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Mexico: The New Migration Narrative
By Francisco Alba
New economic, political, and demographic realities on the ground in Mexico open a window of opportunity to harness the results of an improving educational picture and rising skill levels. (Photos: Emma T photography and campuspartymexico)
Mexico's contemporary migration narrative is being rewritten as a result of significant developments within the country, as well as evolving trends among its neighbors to the north and south. New economic, demographic, and political realities have coalesced to dramatically slow the large Mexican flows that had made their way to the United States over recent decades. And Mexico now is also confronted with the task of re-integrating many of its citizens and their U.S.-born children, and is reshaping its legislative and political reality to deal with its role as a country of transit and, presumably, increasingly of destination.
For the first time ever, transit migration from Central America to the United States is a significant policy priority in Mexico today—both from a security and human-rights standpoint. Prior to 2010, mention of migration into Mexico or of transit migration through the country was relatively marginal. But the Mexican government's adoption of a new migration law in 2011 was a ground-breaking recognition not only of the scale of transit migration but also of government accountability to ensure migrants' rights, including those of transmigrants. Nevertheless, implementation of this law may prove to be a significant challenge, and managing migration that comes from the south, whether temporary or permanent, has become increasingly hazardous and a source of regional tension.
Mexico's relations with the United States, where roughly one in ten of its citizens currently resides—more than half in unauthorized status—have evolved somewhat as well. Border enforcement, deportations, and migrant deaths dominated Mexico's migration agenda with the United States in the years immediately following the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks, putting strain on the bilateral relationship. While those irritants remain in to an extent, new political realities have emerged. Chief among them: the prospect of U.S. immigration reform, which stalled earlier this decade, was back on the table in Congress in a serious way in spring 2013, holding the potential to bring an estimated 11 million unauthorized immigrants, including approximately 6.8 million from Mexico, out of the shadows and into the mainstream of U.S. life.
Mexico, whose migration history from the 1970s onward was largely one of flows to the United States, now embodies several dimensions of the migration phenomenon: emigration, still primarily to the United States; transit migration, mainly by Central Americans headed northward; and not insignificantly, temporary and permanent immigration from Central America and other countries.
This updated profile examines Mexican migration to the United States and Mexicans in the United States, U.S. immigration policy affecting Mexican immigrants, Mexico's role as a transit country, remittances, government policy toward the Mexican diaspora, migration into Mexico, and refugee and asylum policy in Mexico.
Mexican Migration to the United States
History of Flows: World War II to Economic Crisis of Late 2000s
Although many new trends are emerging, Mexico remains tied to its northern neighbor through a decades-long history of migration that dates back to World War II, when U.S. officials approached the Mexican government in search of temporary agricultural labor. Through the resulting Bracero program (which spanned 1942 to 1964), Mexico supplied an estimated 4.5 million workers to the United States, peaking at almost 450,000 workers per year during the late 1950s.
Although the Bracero program was halted, "go north for opportunity" was an idea that remained deeply embedded in the Mexican mindset. Migration networks—relatives, friends, and employers, in particular—established in the 1940s, '50s, and early '60s laid foundations for sustaining Mexico-U.S. migration. And until recently, U.S. enforcement measures did little to curb the flows drawn by opportunities in the U.S. labor market, and the widely held perception of a more promising future in "el norte."
After the Bracero program ended, U.S. border enforcement began to increase; in small measure at first, then rising in the mid-1990s, and taking on new urgency after 9/11. Over time, Mexican migration, which used to be mostly circular and temporary, changed. Although the shift in behavior began gradually during the 1980s, the move became more permanent after stepped-up border enforcement began in the mid-1990s, initiated through well-known Border Patrol actions such as Operation Gatekeeper. Increased enforcement made it more difficult and costly (in terms of smuggler fees among other factors) for Mexicans to cross back and forth.
Thus, the number of Mexicans settling permanently in the United States annually—with or without legal status—increased steadily from the 1970s onward. The Mexican population settling in the United States grew from less than 250,000 per year in the 1980s to well above the 300,000 mark in the 1990s, and approached the half-million mark in the early 2000s. The size of the Mexican immigrant population doubled from 2.2 million in 1980 to 4.5 million in 1990, and more than doubled to 9.4 million in 2000, at which point Mexican immigrants made up 29.5 percent of all immigrants in the United States. According to some calculations, the Mexican immigrant population surpassed the 12 million mark in 2007—just before the onset of the economic recession; the Census Bureau estimated the Mexican-born population at 11.7 million in 2011, the most recent year for which figures are available.
Mexicans have become an increasing share of the U.S. immigrant population, which overall has risen sharply over the past four decades. Over the course of the 1970s, Mexican immigrants became the largest immigrant group in the United States, with about 16 percent of the total immigrant population in 1980. Today, they represent 29 percent of all immigrants to the United States—a larger share than the eight next top origin countries combined.
Current Flows and Implications of Near-Zero Net Migration
Since 2010, there has been a net standstill in the growth of the Mexican population in the United States, as a result of increased outflows and reduced inflows that manifested themselves after the onset of the softening of the U.S. construction sector in 2007 and recession the following year (see Table 1 and Figure 1). Population estimates for the Mexican born in the United States in 2011 are not significantly different from the 2010 total. According to official Mexican statistics, an estimated 317,000 Mexicans crossed the country's northern border to enter the United States in 2011, down 36 percent from the estimated 492,000 individuals in 2010.
Mexico's National Survey of Occupations and Employment (Encuesta Nacional de Ocupación y Empleo, ENOE) reports that Mexico's immigration rate, which calculates the number of people (Mexican or not) who move to Mexico from another country, most of whom are return migrants, has dropped from 3.7 per 1,000 in fall 2008, to 2.1 per 1,000 in fall 2012 (see Frequently Requested Statistics on Immigrants and Immigration in the United States). While data from Mexico's Border Survey of Mexican Migration show decreased flows of unauthorized migrants by quarter from 2008 to 2011, a slight uptick was detected during the first two quarters of 2012.
Table 1. Net Migration Rate: Mexicans Leaving and Entering Mexico, Second Quarter Each Year 2006-12 (per 1,000)
Year Departing Entering Net Rate
2006 144.0 34.0 -110.0
2007 106.9 33.1 -73.7
2008 83.1 36.9 -46.3
Source: INEGI, 2012. Estimates based on Mexico's National Occupation and Employment Survey (Encuesta Nacional de Ocupación y Empleo, ENOE).
Figure 1. New Migration Rate: Mexicans Leaving and Entering Mexico, Second Quarter Each Year 2006-12 (per 1,000)
The near-zero net migration from Mexico to the United States that manifested itself in 2010 represents a new trend. There is no one single factor accounting for this change. One driver is the decrease in outmigration, a confluence of economic factors in the United States and Mexico—still high unemployment in the former, paired with Mexico's improving economic stability, modest growth (in per capita terms), and ongoing social improvements. Increased immigration enforcement at the U.S.-Mexico border and within the U.S. interior also have played a role.
The U.S. recession and labor market trends may have caused a longer-term shift in migration flows. Whether this change is cyclical or structural remains to be seen, and will be put to a test once the U.S. economy experiences a full recovery and returns to dynamic growth. Another factor will be the growth pattern of the Mexican economy and its ability to incorporate still rising numbers of labor force entrants and the unemployed.
Stepped-up immigration enforcement in the United States has also had a direct effect on Mexicans, who represent 59 percent of all unauthorized immigrants in the United States. The increased pace of deportations that began during the Bush administration and have continued under President Obama has been felt most keenly by Mexicans. In 2011, the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) deported 391,953 individuals, 75 percent (nearly 294,000) of whom were Mexican.
Drivers of Mexico-U.S. Migration
Migration from Mexico to the United States is primarily economically motivated. Nominal wage differentials have been hovering for years at about a 10-to-1 ratio, in favor of the United States, for manual and semi-skilled jobs. Moreover, a dynamic U.S. economy led to a strong demand for workers in seasonal agriculture, high-turnover manufacturing, construction, and the service industry. On the Mexican side, there have been enormous economic transformations, but not pronounced enough to absorb the growing working-age population.
Until the 1970s, Mexican migrants originated mainly from the rural areas of central Mexico and were mostly confined to the U.S. agricultural sector, largely in the U.S. southwest. After the 1970s, Mexican migrants also originated from small, medium, and large cities, with a wide range of work experiences, skills, and qualifications, and found employment in the United States in construction, food processing, sundry services, and agriculture, which remains a mainstay employment niche.
More recently, U.S.-bound migration has originated in nearly every corner of the country and has spread throughout the United States, especially in California and Texas. The south, southeast, and other nontraditional emigrant regions of Mexico rapidly also became "high emigration areas." According to 2011 Census Bureau American Community Survey data, the main industries attracting Mexican-born immigrants are service and personal care; construction, extraction, and transportation; and manufacturing, installation, and repair.
The U.S. recession and slow economic growth since 2007 seem to be changing previous patterns. U.S. demand for immigrant workers (Mexican or not) has dropped substantially, and circumstances in Mexico might be perceived as more favorable—though perhaps not enough to significantly alter the status quo. Mexico has a growing middle class, but it is not yet a middle-class society. Employment in informal sectors remains significant, and Mexico's minimum wage has experienced, on average, negative growth in real terms over the past few decades.
Poverty, in terms of income capacity (pobreza de patrimonio)—a telling indicator of Mexico's economic distress—continues to affect roughly half of the population. Even though poverty has slightly decreased in relative terms, from 53.6 percent of the population in 2000 to 51.2 percent in 2010 (the most recent year for which statistics are available), it affects more people (52.7 million, a net increase of 5 million since 2000). Estimates of extreme poverty (pobreza alimentaria, or inability to buy basic food) also show a similar pattern for the same period, falling from 21.4 percent (18.6 million Mexicans) to 18.8 percent (21.2 million).
On Mexico's demographic side, the number of working-age people will continue to expand well into the 2030s. The pace of growth in the number of working-age Mexicans has become controversial as fertility decline has stalled in recent years. Estimated net additions to the working-age population between 2010 and 2030 could fluctuate between 10 million and 15 million or more.
It is nearly impossible to gauge future U.S. demand for immigrant labor, and more so if future economic growth uncertainties continue. As far as the capacity of the Mexican economy to absorb a demographically slowing Mexican labor supply, the prospects are relatively promising for the moment, opening a window of opportunity that can seek to harness the results of an improving educational picture and rising skill levels.
Although not a driver of Mexico-U.S. migration, U.S. immigration and enforcement policies will also have an impact on the quantity, modalities, and types of future Mexican migration.
Changing Composition of Mexican Migration Flows
Mexican migration flows have changed in many ways over the years. Recent indicators suggest that the characteristics of migrants are becoming as diverse, in terms of migrants' origin and educational and occupational levels, as the characteristics of the Mexican population at large. According to Mexican municipal-level data, less than a dozen municipalities out of over 2,400 failed to register some type of migratory activity—defined as households with at least one migrant abroad (whether or not the household receives remittances), or households with at least one returnee—between 2005 and 2010.
Mexicans continue to migrate to the United States mainly in search of work. As of 2011, 88 percent of Mexican migrants in the United States were in the 16-64 age group, according to the Mexican Migration Monitor. The share of Mexican-born immigrants ages 16 and over participating in the civilian labor force in the United States (70 percent) is slightly higher than that of the total U.S. immigrant population of similar ages (67 percent) and U.S.-born population of those ages (63 percent).
The migration flows include greater numbers of professionals and skilled persons. According to migration experts José Luis Ávila and Rodolfo Tuirán, who examined Census Bureau Current Population Survey data, the number of Mexican immigrants with some level of professional education or equivalent experience more than doubled between 2000 and 2010, from a little over 400,000 to more than 1 million; and the number with postgraduate education increased at a higher rate, from 62,000 to almost 151,000.
Between 1997 and 2007, the number of Mexicans with a bachelor's degree or higher rose at an average annual growth rate of 6 percent in Mexico, but the number of Mexican-born professionals living in the United States rose at the rate of 11 percent, according to researchers Elena Zúñiga and Miguel Molina. If this trend continues, at some point it may become a factor hampering Mexico's potential economic and social development.
Increasingly, the distinction between circular and settled migrants is becoming blurred. Indeed, many permanent migrants began their journey to the United States as circular migrants, often although not exclusively as unauthorized immigrants.
Circular migrants tend to be younger and predominantly male, while settled migrants are more evenly split between men and women, more urban, and better educated (meaning more than eight years of schooling).
Mexicans in Canada
Canada's Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program (SAWP), which began over 40 years ago, originally relied on workers from Caribbean countries, but has included Mexican workers since 1974. Mexicans currently account for roughly two-thirds of total workers in this program. Between 2009 and 2011, a little more than 18,000 Mexicans came, on average, to work temporarily on Canadian farms.
Although the Mexican immigrant population in Canada is tiny compared to the population in the United States, it has increased mainly since the 1990s, more than doubling from 22,000 in 1991 to about 50,000 in 2006, the most recent year for which data are available. Approximately 3,200 Mexican immigrants arrived in Canada for permanent residence in 2007; 2,800 in 2008; 3,100 in 2009; 3,900 in 2010; and 3,600 in 2011, according to official Canadian estimates.
Economist Richard Mueller has argued that a good portion of Canada's Mexican population consists of the descendants of Canadian Mennonites who settled in Mexico in the 1920s and have since "returned," enabled in part by claims to Canadian citizenship. However, Mueller finds that the number of non-Mennonite Mexican born has grown faster.
Some recent arrivals likely include Mexicans who entered through Canada's points system for highly skilled immigrants. In 2005, enterprising Canadian immigration lawyers saw an opportunity when border enforcement became a hot political topic in the United States. They began advertising legal migration to Canada, both in Mexico and Arizona.
Also, as fear of deportations became stronger, many Mexicans asked for asylum in Canada. Similarly, as the Mexican government stepped up its fight against organized crime and violent drug gangs, more Mexicans fled home and asked for asylum in Canada. Thus, Mexico became Canada's top source country for asylum applications in 2008. Although claims from Mexico almost tripled between 2005 and 2008, from 3,446 to 9,527, only 11 percent of claims reviewed in 2008 were accepted.
In response to an apparent abuse of asylum applications, Canada in July 2009 began requiring Mexican citizens to have visas before they can travel to Canada. Since then asylum applications have decreased. In 2011, there were fewer than 1,000 refugee claimants from Mexico.
Immigration Policy in the United States and Mexico and Its Consequences
As a reflection of the importance attached to policy as potential drivers of migration flows, their characteristics, and modalities, the Mexican government closely monitors changes in U.S. immigration policy. In early 2013, all eyes were focused on the improved prospects in Congress for a major overhaul of U.S. immigration law that held the promise of some form of legalization for the nation's estimated 11 million unauthorized immigrants.
The current circumstances are quite different from those prevailing in 2001, when momentum on immigration reform was associated with high-level bilateral talks and negotiations between the administrations of Presidents George W. Bush and Vicente Fox.
Today, U.S. internal political, economic, and demographic factors are driving the push for reform, perhaps none more significant than growing pressures in both the Democratic and Republican parties to deliver on this issue. Vocal business demands for immigrant workers, rejection of self-deportation as a viable strategy, and growing public support for legalization also are playing key roles in driving the debate. Nevertheless, as of this writing, it remained an open question whether reform would be accomplished and if so, what shape it would take.
The Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA) of 1986 was the first serious attempt to curtail illegal migration, but its promise of increased enforcement did not take hold until years later and migration simply continued in various irregular forms, in the context of a permissive attitude by both countries. IRCA's legalization programs, which granted status to 2.7 million unauthorized immigrants, had an important long-term unintended consequence: its contribution to the transformation of Mexican migration from a predominantly circular pattern into a more permanent one.
Together with earlier events, including U.S. Border Patrol operations in 1993-94, U.S. enactment in 1996 and beyond of robust immigration-control policies prompted the Mexican government to openly seek a routine dialogue with Washington.
Although the dialogue enhanced information exchanges, the effectiveness of consular protection, and the expansion of certain forms of cooperation at the Mexico-U.S. border, it did not prevent the expansion of Border Patrol operations or the enactment of the restrictive Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act (IIRIRA) in 1996.
This legislation, together with the strong message sent in 1994 by California's Proposition 187, convinced many permanent Mexican residents to naturalize as a way to protect themselves from curtailments of many of their social rights.
This restrictive climate also motivated Mexico to pass a law in 1998 allowing its citizens to have dual citizenship.
As the United States stepped up border enforcement, one of the unintended consequences has been an increase in the number of deaths as migrants take ever-greater risks to reach the United States. This has become an important source of tension in the U.S.-Mexico relationship, and has also strengthened Mexico's determination and resolution to protect its nationals abroad.
Since the Bracero program, but particularly since the 1980s, Mexico has built out its consular network in the United States. As of 2013, Mexico had 51 consulates tasked with reaching out to all Mexicans, regardless of their legal status.
Among the policies the Mexican government implemented, and continues to implement, is the issuance of hundreds of thousands of matrícula consular identification cards for migrants. After 9/11, Mexico increased its efforts to provide these ID cards. Nearly 1 million matrículas were issued in 2003. The matrícula, which is valid for five years, had many more uses — from getting driver's licenses to opening bank accounts at hundreds of U.S. financial institutions—than is currently the case.
In parallel, the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) provided a more detailed framework for bilateral immigration dialogue and understandings.
High-Level Bilateral Relations and Migration Since 2000
In February 2001, Presidents Fox and Bush engaged their administrations to find mutually acceptable responses to a lingering migration issue that often had placed the two countries at odds.
The high-level discussions centered on regularizing Mexicans already residing in the United States, establishing a guestworker program, enhancing border enforcement, and increasing the number of visas available for Mexicans. Expectations of arriving at a far-reaching agreement were high until the September 11 attacks.
The approach to manage the Mexico-U.S. migration relationship radically changed: After 9/11, security, border control, and counterterrorism shaped the new reality and discourse governing U.S. immigration policymaking. The Bush administration, especially during its last years, oversaw stricter enforcement of existing laws, reinforced boundaries—real and virtual—with Mexico, and conducted highly visible worksite enforcement raids.
It took Mexico some time to realize that 9/11 had dramatically changed the U.S. government's priorities and, consequently, that U.S.-Mexico relations were entering a new era. In 2005-06, at the end of President Fox's term, the Mexican government made an unprecedented effort to update Mexico's migration policy on topics such as "undocumented migration" (the term used in A Message from Mexico about Migration), border and regional security, human smuggling and trafficking, and international cooperation. The result was codified in a high-level message in which Mexico advanced a key concept of "shared responsibility"—indicating its willingness to do its part with regard to migration management.
In particular, Mexico accepted explicit responsibility for improving economic and social opportunities in the country, recognizing the important implications migration represents for its development, through a "more directly productive use of remittances" as well as enhanced relations with Mexicans abroad. Mexico also committed to encourage and ease the return and reintegration of Mexicans into their origin communities.
This new approach had many aims, including securing new U.S. engagement to manage Mexican migration bilaterally, and influencing legislative discussions on various immigration reform bills introduced in Congress in 2006 and 2007. This approach did not have the intended effects, however.
Probably as a reaction to such developments, newly elected President Felipe Calderón in December 2006 opted to use a subtler, more low-key approach on migration matters. The government posited that development and job creation in Mexico were key to breaking Mexico's migration cycle. However, many Mexicans felt as though economic development and job creation were still lagging by the end of his tenure in 2012.
Nevertheless, the Calderón administration did seem aware that U.S. policy was unlikely to change, even though his government had prioritized national security concerns and the fight against drug trafficking and organized crime.
The Calderón administration, looking at the same time toward Mexico's southern border with Guatemala, made several attempts to reinforce Mexico's border patrol and modernize migration facilities to better handle transit migration. Several programs were also enacted to regularize labor migration in the southern regions.
The Obama administration, upon taking office in 2009, placed its focus on enforcement, keeping up the Bush administration's record pace of removals, to the dismay of immigrant communities and immigrant-rights advocates.
In December 2012, Enrique Peña Nieto was sworn in as Mexico's president after a campaign in which migration was not a central issue nor does it appear to be one of his administration's top priorities. Consequently, it seems that the strategy of the new administration to deal with the U.S.-Mexico migration issue will not be one of open and direct confrontation and intervention in the U.S. immigration debate. Certainly, migration continues to be a very important and visible component within Mexico's complex relationship with the United States, and the Peña Nieto administration will probably continue the mostly discreet migration approach of the Calderón administration.
The Peña Nieto administration also faces the challenges of implementing Mexico's 2011 migration law. The task will not be an easy one due to the reality on the ground regarding the rule of law in general and the real possibility of full fruition of migrants' rights enshrined in the law vis-a-vis principally immigrant detention conditions, duration of detention, and access to translators. The administration will also face difficult choices if it attempts to put some order at the southern border, like beefing up border personnel and modernizing control infrastructure, or if it embraces an attitude of de facto free migration.
Although it is too early to know whether the Peña Nieto administration brings a new approach to this issue of migration, it will be heavily influenced by U.S. legislative action on immigration reform. Nevertheless, the likelihood that any U.S. immigration policy in the near future could provide an explicit answer to the Mexico-U.S. migration issue is low.
Transit Migration and its Management
Historically, the seasonal economic migration of Guatemalans to Mexico was mostly seen as a regional and localized phenomenon, with no major national spillovers.
However, civil wars in the 1980s in El Salvador and Nicaragua, and Guatemala's 36-year war that began in 1960 meant that many displaced Central Americans transited through Mexico to seek asylum or look for jobs in the United States. Over the years, migrants from other parts of the world, particularly from South America (e.g., Ecuador) have used Mexico as a transit country. The number of transmigrants rose through the 1990s and into the first part of the 2000s, to the point that it became a cause of concern for the Mexican government.
More recently, as is the case with Mexican migration to the United States, transit migration declined with the onset of economic difficulties in 2007 and recession the following year (see Table 2 and Figure 2). Between 2009 and 2011, transit migration appeared to have leveled off, with preliminary 2012 data, however, indicating an increase. This increase is in line with more non-Mexican unauthorized migrants (most of whom are Central American) being apprehended at the U.S. border. There are also many more Central American unaccompanied minors being apprehended at the U.S.-Mexico border than in the past.
One may estimate the flows that come from the south by looking at two numbers. The first is the number of border workers, primarily Guatemalans. Between 2001 and 2006, the number of the permits issued to border workers hovered between 40,000 and 45,000. Following a seemingly inexplicable drop (perhaps related to the looming recession) in 2007, they have fluctuated between 25,000 and 30,000.
The second way to measure transit migration flows is the number of aseguramientos (also recently known as alojados, migrants in shelters), which are primarily apprehensions or seizures of potentially deportable foreigners. (Note: these are counted as events, not as individuals. In these figures are also counted those Central Americans who resort to voluntary repatriation). Aseguramientos generally increased between 1999 and 2005, but have declined relatively steeply since 2007. In 2011, the number of aseguramientos (66,583) was roughly one-quarter of its peak of 240,269 in 2005 (see Table 2 and Figure 2). On average, around 90 percent of these events ended in actual deportations.
Table 2. Seizures of Potentially Deportable Foreigners (Aseguramientos) and Border Workers in Mexico, 1999-2011
Year Aseguramientos Border Workers
1999 131,486 64,691
Source: Mexico's National Migration Institute.
Figure 2. Seizures of Potentially Deportable Foreigners (Aseguramientos) and Border Workers in Mexico, 1999-2011
The distribution of these apprehensions by country of origin shows clearly that Central Americans constitute the overwhelming majority of those intercepted by Mexican authorities. Of the 88,500 aseguramientos reported in preliminary 2012 data, 45.3 percent were from Guatemala, 32.6 percent from Honduras, 14 percent from El Salvador, and at some distance Nicaragua and Ecuador with 0.8 percent each. The remaining 6.5 percent was divided among all other countries. With minor variations this distributive pattern has been the norm for years.
In the 1990s, transit migration gained importance as the United States reinforced security at its border with Mexico. This in turn put pressure on Mexico to control its southern border so that fewer Central Americans could enter the United States irregularly via Mexico.
Rather than concentrating on controlling its southern border, Mexico chose to increase interior enforcement by, for example, setting up checkpoints along major highways, and by expanding detention facilities. Mexico more than doubled the number of such facilities from 22 to 48, between 2000 and 2008. It also stepped up deportations, since 2006 signing agreements with Guatemala and other Central American countries that allow Mexico to turn over all unauthorized Central Americans to their countries of origin.
The strategy of interior enforcement may have had its successes. However it also became apparent that there were insufficiencies—in training and numbers—of border and migration personnel, especially when smuggling and trafficking of humans and drugs began to increase, following the stricter U.S. border controls in the 1990s and Mexico's fight against drug cartels in the second half of the 2000s.
Despite executive orders that outline detainees' rights and procedural obligations, many human-rights and civil-society groups, including Mexico's National Human Rights Commission, have complained and issued reports pointing out that many detention facilities are overcrowded and unhygienic, and that detainees receive poor treatment. They also point out that corruption among government officials has not been eliminated and that organized criminal groups prey on many migrants.
Partly as a response to such reports, Mexico's National Migration Institute (Instituto Nacional de Migración or INM) in 2006 began implementing new detention procedures that allow citizens of Central American countries to sign a repatriation form that may expedite their removal from Mexico. Later on, in 2008, Mexico passed legislation that decriminalized irregular presence. And in 2011, Mexico enacted an unprecedented new migration law as a more explicit answer to deteriorating circumstances for migrants in transit, recognizing its own obligation to ensure humane conditions for migrants through Mexico. In the debate leading to the passage of this law, the Mexican government also weighted the consideration that its policies should be congruent with what it asks from the U.S. government in terms of treatment of Mexican migrants.
Indeed, transit through the country became hazardous and unauthorized migrants became highly vulnerable and were subject to serious and frequent victimization. The most notorious and highly publicized incident occurred in August 2010, when 72 migrants were found dead in Tamaulipas state (100 miles from Brownsville, TX) at the hands of one of many drug cartels known to extort migrants passing through their territories.
This shocking event eventually led to the approval by the Mexican Congress—in a rare unanimous vote—of the migration law that was enacted in May 2011. This law is meant to reverse the pattern of calamities suffered by migrants in transit. It is also intended to fully comply with the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families (ICMW), ratified by Mexico in 1999, and that entered into force in 2003.
The law is unambiguous in its defense of the rights of migrants irrespective of their legal status, be they in transit or with Mexico as their destination. The law also aims to ensure equality between Mexican natives and immigrants, recognizes the acquired rights of long-term immigrants, and promotes family unity and migrant integration. It also intends to facilitate the international movement of people, to meet the country's labor needs, and to facilitate the return and reintegration of Mexican emigrants.
It is not yet possible to judge the full range of the law's impacts, given the law's broad objectives and the delayed release of its operable regulations or reglamento in November 2012. However, the law has already reduced bilateral tensions with Central American governments. With regulations only recently issued, there will be an institutional learning curve as INM agents and other law enforcement officials must relearn procedures for enforcing immigration laws.
Enforcing these changes could prove particularly difficult given the climate of heightened security concerns, generalized violence, and weak professionalization of Mexican enforcement agencies. However, the law represents an important step in Mexico's acknowledgment of the basic rights to which unauthorized migrants are entitled.
Immigrants in Mexico and Return Migration
Immigration to Mexico is meager compared to emigration of its nationals and transit migration.
Mexico's foreign-born population almost doubled between 2000 and 2010 (493,000 to 961,000), and comprised just under 1 percent of the total population in 2010 (the most recent year for which data are available). However, more than three-quarters of immigrants were born in the United States, and the vast majority of the U.S. born were children were under the age of 15 (see Table 3 and Figures 3a and 3b). According to a Pew Hispanic Center report using Mexican Census data, around 500,000 U.S.-born children resided in Mexico in 2010. Some have been raised and resided in Mexico since a young age, but others have returned more recently to Mexico and experience difficulties integrating into Mexican society and its educational system. Mexico is also home to a small number of U.S. retirees.
Table 3. Foreign-Born Population of Mexico by Age, 2010
Age U.S. Born Non-U.S. Foreign Born
Female Male Female Male
0-4 97,500 102,273 2,887 3,015
5-9 102,132 106,036 4,126 4,251
10-14 55,865 57,639 4,524 4,482
25-29 10,797 10,410 12,335 9,982
30-34 8,297 8,730 14,294 12,720
40-44 4,276 5,066 9,663 11,515
50-54 3,424 3,958 6,513 8,199
75 and older 5,201 4,421 5,455 4,952
Total 363,317 374,786 110,198 112,820
Source: Mexico's 2010 Population and Housing Census.
Figure 3a. U.S.-Born Population of Mexico, 2010
Figure 3b. Non-U.S. Foreign-Born Population of Mexico, 2010
The age structure of the non-U.S. foreign-born population is concentrated in the working ages, as is the case among most immigrant populations worldwide. It is widely acknowledged that this population contributes greatly, if selectively, to the country's economy, considering its relatively high levels of education or qualifications. Based on administrative records of almost 250,000 foreign-born residents ages 16 years and older, migration experts Ernesto Rodríguez Chávez and Salvador Cobo estimate that in 2009, 33.3 percent worked; 20.1 percent were pensioners; and 6.3 percent were students. The remaining 40.2 percent did not specify their activity. Among the foreign born, it is presumed that there is a relatively small component of foreign born who had adjusted their status from refugee to permanent resident.
Guatemala, in a very distant second place after the U.S.-born population, accounted in 2010 for 3.7 percent of all foreign born, followed by Spain, with 2 percent. The remaining 17.5 percent came from the rest of the world.
The Importance of Remittances and the Diaspora
The Mexican diaspora in the United States, which includes people who self-identify as Mexican immigrants or who trace their family ancestry to Mexico, was estimated at 34.8 million in 2011—the third-largest diaspora group in the United States after Germans and Irish immigrants and their descendants.
Remittances, like migration, had important but mostly regional effects until the 1980s, when emigration became more common across Mexico. Since then, recorded remittances increased steadily in volume and importance, from $6.6 billion in 2000 to $26.1 billion in 2007, then decreased in 2012 to $22.4 billion, according to the Bank of Mexico.
The severe recession in the United States, which has especially affected sectors with a large number of Mexican immigrants such as construction, has dampened remittance flows. Remittances inflows to Mexico declined 3.6 percent in 2008 but more steeply in 2009 (-15.7 percent) to $21.2 billion. Thereafter, they stabilized and have even compensated for some of the lost ground: In 2011, remittance inflows were 7 percent higher than in 2010 (see Table 4 and Figure 4).
Table 4. Remittances, 2000-11 (in Millions of U.S. Dollars)
Year Remittances Annual % Change
2000 6573 11.2
2003 15139 54.2
2007 26059 1.9
2008 25145 -3.5
2009 21306 -15.3
Source: Bank of Mexico.
Figure 4. Remittances 2000-12 (in Millions of U.S. Dollars)
Remittances have important macroeconomic and indirect effects. Although they represent less than 4 percent of Mexico's GDP, remittances have become the second largest source of foreign income, after oil exports, and ahead of tourism or foreign direct investment. The stronger and most direct effects, however, occur at the local and household levels. Thus, the drop might mean a relapse into poverty for many families, particularly in rural areas, and a slowdown of economic activity mostly felt at the community level.
Researcher Jesús Arroyo's findings on the use of remittances in 2007 reflect what has been a long-term pattern: About three-quarters of remittances were spent on everyday expenses, like food and rent, about 8 percent on house acquisition and improvement, 6 to 7 percent on debt repayment, and 3 to 4 percent on land acquisition, agricultural implements, and business-related expenses. The remainder included other expenses and purchases of items such as cars and electric appliances.
Since 1986, the government has been trying to encourage a more development-oriented and productive use of remittances. In 1999, earlier programs evolved into the Three-for-One Program (Programa 3 x 1), which matches every dollar from a migrant with one dollar each from federal, state, and municipal governments. In the 2005-08 period, between two-thirds to three-quarters of program funds went to infrastructure projects—from road pavement to school improvements—and other social works, including public buildings and church restoration. However, the program accounts for less than 1 percent of all remittance dollars.
In 1990, the Program for Mexican Communities Abroad (Programa para las Comunidades Mexicanas en el Exterior or PCME) was established with the objectives of helping migrants maintain cultural links with their country, encouraging investments in their communities of origin, and helping them to secure their rights while abroad.
In 2003, PCME and another initiative were merged to create the Institute of Mexicans Abroad (Instituto de los Mexicanos en el Exterior or IME). The Institute includes all Mexicans communities, namely the hometown associations of Mexican nationals and U.S. citizens of Mexican origin. In addition to previous objectives, one of IME's goals is to collect proposals from with the aim of improving these individuals' living conditions abroad. (For more on IME, see the MPI report Protection through Integration: The Mexican Government's Efforts to Aid Migrants in the United States).
These programs reflect the importance the Mexican government attaches to the Mexican and Mexican-American populations, as well as their economic and political importance.
Refugee and Asylum Policy
At very specific junctures in history, Mexico has had generous policies regarding refugees and asylum seekers, most notably in the 1930s for exiles of the Spanish Civil War, and in the 1980s and 1990s for people fleeing their political systems in several South and Central American countries.
In 2000, Mexico ratified the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees and its 1967 Protocol. In March 2002, the Mexican government began adjudicating asylum claims on its own, thus replacing the eligibility determinations of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in place since 1982.
In 2011, Mexico granted refugee status to 262 persons. One-third (88) came from El Salvador, and one-third (89) were from other Latin American countries (Honduras, Colombia, and Guatemala, with roughly 30 refugees each). It is also possible for asylum applicants to be granted humanitarian visas and remain legally in Mexico.
A common complaint by rights advocates is that there is lack of transparent regulation regarding the adjudication process. However, within the Mexican Commission to Help Refugees (Comisión Mexicana de Ayuda a Refugiados or COMAR), a coordination unit has been established to better monitor and improve the process of adjudication of the status of refugees.
Changing Contexts, Changing Concerns
Two to three decades from now, the number of workers entering and leaving the Mexican labor market may level off, which would be a fundamental departure from the demographic reality from the 1940s forward that pushed millions of Mexican workers in search of better economic opportunity outside their country.
Until then, and in light of the inability of the Mexican labor market to fully absorb workers and pay wages that sustain better living standards, unless the U.S. economy stagnates for a sustained period of time, the lure of migration will remain, albeit weakened from its peak in the 2000s. Together, the recession and the earlier 9/11 attacks have fundamentally changed the history and the narrative of Mexican migration.
In some respects, Mexico has already undertaken efforts to retain its population instead of encouraging and accepting its traditional role as a long-time labor force provider for the rest of North America. The Mexican government has expanded and improved safety nets for the entire population. Access to health care services improved during de Calderón administration through the expansion of the Seguro Popular program. The Peña Nieto administration has been able to forge a promising Pacto Por Mexico (Pact for Mexico) with major political parties. This pact is a pledge to move toward universal health care, a pension for all adults, unemployment insurance, and other life insurance provisions. These plans, if successfully implemented, may reduce emigration pressures.
The pact calls for specific actions and reforms that would put the economy on a course of growth of at least 5 percent annually, which would be higher than what the country has experienced in over three decades. Were Mexico to follow the envisioned path, it could change the balance sheet of potential benefits and drawbacks that would-be migrants must weigh before deciding whether to the leave the country.
Educational reform is also a key component of the pact, although its focus does not include English language and proficiency. Still, English is being introduced in educational curricula nationwide, and many point to such actions as improving would-be migrants' chances for success.
In terms of migration-related government entities, at the end of the Calderón administration, a Unit for Migration Policy (Unidad de Política Migratoria, UPM) was created with the aim of improving coherence between the different migration actions of the Mexican government, and to more effectively comply with the objectives of the 2011 migration law.
Regardless of the outcome of U.S. legislative efforts to reform immigration law, Mexico-U.S. migration undoubtedly will continue to be an important and pressing bilateral issue that will demand continued diplomatic and political attention, as will the issue of reintegration of return migrants, including deportees.
Contexts have also changed structurally for transit migration. With net migration from and through Mexico at very low levels, and the U.S. border far less porous than in the past, ensuring that transit migration is a regular and safe process and reassessing control of Mexico's southern border will be priorities.
Transit migration and attention to migrants' rights (in no small measure) made heavy imprints on Mexico's 2011 migration law, but the law ignores other migration dimensions. An integral discussion of goals or strategies on matters of emigration, transit migration, immigration, or return migration has yet to take place.
Slowly but steadily, Mexican and Central American flows have created a regional migration system that places Mexico squarely in a greater context — a regional one.
There are no easy policy responses to emerging migration trends in Mexico. The challenges ahead are serious; responses are difficult; uneasy trade-offs will certainly be involved; and no guaranteed solutions are in sight.
Alba, Francisco. 2011. Hacer virtud de la necesidad. Hacia una nueva generación de políticas para la migración México-Estados Unidos. October 2011. Este País 246: 8-12.
Alba, Francisco. 2010. Rethinking Migration Responses in a Context of Restriction and Recession: Challenges and Opportunities for Mexico and the United States. Law and Business Review of the Americas 16 (4): 659-72.
Alba, Francisco. 2010. Respuestas mexicanas frente a la migración a Estados Unidos, in Migraciones Internacionales, eds. Francisco Alba, Manuel Angel Castillo and Gustavo Verduzco. El Colegio de México, pp. 515-546.
Alba, Francisco. 2009. Migration Management: Policy Options and Impacts on Development in Mexico. Unpublished study prepared for the OECD Development Centre, Paris.
Alba, Francisco. 2008. The Mexican Economy and Mexico-U.S. Migration, in Escobar Mexico-U.S. Migration Management, eds. Latapí, Agustín and Susan F. Martin. Lexington Books, pp. 33-59.
Alba, Francisco. 2007. La reconsideración de la política migratoria internacional in México: los retos ante el futuro, Gustavo Vega. El Colegio de México, pp. 57-74.
Alba, Francisco. 2003. Del diálogo de Zedillo y Clinton al entendimiento de Fox y Bush sobre migración, in México-Estados Unidos-Canadá, 1999-2000, ed. Bernardo Mabire. México: El Colegio de México, pp. 109-164.
Alba, Francisco and Manuel Ángel Castillo. 2012. New Approaches to Migration Management in Mexico and Central America. Washington, DC: Migration Policy Institute. Available online.
Alba, Francisco, Manuel Ángel Castillo and Gustavo Verduzco, eds. 2010. Migraciones Internacionales, Los grandes problemas de México, vol. III. El Colegio de México.
Armijo Canto, Natalia. 2011. Frontera sur de México: los retos múltiples de la diversidad, in Migración y seguridad: nuevo desafío en México, Natalia Armijo Canto, ed. Mexico: CASEDE, pp. 35-51.
Arroyo, Jesús. 2010. Migración, remesas y desarrollo regional: trinomio permanente, in Migraciones internacionales, Francisco Alba, Manuel Ángel Castillo and Gustavo Verduzco, eds. El Colegio de México, pp. 227-270.
Arvizu Arrioja, Juan. 2011. Disminuye migración a EU por mejor calidad de vida: SEGOB. El Universal, July 11, 2011.
Ávila, José Luis and Rodolfo Tuirán, 2012. La migración internacional calificada: el crecimiento de mexicanos a Estados Unidos. Paper presented at the Seminar Las políticas migratorias en México y el Mundo. SEGOB and El Colegio de México, November 5-6, 2012.
Banco de México. Sistema de Información Económica (SIE), Indicadores Económicos. Available online.
Castillo, Manuel Angel. 2012. Extranjeros en México, 2000-2010. July 2012. Coyuntura Demográfica, 2: 57-61.
Cave, Damien. 2012. American Children, Now Struggling to Adjust to Life in Mexico. The New York Times. June 18, 2012. Available online.
Cave, Damien. 2011. Better Lives for Mexicans Cut Allure of Going North. The New York Times. July 5, 2011. Available online.
Citizenship and Immigration Canada. 2012. Facts and figures 2011-Inmigration overview: Permanent and temporary residents. Available online.
Comisión Nacional de los Derechos Humanos de México 2005. [Mexican National Human Rights Commission] (CNDH). Informe Especial de la Comisión Nacional de los Derechos Humanos sobre la situación de los derechos humanos en las estaciones migratorias y lugares habilitados del Instituto Nacional de Migracíón en la república mexicana [Special Report of the National Human Rights Commission on the Human Rights Situation in Migrant Detention Centers of Mexico's National Migration Institute]. Mexico City: CNDH.
Commission on Immigration Reform and Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores. 1997. Binational Study on Migration Between Mexico and the United States. Mexico. Available online.
Consejo Nacional de Población. 2012. índices de intensidad migratoria México-Estados Unidos, 2010. Mexico. Available online.
Cornelius, Wayne A. 2001. Death at the border: Unintended consequences of U.S. immigration control policy. December 2001. Population and Development Review 27 (4): 661-685.
Corona, Rodolfo and Rodolfo Tuirán. 2008. Magnitud de la emigración de mexicanos a Estados Unidos después del año 2000. Papeles de Población. July-September 2008. pp. 9-38.
Délano, Alexandra. 2011. Mexico and Its Diaspora in the United States. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Escobar Latapí, Agustín and Susan F. Martin, eds. 2008. Mexico-U.S. Migration Management. Lexington Books.
Fernández de Castro, Rafael. 2006., Seguridad y migración: un nuevo paradigma. Foreign Affairs en Español 6 (4): 2-9.
Giorguli, Silvia, Selene Gaspar and Paula Leite. 2006. La migración mexicana y el mercado de trabajo estadounidense. Consejo Nacional de Población. Mexico. Available online.
González-Barrera, Ana, Mark Hugo Lopez, Jeffrey S. Passel and Paul Taylor. 2013. The Path Not Taken: Two Thirds of Legal Mexican Immigrants are not U.S. Citizens. Pew Hispanic Center. February 2013. Available online.
Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Geografía (INEGI). 2012. Boletín de prensa núm. 330/12. Tasas brutas de migración internacional y saldo neto migratorio según periodo 2006-2012". Available online.
Instituto Nacional de Migración (National Migration Institute). Estadísticas Migratorias. Various issues. Mexico. Available online.
Leite, Paula, and Silvia Giorguli. 2009. Las políticas públicas ante los retos de la migración mexicana a Estados Unidos. CONAPO, Mexico.
Lopez, Mark Hugo and Daniel Dockterman. 2011. U.S. Hispanic Country of Origin Counts for Nation, Top 30 Metropolitan Areas. Pew Research Hispanic Center. Available online.
Meissner, Doris, Donald M. Kerwin, Muzaffar Chishti, and Claire Bergeron. 2013. Immigration Enforcement in the United States: The Rise of a Formidable Machinery, Washington, DC: Migration Policy Institute. Available online.
Mexican Migration Monitor. 2012. Tomás Rivera Policy Institute and El Colegio de la Frontera Norte.
Mueller, Richard. 2005. Mexican Immigrants and Temporary Residents in Canada: Current Knowledge and Future Research. January 2005. Migraciones Internacionales 3 (1): 32-56. Available online.
Papademetriou, Demetrios. 2012. Migration Meets Slow Growth. Finance and Development. September 2012. pp. 18-22.
Passel, Jeffrey, D'Vera Cohn, and Ana González-Barrera. 2012. Net Migration from Mexico Falls to Zero-and Perhaps Less. Pew Hispanic Center. April 2012.
Payán, Tony. 2011. Ciudad Juárez: la Tormenta Perfecta, in Migración y seguridad: nuevo desafío en México. Natalia Armijo Canto, ed. Mexico, CASEDE, pp. 127-143.
Rodríguez Chávez, Ernesto and Salvador Cobo. 2012. Extranjeros Residentes en México. Centro de Estudios Migratorios, INM, SEGOB.
Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores. 2005. México frente al fenómeno migratorio (Mexico and the Migration Phenomenon). October 2005.
Simanski, John and Lesley M. Sapp. 2011. Immigration Enforcement Actions: 2011. DHS Office of Immigration Statistics Annual Report, September 2012. Available online.
Sin Fronteras. 2009. Situación de los derechos humanos de las personas migrantes y solicitantes de asilo detenidas en las Estaciones Migratorias de México, 2007-2009. Mexico City: Sin Fronteras. Available online.
Suro, Roberto, and René Zenteno. 2012. Collapse and Convalescence: The Great Recession and Mexican Migration Flows. Mexican Migration Monitor.
Terrazas, Aaron, Demetrios G. Papademetriou and Marc R. Rosenblum, 2011. Evolving Demographic and Human-Capital Trends in Mexico and Central America and their Implications for Regional Migration, Washington, DC: Migration Policy Institute. Available online.
Tuirán, Rodolfo, and José Luis Ávila. 2010. La migración México-Estados Unidos, 1940-2010, in Migraciones Internacionales, Francisco Alba, Manuel Angel Castillo and Gustavo Verduzco, eds. El Colegio de México. pp. 93-134.
The U.S.-Mexico Migration Panel. 2001. Mexico-U.S. Migration: A Shared Responsibility. Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace/Instituto Tecnológico Autónomo de México.
Zúñiga, Elena, and Miguel Molina. 2008. Demographic Trends in Mexico: The Implications for Skilled Migration. Washington, DC: Migration Policy Institute. Available online.
Francisco Alba is Professor and Researcher at El Colegio de México.
The 2012 Mexican Presidential Election and Mexican Immigrants of Voting Age in the United States
The Under-Registration of Births in Mexico: Consequences for Children, Adults, and Migrants
Mexican Immigrants in the United States
Special Issue: Regional Migration Perspectives: Trends, Patterns, and Policies in Central America, Mexico, and the U.S.
The Migration Information Source has launched a special issue that focuses on the topic of migration in the United States, Mexico, and the Northern Triangle of Central America.


text:
(en français, Le Feu d'artifice) est une comédie musicale en trois actes de Paul Burkhard sur un livret d'Erik Charell, Jürg Amstein et Robert Gilbert.

Elle est inspirée par , créée en 1939 au Schauspielhaus de Zurich.

Synopsis
La comédie se passe dans la villa et le jardin de l'industriel Albert Oberholzer au début du . Il fête entouré de sa famille ses 60 ans (ou 50 ans selon certaines versions). Les préparatifs sont en plein essor. Anna, la fille du chef de la famille, répète avec la cuisinière Kati une chanson spécialement créée pour l'occasion. Tante Berta et son mari Fritz arrivent en premier. À peine Anna et Kati les accueillent qu'arrivent tante Paula avec oncle Gustav et tante Lisa avec oncle Heinrich.

Après l'accueil Anna et Kati veulent réciter sa chanson d'anniversaire ; mais il y a encore de la visite : Alexander, le frère d'Albert, le mouton noir de la famille avec sa femme Iduna. Alexander est devenu directeur d'un cirque ambulant et se fait appeler Obolski. Il a beaucoup de choses à raconter. Sa femme Iduna décrit les avantages de son père qu'elle dit être un "merveilleux clown".

Dans une scène de rêve, les tantes d'Anna sont des fauves qui entrent dans l'arène du cirque. Les oncles sont des clowns qui font rire le public. Iduna voltige sur un cheval et Kati est trapéziste. Anna décide d'aller au cirque. Robert ne veut pas croire ce qu'elle dit, mais se laisse aller. Les messieurs Loyal caracolent autour d'Iduna et la flattent.

Iduna montre à Anna que derrière la splendeur du milieu du cirque se cachent beaucoup de misères. Le premier désir est de se fixer. Anna découvre qu'elle n'est pas faite pour le cirque. Son père est si heureux qu'il donne sa bénédiction pour les fiançailles avec Robert.

Adaptation au cinéma
 Feu d'artifice, film allemand par Kurt Hoffmann sorti en 1954.

Article connexe

Source, notes et références

Œuvre de Paul Burkhard
Opérette
Comédie musicale des années 1950
Cirque dans l'art et la culture
Comédie musicale allemande

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


To what extent will the Cisco IPS sensor contribute data to the Cisco SensorBase network?
A. It will not contribute to the SensorBase network.
C. It will contribute the victim IP address and port to the SensorBase network.
D. It will not contribute to Risk Rating adjustments that use information from the SensorBase network.
A. This is a custom signature.
B. The severity level is High.
C. This signature has triggered as indicated by the red severity icon.
D. Produce Alert is the only action defined.
E. This signature is enabled, but inactive, as indicated bythe/0 to that follows the signature number.
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text:
Q: Rendering problem with Java Script array with objects I am having problem to render below array with objects.
var newList = '{appointmentList}';
var apptList = JSON.parse(newList);
alert(newList);
alert result:
[{
   "userId":"0051a000002BHA7AAO",
   "subject":"Appcal blk",
   "startDateTime":"2017-07-03T18:00:00.000Z",
   "profileId":"a1C1a000000zkWXEAY",
   "location":"Rm # 23-C48 in 177 Huntington Ave",
   "id":"a160j000000BOgDAAW",
   "endDateTime":"2017-07-03T19:00:00.000Z",
   "duration":30,
   "categoryType":"30-min Appts (shown on Public Calendar)",
   "bookedSlotList":[],
   "availableSlotList":
       [{
          "startDateTime":"2017-07-03T18:00:00.000Z",
          "endDateTime":"2017-07-03T18:30:00.000Z"
        },
        {
          "startDateTime":"2017-07-03T18:30:00.000Z",
          "endDateTime":"2017-07-03T19:00:00.000Z"
        }],
   "availableBlockList":
       [{
          "startDateTime":"2017-07-03T18:00:00.000Z",
          "endDateTime":"2017-07-03T19:00:00.000Z"
       }],
   "availability":"Any",
   "appointmentTypeList":
       [
         "Phone"
       ]
 }];

I am using for loop, but having problem with availableSlotList array.
if(apptList.length > 0) {
for(var i=0;i<apptList.length;i++) {
    var catg = (catMap[apptList[i].categoryType] == 'Individual') ? '' : 'none';
    var apptSize = JSON.stringify(apptList[i].availableBlockList);
    //alert(apptSize+'---'+i);
    var showAppt = (apptList[i].availableBlockList.length == 0) ? 'none' : '';
    var noAppt = (apptList[i].availableBlockList.length == 0) ? '' : 'none';

    html += '

'
    html += '<apex:outputText value="' + apptList[i].startDateTime +' - '+ apptList[i].startDateTimee + '" style="font-weight:bold;margin-bottom:2px;" />  ';
    html += '<apex:outputText value="(' + tzName + ')" style="font-weight: bold;" />
';
    html += '
';
    html += '<apex:outputText value="Appointments available during: " />';
    html += '

';

    for(var j;j<apptList[i].availableSlotList) {
        alert(apptList[i].availableSlotList.startDateTime);
    }
}

}

A: See sfdcfox's comment: you can only use plain HTML tags in this logic e.g. just a  in place of <apex:outputText>.
On the question of looping, based on the JSON and the name, that field is an array so you need to loop over its elements:
    for (var j = 0; j < apptList[i].availableSlotList.length; i++) {
        alert(apptList[i].availableSlotList[j].startDateTime);
    }

It is best to reduce the repeated array indexing for code clarity (and to not waste execution time) by adding some local variables:
for (var i = 0; i < apptList.length; i++) {
    // Use appt in place of all apptList[i] references
    var appt = apptList[i];
    ...
    for (var j = 0; j < appt.availableSlotList.length; j++) {
        var availableSlot = appt.availableSlotList[j];
        alert(availableSlot.startDateTime);
    }
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


Hauntingly Good Wines for Halloween Entertaining!!
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To buy your ticket and reserve your spot, click here.


text:
Bungie Weekly Update: 10/19/07
Posted by	lukems at 10/19/2007 5:22 PM PDT
Just like Santa, there are two lists. The Naughty and Nice – there's something for folks on each list.
Harbinger of Doom
There are those of you doing things you shouldn't be in Halo 3. Some of you have gotten a little too famous for your own good. This ain't a church and there is no redemption or salvation once you have been judged. Apologies are now officially too late to save you.
The storm approaches.
Love, Bungie
And now for the Nice Folks (which means almost everyone).
Most of the time, Bungie.net readers only hear from Frankie, myself or Sketch. Occasionally one of the web devs pops in and we'll talk to folks from the studio on the site, we gathered a bunch of quotes, quips, memories and thanks from members of the Bungie team and put them together for your perusal and hopefully, enjoyment. We're eternally grateful for your support. Now, on to the letters.
"Thanks to my family and friends for all of your support during this wild ride.
Thanks to everyone at the ETC for helping me realize my dream of making games, but most of all to Randy Pausch. Randy, you've done some amazing things and inspired more people than you'll ever know. I'm honored to know you, and I'll miss you when you're gone. Thank you. (If you haven't heard Randy's 'Last Lecture', search for 'Randy Pausch' on Google Video. It's worth it.)
Finally, thanks to all of the fans. Your passion never ceases to inspire me."
-David Allen, Associate Producer
"I just want to thank all of the Bungie fans that support our games so fanatically. I was a Bungie fan long before working here, but now I actually get to MAKE the games too. HELLZ JEAH!"
-Lars Bakken, Multiplayer Designer
"Your 100 word message goes here, but with more words."
-Christopher Barrett (aka Barry), Art Lead
"I hope you enjoy the game. Turn up the sound and don't skip the credits!"
-Matthew Burns, Producer
"So long, Master Chief, we'll miss you. It's been a fun journey – now get some rest.
Thanks to everyone who has played, created and explored the heck out of this trilogy. I remember back in 1999 after finishing up the Myth World Cup, looking in from the outside and thinking 'How can Bungie possibly make a community for Halo that's as great as the one that grew up around Myth?' But I needn't have worried; the people are what makes the community, and we're lucky to have such a group of talented and inventive fans. Hope you guys like what comes next."
-Chris Butcher, Engineering Lead
"My sincerest apologies to the spouses or girlfriends of my buddies Witch King69, Wickedwassup, Copman6971, InegoMontoya98, Yaters, Secord 20, and the rest of the usual suspects. I'm sorry we made the game so darn good. "
-Dave Candland, Interface Design
"After working our asses off for so long, you'd think we'd resent Halo 3 (and each other). But I just want to say that this period in the process… this "launch window"… reminds me why we do this. To see you: THE FANS with such joy on your faces and glee in your voices as you play this game you truly love. Few artists experience what you are giving us right now. Thanks for making it all worthwhile. "
-C.J. Cowan, Cinematics Director
"It wasn't easy making an entire level look like the inside of my large intestine but I think I pulled it off nicely. I just wish people would stop calling it the goatse level."
On the day we locked all Halo 3 content I seem to recall having phoned several prominent game developers, chuckling and then hanging up on them. Looking back it seems so juvenile an act, and I'd like to take this opportunity to publicly apologize to them in advance for the next time I crank-call them.
I remember the first time our regular "3pm coffee clique" ran into the Google gang at our local Starbucks. You could feel a palpable tension in the air as the stink eyes were cast. I don't think they like us much but I'd like to change that.
There was this one incident involving one of the mission designers, an empty pizza box, and a voluntary bowel movement into said pizza box. After that everything gets blurry."
-Vic DeLeon, Campaign Environment Artist
"Thank you to all you fans out there who have shown so much appreciation for Halo 3. It's really great to see such passion exhibited by others for something you worked so hard on. It is my opinion that the fans of Bungie's games are the most passionate video-game fans there are. Thank you!"
-Dave Dunn, Environment Artist Lead
"Ship it.
Spending over a decade in awe of Bungie and everything she does has taught me two things; Bungie makes the best games, and Bungie has the best fans. To HBO, Rampancy, IBO, RvB, and the dozens of smaller sites who give us their unyielding support: thank you, none of this would be worth it without you."
-Max Dyckhoff, AI Engineer
"Working on Halo 3 has been an amazing experience. Working with all the talented people at Bungie has been phenomenal, and the response from the fans has been overwhelming. To me, this game is a monument to the talent, passion, and dedication that we have at Bungie. World domination, here we come. "
-Bob Glessner, Tools Engineer
Top 10 things heard during the development of Bungie.net:
"Tom, could you look at your screen and tell me what you see?"
"It's going to be glorious."
Actual Bug Title: "Layout is seriously Screwed"
Chris: "Check this out!" Colm: "huh…"
"I thought we were going to make the site look better."
"Stosh, check your gamma."
"This is the page that will make everything perfectly clear.
"No one will use screen shots, cut it."
"We're going to rule the internets."
"Zach, I need more hard drives."
-Chris Gossett, Bungie.net Lead Web Developer
"Last December, Bungie worked with the USO to hold a Fanfest in REDACTED . We loaded up 36 Devkits, 36 flatscreen TVs, several crates of controllers, power supplies, and cables, and five Bungie volunteers and shipped them across the world to REDACTED . And then we held a massive LAN party right in the middle of the REDACTED . Being chosen to represent Bungie and bring Halo 3 (and a reminder of home) to some of our biggest fans, the deployed servicemen and women of the US Military, was a great honor and one of the high-points of my career. It was a small amount of thanks, considering the amazing sacrifices they choose to make on our behalf, but they were so humble and appreciative, it was worth every bit of risk and expense. (Plus, we got to ride in REDACTED !)
So, I want to thank all the members of the US Armed Services, and I hope they enjoy playing the final game as much as we enjoyed the opportunity to play with them last year."
-Jaime Griesemer, Sandbox Design Lead
As a complete noob to both Halo and Bungie, and coming from many years of small team development, stepping into the Halo development world was a bit intimidating. The dedication of the fans, and the sheer volume of their passion for Halo was something I'd never experienced on any game I'd worked on before. The passion of the fans and how everywhere we turned there was another Halo story being told in print, TV, burger shops, and suburban dive bars was simply astounding. Thanks to Bungie and the Fans for making a game like this possible, there's really nothing like it anywhere else!
-John Gronquist, Effects Artist
"To all you good people out there grenade-jumping, head-shotting, Warthog-driving, shotgun-camping, flag-capping, corpse-hugging, controller-tossing, and folks generally enjoying the fruits of our blood, sweat, and tears: Remember to always recycle. Future generations will love you for it. And so will Bungie. Forever."
-Justin Hayward, Environment Artist
"One of my best memories of working on Halo 3 came half way through the mission creation of the 'Tsavo Highway'. For a long time, I was working away on the environment art of the level itself and was enjoying how it was coming together in terms of game play and aesthetics. However, something was lacking and I couldn't really put a finger on it. One day, I loaded up the level and was checking out my own geometry when I noticed that our sky artist had added in his sky asset. Looking at the new, huge cool-looking vistas really made me feel I was playing a Halo level for the first time during the creation of this environment."
-Samuel Jones, Campaign Environment Artist
"Writing the terminals was as maddening as it was fulfilling. There wasn't enough room and not enough time to pour into it—there never is—with everything else that was going on. We still had to keep in mind that there were people who were going to be looking at these things on a tiny CRT. They should be able to read these things too—and that means a very limited number of words per page. Even with HD resolution there is only so much damage we are willing to do to your eyes—meaning none. And so our mantra became 'brevity is the soul of wit."
-Robt McLees, Writer
"Memories: Months spent in the early story committee, hashing out the broad strokes of the Halo 3 arc. Coming near to blows over the exact timing of the Gravemind's introduction. Hatching the secret terminal plan. Sitting in on way more dialogue recording sessions than I needed to. Jumping from AI to UI (aren't they close to the same thing???) in the final days of development. Trying to plan a wedding and crunch at the same time! Pride to have worked on one for the books. (And I still hear the environment artists' "BOOooo—ooOOP!" ringing in my head …)"
-Damian Isla, Campaign Engineer / Additional Writing – Terminals
"Around 2:15am the day we launched the Halo 3 Beta via Crackdown and Jamie and I realizing something was wrong [it was supposed to release at 2am PST]. Talk about an 'oh crap' moment. To this day we still laugh and ask each other 'did you remember to test the download button?' since so many forum posters thought the ball had totally been dropped."
-Domenic Koeplin, Test Lead
"Memories: Happy yelling in multiplayer. Big Battle Coagulation. Crazy Time. Playing campaign co-op with Creamer. Bugging Marty about music. Working with Dunn, Pinard and Jones on the last part of the game. 4 player co-op in Korean! Late night Top Gun on the big screen on the last days of production. Coffee with Bertone, Jaime, Sois and Luke Smith. Carpool with Abe and Greg. Subway with Lee. Frisbee fun in the park! Tree City!"
-Dan Miller, Mission Designer
"Before I forget, I have to say thanks to my wife and kids who dealt with my extended absence and supported me all along. It was a tough decision moving from film to games, but I haven't regretted the decision since. I'm extremely proud of what we accomplished, and even happier to hear from the fans how much they like what we've done. But most importantly, I can finally justify to my family how many hours I spent playing video games while growing up. Thanks Mom, Dad, and Mitch for your support through the years; I finally 'made it back to town'."
-Kurt Nellis, Cinematic Designer
"To Patti- Thank you for not divorcing me after yet another Halo crunch.
To Isaac- Thank you for remembering who Daddy is and congratulations on surviving a Halo crunch.
To my parents- Thank you for whatever you did to become the person I am today.
To Bungie- Thank you for not killing me for all that caching stuff.
To the Fans, young and old- Thank you for ignoring the M rating and making Halo 3 the biggest thing evar."
-Mat Noguchi, Lead Production Engineer (Ship-it developer)
"I'm proudest of the million little things (and a few bigger things) that almost didn't happen but did because of me. Bertone rules for fighting for the Metagame. Hao/Chris rule for providing such a splendorous home for my precomputed lightprobes. Aaron/Marcus rule for guiding me through making the loading screen Real. CJ rules for taking my Cortana effect and making it sing 3 minutes before curtain up. DaveCan rules for making the HUD dance. Our fans rule for making our pedantic obsessions relevant. My wife rules for holding me together. Be real, be easy, find happy."
-Adrian Perez, Campaign Engineer
"Big thanks to Grant Kirkhope and Rare for loaning us the perfect sound to go with the Grunt Birthday Party effect; it never gets old. If you haven't played Viva Piñata yet please do so immediately. It's awesome. Go on, we'll wait.
Sorry to Evil Avatar for dropping an S-bomb live on your radio show. I get excited when I talk about Halo.
Finally, thanks to all my coworkers, friends, family, and especially Sherry for putting up with 7 months of the 'Crunchstache'. I promise I will never do it again unless I get hired as Burt Reynolds' stunt double."
-Steve Scott, Pyrotechnician
"I would like to thank the fans that I got to meet the night of the release. Being there and seeing their excitement and the dedication to stand in line on a cold night waiting for something that I had the privilege to work on made my dream come true."
-Jason Sussman, Artist
"I'm glad to say the Halo we've always wanted to make is finally here. It has been a blast to see the game evolve from Blam to Halo3. And I attribute all the success to the fans out there, I want a give a hearty THANK YOU to everyone, from the folks that were with us from the beginning to new converts. Enjoy, and we'll see your ass online!"
-Shiek Wang (Tom Foolery Expert)
"One time we ordered pizza for the whole office and I was the only one not on crunch. Mat Noguchi told me that I should get all veggie pizza or he would break my legs. So I ordered 18 extra large tofu, pineapple and broccolini pizzas with wholewheat crust and white garlic sauce instead of tomato. Mat was happy but Harold yelled something about bacon and Sparta and kicked me down the stairs. I was only in a cast for a month but the team said that my hilarious fall was the only thing that got them through crunch."
-Skip Weasel
Tags: Halo 3
Viewing: Halo 3
Maption Sack Double EXP Weekend Live!
Oh, we're not done yet!
A 4v4 mix of Double EXP Slayer and Objective gametypes on a whole mess of your own community created maps.
Category: Double EXP Weekend
Max Party: 8
Max Team Size: 4
Heroic/Mythic Map Packs Required
Gametypes
Team Slayer (33.3%) - First team to 50 kills wins. 12 minute match time limit.
Team BRs (21.6%) - First team to 50 kills wins. Players spawn with Battle Rifles and Assault Rifle secondary weapons. 12 minute match time limit.
One Flag CTF (11.8%) - Round based Capture the Flag, one team has a flag while the other attempt to capture it. Most captures after four rounds wins. Four minute round time limit.
Multi-Flag CTF (21.6%) - Both teams are attempting to capture the other team's flag. First to three captures wins. 20 minute match time limit.
Multi-Flag CTF BRs (11.8%) - Both teams are attempting to capture the other team's flag. Battle Rifle starts. First to three captures wins. 20 minute match time limit.
Actuality-Break (Foundry)
Apex (Sandbox)
Backdraft (Sandbox)
Battle Dome (Sandbox)
Ber Ber Creek (Sandbox)
Borderline (Sandbox)
Breakdown (Sandbox)
Bridgeo's (Sandbox)
Chimera (Sandbox)
Colonnade (Foundry)
Conduction (Sandbox)
Coup d'Etat (Sandbox)
Cryptic (Sandbox)
Cryptic Fate (Sandbox)
Deity (Sandbox)
Eighty Grit (Sandbox)
Elysium (Sandbox)
Emperor (Sandbox)
Exhibition (Sandbox)
Fortress (Sandbox)
Fracture (Sandbox)
Gauntlet (Sandbox)
Haven (Sandbox)
IZ9 Courtyard (Sandbox)
The Kingdom (Sandbox)
Lotus (Sandbox)
Neosho (Sandbox)
Nocticulent (Sandbox)
Onyx (Sandbox)
Pantheon (Sandbox)
Paranoia (Sandbox)
Pilaster (Sandbox)
Pivotal (Sandbox)
Rat Trap (Sandbox)
Ravinia (Sandbox)
Reflux (Sandbox)
Regicide (Foundry)
Reminiscent (Sandbox)
Renovation (Sandbox)
Requiem (Sandbox)
Salvation (Sandbox)
Sand Towers (Sandbox)
Sentiment (Sandbox)
Skystation (Sandbox)
Solarium (Sandbox)
Static (Sandbox)
Stonehenge (Sandbox)
Subversive (Sandbox)
Synapse (Sandbox)
Tartarus (Sandbox)
Topple (Sandbox)
Transgression (Foundry)
Tribal War (Sandbox)
Undulation (Sandbox)
Vengeance (Sandbox)
Workplace Bravo (Sandbox)
Where's Mah Dooble EXP?!
Fix your -blam!-, Bungle!
So, yeah, This week's Double EXP Weekend is running a little behind. I blame Ninja 0n Fire. (He tells me that some fairly large updates are being deployed and as a result, we'll likely not see the Double EXP Weekend go live until tomorrow, or, *gulp* "later").
When it is ready to go, we'll let you know.
Tags: Halo 3, Emotional Support
'Under Fire' - ubald Render
Posted by urk at 9/2/2010 9:00 AM PDT
Feet first into awesome.
Looks like ubald unleashed another render over at HBO. This one's a WIP and part of a much larger collection that will ultimately serve as a webcomic. But you should check it out now.
ubald: Halo Rendered Comic
Tags: Halo 3: ODST
Chronicles of ODS Steve #81
Faux Chief.
This week's Steve's getting all Batman on some Scarab carapace.
Chronicles of ODS Steve: Faux Chief (#81)
Top 10 Halo 3 Kills on The Pit: Episode 59
You know the deal.
Anoj didn't submit his latest entry to Comm Chatter, but they gang at HBO picked up the slack. Besides, even without Anoj's familiar wordplay, we all know what this video's about anyway. There's like ten kills. You can submit your own for next week if you're astute enough to figure out how to make it happen.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
KS 107.5 Summer Jam With Fetty Wap, Fabolous, Kevin Gates
Miles Chrisinger June 11, 2016 10:39AM
Westword Music Showcase Brings Denver's Best Bands to RiNo
Westword Music Showcase Fills Mission Ballroom Outdoors on Night Two
Itchy-O Celebrates Hallowmass at Summit Music Hall
Jacqueline Collins
Tour the Legendary Barnum House!
Claire Duncombe
Miles Chrisinger
DJ Mustard & YG performed during KS107.5's Summer Jam at Fiddler's Green Amphitheatre on June 10, 2016.
Popular hip-hop radio station KS 107.5 presented the nineteenth edition of its annual Summer Jam at Fiddler's Green Amphitheatre on Friday, June 10, 2016. In addition to headliner Fetty Wap, who played a bizarre and lackadaisical set at the Ogden in February, the showcase featured DJ Mustard and YG, Kid Ink, E-40, Ty Dolla $ign, Kevin Gates and Fabolous. All photos by Miles Chrisinger.
Summer Jam, LOHI Music Festival and the Best Shows in Denver This Weekend
This year's KS 107.5 Summer Jam, which is tonight at Fiddler's Green, features Fetty Wap with Kid Ink, Ty Dolla $ign, Fabolous, DJ Mustard, YG, E-40 and Kevin Gates. Also tonight, Lettuce headlines Red Rocks, with openers the Wailers, Manic Focus, Pete Rock and Rahzel. The weekend's lineup also includes Big...
Was It a Fetty Wap Show or a Commercial for Snapchat?
By Bree Davies
The Internet is life, and life is the Internet. It's no longer about "being online"; it's about blurring that line between being and not being — online. And apparently, no one is ever not online anymore. At last night's Fetty Wap show at the Fillmore, there was not a single...
The Barnum House became part of Denver lore through the embellished stories of Robert Failing, a onetime owner who called himself Bart…
By Claire Duncombe
Itchy-O is back with Hallowmass. The 57-member musical performance troupe kicked off a three-night stand at Summit Music Hall on October 29;…
By Jacqueline Collins
The Westword Music Showcase returned this weekend in a new location: the RiNo Art District, where it presented Young The Giant, Thundercat,…
By Brandon Johnson
The Westword Music Showcase has moved to the RiNo Art District, where dozens of Denver's best bands performed on Friday, September 17.…
Grateful Dead Fans Reunite as Bob Weir Brings Inspiration to Red Rocks
Bob Weir & Wolf Bros played to a jam-packed Red Rocks crowd that was decked out in Grateful Dead paraphernalia, stoned, dancing…
Jam Bands
Lotus Blossoms at the First Red Rocks Concert of 2021
Red Rocks came back to life for the venue's debut 2021 show — the first in Lotus's four-night stand. Fans bundled up…


Students at De Montfort University Leicester (DMU) are putting their journalism skills to the test by quizzing some of the country's big-name comedians.
Members of Demon Media will be interviewing comics and reviewing shows as part of this year's Leicester Comedy Festival.
Students have already secured phone interviews with comedians Bobby Mair, Harriet Kemsley and Peter Brush, who will be performing during the 25th annual festival from February 7 to February 25.
And this is just the start of what is planned to ensure the comedy festival is reported on for the student population.
All their comedy festival articles will be published on The Demon website and in the February edition of The Demon magazine.
Some of the comedian interviews will also be used on Demon TV and featured as short three-minute links on Demon FM.
Ashton Matthews, Entertainment Producer for Demon TV, said: "It's great being involved in the comedy festival as it opens up so many opportunities for us.
"Students are really positive about the experience. Those who have already interviewed comedians are buzzing.
Ashton, 19, a second-year Drama Studies student, has been busy researching comedians and contacting their agents to request interviews.
She said: "It's been a massive task; I must have sent about 50 emails.
"I've also been helping to train students who are doing the interviews; it's all been a great opportunity, I've already learnt so much.
"We are giving all students, including many first-years, the chance to carry out the interviews; it's something to put on their CV.
Sara Torres, 22, Deputy Editor of The Demon, said she was looking forward to publishing a wide-range of reviews.
It is hoped that the students' comedy festival work can also form part of Demon Media's entries into national awards organised by the National Student Television Association and the Student Radio Association.
Journalism students at DMU are also working in conjunction with The Leicester Mercury to provide reviews of comedy festival reviews when requested. They will also be publishing their reviews on their own Leicestershire Press website.
For more information or tickets for the Leicester Comedy Festival, visit the website.


MWS won a photo contest taken during a trash clean-up on the shores of the Mattawoman Creek tidal estuary. The effort was part of the April 11, 2015 Potomac River Watershed Cleanup sponsored by the Alice Ferguson Foundation. To see a high resolution version, and more terrific photos in the top 10, visit this link.
Of course, it's not all about the trash. What under the water matters too. The photo might be a winner, but right now Mattawoman is losing its vaunted position as "the best, most productive tributary to the Bay" as judged by fisheries managers. Take time to explore the website, and contact us to save this precious place.


Camera: Nikon D200. Lens: 18-200/f3.5-5.6 at 46mm (70mm corrected). Shot looking North on the coast track between Curracurrang & Curracurrong. A winter's day's walk in August 2012 was rewarded with this stunning Nature scenic. This area offers lots of promise for further images – I'll be back.
Image Size: 270 x 480mm - $290 (Framed Print, thru Paypal).


text:
Q: Do I need to have Windows installed to run Wine? Do I need to have Windows installed on my machine for make Wine run?  Or I don't need Windows installed, Wine has it owns libraries?

A: Wine supplies native versions of a number of base and important libraries. Windows is not required in order to use them.

A: Short answer is No.
WINE attempts to provide the window's api with real bindings to the underlying Linux based APIS.

A: No, wine is a self standing set of adapted windows libraries, but, if you do have windows installed and some programs installed under windows, you can sometimes run those in linux by using wine to launch the executables.

A: Absolutely not! Don't need Windows installed.
WINE means 'Wine Is Not an Emulator' so in facts only libraries you need to run windows applications are installed on your system.. And this is not an entire Windows running on your system.
Wine's wikipedia page is really instructive, you can read it! And I've post a question about Wine few months ago. Read It too!


text:
Tool Blog News Powermatic's PM1000 Is A Full-Size Cabinet Saw At 115V
Powermatic's PM1000 Is A Full-Size Cabinet Saw At 115V Hot
https://www.tool-rank.com/media/listing/photos/thumbnail/300x300s/e8/8f/67/Powermatic-PM1000-40-1375992540.jpg
Many home woodworkers dream of having a full-size cabinet saw in their garage converted workshop, but how many garages are wired to meet the 230V demand that most cabinet saws require? Enter the new Powermatic PM1000, a true cabinet-saw that requires only a standard 115V outlet.
The PM1000 has evolved from and is very similar to the popular PM2000. In fact, many of the specifications of the two saws are very similar. The biggest difference, is of course, the lower 1-3/4 HP single-phase induction motor that drives the PM1000; compared to 3 HP on the PM2000.
Like the PM2000, the PM1000 uses Poly-V drive belts that are said to reduce vibration and slippage, which in turn last longer. The body of the saw is completely enclosed and incorporates a 4-inch dust port and offers a hinged motor cover at allow for easy cleaning and access.
The 10" PM1000 Cabinet Saw will be available in two models: the #1791000K ($1,999.99) with cast iron tabletop and a 30" maximum rip capacity to the right of the blade, and the #1791001K model ($2,099.99) with cast iron top and extension table with 52" rip capacity to the right.
BUY PM1000 – Tyler Tool
Powermatic • PM1000 • cabinet saw • table saw • woodworking


I'm pretty sure I've mentioned this before, but when I was younger I was constantly drawing floor plans of my future home. I dreamt of having massive bedrooms with enough spare rooms for all my friends and family. I dreamt of a garden with a maze, a pond or lake and a secret garden just for me.
Sadly I then entered the real world and realised I didn't have 6 million pounds to spend on a property. But I still like to dream.
So I'm designing my own house in my head. Do you wanna see what I'd have in my dream home? Well, you have no choice. I mean, unless you leave this post right now so I guess you do have a choice. But please don't' leave I love you.
I'm taking big wooden double doors that lead into a hallway that has two sets of stairs going up either side. Or a staircase like in The Haunting of Hill House that goes up the middle, but splits off into both directions. I want it to be a feature piece of the house and enough space have guests stand with glasses of champagne before being invited in for dinner at all the fancy parties I'll have now I am rich and don't need to work.
I would love a grand hall with a long table fit for having people over for meals. I'd love to go for Harry Potter Style long but that's probably a little over the top (lol). One that sits around 14 people. That'll do for me. I',m not asking for much!
The kitchen in my house just doesn't do. There isn't enough surface space or storage space. I want a kitchen that has loads of sideboards for preparing food and a double oven so I can cook more than two things at once.
I'd love a big double fridge with an ice machine built in. We had one of those in Australia and it was perfect.
Of course, I'm going to have some form of library/study. A big desk with a computer, an armchair in the corner with an ottoman so I can sit on my laptop or read. A view of the garden and plenty of light coming through the windows!
Recruiting a company like calhounsuperstructure.com, I'd have them construct some form of fitness studio. A bright an airy space where can create my own gym, as well as have something like a basketball hoop. Trampoline. I also need a trampoline but I'm not sure if my vertigo would allow me to jump! I'd also get a drone from OmniView Tech to fly around my big gardens! As well as help me make some amazing video content!
A swimming pool. I also want a pool. That is heated.
I'd get disensors.com or similar to help buy a top security system. Sensors, infrared cameras and all. I'd probably spend more time than needed in the CCTV room just surveying my kingdom!
That's it. My dream house. I just need to win the lottery now. Until then, I'll be in my 2-bed semi-detached house with a concrete backyard.
Do you make excuses for others?


Best Carpet Cleaner Ever DIY Tricks Elegant Design , Download this wallpaper for free in high resolution. Best Carpet Cleaner Ever DIY Tricks Elegant Design was posted in April 4, 2018 at 5:32 pm and This Best Carpet Cleaner Ever DIY Tricks Elegant Design Wallpaper has viewed by 214 users. If you wanna have it as yours, please click full size and you will go to page download in full size, so you just choose the size above the wallpaper that you want in "Download", Click it and download the Best Carpet Cleaner Ever DIY Tricks Elegant Design Wallpaper.


text:
A Trust can not repossess a Housing for the Beneficiary of the Trust
Published on 22 November 2013 by Me Robert Soucy
Topic(s): Legal
Note aux lecteurs : Ces articles sont des résumés de décisions rendues dans les affaires citées. Veuillez noter qu'il ne s'agit pas d'une revue de la jurisprudence et que d'autres décisions peuvent être rendues par la suite ou être différentes et changer l'état du droit. C'est également le cas si les faits ne sont pas les mêmes que ceux présentés dans l'affaire mentionnée.
The landlord, a Trust, wants to regain the housing of the landlord to accommodate in there the beneficiary of the Trust, Ms. Claire. The landlord forwards to the tenant, on December 31, 2012, through a bailiff, a notice of repossession of the housing, to accommodate Ms. Claire there, effective on June 3, 2013.
The tenant answers that he refuses to vacate the housing. The landlord, i.e. the Trust, brings in a timely appeal to the Régie du logement to be allowed to repossess the dwelling.
At the hearing, the counsel for the Trust justifies the request for repossession for the benefit of Ms. Claire. It is specified in the will of the father of Ms. Claire that the income from the testamentary Trust will be used for the welfare and care of Claire and that, on the death of the latter, the capital of the Trust will be shared between the children.
The evidence is to the effect that the Trust is the main support of the beneficiary of the right of repossession of the dwelling. According to the evidence, the building was acquired by the Trust under the will of the father in order to accommodate his daughter Claire on 19 September 2003.
Claire, the daughter, has occupied a dwelling located in Longueuil for nearly 10 years. She will be closer to her two sisters living in the Laurentians, of which one who occupies a unit in the building .. is located the unit that is the subject of the housing repossession.
Claire's two sisters testify at the hearing. Their testimony is to the effect that Claire is able to take care of herself and of her maintenance, but they take care of the finances and the administration of the property of their sister Claire. Since the month of March 2013 Claire occupies the unit situated in the basement of said building, a 3½. This occupation was temporary, because most of the furniture that furnished her former apartment, a 4½, is stored in other parts of the building. Claire gives witness at the hearing and her testimony is full of spontaneity and consistent with the testimony of her sisters.
The analysis of the facts
In ..., a Trust requested authorization to repossess the dwelling to accommodate in there the beneficiary of the Trust. Initially, it is important to consult Sections 1260 and following of the Civil Code of Quebec which deal with the nature of the Trust.
1260. A Trust results from an act whereby a person, the settlor, transfers property from his patrimony to another patrimony constituted by him which he appropriates to a particular purpose and which a trustee undertakes, by his acceptance, to hold and administer.
1261. The Trust patrimony, consisting of the property transferred in Trust, constitutes a patrimony by appropriation, autonomous and distinct from that of the settlor, trustee or beneficiary and in which none of them has any real right.
1262. A Trust is established by contract, whether by onerous title or gratuitously, by will, or, in certain cases, by operation of law. Where authorized by law, it may also be established by judgment.
According to the Civil Code the Trust has separate and independent assets from the assignment of the constituent. It compares to corporations that have also assets distinct of their leaders. In addition, the Trust is not a natural person and does not have any ascendants and descendants, relatives or allies.
Section 1957 of the Quebec Civil Code lists the persons entitled to the repossession of a housing.
1957. The lessor of a dwelling who is the owner of the dwelling may repossess it as a residence for himself or herself or for ascendants or descendants in the first degree or for any other relative or person connected by marriage or a civil union of whom the lessor is the main support.
The lessor may also repossess the dwelling as a residence for a spouse of whom the lessor remains the main support after a separation from bed and board or divorce or the dissolution of a civil union.
Section 1957 of the Civil Code of Quebec deals with the public order and is of restrictive interpretation. The procedures for the repossession of a housing are governed by strict conditions that must be followed carefully. This article specifies that the landlord can repossess a dwelling to house his ancestors or descendants in the first degree there or any parent for whom he is the main breadwinner.
The decision of the Régie du logement
According to the Régie du logement, the jurisprudence is consistent with the fact that only individuals can apply for permission to repossess a dwelling. For instance, neither a partnership or a legal person # 1, nor a religious community # 2 can ask for permission to repossess a dwelling of which they are the landlord because they are not natural persons.
In this case, the Trust is not a natural person who has the distinct heritage of its constituents. It has no ascendants, descendants, allies or other parents for whom it is the main breadwinner. Therefore, this Trust can not hold the quality of an applicant in the context of an application for a housing recovery. The Régie considers that the jurisprudence dismissing the application for a housing recovery...by a corporation is applicable in this case.
1 – Gestion Cappelloc. Ranger. 2012 Q.C.C.Q. 1307
2 - Thivierge vs. Soeurs du Bon Pasteur 1976 DLC 48
3 - Fiducie Real Lacroix vs. P. Barbotin 2013 QCRDL # 24989
0 Response(s) to "A Trust can not repossess a Housing for the Beneficiary of the Trust"
Me Robert Soucy
Me Robert Soucy, auparavant régisseur devant la Régie du Logement du Québec, membre du Barreau du Québec depuis 1979, oeuvre auprès des propriétaires depuis 1984.
Il a donné de nombreuses conférences autant pour le Barreau du Québec que les membres de l'Association des propriétaires du Québec. Ainsi qu'écrit des articles dans le mensuel "Le Propriétaire".
Avocat connu et reconnu, il représente les propriétaires de logements locatifs devant la Régie du logement et devant diverses médias.


Below you fill find all funeral homes and cemeteries in or near Sandy Creek.
Zip codes in the city: 13145.
It was written by Sarasota Herald-Tribune on October 10th, 2014 that W Robert Sheldon passed on in Venice, Florida. Sheldon was 97 years old and was born in Sandy Creek, NY. Send flowers to express your sympathy and honor W Robert's life.
It was revealed by The Gouverneur Tribune Press on September 13th, 2013 that Marjorie T Day (Brasie) passed on in Sandy Creek, New York. Ms. Day was 81 years old. Send flowers to share your condolences and honor Marjorie T's life.
It was disclosed on December 2nd, 2011 that William Stanley Sr Bumpus died in Toledo, Ohio. Bumpus was 86 years old and was born in Sandy Creek, NY. Send flowers to share your condolences and honor William Stanley Sr's life.
It was disclosed by The Gouverneur Tribune Press on December 2nd, 2011 that Tracey E Bango passed away in Sandy Creek, New York. Bango was 43 years old. Send flowers to share your condolences and honor Tracey E's life.
*Sandy Creek (town), New York. . . . .
The official website for the city of Sandy Creek is http://www.ryeny.gov.
Funeral services will be at 11 a.m. Tuesday at Summerville Funeral Home, Sandy Creek. Friends may call from 2 to 4 and 7 to 9 p.m. Monday at the funeral home. Contributions may be made to Friendship Thrift Shoppe, P.O. Box 166, Lacona, NY 13083.
We work with local florists and flower shops to offer same day delivery. You will find budget sympathy flowers in Sandy Creek here. Our funeral flowers are cheap in price but not in value.


My first Tent-Wedding. No, I mean, Circus-Wedding. I mean…yet another extraordinary wedding. This time in the beautiful chuch St. Ursula in the grand viscinity of the cologne cathedral and after this at ZAK, where circus tents were. The decoration was beautiful and it was a deligth to see a wedding party held at this kind of location. It was special! There was popcorn, cotton candy and all the things you want. Kind of a dream for a cheerful, happy wedding event. Thanks so much again to these two for having me at their wedding!