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The smooth transition from the Middle Ages to the Modern Age is conventionally fixed on such events as the Reformation and the discovery of the "New World," which brought about the emergence of a new image of man and his world. Humanism, which spread out of Italy, also made an essential contribution to this with its promotion of a critical awareness of Christianity and the Church. The Reformation eventually broke the all-embracing power of the Church. After the Thirty Years' War, the concept of a universal empire was also nullified. The era of the nation-state began, bringing with it the desire to build up political and economic power far beyond Europe. The Americas, Africa, and Asia provided regions of expansion for the Europeans.
Proportions of the Human Figure by Leonardo da Vinci (drawing, ca. 1490)
is a prime example of the new approach of Renaissance
artists and scientists to the anatomy of the human body.
The Persecution of the "Witches"
"Faeries" by H. Johnson
"Good faeries & bad faeries" by B. Froud
the exercise or invocation of alleged supernatural powers to control people or events, practices typically involving sorcery or magic. Although defined differently in disparate historical and cultural contexts, witchcraft has often been seen, especially in the West, as the work of crones who meet secretly at night, indulge in cannibalism and orgiastic rites with the Devil, and perform black magic. Witchcraft thus defined exists more in the imagination of contemporaries than in any objective reality. Yet this stereotype has a long history and has constituted for many cultures a viable explanation of evil in the world. The intensity of these beliefs is best represented by the European witch-hunts of the 14th to 18th century, but witchcraft and its associated ideas are never far from the surface of popular consciousness and�sustained by folk tales�find explicit focus from time to time in popular television and films and in fiction.
The modern English word witchcraft has three principal connotations: the practice of magic or sorcery worldwide; the beliefs associated with the Western witch-hunts of the 14th to the 18th century; and varieties of the modern movement called Wicca, frequently mispronounced �wikka.�
The terms witchcraft and witch derive from Old English wiccecraeft: from wicca (masculine) or wicce (feminine), pronounced �witchah� and �witchuh,� respectively, denoting someone who practices sorcery; and from craeft meaning �craft� or �skill.� Roughly equivalent words in other European languages�such as sorcellerie (French), Hexerei (German), stregoneria (Italian), and brujería (Spanish)�have different connotations, and none precisely translates another. The difficulty is even greater with the relevant words in African, Asian, and other languages. The problem of defining witchcraft is made more difficult because the concepts underlying these words also change according to time and place, sometimes radically. Moreover, different cultures do not share a coherent pattern of witchcraft beliefs, which often blend other concepts such as magic, sorcery, religion, folklore, theology, technology, and diabolism. Some societies regard a witch as a person with inherent supernatural powers, but in the West witchcraft has been more commonly believed to be an ordinary person�s free choice to learn and practice magic with the help of the supernatural. (The terms West and Western in this article refer to European societies themselves and to post-Columbian societies influenced by European concepts.) The answer to the old question �Are there such things as witches?� therefore depends upon individual belief and upon definition, and no single definition exists. One thing is certain: the emphasis on the witch in art, literature, theatre, and film has little relation to external reality.
False ideas about witchcraft and the witch-hunts persist today. First, the witch-hunts did not occur in the Middle Ages but in what historians call the �early modern� period (the late 14th to the early 18th century), the era of the Renaissance, the Reformation, and the Scientific Revolution. There was neither a witch-cult nor any cult, either organized or disorganized, of a �Horned God� or of any �Goddess�; Western �witches� were not members of an ancient pagan religion; and they were not healers or midwives. Moreover, not all persons accused of witchcraft were women, let alone old women; indeed, there were �witches� of all ages and sexes. Witches were not a persecuted minority, because witches did not exist: the people hurt or killed in the hunts were not witches but victims forced by their persecutors into a category that in reality included no one. The witch-hunts did not prosecute, let alone execute, millions; they were not a conspiracy by males, priests, judges, doctors, or inquisitors against members of an old religion or any other real group. �Black masses� are almost entirely a fantasy of modern writers. �Witch doctors,� whose job it was to release people from evil spells, seldom existed in the West, largely because even helpful magic was attributed to demons.
Painting on the outer wall of Rila Monastery church, Bulgaria
The witch-hunts
Witches and Monsters
A sorcerer, magician, or �witch� attempts to influence the surrounding world through occult (i.e., hidden, as opposed to open and observable) means. In Western society until the 14th century, �witchcraft� had more in common with sorcery in other cultures�such as those of India or Africa�than it did with the witchcraft of the witch-hunts. Before the 14th century, witchcraft was much alike in villages from Ireland to Russia and from Sweden to Sicily; however, the similarities derived neither from cultural diffusion nor from any secret cult but from the age-old human desire to achieve one�s purposes whether by open or occult means. In many ways, like their counterparts worldwide, early Western sorcerers and witches worked secretly for private ends, as contrasted with the public practice of religion. Witches or sorcerers were usually feared as well as respected, and they used a variety of means to attempt to achieve their goals, including incantations (formulas or chants invoking evil spirits), divination and oracles (to predict the future), amulets and charms (to ward off hostile spirits and harmful events), potions or salves, and dolls or other figures (to represent their enemies). Witches sought to gain or preserve health, to acquire or retain property, to protect against natural disasters or evil spirits, to help friends, and to seek revenge. Sometimes this magic was believed to work through simple causation as a form of technology. For example, it was believed that a field�s fertility could be increased by ritually slaughtering an animal. Often the magic was instead an effort to construct symbolic reality. Sorcery was sometimes believed to rely on the power of gods or other spirits, leading to the belief that witches used demons in their work.
Medical treatment at the witch
Witchcraft in Africa and the world
The same dichotomy between sorcery and witchcraft exists (sometimes more ambiguously) in the beliefs of many African and indigenous peoples throughout the world. Again, witches are typically seen as particularly active after dusk when law-abiding mortals are asleep. The Navajo believe that witches meet at night, wear nothing except a mask and jewelry, sit among baskets of corpses, and have intercourse with dead women. In some African cultures witches are believed to assemble in cannibal covens, often at graveyards or around a fire, to feast on the blood, which, like vampires, they extract from their victims. If they take the soul from a victim�s body and keep it in their possession, the victim will die. Like those in Western society suspected of child abuse and satanism, in the popular imagination, African witches are believed to practice incest and other perversions. Sometimes, as in the Christian tradition, their malevolent power is believed to derive from a special relationship with an evil spirit with whom they have a �pact,� or they exercise it through �animal familiars� (assistants or agents) such as dogs, cats, hyenas, owls, or baboons.
In other cases the witch�s power is thought to be based in his or her own body, and no external source is deemed necessary. Among the Zande of the Congo and some other central African peoples, the source of this evil-working capacity is believed to be located in the witch�s stomach, and its power and range increase with age. It can be activated merely by wishing someone ill and is thus a kind of unspoken, or implicit, curse. At the same time the Zande believe that evil deeds can be wrought even more effectively by the manipulation of spells and potions and the use of powerful magic. In anthropological terminology this is technically �sorcery,� and thus, like the �witches� in Shakespeare�s play Macbeth who dance around a pot stirring potions and muttering spells, the Zande practitioners may more properly be termed �sorcerers� rather than �witches.�
In many African cultures witches are believed to act unconsciously; unaware of the ill they cause, they are driven by irrepressible urges to act malevolently. It is thus easy for those accused of witchcraft, but who are not conscious of wishing anyone ill, to assume that they unknowingly did what is attributed to them. This, along with the effects of suggestion and torture, in a world where people take the reality of witchcraft for granted, goes far to explain the striking confessions of guilt that are so widely reported in Africa and elsewhere and that are otherwise hard to comprehend. It is worth noting, however, that if witches believe they are unconscious agents, this is generally not the view of those who feel victimized by them.
Whatever the basis of their power and the means by which it is exercised, witches (and sorcerers) are regularly credited with causing all manner of disease and disaster. Sickness, and even death, as well as a host of lesser misfortunes, are routinely laid at their door. In many parts of Africa and Asia, epidemics and natural disasters have been interpreted as acts of witchcraft. For some unhappy candidates in many less developed countries, the same malign influence is cited to explain (at least in part) failure in examinations, elections, or difficulties in finding employment. Members of certain Afro-Brazilian cults, for example, believe that job loss is due not to economic conditions or poor performance but to witchcraft, and they participate in a ritual, the �consultation,� to counter the evil.
However, like their ancient and early modern European counterparts, modern Africans and Asians who believe firmly in the reality of witchcraft do not lack the power of rational reasoning. To suppose that these are incompatible alternatives is a common mistake. In reality pragmatic and mystical explanations of events usually exist in parallel or combination but operate in different contexts and at different levels. For example, anthropological research has demonstrated that African farmers who believe in witches do not expect witchcraft to account for obvious technical failures. If one�s home collapses because it was poorly constructed, no witch is needed to explain this. If a boat sinks because it has a hole in its bottom or a car breaks down because its battery is dead, witchcraft is not responsible. Witchcraft enters the picture when rational knowledge fails. It explains the diseases whose causes are unknown, the mystery of death, and, more generally, strange and inexplicable misfortunes.
Devil and Witches
There is thus no inconsistency in the actions of the sick African who consults both a medical doctor and a witch doctor. The first treats the external symptoms, while the second uncovers the hidden causes. Just as the sick African takes preventative measures prescribed by the medical doctor, he or she might also take steps against the supernatural. To protect against witchcraft, for instance, the patient might wear amulets, take �medicine� or bathe in it, or practice divination. Similarly, the Navajo protect themselves against witches with �gall medicine� or with sand or pollen paintings. If preventative measures prove ineffective for the Navajo, then the confession of a witch is thought to cure the evil magic, and torture is sometimes used to extract that confession. Moreover, like ancient and modern Westerners, people in modern Africa and other parts of the world who take the reality of witchcraft for granted usually also believe in other sources of supernatural power�e.g., divinities and spirits.
Witchcraft explains the problem posed when one seeks to understand why misfortune befalls oneself rather than someone else. It makes sense of the inequalities of life: the fact that one person�s crops or herds fail while others� prosper. Equally, witchcraft can be invoked to explain the success of others. In this �limited good� scenario�where there is implicitly a fixed stock of resources and where life is generally precarious, with little surplus to distribute in time of need�those who succeed too flagrantly are assumed to do so at the expense of others less fortunate. The �witch,� therefore, is typically someone who selfishly wants more than he or she ostensibly deserves, whose aspirations and desires are judged excessive and illegitimate.
However, there is a narrow, ambiguous line between good and evil here. Among some African peoples �witchcraft� is intrinsically neither morally good nor bad, and among others the supernatural activities of �witches� are, according to their perceived effects, divided into good, or protective, and bad, or destructive, witchcraft. Traditional and modern African leaders sometimes surround themselves with protective �witch doctors,� and are themselves thought to be endowed with supernatural power. This is the positive charisma of which witchcraft is the negative counterpart. In the colonial period these ideas were extended to Europeans, who, in the Belgian Congo and British Central Africa at the time of independence, were feared as cannibalistic witches. This was somewhat ironic since colonial regimes, unlike their missionary predecessors, did not believe in witchcraft and made accusations of witchcraft illegal in most of sub-Saharan Africa�which has been largely reversed by their successor regimes.
This ambiguity between good and evil can also be found among the Mapuche, an indigenous people of Chile. They believe that young women take up sorcery and as old women become powerful witches who use �bad medicine� to obtain their ends. They are aligned with evil forces and use them to harm or gain advantage over others. Their training and use of plants and animals in their medicine is similar to that of the shamans who use �good medicine� and other magic against forces of evil.
The distinctions between good and bad supernatural power are relative and depend on how moral legitimacy is judged. This becomes clear when the spiritual power invoked is studied more closely. In a number of revealing African cases, the word that denotes the essence of witchcraft (e.g., tsau among the West African Tiv and itonga among the East African Safwa), the epitome of illegitimate antisocial activity, also describes the righteous wrath of established authority, employed to curse wrongdoers.
This essential ambivalence is particularly evident in Haitian voodoo, where there is a sharp distinction between man-made evil magic powers, connected with zombies (beings identified as familiars of witches in the beliefs of some African cultures), and benevolent invisible spirits identified with Catholic saints. This antithesis between witchcraft and religion, however, is always problematic: after his death, the malevolent spirits or powers that an ancestor has used for his personal benefit become accrued by his descendants� protective spirits (loas). Magic has thus turned into religion (the converse of the more familiar process in which outmoded religions are stigmatized by their successors as magic).
So everything depends on the moral evaluation made by the community of the victims of misfortune: have they received their just deserts or is their plight unjustified? Witchcraft and sorcery are only involved in the latter case, where they provide a moral philosophy of unmerited misfortune. This is particularly important in religions that lack the concepts of heaven and hell. Where one cannot take refuge in the reassuring belief that life�s injustices will be adjusted in the hereafter, witchcraft indeed provides a way of shrugging off responsibility and of coming to terms with an unjust fate. According to these �instant� religions, the just should prosper and the unjust should suffer the consequences of their evil deeds here on earth.
The psychodynamics here are equally revealing. Those who interpret their misfortunes in terms of witchcraft will often use similar means to discover the source of their woes, which is often traced to the malice and jealousy of their enemies. In Africa and elsewhere, the bewitched person seeks help from a diviner to establish the evil person responsible. The diviner, often in a trance, uses a number of different techniques to discover the witch, including throwing dice or opening a Bible or Qur�ān at random. Another form of divination involves administering poison to a chicken and mentioning the name of a suspected witch. If the chicken dies, then the suspect is a witch. Whatever the process, the result is always the same, the bewitched �victim� finds the source of his woes among his rivals, typically neighbours, coworkers, or other competitors. Accusations often follow the lines of community conflict and incompatibility. In Chile, for example, the tensions between the Mapuche and neighbouring Chilean peasants are revealed in accusations that the Chileans use witchcraft to cheat the Mapuche and conversely that the Mapuche use it to harm the crops or livestock of the Chileans. Among the Navajo, competition over grazing lands and water rights or between jealous lovers is the source of witchcraft accusations. In some polygynous societies in Africa, these accusations are particularly prevalent between competing co-wives, but they are by no means always targeted at women. Ultimately, the effect of successful accusations is to call into question or to rupture an untenable relationship.
Ioan M. Lewis
Mikael Herr. Les sabbats des sorcières
Although accusations of witchcraft in contemporary cultures provide a means to express or resolve social tensions, these accusations had different consequences in premodern Western society where the mixture of irrational fear and a persecuting mentality led to the emergence of the witch-hunts. In the 11th century attitudes toward witchcraft and sorcery began to change, a process that would radically transform the Western perception of witchcraft and associate it with heresy and the Devil. By the 14th century, fear of heresy and of Satan had added charges of diabolism to the usual indictment of witches, maleficium (malevolent sorcery). It was this combination of sorcery and its association with the Devil that made Western witchcraft unique. From the 14th through the 18th century, witches were believed to repudiate Jesus Christ, to worship the Devil and make pacts with him (selling one�s soul in exchange for Satan�s assistance), to employ demons to accomplish magical deeds, and to desecrate the crucifix and the consecrated bread and wine of the Eucharist (Holy Communion). It was also believed that they rode through the air at night to �sabbats� (secret meetings), where they engaged in sexual orgies and even had sex with Satan; that they changed shapes (from human to animal or from one human form to another); that they often had �familiar spirits� in the form of animals; and that they kidnapped and murdered children for the purpose of eating them or rendering their fat for magical ointments. This fabric of ideas was a fantasy. Although some people undoubtedly practiced sorcery with the intent to harm, and some may actually have worshiped the Devil, in reality no one ever fit the concept of the �witch.� Nonetheless, the witch�s crimes were defined in law. The witch-hunts varied enormously in place and in time, but they were united by a common and coherent theological and legal worldview. Local priests and judges, though seldom experts in either theology or law, were nonetheless part of a culture that believed in the reality of witches as much as modern society believes in the reality of molecules.
Since 1970 careful research has elucidated law codes and theological treatises from the era of the witch-hunts and uncovered much information about how fear, accusations, and prosecutions actually occurred in villages, local law courts, and courts of appeal in Roman Catholic and Protestant cultures in western Europe. Charges of maleficium were prompted by a wide array of suspicions. It might have been as simple as one person blaming his misfortune on another. For example, if something bad happened to John that could not be readily explained, and if John felt that Richard disliked him, John may have suspected Richard of harming him by occult means. The most common suspicions concerned livestock, crops, storms, disease, property and inheritance, sexual dysfunction or rivalry, family feuds, marital discord, stepparents, sibling rivalries, and local politics. Maleficium was a threat not only to individuals but also to public order, for a community wracked by suspicions about witches could split asunder. No wonder the term witch-hunt has entered common political parlance to describe such campaigns as that of the late Senator Joseph McCarthy in his attempt to root out �communists� in the United States in the 1950s.
Another accusation that often accompanied maleficium was trafficking with evil spirits. In the Near East�in ancient Mesopotamia, Syria, Canaan, and Palestine�belief in the existence of evil spirits was universal, so that both religion and magic were thought to be needed to appease, offer protection from, or manipulate these spirits. In Greco-Roman civilization, Dionysiac worship included meeting underground at night, sacrificing animals, practicing orgies, feasting, and drinking. Classical authors such as Aeschylus, Horace, and Virgil described sorceresses, ghosts, furies, and harpies with hideous pale faces and crazed hair; clothed in rotting garments, they met at night and sacrificed both animals and humans. A bizarre set of accusations, including the sacrifice of children, was made by the Syrians against the Jews in Hellenistic Syria in the 2nd century bce. These accusations would also be made by the Romans against the Christians, by early Christians against heretics (dissenters from the core Christianity of the period) and Jews, by later Christians against witches, and, as late as the 20th century, by Protestants against Catholics.
Die vier Hexen, Albrecht Durer, 1491
Along with this older tradition, attitudes toward witches and the witch-hunts of the 14th�18th centuries stemmed from a long history of the church�s theological and legal attacks on heretics. Accusations similar to those expressed by the ancient Syrians and early Christians appeared again in the Middle Ages. In France in 1022 a group of heretics in Orléans was accused of orgy, infanticide, invocations of demons, and use of the dead children�s ashes in a blasphemous parody of the Eucharist. These allegations would have important implications for the future because they were part of a broader pattern of hostility toward and persecution of marginalized groups. This pattern took shape in 1050�1300, which was also an era of enormous reform, reorganization, and centralization in both the ecclesiastical and secular aspects of society, an important aspect of which was suppressing dissent. The visible role played by women in some heresies during this period may have contributed to the stereotype of the witch as female.
The Devil, whose central role in witchcraft beliefs made the Western tradition unique, was an absolute reality in both elite and popular culture, and failure to understand the prevailing terror of Satan has misled some modern researchers to regard witchcraft as a �cover� for political or gender conspiracies. The Devil was deeply and widely feared as the greatest enemy of Christ, keenly intent on destroying soul, life, family, community, church, and state. Witches were considered Satan�s followers, members of an antichurch and an antistate, the sworn enemies of Christian society in the Middle Ages, and a �counter-state� in the early modern period. If witchcraft existed, as people believed it did, then it was an absolute necessity to extirpate it before it destroyed the world.
Because of the continuity of witch trials with those for heresy, it is impossible to say when the first witch trial occurred. Even though the clergy and judges in the Middle Ages were skeptical of accusations of witchcraft, the period 1300�30 can be seen as the beginning of witch trials. In 1374 Pope Gregory XI declared that all magic was done with the aid of demons and thus was open to prosecution for heresy. Witch trials continued through the 14th and early 15th centuries, but with great inconsistency according to time and place. By 1435�50, the number of prosecutions had begun to rise sharply, and toward the end of the 15th century, two events stimulated the hunts: Pope Innocent VIII�s publication in 1484 of the bull Summis desiderantes affectibus (�Desiring with the Greatest Ardour�) condemning witchcraft as Satanism, the worst of all possible heresies, and the publication in 1486 of Heinrich Krämer and Jacob Sprenger�s Malleus maleficarum (�The Hammer of Witches�), a learned but cruelly misogynist book blaming witchcraft chiefly on women. Widely influential, it was reprinted numerous times. The hunts were most severe from 1580 to 1630, and the last known execution for witchcraft was in Switzerland in 1782. The number of trials and executions varied widely according to time and place, but in fact no more than about 110,000 persons in all were tried for witchcraft, and no more than 40,000 to 60,000 executed. Although these figures are alarming, they do not remotely approach the feverishly exaggerated claims of some 20th-century writers.
Witch Finder Generall
The �hunts� were not pursuits of individuals already identified as witches but efforts to identify those who were witches. The process began with suspicions and, occasionally, continued through rumours and accusations to convictions. The overwhelming majority of processes, however, went no farther than the rumour stage, for actually accusing someone of witchcraft was a dangerous and expensive business. Accusations originated with the ill-will of the accuser, or, more often, the accuser�s fear of someone having ill-will toward him. The accusations were usually made by the alleged victims themselves, rather than by priests, lords, judges, or other �elites.� Successful prosecution of one witch sometimes led to a local hunt for others, but larger hunts and regional panics were confined (with some exceptions) to the years from the 1590s to 1640s. Very few accusations went beyond the village level.
Three-fourths of European witch-hunts occurred in western Germany, the Low Countries, France, northern Italy, and Switzerland, areas where prosecutions for heresy had been plentiful and charges of diabolism were prominent. In Spain, Portugal, and southern Italy, witch prosecutions seldom occurred, and executions were very rare. There were additional hunts in Spanish America, where the European pattern of accusations continued even though the differences between the folklore of the Europeans and Native Americans introduced some minor variations into the accusations. In Mexico the Franciscan friars linked indigenous religion and magic with the Devil; prosecutions for witchcraft in Mexico began in the 1530s, and by the 1600s indigenous peasants were reporting stereotypical pacts with the Devil. Like the Spanish colonies, the English colonies repeated the European stereotype with a few minor differences. The first hanging for witchcraft in New England was in 1647, after the witch-hunts had already abated in Europe, though a peculiar outbreak in Sweden in 1668�76 bore some similarity to that in New England. Although the lurid trials at Salem (now in Massachusetts) continue to draw much attention from American authors, they were only a swirl in the backwater of the witch-hunts. The outbreak at Salem, where 19 people were executed, was the result of a combination of church politics, family feuds, and hysterical children, all in a vacuum of political authority. Prosecutions of witches in Austria, Poland, and Hungary took place as late as the 18th century.
Soul-killing witches that deform the body
The responsibility for the witch-hunts can be distributed among theologians, legal theorists, and the practices of secular and ecclesiastical courts. The theological worldview�derived from the early Christian fear of Satan and reinforced by the great effort to reform and conform that began in 1050�was intensified again by the fears and animosities engendered by the Reformation of the 16th century. The Protestant Reformation and Catholic Counter-Reformation heightened the fear of witchcraft by promoting the idea of personal piety (the individual alone with his or her Bible and God), which enhanced individualism while downplaying community. The emphasis on personal piety exacerbated the rigid characterization of people as either �good� or �bad.� It also aggravated feelings of guilt and the psychological tendency to project negative intentions onto others. Moreover, just as the growth of literacy and of reading the Bible helped spread dissent, so did they provoke resistance and fear. Sermons and didactic treatises, including �devil books� warning of Satan�s power, spread both the terror of Satan and the corresponding frantic need to purge society of him. Both Protestants and Catholics were involved in the prosecutions, as the theology of the Protestant Reformers on the Devil and witchcraft was virtually indistinguishable from that of the Catholics. More differences existed among Protestants and among Catholics than between the two religious groups, and regions in which Protestant-Catholic tensions were high did not produce significantly more trials than other regions.
Because accusations and trials of witches took place in both ecclesiastical and secular courts, the law played at least as important a role as religion in the witch-hunts. Local courts were more credulous and therefore more likely to be strict and even violent in their treatment of supposed witches than were regional or superior courts. Crude practices such as pricking witches to see whether the Devil had desensitized them to pain; searching for the �devil�s mark,� an oddly-shaped mole or wart; or �swimming� (throwing the accused into a pond; if she sank, she was innocent because the water accepted her) occurred on the local level. Where central authority�i.e., bishops, kings, or the Inquisition�was strong, convictions were fewer and sentences milder. Ecclesiastical and civil authorities usually tried to restrain witch trials and rarely manipulated witch-hunts to obtain money or power.
The witch executions occurred in the early modern period, the time in Western history when capital punishment and torture were most widespread. Judicial torture, happily in abeyance since the end of the Roman period, was revived in the 12th and 13th centuries; other brutal and sadistic tortures occurred but were usually against the law. Torture was not allowed in witch cases in Italy or Spain, but where used it often led to convictions and the identification of supposed accomplices. The latter was the greatest evil of the system, for a victim might be forced to name acquaintances, who were in turn coerced into naming others, creating a long chain of accusations. Witch trials were equally common in ecclesiastical and secular courts before 1550, and then, as the power of the state increased, they took place more often in secular ones.
El aquelarre. Ilustración del libro de Anton Praetorius
Among the main effects of the papal judicial institution known as the Inquisition was in fact the restraint and reduction of witch trials that resulted from the strictness of its rules. It investigated whether the charges resulted from personal animosity toward the accused; it obtained physicians� statements; it did not allow the naming of accomplices either with or without torture; it required the review of every sentence; and it provided for whipping, banishment, or even house arrest instead of death for first offenders. Like the Inquisition, the Parlement of Paris (the supreme court of northern France) severely restrained the witch-hunts. After an outbreak of hunts in France in 1587�88, increasingly skeptical judges began a series of restraining reforms marked by the requirement of �obligatory appeal� to the Parlement in cases of witchcraft, making accusations even more expensive and dangerous.
The decline of witch-hunts, like their origins, was gradual. By the late 16th century, many prosperous and professional people in western Europe were accused, so that the leaders of society began to have a personal interest in checking the hunts. The legal use of torture declined in the 17th and 18th centuries, and there was a general retreat from religious intensity following the wars of religion (from the 1560s to 1640s). The gradual demise during the late 17th and early 18th century of the previous religious, philosophical, and legal worldview encouraged the ascendancy of an existent but often suppressed skepticism; increasing literacy, mobility, and means of communication set the stage for social acceptance of this changing outlook.
Nevertheless, the reasons for the decline in the witch-hunts are as difficult to discern as the reasons for their origins. The theory best supported by the evidence is that the increasing power of the centralized courts such as the Inquisition and the Parlement acted to begin a process of �decriminalization� of witchcraft. These courts reduced the number of witch trials significantly by 1600, half a century before legal theory, legislation, and theology began to dismiss the notion of witchcraft in France and other countries.
Witchcraft at Salem Village
Explanations of the witch-hunts continue to vary, but recent research has shown some of these theories to be improbable or of negligible value. Most scholars agree that the prosecutions were not driven by political or gender concerns; they were not attacks on backward, or rural, societies; they did not function to express or relieve local tensions; they were not a result of the rise of capitalism or other macroeconomic changes; they were not the result of changes in family structure or in the role of women in society; and they were not an effort by cultural elites to impose their views on the populace. Moreover, the evidence does not indicate a close correlation between socioeconomic tension and witchcraft, though agrarian crises seem to have had some effect.
One of the most important aspects of the hunts remains unexplained. No satisfactory explanation for the preponderance of women among the accused has appeared. Although the proportions varied according to region and time, on the whole about three-fourths of convicted witches were female. Women were certainly more likely than men to be economically and politically powerless, but that generalization is too broad to be helpful, for it holds true for societies in periods where witchcraft is absent. The malevolent sorcery more often associated with men, such as harming crops and livestock, was rarer than that ascribed to women. Young women were sometimes accused of infanticide, but midwives and nurses were not particularly at risk. Older women were more frequently accused of casting malicious spells than were younger women, because they had had more time to establish a bad reputation, and the process from suspicion to conviction often took so long that a woman might have aged considerably before charges were actually advanced. Although many witchcraft theorists were not deeply misogynist, many others were, notably the authors of the infamous Malleus maleficarum. Resentment and fear of the power of the �hag,� a woman released from the constraints of virginity and then of maternal duties, has been frequently described in Mediterranean cultures. Folklore and accounts of trials indicate that a woman who was not protected by a male family member might have been the most likely candidate for an accusation, but the evidence is inconclusive. Children were often accusers (as they were at Salem), but they were sometimes also among the accused. Most accused children had parents who had been accused of witchcraft.
In the long run it may be better simply to describe the witch-hunts than to try to explain them, since the explanations are so diverse and complicated. Yet one general explanation is valid: the unique character of the witch-hunts was consistent with the prevailing worldview of intelligent, educated, experienced people for more than three centuries.
The Ride Through the Murky Air John Gilbert
Contemporary witchcraft
Academics tend to dismiss contemporary witchcraft (known as �Wicca�), at the heart of the modern Neo-Pagan movement, as a silly fad or an incompetent technology, but some now understand it as an emotionally consistent but deliberately anti-intellectual set of practices. Adherents to Wicca worship the Goddess, honour nature, practice ceremonial magic, invoke the aid of deities, and celebrate Halloween, the summer solstice, and the vernal equinox. At the start of the 21st century, perhaps a few hundred thousand people (mostly in North America and Britain) practiced Wicca and Neo-Paganism, a modern Western reconstruction of pre-Christian religions that draws upon the diversity of worldwide polytheistic religions to create a new and diverse religious movement. The rise of Wicca and Neo-Paganism is due in part to increasing religious tolerance and syncretism, a growing awareness of the symbolism of the unconscious, the retreat of Christianity, the popularity of fantasy and science fiction, the growth of feminism, the ascendancy of deconstructionist and relativist theory, and the emphasis upon individuality and subjectivity as opposed to intellectual coherence and societal values. Most modern Neo-Pagans, distrustful of the demands of traditional religions, eschew doctrine or creed and engage in the ritual expression of �symbolic and experiential� meanings. Although Neo-Paganism incorporates the emotional involvement and ritual practices associated with religion into its tradition, many Neo-Pagans prefer to think of themselves as practicing magic rather than religion, and although their emphasis is on opening themselves up to hidden powers through rites, chants, or charms, most do not call themselves �witches,� as Wiccans do. Both Wiccans and Neo-Pagans also have strong ecological and environmental concerns, worship the Goddess and other deities, and celebrate the change of seasons with elaborate rituals. Whether magic or religion, these groups reject intellectual coherence and objectivity in favour of personal experience and dismiss science as well as traditional religion.
Although some Wiccans claim to be part of the �old ways� and �ancient tradition,� their religion is new. Wicca is creative, imaginative, and entirely a 20th-century invention, with no connection to ancient paganism or the alleged �witches� of the witch-hunts. No cult of the �Goddess� played a significant role in Western culture between late antiquity and the mid-20th century. Wicca, in fact, originated about 1939 with an Englishman, Gerald Gardner, who constructed it from the fanciful works of the self-styled magician Aleister Crowley; the fake �ancient� document Aradia (1899); the Hermetic Order of the Golden Dawn and other late-19th and early-20th century occult movements; and Margaret Murray�s The Witch-Cult in Western Europe (1921) and article �Witchcraft� in the 14th edition of the Encyclopædia Britannica (1929), which put forth in its most popular form her theory that the witches of western Europe were the lingering adherents of a once general pagan religion that had been displaced, though not completely, by Christianity. Gardner, backed by Murray, who wrote a laudatory introduction to his book Witchcraft Today (1954), fixed this erroneous notion of an ancient witch-cult somewhere in the public consciousness, and it has been nurtured there by Robert Graves�s The White Goddess (1948) and innumerable more recent quasi-fictional and fictional accounts.
Benedetto Montagna
John William Waterhouse - Magic Circle (1886)
Hexenszene, Umkreis des David Teniers
The Night-Hag Visiting Lapland Witches von Johann Heinrich Fussli
Les lavandieres de la nuit de Yan Dargent - 1861
Trois femmes et trois loups, aquarelle d'Eugene Grasset
The last "witch-trial" in Germany took place in 1775 at the abbey of Kempten.
Her story is similar to that of many other victims:
The maid Maria Anna Schwegelin had lost her employment,
after a suitor had broken their marriage engagement.
The woman was put away into a workhouse,
where she had to bear the continuous ill-treatment of an attendant.
After several arguments the attendant accused her of being in league with the devil, and branded her a "witch."
Witch Hang


Pumpkin Carving is a simple mod that lets you carve faces into pumpkins with shears.
It also removes the regular face that appears on pumpkins. You can carve it though!
The pumpkins are carved with shears and a pumpkin, obviously. The position in the grid will determine the face result.
Could there be some mod capability issues??
Hovering over the pumpkin does not zoom in for me just so you know.
What's the config file called? It doesn't seem to be showing up for me.
Looks very similar to Chisel's pumpkins - does it have any advantages?
There is a dupe bug with this mod - you put the pumpkin and shears in the crafting table and it gives you a carved pumpkin but does not consume the original pumpkin.
I would post to your issue tracker, but you don't have one listed in your project page.
Love the mod! Would be cool if they could be worn as hats like the normal pumpkins with these different expressions!
Haha love it! Honestly I'm fine without the pumpkin blur!
Oh, yay! I wasn't sure this was going to update again but I missed my non-carved pumpkins. :) Cheers, m8.
You can add it to 1.12.1 too becose it works fine!!
This is what we were missing!!


text:
What Does It Feel Like To Get Bit By A Python?
Ball Pythons / By reptilelink
Sharp, throbbing, burning pain around the bite that you may not feel for a little while after the bite. You may also feel pain all the way up whichever limb was affected, such as in the groin for a bite on the leg or the armpit for a bite on the arm.[1]
How To Make A Stormtrooper Ball Python
How Do You Make An Axanthic Ball Python?
What Is The Rarest Ball Python Morph?
What Makes A Snake Axanthic?
How Much Heat Does A Ball Python Need
Do Ball Pythons Need Heat At Night?
Do Ball Pythons Need Heat All Day?
Is A Heat Pad Enough For A Ball Python?
What Temp Is Too Hot For Ball Python?
How Much Is A Black Ball Python
How Much Should A Ball Python Cost?
What Is The Cheapest Ball Python?
How Much Does A Python Cost?
How To Keep Ball Python Humidity Up
How Do I Keep The Humidity Up In My Snake Enclosure?
What Humidity Is Too Low For Ball Python?
What Is The Ideal Humidity For A Ball Python?
How To Draw A Ball Python Step By Step
What To Do If Your Ball Python Hisses At You
What Does It Mean If Your Snake Hisses At You?
What Does It Mean When Ball Python Hisses?
What To Do If A Ball Python Snaps At You?
How Do I Get My Ball Python To Trust Me?
Why Is My Ball Python Not Shedding In One Piece
Are Ball Pythons Supposed To Shed In One Piece?
What Does It Mean If My Ball Python Sheds In Pieces?
How To Make Ivory Ball Python
What Morphs Is An Ivory Ball Python?
What Color Eyes Does An Ivory Ball Python Have?
The stormtrooper ball python is a black-and-white morph that was accidentally produced by crossing a pastel ball python with an axanthic morph.[2]
Breeding pure Axanthic ball pythons is very difficult because the gene is recessive. It requires two parents that are either homozygous recessive or heterozygous: A pair of homozygous snakes will produce a clutch that is entirely Axanthic.[3]
The 12 Rarest Ball Python MorphsSunset Ball Python Morph.Acid Ball Python.Scaleless Ball Python.Dreamsickle Ball Python.Banana Mimosa Ball Python.Piebald Ball Python.Lavender Albino Ball Python.Highway Ball Python.[4]
The term Axanthic actually means the snake has a recessive mutation that only produces gray, brown, and black colors—they lack yellow and red pigments. They have all of the standard patterns of a Ball Python, but Axanthics are color mutations and are fairly rare.[5]
Ideal temperatures for Ball Pythons range from 75-80°F on the cool side and 80-85°F on the warm side. Provide an 88-92°F basking area on the warm side.[6]
See also How Do You Get A Blue Eyed Lucy?
Optimal Temperatures for Ball Pythons
In your Ball Python's enclosure, you'll need to have an ambient temperature of 82–86 degrees F, with a basking spot on one side of 95-105 degrees F. At night, the ambient temperature should ideally drop to 72–78 degrees F.Jul 27, 2022[7]
The truth is that Ball Pythons spend most of their time hiding, and directly absorb heat through their belly. During the day, and in smaller plastic enclosures, this makes heat pads more than enough. But if they come out at night, it also needs to be warm enough for them to forage and explore without getting cold.[8]
Many snake owners use under tank heating pads to keep the tank warm but it can be difficult to maintain and monitor proper temperatures with heating pads. Heat lights offer a more natural day/night cycle for your pet snake than heating pads. You can have two separate heat lights, each on a 12-hour cycle.Dec 15, 2021[9]
General air temperatures in a ball python's enclosure should never exceed 95°F (35°C)! Temperatures can typically drop to room temperature at night without negative effects, and may actually be more beneficial for the snake's long-term health.[10]
A standard black ball python morph costs between $50 and $100. What is this? Black ball pythons have intense coloration which makes them stand out. However, not every black morph has the same price.[11]
The average price that you can expect to pay for a normal ball python morph is around $50, but they can be as cheap as $25 on rare occasions. For rarer morphs, expect to pay more than $50. For instance, young albino ball pythons tend to sell between $150 and $200.[12]
Prices vary, but the cheapest morph overall is generally Yellow Belly. Yellow Belly Ball Pythons are now one of the most widespread morphs of all. You can find them for as little as $45 in the USA and $30 in Europe. Pastel comes in at a close second, usually costing $50 – 100.[13]
The cost of a ball python isn't just the price, which can be any between $50 to $5000 (most ball pythons cost $100 to $500), but also the cost of feeding, heating, lighting, and setting up the python's enclosure. What is this? The ball python is endemic to West and Central africa. It is also called the royal python.[14]
See also Is An Ivory Ball Python Poisonous?
How to Increase Humidity in Ball Python TankEnsure that the enclosure is well heated throughout. … Use a large shallow water bowl that will maximize atmospheric exchange and increase humidity. … Partially cover some of the ventilation holes. … Use a high-quality absorbent substrate. … Mist the enclosure regularly.[15]
5 Ways to Increase Humidity for Reptiles1Spraying the enclosure. The most common method of increasing humidity in the enclosure is to spray the enclosure. … 2Including a water bowl on the warm end. … 3Moving water sources e.g. large pools or waterfalls. … 4Absorbent bedding and decorations. … 5Foggers and humidifiers.[16]
Anything below 45% humidity for a long period of time can cause shedding problems (e.g. stuck shed). If a ball python cannot properly shed its skin, this can cause several health issues: It can result in patches of stuck shed, particularly on the eyes, which can cause problems with vision.Apr 22, 2022[17]
Ball pythons seem to prefer humidity levels of 50 to 60 percent. Maintaining proper humidity will allow your ball python to shed properly.[18]
ImagesView all[19]
If your ball python is randomly hissing, the first step should be to bring them to the veterinarian and have them cleared for a respiratory infection.[20]
As previously mentioned, hissing is a form of communication. If your snake is missing at you, it means it's feeling afraid, upset or annoyed. Any time your snake hisses at you, stop handling it and give it some time alone.Jan 26, 2022[21]
Ball pythons are capable of staying in hiding and hissing heavily to scare predators into wrongly believing they are facing bigger and lethal snakes.Dec 2, 2021[22]
It's uncommon for pet ball snakes to bite, but it's possible. Handling your ball snake appropriately will reduce the chance of a bite. If you receive a bite from a ball python, clean the wound with warm soap and water and contact your doctor. Seek emergency medical treatment if the bite is severe.[23]
Sit near your snake's tank often so it can get used to your scent. When you aren't handling your snake, try to spend time in front of its tank so it stays familiar with your scent. This will help your snake grow accustomed to you so it will know not to strike while you're around.[24]
See also Is Respiratory Infection In Ball Pythons Contagious?
There are many problems that can contribute to shedding problems or incomplete sheds, but the most common problem in inadequate humidity levels. Other factors include skin infections, injuries to the skin (including old scars), parasites, malnutrition, and inadequate heating or lighting.May 31, 2022[25]
A healthy ball python should shed its skin in one piece once every 4-6 weeks or so. As they prepare to shed, the scales will loosen, and you may notice its eyes turn blue and opaque. Provide a large water bowl for soaking and if you do not already have a moist hide prepared, fill the warm hide with moist sphagnum moss.[26]
If your ball python is shedding in pieces, that means that humidity in the cage is too low or that it's dehydrated. Make sure to increase humidity to 60-80%. Other causes could be internal or external infections and even nutrient deficiency.[27]
Breeders produce the ivory color by breeding two yellow ball pythons. There is a 25% chance in every double yellow belly combo that you will get an ivory. When you look closely at the ivory, you can see the light, soft hues of yellow—and this coloration is more subtle in some ivories over others.[28]
The genetics of Ivory ball pythons are quite simple. The Ivory is the super, or homozygous form of the Yellow Belly, making it a fairly straight-forward morph to create. This morph differs from a lot of other super forms as the difference between Ivories and Yellow Bellies is night-and-day.Dec 12, 2021[29]
Ivory – Ivory ball pythons look broadly similar to leucistic ball pythons, but they generally have a pinker appearance, and their patterns (particularly on the head) are more visible than they are in leucistic animals. They typically have a light-colored dorsal stripe and dark eyes.[30]
[1]https://my.clevelandclinic.org/health/diseases/15647-snake-bites
[2]https://reptile.guide/stormtrooper-ball-python/
[3]https://www.everythingreptiles.com/axanthic-ball-python/
[4]https://petkeen.com/rarest-ball-python-morphs/
[5]https://petkeen.com/axanthic-ball-python-morph/
[6]https://www.zillarules.com/information/care-sheets/ball-python
[7]https://petkeen.com/do-ball-pythons-need-a-heat-lamp-what-you-need-to-know/
[8]https://ballpythonbreeder.co.uk/2021/12/02/do-ball-pythons-need-heat-lamps/
[9]https://www.thesprucepets.com/ball-python-lighting-1239263
[10]https://reptifiles.com/ball-python-care-guide/ball-python-humidity-temperatures/
[11]https://reptile.guide/black-ball-python/
[12]https://beyondthetreat.com/how-much-does-a-ball-python-cost/
[13]https://ballpythonbreeder.co.uk/2022/03/27/top-5-cheap-ball-python-morphs/
[14]https://www.snaketracks.com/how-much-do-ball-pythons-cost/
[15]https://reptile.guide/ball-python-humidity/
[16]https://www.reptilecentre.com/blog/2020/02/5-ways-to-increase-humidity-for-reptiles/
[17]https://www.everythingreptiles.com/ball-python-humidity/
[18]https://reptilesmagazine.com/ball-python-care-sheet/
[19]https://www.youtube.com/watch%3Fv%3DAC5rItjAsnc
[20]https://reptilecraze.com/why-your-ball-python-hisses-at-you/
[21]https://www.thesprucepets.com/reasons-why-snakes-hiss-5215794
[22]https://beingreptiles.com/ball-python-hissing/
[23]https://www.healthline.com/health/ball-python-bite
[24]https://www.wikihow.com/Build-a-Relationship-with-Your-Snake
[25]https://www.thesprucepets.com/incomplete-sheds-in-reptiles-1239394
[26]https://reptifiles.com/ball-python-care-guide/ball-python-diseases-health/ball-python-shedding/
[27]https://www.lizards101.com/ball-python-shedding-stages-signs-problems-eye-caps/
[28]https://petkeen.com/ivory-ball-python-morph/
[29]https://beyondthetreat.com/ivory-ball-python/
[30]https://www.reptileadvisor.com/leucistic-ball-python/
How Big Does A Ball Python Get
Can I Handle My Ball Python While Shedding?

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


The name Robert Moses has countless connotations, mostly negative, for Fordham students: racism, gentrification and displacement, to name a few, all come to mind. Moses is intrinsically linked to the construction of Fordham Lincoln Center (FLC) and the surrounding Lincoln Square neighborhood. I can remember, however, that as a prospective student touring FLC for the first time, I had no knowledge of the controversial and at times ugly history of the neighborhood.
De Blasio's reference to Charles Dickens' 1859 novel captures the nuances and contradictions of urban renewal projects like FLC or Lincoln Center. Whatever renewal happens as a result of such projects always comes at a cost; they represent, to quote Dickens, "everything" for some and "nothing" for others.
Gentrification too often leads to displacement and separation, and this phenomenon is evident on the two square blocks of the FLC campus. The Outdoor Plaza, while technically open to the public, sits elevated one story above street level, enclosed on virtually all sides by buildings, walls and fences. Walking through it, it is easy to feel strangely isolated from surrounding city life. It is closed altogether, both to Fordham students and the general public, overnight.
The campus also breaks West 61st Street in half between Columbus and Amsterdam Avenues. Along with Lincoln Center, Fordham glaringly disrupts the urban grid of the Upper West Side from 60th to 65th Streets.
Lincoln Center's history is relatively well-known within the Fordham community. In the mid-20th century, Robert Moses, head of the Mayor's Committee on Slum Clearance, was tasked with developing thousands of high-rise public housing units in which poor residents living in "slums" could be placed. The Lincoln Square renewal was a focal point of this project.
It is estimated that approximately 7,000 lower-class families were displaced out of what was then San Juan Hill to make way for Lincoln Center, but the true numbers remain unknown.
Robert Caro, in his famed biography of Moses, "The Power Broker," described the incredibly coincidental circumstances out of which Lincoln Square was conceived. Rev. Laurence J. McGinley, S.J., who served as president of Fordham from 1949–1963, mentioned to Moses that the university desired a midtown campus but could not afford midtown real estate prices. The Metropolitan Opera was seeking to move from its "ancient" building on 39th Street. The New York Philharmonic had been notified by Carnegie Hall that its lease would not be renewed after 1958.
From these three coincidences, Caro wrote, Moses' mind "lept to a grand conception: raving eighteen square blocks of slums … and rearing in their ruins a huge, glittering cultural center" that would house the university, opera and Philharmonic.
Caro described the scene at the FLC dedication ceremony on July 3, 1970, at which Moses, Fordham President Rev. Michael P. Walsh, S.J. and Mayor Nelson Rockefeller were present. It was at this ceremony that the now-infamous "Robert Moses, Masterbuilder, Friend of Fordham" plinth was unveiled — that text was chiseled into the marble of the plinth and gilded in gold.
When Walsh announced that the outdoor plaza would be named in Moses' honor, Moses broke into tears.
Thirty-seven years after his death in 1981, neither Fordham nor New York City has fully stepped out of Moses' shadow. Lincoln Square, for many urban and real estate developers, has long been viewed as a prototypical urban renewal project.
It features two essential components for a successful renewal: an academic institution, in this case Fordham, and a cultural one, Lincoln Center. These anchors set neighborhoods apart from one another and make them attractive places for prospective (often wealthy and white) tenants. Luxury housing can be built up around, and new residents can rename and repurpose parts of the area as they see fit.
"That absence," Spiegelman said of the plinth's removal, "is a presence." He argued that attempts to outright erase Moses' name and legacy from FLC may in fact do more harm than good.
The "Moses debate" reminded Spiegelman of the recent controversies surrounding Confederate statues and monuments. "We're clearly in a period," he said, "where public statues have come under scrutiny and critique … they've become flashpoints of interpretations of which history is worth preserving." He does not feel that the plinth should be removed from campus.
"I'm for using it as a talking point to this very important moment in history in New York City's development which reminds people of what was there," he said.
Spiegelman did not equate supporting the reinstallation of the plinth with supporting Moses' politics or legacy. He stressed that the plinth should not be "blandly commemorative," but rather should serve as a means by which the university can confront its, at times, problematic history.
Further inscription detailing the full history of Moses would help foster "principled discussion," he argued. "Places like Harvard and Yale and Princeton are coming to grips with their stained past," he explained. The plinth could be an opportunity for Fordham to do the same.
This vision, though, only captures one side of a long history, a history whose effects can still be felt today almost 50 years after the "Friend of Fordham" plinth was first erected.


text:
import django.db.models.deletion
from django.conf import settings
from django.db import migrations, models

class Migration(migrations.Migration):

    dependencies = [
        ("contentstore", "0010_auto_20181126_1104"),
        ("subscriptions", "0008_resendrequest"),
    ]

    operations = [
        migrations.CreateModel(
            name="BehindSubscription",
            fields=[
                (
                    "id",
                    models.AutoField(
                        auto_created=True,
                        primary_key=True,
                        serialize=False,
                        verbose_name="ID",
                    ),
                ),
                (
                    "messages_behind",
                    models.IntegerField(
                        help_text="The number of messages the subscription is behind by"
                    ),
                ),
                (
                    "current_sequence_number",
                    models.IntegerField(
                        help_text="Which sequence in the messageset we are at"
                    ),
                ),
                (
                    "expected_sequence_number",
                    models.IntegerField(
                        help_text="Which sequence in the messageset we expect to be"
                    ),
                ),
                ("created_at", models.DateTimeField(auto_now_add=True)),
                (
                    "current_messageset",
                    models.ForeignKey(
                        help_text="The message set the the subscription is on",
                        on_delete=django.db.models.deletion.CASCADE,
                        related_name="+",
                        to="contentstore.MessageSet",
                    ),
                ),
                (
                    "expected_messageset",
                    models.ForeignKey(
                        help_text="The messageset that the subscription should be on",
                        on_delete=django.db.models.deletion.CASCADE,
                        related_name="+",
                        to="contentstore.MessageSet",
                    ),
                ),
            ],
        ),
        migrations.AlterField(
            model_name="resendrequest",
            name="message",
            field=models.ForeignKey(
                null=True,
                on_delete=django.db.models.deletion.SET_NULL,
                related_name="resend_requests",
                to="contentstore.Message",
            ),
        ),
        migrations.AlterField(
            model_name="subscription",
            name="created_by",
            field=models.ForeignKey(
                null=True,
                on_delete=django.db.models.deletion.SET_NULL,
                related_name="subscriptions_created",
                to=settings.AUTH_USER_MODEL,
            ),
        ),
        migrations.AlterField(
            model_name="subscription",
            name="messageset",
            field=models.ForeignKey(
                on_delete=django.db.models.deletion.PROTECT,
                related_name="subscriptions",
                to="contentstore.MessageSet",
            ),
        ),
        migrations.AlterField(
            model_name="subscription",
            name="schedule",
            field=models.ForeignKey(
                on_delete=django.db.models.deletion.PROTECT,
                related_name="subscriptions",
                to="contentstore.Schedule",
            ),
        ),
        migrations.AlterField(
            model_name="subscription",
            name="updated_by",
            field=models.ForeignKey(
                null=True,
                on_delete=django.db.models.deletion.SET_NULL,
                related_name="subscriptions_updated",
                to=settings.AUTH_USER_MODEL,
            ),
        ),
        migrations.AddField(
            model_name="behindsubscription",
            name="subscription",
            field=models.ForeignKey(
                help_text="The subscription that is behind",
                on_delete=django.db.models.deletion.CASCADE,
                to="subscriptions.Subscription",
            ),
        ),
    ]

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


Structured Media Group, Inc (SMG) is a locally owned and operated company in the Central Florida area. We are a customer service organization that installs cabling. Standards-based installations with a focus on customer service is our goal.
We concentrate on the design, building, testing and certification of voice, data, and video systems using copper, fiber, coax and RF media to distribute those systems.
We realize you have a choice in choosing your cabling contractor. Structured Media Group, Inc. believes in treating every customer as if they are part of our family.


text:
Tag: Cheng Hsiao-Fen
Dangerous Youth (危險的青春, Hsin Chi, 1969)
Posted on October 27, 2021 by Hayley Scanlon
Increasing consumerism has begun to corrupt the minds of the young in Hsin Chi's ultra contemporary Taiwanese-language drama Dangerous Youth (危險的青春). Unlike similarly themed youth movies from elsewhere such as Kim Ki-duk's Barefooted Youth (1964, inspired by Ko Nakahira's Doro Darake no Junjo) or Nagisa Oshima's Cruel Story of Youth (1960), Hsin's film is nowhere near as nihilistic as its title might suggest nor are its heroes as delinquent merely morally compromised as they attempt to navigate the changing society around them while feeling as if the things they want have been deliberately placed out of reach.
As the film opens, Khue-guan (Shih Ying) is cheerfully riding on his motorcycle with his current girlfriend on the back behind him, only the trip comes to an abrupt halt when the bike, a symbol of his freedom and independence, gets a flat tire. The pair pull over to a roadside garage to get it fixed and wait in a nearby cafe where they're served by waitress Tsing-bi (Cheng Hsiao-Fen) who happens to be the owner's daughter. While they're waiting, Khue-guan's girlfriend contemptuously dumps him, complaining that his bike is always breaking down and she's decided to marry a financially secure engineer while attempting to palm Khue-guan off on Tsing-bi who ironically has a haircut quite like hers and is dressed almost identically. Khue-guan tries to change her mind, but she reminds him that marriage is "a woman's meal ticket" so why would she or anyone else for that matter marry a poor delivery boy if a better offer came along?
Khue-guan innocently insists that if they stay together and work hard they'll be rich someday too, but his girlfriend has no desire to wait and no inclination to strive. It's this ideology of working class aspiration that if you just buckle down and play by the rules you can one day have a comfortable life that is at the centre of the film's ideological conflict, Khue-guan himself later hearing the same words from Tsing-bi when she refuses to become the mistress of the wealthy widower Mr. Tshi (Chen Tsai-Hsing) but having become so jaded that he no longer believes them only to be apparently converted when a work colleague gives him the same advice that he should give up on the boss' sexually liberated daughter and find someone who loves him with whom he can work together to build a happy family home.
The happy family home, a conventional middle-class success story, was Khue-guan's small dream at the beginning of the film before his girlfriend's slight caused him to lose his way. His crisis is also one of threatened masculinity, feeling himself inferior by virtue of a poverty he does not know how to escape lamenting to an old friend that only college men like him can find good jobs in the changing, increasingly white collar society. In a minor role reversal, it's clear that women have gained increasing freedom and agency and in fact here hold the power as reflected in the masculinised figure of boss' daughter Giok-Sian (Kao Hsing-Chih) who runs a hostess bar and refuses to get married instead living a sexually liberated life without romantic attachment. Part of Tsing-bi's resentment towards her mother (Su Chu) stems from her sexually active love life in which it seems she too has the upper hand. In a repeated motif, we see Tsing-bi's mother hand money to her lover so he can take time off work, something Tsing-bi later does to Khue-guan who without quite thinking about it has begun to live through her exploitation only objecting when offered money by Giok-Sian who rejects his romantic overtures interested only in bodily satisfaction.
This gender imbalance is later "corrected" towards patriarchal norms as Giok-Sion is finally forced to accept that she is in love with Khue-guan just at the moment he receives his epiphany that the way he's been living is wrong, love is more important than money, and he needs to get back on the straight and narrow to earn success by working hard rather than exploiting others. Nevertheless, there is plenty of toxic masculinity in the air, the friends of the ageing Mr. Tshi apparently mocking him for his literal impotence, his masculinity questioned in the absence of a female sexual partner. Though as we discover Mr. Tshi is simply lonely having lost his wife and seemingly having no children, asking Tsing-bi only for cuddles and companionship. There is something distinctly uncomfortable in the way that Tsing-bi is thrown at Mr. Tshi like a like live chicken into a pit of crocodiles by Giok-Sian, her father, and his friends each of whom are trying to curry favour for business advantage by exploiting her. With her short hair and tendency to wear pinafore dresses, not to mention often carrying around teddy bears and oversize dolls, the 20-year-old and extremely naive Tsing-bi seems even younger than she is, an innocent little girl misused by an increasingly corrupt society.
Even so Tsing-bi remains the least corrupted of the youngsters, clinging to her love for Khue-guen never realising he too is just using her for easy money even as she ironically throws his own words back at him in suggesting they marry, work hard, and raise a happy family together. Though it was her consumerist desires that originally set her against her mother in her yearning for current fashions and sophisticated city life, she never really wanted the money only Khue-guan while ironically mimicking her mother's behaviour in accidentally making him a kept man. The reset which occurs at the film's conclusion at once restores traditional gender roles but also perhaps shifts them in stressing the need of the couple to work "together" even if that sentiment might imply a greater equality than is in reality in play. Nevertheless, perhaps for reasons of censorship (which might also explain why despite the film's obvious Taiwan setting frequent references are made to Hong Kong landmarks) the conclusion is not as bleak as one might assume from the rather nihilistic, moral panic implications of the title as the young couple are finally placed back onto the "correct" path of honest hard work which is also in its own way a capitulation to their own exploitation at the centre of an expanding, increasingly capitalistic society.
Dangerous Youth streams in the UK until 31st October as part of this year's Taiwan Film Festival Edinburgh.
Trailer (Traditional Chinese / English subtitles)
Posted in Taiwan, Taiwan Film Festival Edinburgh 2021, Taiyupian
Tagged 1960s, 1969, Chen Tsai-Hsing, Cheng Hsiao-Fen, Chiang Tao, Chin Tu, Hsin Chi, Huang Ssu-Shan, Kao Hsing-Chih, Liao Ching-Song, Lu Ping, Pai Yu, Shih Ying, Su Chin-Lung, Taiwan, Taiwan Film Festival Edinburgh, Taiwan Film Festival Edinburgh 2021, Taiwanese, Taiyupian, Wu Fei-Song, Yong Xin Motion Picture Company


text:
eslHQ (http://www.eslhq.com/forums/)
- English Questions (http://www.eslhq.com/forums/esl-forums/english-questions/)
- - "lasts" or "continues"? (http://www.eslhq.com/forums/esl-forums/english-questions/lasts-continues-16721/)
zakumi Jun 3rd, 2010 03:43 am
"lasts" or "continues"?
I am a little bit unsure about the difference between "lasts" and "continues". For example:
Is "The festival lasts for three days," and "The festival continues for three days," both OK to use? They both seem fine to me.
However, with "The movie lasts for three hours," and "The movie continues for three hours," the latter sounds a little strange and I am not sure why.
Are there any special rules or situations where it only one of "lasts" or "continues" would be correct? What, if any, are the differences between the two?
As an English speaker this is pretty much straight forward for me and I have no problem using the words / grammar. However, I have some students in my classes who are curious about the differences between the two and I am not really sure if there are any...
bread_baker Jun 3rd, 2010 06:14 pm
Re: "lasts" or "continues"?
I am a native of California and I only speak American English. In the 2 pairs of sentences you wrote, I pick the first sentence of each pair as being correct. Each subject you used takes time (a festival or a movie). I think with any other subject like that, "lasts" is the better choice. I could write sentences with "lasts" concerning weddings, sporting events, television programming, etc.
"Continues" is not used a lot. I can say, "His jokes continue to amuse me." Here it's not the jokes that continue, but my amusement. I am using "continue" to describe my emotion. I hope this helps.
emile Jun 4th, 2010 03:10 am
Well, when you use the word 'continue', it implies a point of reference.
For example, the party continued for three hours after I left. I left, but the party continued.
>>The festival continues for three days.
This sounds odd without a point of reference.
>>The festival begins on Friday and continues for three days.
Ahh... now it sounds correct.
In informal speech, we'd use 'go on':
>>The festival goes on for three days.
bread_baker Jun 4th, 2010 05:44 pm
Emile raised a good point. Many things have a defined time of beginning. A festival, a movie, a TV program, and a wedding all have definite times that they begin. When "lasts" is used, the speaker understands that he/she is referencing the time that the thing begins.
susan53 Jun 5th, 2010 03:12 am
I think it's a mix of several things, which is what makes it so hard to define. One of them, as emile says, is that continue implies a reference point, whereas last implies a period in its entirety.
Taking last first :), I might say either of the following :
The festival lasts for three days
The festival starts on Monday and lasts until Wednesday.
The starting point may be implied by the context but is always there - so in the film lasts for three hours, the implication is "from the time it begins". And it's the same for the end point - we know the whole period.
Last then takes us from start to finish and emphasises a continuous period of time for an event.
On the other hand, I could say : The film continued after the interval. Here we know the starting point but don't know the end point - this suggests that continue is more involved with an action than a period or an event.
When I put continue into a concordancer, the majority of the examples that came up were continue + infinitive : eg they continued to argue that ... This again suggests that continue expresses an action rather than an event - which may explain the "oddness" of The movie continues for three hours where "the movie" is seen as an event, and the emphasis sems to be on the period of time.
But if we change it to The movie started at 8 and continued for three hours without a break or It's a really long film. The first half lasts two hours and then after the interval it continues for another hour and a half - suddenly it sounds a bit better. It seems there's an implied action (which we would never actually express but which might have a meaning something like to be shown, or to play) in there after continue, and the emphasis is on that, rather than on the period itself.
It seems to me that it's a mixture of :
a) emile's explanation - continue must have an reference point, which may be either the start or a restart after an interruption. Last on the other hand doesn't need one. I can tell you The film lasts for three hours without knowing exactly when it starts or finishes.
b) the difference between placing the emphasis on a period (last) where if we specify the start we must also specify the end point or an action (continue) where only the start (or restart) points are necessary. So I can say The festival continues from Monday but not *The festival lasts from Monday.
c) Breadbaker's point that continue is sounds odd in what is probably a conversational context : The film goes on for three hours does seem more feasible. I don't think this is a major factor, because I'd argue that continue is neutral in style rather than forma, and therefore should be OK in conversational contexts. But it's true that goes on is less formal, and this probably adds to more comfortable feel of the sentence.
If this seems a bit muddled, it's because it seems to me these three things are all mixed up in each example. As I say, it's a combination of the factors rather than just one thing. But if I had to plump for just one, I think I'd go for the period vs action explanation.
Tricky one .... :)


text:
AG Garland Mobilizes FBI Against 'Threat' of Parents Protesting School Boards
Published by CV News Feed at October 4, 2021
CV NEWS FEED // Attorney General Merrick Garland announced Monday that he will be sending Federal Bureau of Investigations (FBI) and Department of Justice (DOJ) officers to "identify" and "prosecute" "threats" connected with protests against public school officials.
The move seems to be the Biden administration's response to a recent letter from National School Boards Association which called for the Patriot Act to be enforced against those parents whom they apparently classified as terrorists. "America's public schools and its education leaders are under immediate threat," the letter stated.
"In recent months, there has been a disturbing spike in harassment, intimidation, and threats of violence against school administrators, board members, teachers, and staff who participate in the vital work of running our nation's public schools," wrote Garland in a memo to the FBI director and the Department of Justice.
"Those who dedicate their time and energy to ensuring that our children receive a proper education in a safe environment deserve to be able to do their work without fear for their safety," Garland stated. He also promised that the "Department takes these incidents seriously and is committed to using its authority and resources to discourage these threats, identify them when they occur, and prosecute them when appropriate." Garland did not name any actual "incidents" or "threats" in particular.
"In the coming days, the Department will announce a series of measures designed to address the rise in criminal conduct directed toward school personnel," he wrote. "Coordination and partnership with local law enforcement is critical to implementing these measures for the benefit of our nation's nearly 14,000 public school districts."
"To this end," he continued:
I am directing the Federal Bureau of Investigation, working with each United States Attorney, to convene meetings with federal, state, local, Tribal, and territorial leaders in each federal judicial district within 30 days of the issuance of this memorandum. These meetings will facilitate the discussion of strategies for addressing threats against school administrators, board members, teachers, and staff, and will open dedicated lines of communication for threat reporting, assessment, and response.
The DOJ issued a similar statement vowing to tackle "violent threats" against school officials.
For the past two years, American parents have been increasingly critical of the public education system, their local school boards, and teachers union officials. As CatholicVote has reported:
Parents' rights has become a nationally explosive issue in the past year, with teachers unions and public education officials losing the support of many amid unpopular school lockdowns, masking mandates, and "virtual learning" curricula.
With more people working from home and more children learning virtually, many parents have also become more aware of controversial progressive educational materials such as Critical Race Theory and gender ideology — another mark against the status quo of America's education system in the eyes of critics.
In addition, teachers unions have been embroiled in a number of scandals involving what appears to be backroom dealing with health officials. While parents clamored for schools to reopen, teachers unions went out of their way to keep them closed — even going so far as to meet with and pressure officials at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) to alter public health guidelines.
Christopher Rufo, a leader in the growing movement against the current state of public education, took issue with Garland's memo Monday, perceiving it as an unjust attempt to quell the democratic participation of parents in the education of their own children.
"The Biden administration is rapidly repurposing federal law enforcement to target political opposition," Rufo wrote:
They want to reclassify dissent as "disinformation" and "domestic terrorism," justifying an unprecedented intervention, both directly and in partnership with tech companies.
Neither the Attorney General's memo nor the full Justice Department press release cites any significant, credible threat.
This is a blatant suppression tactic, designed to dissuade citizens from participating in the democratic process at school boards.
We must forcefully push back against the suppression of our basic rights and the criminalization of our politics.
"The Biden administration wants to apply the [January 6th] strategy to every expression of conservative speech and assembly," Rufo concluded. "We must not let them."


Employees have rights under federal and Minnesota law for required break time. Employees also have protections against employers deducting pay from their paychecks.
Minnesota law requires that employees receive paid time for restroom breaks if they work a shift of 4 hours or more. You must be paid for breaks that last less than 20 minutes. So, if your break is for less than 20 minutes, your employer cannot require you to clock out for it.
Employees are also entitled to a meal break if they work a shift of at least 8 hours. A meal break must be at least 30 minutes. However, employers are not required to pay for the meal break.
If your employer does not allow you to take restroom or meal breaks, you may have a claim under the Minnesota Fair Labor Standards Act.
Minnesota law prohibits employers from deducting certain items from an employee's paycheck. Employers cannot deduct (or take money out of a check) for amounts they claim an employee owes. For example, deductions are not allowed for lost property, stolen property, property damage, or similar things. Even if you signed or authorized the deduction, it may still be void under Minnesota law. Employers generally cannot take money out of employees' paychecks.
If an employer deducted money from your paycheck, you may have a claim under the Minnesota Payment of Wages Act. You may be able to bring a claim to recover your lost wages, statutory penalties, attorney's fees, costs, and interest.
Contact Teske, Katz, Kitzer & Rochel to learn more.


text:
Tettigidea empedonepia är en insektsart som beskrevs av Theodore Huntington Hubbell 1937. Tettigidea empedonepia ingår i släktet Tettigidea och familjen torngräshoppor. IUCN kategoriserar arten globalt som akut hotad. Inga underarter finns listade i Catalogue of Life.

Källor

Torngräshoppor
empedonepia

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
Q: Width mudando ao contrario da lógica da função Estou criando uma página, o objetivo é sempre que eu clicar para expandir o menu a resolução da div diminuir um pouco e sempre que eu clicar de novo essa resolução aumentar pro tamanho normal.
Minha lógica foi o seguinte: Coloquei um onclick na label que dispara uma função que verifica a resolução que está no id, se tiver igual a 100% ela vai colocar para 76.5% (Pois isso indicaria que o menu estava fechado e ia abrir) e se estive-se diferente de 100% ele colocaria em 100% (Pois indicaria que o menu estava aberto e ia fechar)
Porém aconteceu algo inesperado, ele está totalmente ao contrário, quando eu clico para abrir o menu ele aumenta a div e quando clico para fechar ele diminui, aonde estou errando?
HTML

    <input type="checkbox" id="check">

            <input type="text" placeholder="Pesquise uma aula" class="pesquisar">

Módulo 1:

Módulo 2:

Módulo 3:

Módulo 4:

Módulo 5:

                Aula Anterior

               Próxima Aula

TITULO DA AULA

        <button onclick="materiais()">Materiais da Aula</button>

CSS
    * {
    margin: 0;
    padding: 0;
}

body {
    background-color:#f9f9f9;
}

a {
    text-decoration: none;
}

.barrasuperior {
    width: 100%;
    height:60px;
    background-color: black;
}

#check {
    display:none;
}

#icone {
    cursor:pointer;
    padding:15px;
    position: absolute;
    z-index: 1;
}

.barra {
    background-color:black;
    height:100%;
    width: 300px;
    position: absolute;
    transition: all .2s linear;
    left: -300px;
}

nav {
    width: 100%;
    position: absolute;
    top: 60px;
}

nav a {
    text-decoration: none;
}

.pesquisar {
    width: 284px;
    margin-top:10px;
    margin-bottom:10px;
}

.link {
    background-color:#494950;
    padding:20px;
    font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;
    font-size: 12pt;
    transition: all .2s linear;
    color: #f4f4f9;
    border-bottom: 2px solid #222;
}

.link:hover {
    background-color: #050542;
}

#check:checked ~ .barra {
    transform: translateX(300px)
}

#check:checked ~ .barra nav a .link {
    opacity: 1;
    margin-top:0;
}

#conteudo {
    width:100%;
    height:500px;
    background-color:#191919;
    float:right;
}

#conteudo2 {
    width:76.5%;
    height:500px;
    background-color:#191919;
    float:right;
}

.opcoes {
    width:100%;
    border:1px solid #2c2c2c;
    display:flex;
    justify-content:space-between;
}

.anterior {
    display:inline;
    padding:10px;
}

.proximo {
    display:inline;
    padding:10px;
}

.aula {
    width: 700px;
    height: 300px;
    margin:20px auto;
    border:1px solid #0b47ca;
    box-shadow:0px 0px 5px #28bcf4;
}

#titulo {
    color: #f3f3f3;
    text-align: center;
    text-transform: uppercase;
    font-weight: lighter;
    font-size: 1.2rem;
    font-family: inherit;
}

button{
    display:block;
    margin:20px auto;
    padding:15px 40px;
    background-image: linear-gradient(198deg,#28bcf4,#0b47ca);
    border-radius: 30px;
    border:none;
    color:white;
    text-transform: uppercase;
    font-weight: bold;
    font-family: 'Titillium Web';
    font-size:12px;
    cursor:pointer;
}

JS
function resolucao(){
var reso = document.getElementById('conteudo').style.width
comparar = '100%'
if(reso == comparar){
    document.getElementById('conteudo').style.width = '76.5%'
} else {
    document.getElementById('conteudo').style.width = '100%'
}

}

A: O problema é que a propriedade .style.width não pega o valor da propriedade width definida no CSS. Ela retorna o valor que estiver no atributo style do elemento:

Como inicialmente o elemento não possui o atributo style, ao chamar a função pela primeira vez, o valor de .style.width será vazio, fazendo com que caia direto no else do if.
Não precisa declarar outra variável com o valor de 100%. Coloque o valor "100%" direto no if, e crie outra condição verificando se a variável reso está vazia. O if ficará assim:
if(reso == "100%" || !reso){

O operador "ou" (||) irá fazer com que seja verificado se uma das condições é verdadeira, ou seja, se reso é igual a 100% ou é vazio (!reso).
E como o menu tem 300px de largura (definido no CSS), não use o valor de 76.5%, pois esse valor nunca será igual à largura total da tela menos a largura do menu de 300px. Em vez disso, use a função calc() do CSS. Basta subtrair 100% - 300px, assim:
document.getElementById('conteudo').style.width = 'calc(100% - 300px)';

Aproveitando que está aprendendo JavaScript, tenha o costume de colocar o ponto-e-vírgula (;) no final das instruções.
Seu código ficará assim:

function resolucao(){
   var reso = document.getElementById('conteudo').style.width;
   if(reso == "100%" || !reso){
       document.getElementById('conteudo').style.width = 'calc(100% - 300px)';
   } else {
       document.getElementById('conteudo').style.width = '100%';
   }
}
* {
    margin: 0;
    padding: 0;
}

body {
    background-color:#f9f9f9;
}

a {
    text-decoration: none;
}

.barrasuperior {
    width: 100%;
    height:60px;
    background-color: black;
}

#check {
    display:none;
}

#icone {
    cursor:pointer;
    padding:15px;
    position: absolute;
    z-index: 1;
}

.barra {
    background-color:black;
    height:100%;
    width: 300px;
    position: absolute;
    transition: all .2s linear;
    left: -300px;
}

nav {
    width: 100%;
    position: absolute;
    top: 60px;
}

nav a {
    text-decoration: none;
}

.pesquisar {
    width: 284px;
    margin-top:10px;
    margin-bottom:10px;
}

.link {
    background-color:#494950;
    padding:20px;
    font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;
    font-size: 12pt;
    transition: all .2s linear;
    color: #f4f4f9;
    border-bottom: 2px solid #222;
}

.link:hover {
    background-color: #050542;
}

#check:checked ~ .barra {
    transform: translateX(300px)
}

#check:checked ~ .barra nav a .link {
    opacity: 1;
    margin-top:0;
}

#conteudo {
    width:100%;
    height:500px;
    background-color:#191919;
    float:right;
}

#conteudo2 {
    width:76.5%;
    height:500px;
    background-color:#191919;
    float:right;
}

.opcoes {
    width:100%;
    border:1px solid #2c2c2c;
    display:flex;
    justify-content:space-between;
}

.anterior {
    display:inline;
    padding:10px;
}

.proximo {
    display:inline;
    padding:10px;
}

.aula {
    width: 700px;
    height: 300px;
    margin:20px auto;
    border:1px solid #0b47ca;
    box-shadow:0px 0px 5px #28bcf4;
}

#titulo {
    color: #f3f3f3;
    text-align: center;
    text-transform: uppercase;
    font-weight: lighter;
    font-size: 1.2rem;
    font-family: inherit;
}

button{
    display:block;
    margin:20px auto;
    padding:15px 40px;
    background-image: linear-gradient(198deg,#28bcf4,#0b47ca);
    border-radius: 30px;
    border:none;
    color:white;
    text-transform: uppercase;
    font-weight: bold;
    font-family: 'Titillium Web';
    font-size:12px;
    cursor:pointer;
}
<input>
<input type="checkbox" id="check">

         <input type="text" placeholder="Pesquise uma aula" class="pesquisar">

Módulo 1:

Módulo 2:

Módulo 3:

Módulo 4:

Módulo 5:

             Aula Anterior

            Próxima Aula

TITULO DA AULA

     <button onclick="materiais()">Materiais da Aula</button>

A: Olá, seu código estava com alguns erros de sintaxe, e era um dos motivos da sua função não funcionar corretamente. Procure sempre lembrar de colocar o ';' no final das instruções e fechar as chaves '{}' das funções, e coloque a palavra chave var antes de declarar a variável.
Como você já havia atribuído a  conteudo a uma variável, eu utilizei ela para alterar o valor do CSS.
function resolucao(){
     var reso = document.getElementById('conteudo').style.width;
     var comparar = '100%';

     if(reso == comparar){
          reso = '76.5%';
     }

     document.getElementById('conteudo').style.width = '100%';
}

Como você só tem duas condições, não é necessário utilizar o else, pois, se o seu if não for verdadeiro, o JavaScript vai pular e ler a próxima instrução.
Espero que tenha ajudado.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


Nasworthy stands in front of classroom of students.
On Dec. 29, 2018, during winter recess, Los Medanos Colleges' beloved Electrical & Instrumentation Technology instructor Cecil Nasworthy passed away after an arduous battle with cancer. His impact in the LMC community, Bay Area and our country will continue to outlive him. An army veteran, Georgia native and later a great grandfather, Nasworthy touched countless lives.
Nasworthy's flagship ETEC program blossomed over the last decade on the LMC campus. Like other instructors at LMC, Nasworthy felt he was born to teach. According to a document created for his celebration of life, after leaving the Army with an impressive technical ability, Nasworthy took a job at the technical school he was attending before heading to Georgia Southern University for his bachelor's degree. He later spent 19 years working for Heald College while also working part-time before eventually making his way to Los Medanos College.
Nasworthy's devotion to his work never went unnoticed.
In 2018 Nasworthy received the honor of Teacher-of-the-Year by the Contra Costa County Office of Education. The award is no small feat, as the sampling includes educators from kindergarten to those at the college level. Only those with the utmost dedication to their work receive it, and to his students he deserved it more than anyone.
Natalie Hannum, Los Medanos' Dean of Workforce and Economic Development worked closely with Nasworthy. Hannum, who went to Nasworthy's Saturday service noticed many of his colleagues were in attendance to remember him. Especially noteworthy to Hannum was his everlasting dedication to his work.
Hannum said even when Nasworthy was diagnosed with cancer he continued to go to work and do the right thing for his students and for his colleagues.
Nasworthy was as much a teacher as a liaison to the professional world Wahl continued.
Outside of his professional life, Nasworthy enjoyed some creative hobbies including photography with his wife, RVing and woodworking.
Wahl noted that while he and Nasworthy were not especially close on a personal level, he mentioned they shared the hobby of woodworking and would often show each other their ongoing projects of clockmaking and cabinetry.
LMC President Bob Kratochvil recalled one of the last times Nasworthy visited the President's office.
Nasworthy was proud to work at LMC, and just prior to his service, the school gifted his wife, Ria, another sweatshirt as a final thank you for all he had done.
"He made a huge difference at lmc for many, many students and his legacy will stay with them for many years," said Kratochvil.


Some say the price of good advice can only be truly measured when, in the absence of it, a loss is sustained, which is kind of depressing when you think about it.
I'd suggest that you pay for what you get, unless you're complexly unsure of the context, e.g. the mechanic's adage 'one price for the fella's and another for the ladies', wink nudge.
As its early days for ESIC's, you might assume that the value & risk ratio puts a premium on legal and accounting advice, which is probably true.... except we are giving a lot of that away for free (thanks to digital automation). But that still leaves some serious questions unanswered and the all important investor assurance.
Now that's a different story. So exactly what price is ESIC advice?
Well, we will not name names, however we've been told by ESIC's that anything from $1,000 to $10,000 per certification + GST applies.
Ouch, so lets break that down into an hourly rate. We are talking about between 4 and 40 hours of a suitably qualified and insured advisers time, which could regrettably be about right, depending on complexity, the risk and the relationship.
It's probably safe to say those fees will stay high, so long as we wait for further ATO guidance and a small number of experienced advisers have the pick of the referrals.
What can an ESIC do about it?
As always, I hope this above helps shed some light on your path to qualification.


Pacific Union College welcomed Paralympian Scout Bassett to speak for the Colloquy Speaker Series on Thursday, May 25. Bassett shared her incredible and inspirational story, from an abandoned infant in Nanjing, China, to competing in last summer's 2016 Rio Paralympic Games. She believes she owes her success to determination, hard work, and most of all, God's leading in her life.
Bassett lost her right leg in a fire when she was only an infant, and shortly after she was found abandoned on the streets and brought to a government-run orphanage, where she would live for several years in harsh conditions, unable to walk because of her disability. When she was seven, she was adopted by an American family and moved to a small town in Michigan. She was the only minority as well as the only disabled person in the entire county. Bassett struggled in school and desperately searched for a way to fit in. It wasn't until the age 14 when she was introduced to the Challenged Athletes Foundation and was given her first running prosthetic she felt she found where she belonged and could achieve anything she wanted with her life.
"It changed the course of my entire life. … I had searched my whole life to find something I was passionate about, something that gave me a sense of purpose, hope, and meaning in my life. I didn't know what that was until I put on that running leg and I ran for the first time. I said 'This is what I'm born to do, I know my calling,'" Bassett shared.
At the time, she was failing school and didn't have any college ambitions, but with her newfound confidence thanks to participating in sports, she applied herself, and earned a full-ride scholarship to the University of California, Los Angeles. After an extensive amount of training, Bassett competed at the 2012 London U.S. Paralympic track and field trials, and finished in last place, which was devastating for her. She thought her time as a runner was over. Following graduation, she worked at a medical device company for three years, afraid of going after what she really wanted.
One day Bassett felt God's calling to quit her job, even though she didn't have a single sponsor, and a few months later, she was living out of her car, sleeping on friends' couches, and eating ramen while she trained in San Diego. She was determined she was going to work hard and knew God would take care of her. "Your trials, your challenges, your struggles—embrace them, because they are paving the way to excellence," she said. Bassett began to break world records and soon Nike called wanting to sponsor her. She felt her success came after years of trusting God's leading in her life and her hard work. Last summer, she competed at the 2016 Rio Paralympic games and finished fifth overall in the world. Though she was disappointed in her standing, she continues to train for the 2020 Tokyo games.
Talking about her process, Bassett encouraged the audience to not only follow their dreams, but to put in the hard work to get there. "Goal setting isn't the differentiator, because guess what, a lot of us have the same goals. We all want to be successful, we all want to win, make good money, get a promotion. Setting goals is important but that alone isn't going to get you there. No one will do the hard work for you. You've got to be the one who says, 'I'm committed,'" she said.
Through it all, Bassett counts everything she has been through as a blessing. Recently, she went back to China and visited the same orphanage she grew up in, facing a lot of her fears and years of pain. She was able to see how God continued to work in her life and use her to say things to the children there things no one had said to her as a young girl: they are worthy, they belong, and they are loved.


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