases subscribed to by the advertiser, an active process.
So which is better? It depends on the goal of the advertiser and the search term.
For example, the advertiser owns a craft supply store. Facebook knows a great deal about their members. If they know a member is interested in scrapbooking, because the member belongs to a Facebook Group on scrapbooking, and the craft store advertiser has a prepared ad featuring scrapbooking supplies they will serve the ad, hoping it will spark the interest of the member to click on the ad. The Facebook member did not set out looking for scrapbooking supplies, the Ad was passively presented to them.
Meanwhile, over at Google someone searches on the phrase "scrapbook filler pages" and Google serves an Ad about scrapbook filler pages there is a high probability the visitor will click because they are actively searching for them and more importantly they have declared their interest to purchase the item by the search term employed.


I'll use the information you provide on this form to keep in touch with you. The emails you recieve will of course contain things like new courses or events you might like to come to, and bits and bobs that you might like to buy from the Bake with Jack shop. By ticking one or more of the boxes below you are letting me know that that's OK.
Your information will be kept super safe and I promise never to share it with anyone. If you decide my emails are not for you, you can unsubscribe from this list at any time. For more information about my privacy practices please visit my website.


Lamden is a package of developers' tools that facilitate the process to create new blockchains and apps. The Lamden Tau token is the glue that connects the new projects and serves as a blockchain enterprise solution. The token has a general use as a universal tradable token between popular cryptocurrencies like Bitcoin, Ethereum, and others. Thanks to that, TAU will become marketable with endless cryptocurrency pairs. Lamden fixes some of the common flaws in the blockchain technology like slow block times, high transaction costs, and difficult code languages. It works for supply-chain management, asset tracking, document validation and more.


We are majorly crushing on pleated maxi skirts and this must have staple is perfect for S/S nights. Our Shanice White Pleated Maxi Skirt is sure to get heads turning! Style with a ribbed top and barely there heels.


Maybe you've heard of the Rennsport Reunion. Maybe you know that it's the most indulgent, surreal gathering of Porsches in North America. Maybe you know the event only happens every three(ish) years, and that it consists of hundreds of the company's rarest cars, street and competition, many of them from Porsche's own museum, showing up to a racetrack and going absolutely berserk. Or maybe you didn't. Now you do. Rennsport ist kommen. Consider yourself warned.
The inaugural running of the event was in 2001 at Lime Rock Park. Since then, it has hopped to Daytona International Speedway twice and, in 2011, Laguna Seca. This year, it's visiting Monterey again.
What'll be racing? The Gulf 917K that won Spa 1000km in 1971, fresh off a three-year-long restoration. Also: Jacky Ickx, Hurley Haywood, Le Mans-winning 962s, a handful of Spyders, some IMSA prototypes and enough turbocharged flat-six firepower to land on the Moon or change its orbit. If you're at all a fan of Porsche—or sports cars or motorsport, or German stuff in general, or just have eyeballs and a soul—Rennsport is probably going test the crotch elasticity of your underpants.
And, yes, The Drive will have boots on the ground, relaying the highlights for your enjoyment. So now you know that, too. Think about going commando.
Porsche Rennsport Reunion V will be held at Mazda Laguna Seca Raceway, September 25-27th.
If it doesn't soothe you, nothing will.


If you decided to do all the packing in preparation for your move, you need to read this guide to help you do it right. Keep in mind that some removalists do not offer transit insurance for items packed by the homeowner.
Different items are not packed in the same way. Using certain packing techniques keeps items safe while in transit and prevents or minimizes damage. It makes the process of loading and unloading the packed goods into the moving truck simple and efficient. Plus, unpacking and organizing the stuff in your new home become quick and easy.
1.	Pack fragile items, such as dinnerware and ceramic vases, individually using bubble wrap, craft paper, butcher paper or corrugated cardboards to prevent breakage. Line the bottom and sides of the boxes with crumpled paper before putting in the fragile items. Arrange plates vertically inside the boxes.
2.	Individually wrap paintings or fine art pieces in similar manner.
3.	Put books and CDs/DVDs in smaller boxes for easier handling of weight. A good rule of thumb is to limit the weight of boxes to 15 kilograms.
4.	Pack clothes and flat linen in thick and sturdy cartons. Secure the bottom and top of the cartons with strong packaging tape.
5.	Pack suits and gowns in customized cartons for transporting clothes on a hanger.
6.	Don't forget to label the boxes with your name, address and its room destination. You can also number the boxes for ease of tracking and so the removal company knows where to put the boxes at your destination. Add simple instructions, like FRAGILE, KEEP UPRIGHT, if necessary.
7.	Roll rugs and carpets and tie them securely before wrapping with plastic to avoid creasing.
8.	Use furniture covers and/or heavy-duty plastic to protect mattresses and lounges from dirt and damage.
9.	Use special crates for high-value items, if necessary. Disassemble big furniture if possible for easy transport.
10.	It takes time to pack. Be sure to do it way ahead of time so that everything is ready by the time the removalists come to pick them up.
If you need help with packing, you might like to reconsider the packing services offered by professional removalists in Melbourne for a completely stress-free moving experience.


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Big Site of History
History of Civilization
Hebrew Religion | The First Civilizations
April 15, 2008 by Marge Anderson
Many of the most fundamental ideas of the Hebrew religion go back to the days when the Hebrews were still nomads, before they had adopted a settled life. From the nomadic period of Hebrew life come the feast of Passover, with its offering of a spring lamb and of unleavened bread; the keeping of a sabbath or holy day on the seventh day of the week; an annual day of expiation (Yom Kippur); and other holy days still honored by Jews in our own time.
Three fundamental aspects of Judaism were expressed in the Hebrew god's commandments to Moses on Mount Sinai "Thou shalt have no other gods before me," "Thou shalt not make unto thee any graven image," and "Thou shalt not take the name of the Lord thy God in vain."
The religion of the Hebrews was monotheistic, recognizing only a single god. Despite the experiment of Akhenaten in Egypt and a few Babylonian texts that try to associate all divine power with Marduk alone, the Jews were the first to insist that their god was the only god and a universal god. Furthermore, the Jews were forbidden to represent this god in sculpture or painting. More than that, they were forbidden to make any images of living beings, flesh, fish, or fowl-no doubt because their leaders feared that if they did make such images, they would end by worshiping them. Finally, the religion of the Hebrews regarded the name of god-Yahweh or Jehovah, meaning "he causes to be," or "the creator"-as literally not to be spoken.
The Bible teems with episodes in which the Hebrews broke away from the worship of their one god, tried to propitiate other gods, and were punished. Yet however often they disobeyed, the first commandment remained the central feature of their religion. Jehovah himself was human in form though not visible to the human eye. Unlike the gods of all other peoples, he did not lead a human life; he had no family; he dwelt not in a palace but in heaven. When he wished to speak to the leader of his people, he descended onto a mountaintop (Mount Sinai) or into a burning bush or into the space between golden cherubim set atop a sacred wooden box in which the Ten Commandments, transcribed on two tablets of stone, were kept.
This box was the ark of the covenant, built by artisans to the orders of Moses as relayed to him by his god. The covenant was the pact between god himself and his chosen people, all the tribes of the Hebrews in confederation, held together by their regard for this most sacred of objects. The ark moved with the Hebrews, first into the hill country of Shiloh, where the coastal Philistines captured it about 1050 B.C., and ultimately into a temple built for it by Solomon in Jerusalem.
There were prophets among the Jews from the beginning. Summoning the people to return to the original purity of the faith, they sought to avoid the paganism that would threaten if Canaanite influences continued. In ecstasy perhaps brought on by dances, they warned of fearful punishment to come if the people did not heed them. After the punishment, however, Israel would rise again, and a descendant of David's would appear as a Messiah, a savior, to usher in a new golden age.
The punishment came with deportation into Babylonian captivity and the abandonment of Jerusalem. With the prophecies of evil fulfilled, the prophet Ezekiel had a vision of new life being breathed into the dead bones of Israel, and he urged all to prepare for its restoration. When the captivity was over, the priests became the dominant figures in the restored community, with its rebuilt temple but without a state of its own.
There was much about Hebrew society that recalls what we have already observed about the other peoples of the ancient Near East. The father exercised supreme authority within the family; polygamy and divorce were permitted; and, as among the Hittites, a widow married her dead husband's brother. The Hebrews had slaves, but a Hebrew slave could be made to serve no more than six years.
A man who had injured his slave was required to set him or her free. Otherwise the law of an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth, held sway. Yet the general prescriptions- such as the commandments-and even some specific regulations-not to wrong strangers, not to exact usurious interest for a loan, to help one's enemies as well as one's friends-strike an ethical note as deep as any found in the earlier Mesopotamian Near East, and presage other principles that would eventually emerge from Hebrew society.
History and the Hebrew Bible | The First Civilizations
Egyptian Religion | The First Civilizations
Roman Religion | The Romans
Science and Religion | The Renaissance
Science and Religion in the 16th Century | The Great Powers in Conflict
Filed Under: The First Civilizations
Between The World Wars
Byzantium and Islam
Church and Society in the Medieval West
European Exploration and Expansion
Judaism and Christianity
Modern Empires and Imperialism
Romanticism, Reaction, and Revolution
The Beginnings of the Secular State
The Democracies
The Early Middle Ages in Western Europe
The First Civilizations
The Great Powers in Conflict
The Greeks
The Industrial Society
The Late Middle Ages in Eastern Europe
The Late Twentieth Century
The Modernization of Nations
The Non-Western World
The Old Regimes
The Problem of Divine-Right Monarchy
The Protestant Reformation
The Renaissance
The Rise of the Nation
The Russian Revolution of 1917
The Written Record
Twentieth-Century Thought and Letters
Copyright © 2020 Big Site of History


The House of Illustration exhibits illustrations from emerging talent to established artists from all around the world.
The House of Illustration found a permanent home in the lovely Granary Square, at the heart of the King's Cross regeneration area in 2014. House of Illustration's new gallery and education space is the place to see, learn about and enjoy illustration in all its forms, from adverts to animation, picture books to political cartoons and scientific drawings to fashion design.
Open 10:00-18:00 Tuesday-Sunday (closed Monday).
Is House of Illustration your business?


With its croutons and shavings of Parmesan, this simple salad is reminiscent of a Caesar, but the fennel takes it somewhere new.
It's a much fresher affair, and one of my favourite lunches when I'm working from home.
Root vegetable crumble is one of my favourite things to make in the winter. While both girls are affronted by the very concept of a savoury crumble, I love it.
This is the light version of the Caesar salad I grew up eating. I've swapped Greek yogurt for the raw egg and much of the olive oil.
The better the ingredients, the better the salad. Good oil, good Parmesan, and good bread to make the croutons rather than buying a packet.
Orecchiete means "little ears" in Italian, which gave Lyra a bit of a scare. "Are they really made from ears?" she asked – knowing it's just about possible I would serve her a bowl of ears in the interest of reproducing some authentic regional dish.


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PSA: I'm blonde – very blonde. Between fair skin and light hair, it can sometimes be difficult for me to figure out the beauty tricks to enhance my features. My eyebrows (as patchy as they unfortunately are) are the only "dark" feature I have on my face. I've often fallen victim to envying my friends sweeping chestnut locks and thick eyelashes. There's still one thing I've always wanted more than anything but haven't been able to permanently achieve: dark, full lashes. That's when I was introduced to Rimmel Volume Colorist Mascara at Target.
While being blonde is my obvious trait, many of my readers don't know that I have hypothyroidism. It's a condition that causes your body to lack the sufficient thyroid hormones that impact your heart rate, body temperature, metabolism and more. When my medication is off, I can nap for years, cry a lot, gain five pounds with the bite of one cookie and feel chilled like I'm in a freezer. My medicine is a life saver, but one thing that I do face is slight hair loss—really. I'm not balding, but my my eyelash game is weak. When I was given the opportunity to try Rimmel's eye products, especially Rimmel Volume Colourist Mascara, I was really excited.
I've always been a Rimmel fan and has been eying this product for some time at my local Target (aka home). Rimmel Volume Colourist Mascara has a semi-permanent tint that builds onto your eyelashes from the first application. The mascara is great for instantly darker and fuller lashes, but overtime lash-tint complex with natural colorant gradually darkens the color of your lashes within 2-4 weeks. Being the journalist I am, I had to fact check, right? Well, I tested this product for two FULL weeks knowing that I'd see a difference toward the end of the two-week mark. I actually saw a slight change in color at the one-week mark and am overall so impressed with the experience!
So let's talk about the mascara: while the packaging is adorable, it packs a lot of punch. The tapered brush wraps each one of your lashes with ultra-black pigments. This gives a total plumping affect to boost their volume to a Marilyn Monroe-status.
I played around with all of my Rimmel products before heading out to see Wicked at the Hobby Center over the weekend. So here's my step-by-step review to get a natural yet beautiful look.
Step 2: A little bit of blush goes a long way! Add a slight rosy tint and use a brozer to lightly contour your cheekbones.
Step 3: Prime your eyes and apply a neutral color to the base. For a subtle look, add a dark brown shadow to the corners and blend with your eyeshadow brush.
Step 4: Line your inner eyes using a Rimmel liner.
Step 5: Okay, ladies! This is not a drill. Here's comes the cat-eye. First, use your pencil liner to gently line the skin above your upper eyelash. Blend it together with an angled brush. Next grab your Rimmel Colour Precise Liner and evenly trace the upper corner of your eye. I like to leave the winged tips for last.
Step 6: Grab your Rimmel Volume Colourist Mascara wand and begin from the root of your eyelashes and move upwards. The mascara is thick and creamy enough to attach onto your lashes, so no need to worry about adding multiple layers.
Step 7: If you have patchier or curly eyebrows like me, you're going to want to try to finish up your look with Rimmel Brow This Way Powder. I filled in the holes within my eyebrows and brushed my brows into the right direction.
To add a "Wicked" touch for the show, I added some red Rimmel gloss that stayed on for HOURS.
My overall verdict: Rimmel Volume Colourist Mascara will forever be a go-to in my beauty arsenal. I'm even more excited to look forward the weeks to come with darker, fuller lashes. Be sure to use the product everyday like I did for best results. There's actually a really Cartwheel great offer taking place at Target right now. Get 25% Off all Rimmel Eye featuring Volume Colorist Mascara – check it out here.
While my look is very minimal and is just right for my personality, I'd love to hear about yours. What's your secret to the perfect eye?
Learn more about the Rimmel collection at Target here.


text:
Day After Christmas Shopping Attracts Crowds To Mall
With Gifts To Return, Gift Cards To Use, Shoppers Rise Early
Updated: 4:04 AM EST Dec 26, 2011
Shoppers were out early at Towson Town Center Monday morning. The mall opened early, at 8 a.m., to accommodate the after Christmas shopping rush."I want to beat the crowd," shopper Abi Olasimbo said. "I want to be in and out this morning. I want to beat the crowds and see if I can get the best deals this morning." The after Christmas sales are usually a big draw for people, as retailers mark down all the extra merchandise that didn't sell before the holiday."They are good," shopper Connie Ziegfeld. "They're very good. Some of the stores don't have as much left as they did last year. I think there's been a lot of pre-Christmas shopping." Get Gift Cards? Remember These Tips"We had a fantastic holiday season, said Angela, a manager at Pandora. "Friday the 23rd we had a record-breaking day."Merchants said their holiday season sales have been great so far, but it's not over yet. The holiday boom continues this week, but the day after Christmas is always the biggest day."I think they say about a third of people return a gift," said Chuck Crerand, the general manager at Towson Town Center. "What we've seen is the returns always fuel this day."Another reason shoppers flood the stores the day after Christmas is to use gift cards. Gift cards have surged in popularity the last few years, and shoppers say they love them. "Rather than have to take something back, it's a little easier to work toward a gift card and cash," said shopper Bridget Bell. "You can kind of work towards a larger goal.""You can go in and pick what you want, so I love getting gift cards," Olasimbo said.Some ambitious shoppers aren't just buying things for themselves. Believe it or not, they're actually getting a jump start on buying gifts for next year's holiday season."Why not? You can get 50 to 60 percent off," said Dan Ziegfeld, a shopper. "That makes perfect high end gifts at half the price, so you might as well take advantage of it."Whatever the reason, you can expect shoppers to be out in full force until the New Year.
TOWSON, Md. —
Shoppers were out early at Towson Town Center Monday morning. The mall opened early, at 8 a.m., to accommodate the after Christmas shopping rush.
"I want to beat the crowd," shopper Abi Olasimbo said. "I want to be in and out this morning. I want to beat the crowds and see if I can get the best deals this morning."
The after Christmas sales are usually a big draw for people, as retailers mark down all the extra merchandise that didn't sell before the holiday.
"They are good," shopper Connie Ziegfeld. "They're very good. Some of the stores don't have as much left as they did last year. I think there's been a lot of pre-Christmas shopping."
Get Gift Cards? Remember These Tips
"We had a fantastic holiday season, said Angela, a manager at Pandora. "Friday the 23rd we had a record-breaking day."
Merchants said their holiday season sales have been great so far, but it's not over yet. The holiday boom continues this week, but the day after Christmas is always the biggest day.
"I think they say about a third of people return a gift," said Chuck Crerand, the general manager at Towson Town Center. "What we've seen is the returns always fuel this day."
Another reason shoppers flood the stores the day after Christmas is to use gift cards. Gift cards have surged in popularity the last few years, and shoppers say they love them.
"Rather than have to take something back, it's a little easier to work toward a gift card and cash," said shopper Bridget Bell. "You can kind of work towards a larger goal."
"You can go in and pick what you want, so I love getting gift cards," Olasimbo said.
Some ambitious shoppers aren't just buying things for themselves. Believe it or not, they're actually getting a jump start on buying gifts for next year's holiday season.
"Why not? You can get 50 to 60 percent off," said Dan Ziegfeld, a shopper. "That makes perfect high end gifts at half the price, so you might as well take advantage of it."
Whatever the reason, you can expect shoppers to be out in full force until the New Year.


Rt Hon Lord Judge (Master Judge of Middle Temple), Lord Chief Justice of England and Wales, In Honour of Magna Carta, Temple Church, London, 12th June 2013.
On 15 June 1215 two sides in a forgotten English Civil War met at Runnymede by the banks of the Thames to see if they could, at long last, negotiate a peace. A document was prepared, but it was never signed. It was simply sealed. Although it is dated 15 June, its terms were probably not concluded until 19 June. No one called it the Great Charter, or Magna Carta. It was just another Charter.


text:
Garrett Hedlund Arrested For DUI Earlier This Year, But 'Is In A Great Place' Now
Source: MEGA
By:Jaclyn Roth
Uh oh! Garrett Hedlund was arrested for driving under the influence on January 24, Us Weekly confirmed on Wednesday, November 4.
"When the incident occurred, Garrett immediately sought treatment which was successful," a rep for the 36-year-old told the outlet. "Today, he is in a solid and great place."
According to documents obtained by Us Weekly, the actor was arrested on two DUI charges, and his blood alcohol level was four times the legal limit. He was released on $100,000 bail.
THE MOST SHOCKING CELEBRITY ARRESTS!
On February 25, the Country Strong alum pleaded no contest to one charge, and as a result, the court found him guilty. The second DUI charge was dismissed.
Hedlund's attorney, Blair Burke, was able to work out a plea deal, where the Hollywood star needs to complete a 30-day residential treatment program and a nine-month first-offender alcohol and drug education counseling program. Hedlund — who is expecting his first child with girlfriend Emma Roberts — must attend 30 AA meetings and perform 100 hours of community service, which is part of his 36-month probation.
Hedlund's restitution hearing will occur on November 25.
This is hardly the first time the Troy star has gotten in trouble with the law. In 2006, he was arrested in Idaho for possession of marijuana and possession of drug paraphernalia.
FROM LINDSAY LOHAN TO BILL COSBY, HOLLYWOOD'S *MUST-SEE* CELEBRITY MUGSHOTS
Hedlund wanted the documents to be sealed "because it contains court records that could lead to the potential harassment, embarrassment and humiliation of him. The documents within the record threaten the innocence that he has always maintained."
However, Hedlund's appeal was denied. "Everyone makes mistakes," the judge said at the time. "And if there is an opportunity to bury an embarrassing mistake, most people would like to try to do so."
Meanwhile, Hedlund is getting ready to become a father for the first time. The 29-year-old actress confirmed she has a bun in the oven in August via social media. "Me … and my two favorite guys," the blonde beauty captioned a few photos — one where she is holding her baby bump and another smiling with Hedlund.
BAD BEHAVIOR *BANKS*! 7 TIMES TYRA GOT HERSELF INTO SCANDALOUS SITUATIONS
Roberts — who dated Evan Peters for several years — and Hedlund were first spotted together in New York City in March 2019. Since then, the couple has been spotted out and about in New York and Los Angeles but are very private about their relationship.
Nonetheless, it seems like Hedlund is excited for what's to come. "Garrett is really looking forward to becoming a dad and feels as though this is something he needed," an insider told Us Weekly. "He is ready to take on all the daddy duties, and Emma getting pregnant has forced him to become more responsible. He thinks that's a blessing."
'He's Always Wanted This': 'Perverse' Armie Hammer 'Secretly Enjoying All The Attention' After Alleged DMs Take Over The Internet
'She Broke It Off': Ben Affleck & Younger Girlfriend Ana De Armas Reportedly Call It Quits After Nearly One Year Together
Terrified Stephen Spielberg Granted Permanent Restraining Order Against Woman Who Threatened to 'Murder' Him
Confirmed! Head-Over-Heels Chrissy Metz Reveals Ring On 'That' Finger Is From Boyfriend Bradley Collins
Khloé Kardashian Steps Up To The Plate — Everything She's Said In Support Of Sister Kim As Her Marriage Crumbles
Elizabeth Chambers Is 'Really Shocked' By Armie Hammer's Scandal, Trying To Shield Their Kids: Source
Woman Suing Jeffrey Epstein Estate Seeks Damages, Including $20 Million Palm Beach Mansion
'Gwen Won't Let Me Go': Gwen Stefani Keeps Fiancé Blake Shelton On A Tight Leash During Quarantine
'I Can't Let People Down': Blake Shelton Is Adamant About Reaching His Weight Loss Goal Before Marrying Gwen Stefani
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text:
Canada's flight attendants say support can't come soon enough
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE October 21, 2020
Vancouver – The union representing Canada's flight attendants says it was reassuring to hear comments about supporting the airline industry and the tens of thousands of people it employs from Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland on Tuesday – but now the federal government needs to act.
"Our door is open and we're ready to talk to the federal government about what a worker-focused support package for the airline industry would look like," said Wesley Lesosky, President of the Airline Division of the Canadian Union of Public Employees (CUPE). "At this point, we're hoping to see some actual engagement and some real decisions from the federal government, rather than more promises to think about doing something."
Airline workers across Canada are feeling renewed engagement after Tuesday's rally on Parliament Hill, calling for support for the industry and the people it employs. Canada remains the only G7 country without a support plan for airlines.
"It's time for our government to show support to workers in this critical part of our economy," said CUPE National President Mark Hancock. "Canada should follow the example already set by governments in Europe and provide financial support to our airlines along with strong equity stakes."
CUPE's Airline Division represents approximately 15,000 flight attendants at nine airlines across the country, including Air Canada, WestJet, Air Transat, Sunwing, PAL Airlines, Calm Air, First Air, Canadian North, and Flair Air. Roughly two-thirds of those workers have been furloughed or permanently let go due to the economic fallout of the COVID-19 pandemic.
CUPE has argued that implementing pre-boarding rapid testing at airports would make flying safer for the public and flight attendants alike, and has called repeatedly on the federal government to make it a reality. CUPE has also emphasized that any direct government support for airlines must come with a public stake in the companies.