text:
Fatal overdose may occur when opiates are combined with other depressants such as benzodiazepines, barbiturates, gabapentinoids, alcohol or other GABAergic substances.[1]
It is strongly discouraged to combine these substances, particularly in common to heavy doses.
Summary sheet: Buprenorphine
Chemical Nomenclature
Buprenex, Subutex, Butrans, Cizdol, Addnok, Transtec
(2S)-2-[(5R,6R,7R,14S)-9α-cyclopropylmethyl-4,5-epoxy-6,14-ethano-3-hydroxy-6-methoxymorphinan-7-yl]-3,3-dimethylbutan-2-ol
Class Membership
Psychoactive class
Morphinan
WARNING: Always start with lower doses due to differences between individual body weight, tolerance, metabolism, and personal sensitivity. See responsible use section.
⇣ Sublingual
30%[2]
<0.3 mg
0.3 - 0.6 mg
2.4 mg +
10 - 18 hours
4 - 8 hours
⇣ Insufflated
< 0.2 mg
8 - 14 hours
DISCLAIMER: PW's dosage information is gathered from users and resources for educational purposes only. It is not a recommendation and should be verified with other sources for accuracy.
MAOIs
MXE
Buprenorphine is a semisynthetic opioid of the morphinan chemical class. It functions as a mixed partial agonist opioid receptor modulator.
At higher dosages, it is used to treat opioid addiction in opioid-dependent individuals. In lower dosages it is used to control moderate-acute pain in non-opioid-tolerant individuals and in even lower dosages it is used to control moderate chronic pain.
Buprenorphine was patented in 1965, and approved for medical use in the United States in 1981.[4] In 2017, 14.6 million prescriptions for the medication were written in the United States.[5] It is also a common medication used to treat opioid use disorders, such as addiction to heroin.[5] Buprenorphine may also be used recreationally by injection or in the nose for the high it produces.[5]
3 Subjective effects
3.1 Physical effects
3.2 Cognitive effects
3.3 Experience reports
4 Toxicity and harm potential
4.1 Tolerance and addiction potential
4.2 Precipitated withdrawal syndrome
4.3 Dangerous interactions
5 Legal status
Buprenorphine is a semi-synthetic morphinan derivative of the opioid alkaloid thebaine. Like many opioids, such as codeine or hydrocodone, it is has a morphinan backbone.
Buprenorphine and other molecules of this class contain a polycyclic core of three benzene rings fused in a zig-zag pattern called phenanthrene. A fourth nitrogen containing ring is fused to the phenanthrene at R9 and R13. Buprenophine (along with other morphinans) contains an ether bridge between two of its rings, connecting the benzene and opposite cyclohexane ring through an oxygen group.
Buprenorphine is unique to human medical opioids as it contains an addition fused ring which connects to the lower cyclohexane ring at R6 and R14. This structure is called a endoethenotetrahydrooripavine backbone, often found in veterinarian opioids. It contains a hydroxy group (OH-) substituted on the benzene ring and a methoxy group bound to the lower cyclohexane ring. The backbone of buprenorphine is also substituted with a methyl cyclopropyl moeity on its amino group. Adjacent to its methoxy attachment, the cyclohexane ring is bonded to R2 of a 2-butanol chain.
This pharmacology section is incomplete.
You can help by adding to it.
Buprenorphine acts as a partial agonist of the μ-opioid receptor with a binding affinity of K~i~ = 1.5 nM; it also acts as an antagonist of the κ-opioid receptor with a binding affinity of K~i~ = 2.5 nM and the δ-opioid receptor with a binding affinity of K~i~ = 6.1 nM.
Buprenorphine exerts its effects by binding to and activating the μ-opioid receptor. This occurs because opioids structurally mimic endogenous endorphins which are naturally found within the body and also work upon the μ-opioid receptor set. The way in which opioids structurally mimic these natural endorphins results in their euphoria, pain relief and anxiolytic effects. This is because endorphins are responsible for reducing pain, causing sleepiness, and feelings of pleasure. They can be released in response to pain, strenuous exercise, orgasm, or general excitement.
Disclaimer: The effects listed below cite the Subjective Effect Index (SEI), an open research literature based on anecdotal user reports and the personal analyses of PsychonautWiki contributors. As a result, they should be viewed with a healthy degree of skepticism.
It is also worth noting that these effects will not necessarily occur in a predictable or reliable manner, although higher doses are more liable to induce the full spectrum of effects. Likewise, adverse effects become increasingly likely with higher doses and may include addiction, severe injury, or death ☠.
Physical euphoria - This particular substance can be considered as less intense in its physical euphoria when compared with that of morphine or diacetylmorphine (heroin) due to it being a partial agonist of the μ-opioid receptor. The sensation itself can be described as extreme feelings of intense physical comfort, warmth and bliss which spreads throughout the body.
Respiratory depression - Buprenorphine causes less respiratory depression than other opioids due to it being a partial agonist of the μ-opioid receptor.
Nausea - Buprenorphine causes substantially more nausea and vomiting than other opioids.
The general head space of buprenorphine is described by many as one of euphoria, relaxation, anxiety suppression and pain relief.
Cognitive euphoria - This particular substance can be considered as less intense in its cognitive euphoria when compared with that of morphine or diacetylmorphine (heroin) due to it being a partial agonist of the μ-opioid receptor. It is still, however, capable of extreme intensity and overwhelming bliss at heavier dosages with a low tolerance. The sensation itself can be described as powerful and overwhelming feeling of emotional bliss, contentment, and happiness.
There are currently no anecdotal reports which describe the effects of this compound within our experience index. Additional experience reports can be found here:
Erowid Experience Vaults: Buprenorphine
Toxicity and harm potential
Buprenorphine has a low toxicity relative to dose: the ceiling dose for buprenorphine is usually between 16mg and 32mg, and anything above this will not produce an increase in respiratory depression (the primary cause of death in opioid overdose is severe respiratory depression, leading to respiratory collapse). Thus increasing the dose of buprenorphine above this level will not continue to increase risk of death in a fashion similar to other μ-opioid receptor agonists. As with all opioids, long-term effects can vary but can include diminished libido, apathy and memory loss.
Buprenorphine is often sold under the brand name Suboxone, which also contains naloxone. Naloxone is not orally active except at higher doses, so when large amounts of Suboxone are taken, the naloxone takes effect and reverses the effects of the buprenorphine. This is done to deter abuse of Suboxone.
It is strongly recommended that one use harm reduction practices when using this drug.
Tolerance and addiction potential
As with other opioids, the chronic use of buprenorphine can be considered moderately addictive with a high potential for abuse and is capable of causing psychological dependence among certain users. When addiction has developed, cravings and withdrawal symptoms may occur if a person suddenly stops their usage.
Tolerance to many of the effects of buprenorphine develops with prolonged and repeated use. The rate at which this occurs develops at different rates for different effects, with tolerance to the constipation-inducing effects developing particularly slowly for instance. This results in users having to administer increasingly large doses to achieve the same effects. After that, it takes about 3 - 7 days for the tolerance to be reduced to half and 1 - 2 weeks to be back at baseline (in the absence of further consumption). Buprenorphine presents cross-tolerance with all other opioids, meaning that after the consumption of buprenorphine all opioids will have a reduced effect.
Precipitated withdrawal syndrome
Buprenorphine has the ability to precipitate withdrawal symptoms in opiate-dependent individuals. This is due to buprenorphine only being a partial agonist, which does not activate the receptor with the appreciable efficacy of a full agonist, as well as having a very high binding affinity for the μ-opioid receptor (Ki = 1.5nM), displacing other agonists that may still be attached when the buprenorphine is ingested.
Note: It is a common misconception that naloxone, in some buprenorphine formulations, is what causes the precipitated withdrawal syndrome to manifest. This is false, as naloxone has a lower binding than Buprenorphine, as well as being inactive through most routes of administration.
Dangerous interactions
Warning: Many psychoactive substances that are reasonably safe to use on their own can suddenly become dangerous or even life-threatening when combined with certain other substances. The following lists some known dangerous interactions (although it is not guaranteed to include all of them).
Always conduct independent research (e.g. Google, DuckDuckGo, PubMed) to ensure that a combination of two or more substances is safe to consume. Some of the listed interactions have been sourced from TripSit.
Alcohol - Both substances potentiate the ataxia and sedation caused by the other and can lead to unexpected loss of consciousness at high doses. Place affected patients in the recovery position to prevent vomit aspiration from excess. Memory blackouts are likely
Amphetamines - Stimulants increase respiration rate which allows for a higher dose of opiates than would otherwise be used. If the stimulant wears off first then the opiate may overcome the user and cause respiratory arrest.
Benzodiazepines - Central nervous system and/or respiratory-depressant effects may be additively or synergistically present. The two substances potentiate each other strongly and unpredictably, very rapidly leading to unconsciousness. While unconscious, vomit aspiration is a risk if not placed in the recovery position blackouts/memory loss likely.
Cocaine - Stimulants increase respiration rate, which allows for a higher dose of opiates than would otherwise be used. If the stimulant wears off first then the opiate may overcome the patient and cause respiratory arrest.
DXM - Generally considered to be toxic. CNS depression, difficulty breathing, heart issues, and liver toxicity have been observed. Additionally if one takes DXM, their tolerance of opiates goes down slightly, thus causing additional synergistic effects.
GHB/GBL - The two substances potentiate each other strongly and unpredictably, very rapidly leading to unconsciousness. While unconscious, vomit aspiration is a risk if not placed in the recovery position
Ketamine - Both substances bring a risk of vomiting and unconsciousness. If the user falls unconscious while under the influence there is a severe risk of vomit aspiration if they are not placed in the recovery position.
MAOIs - Coadministration of monoamine oxidase inhibitors (MAOIs) with certain opioids has been associated with rare reports of severe adverse reactions. There appear to be two types of interaction, an excitatory and a depressive one. Symptoms of the excitatory reaction may include agitation, headache, diaphoresis, hyperpyrexia, flushing, shivering, myoclonus, rigidity, tremor, diarrhea, hypertension, tachycardia, seizures, and coma. Death has occurred in some cases.
MXE - MXE can potentiate the effects of opioids but also increases the risk of respiratory depression and organ toxicity.
Nitrous - Both substances potentiate the ataxia and sedation caused by the other and can lead to unexpected loss of consciousness at high doses. While unconscious, vomit aspiration is a risk if not placed in the recovery position. Memory blackouts are common.
PCP - PCP may reduce opioid tolerance, increasing the risk of overdose.
Tramadol - Increased risk of seizures. Tramadol itself is known to induce seizures and it may have additive effects on seizure threshold with other opioids. Central nervous system- and/or respiratory-depressant effects may be additively or synergistically present.
Grapefruit - While grapefruit is not psychoactive, it may affect the metabolism of certain opioids. Tramadol, oxycodone, and fentanyl are all primarily metabolized by the enzyme CYP3A4, which is potently inhibited by grapefruit juice[5]. This may cause the drug to take longer to clear from the body. it may increase toxicity with repeated doses. Methadone may also be affected[5]. Codeine and hydrocodone are metabolized by CYP2D6. People who are on medicines that inhibit CYP2D6, or that lack the enzyme due to a genetic mutation will not respond to codeine as it can not be metabolized into its active product: morphine.
This legality section is a stub.
As such, it may contain incomplete or wrong information. You can help by expanding it.
In the European Union, buprenorphine can be prescribed either alone or in combination with another substance and is approved for the treatment of opioid addiction.[6]
Austria: Buprenorphine is legal for medical use under the AMG (Arzneimittelgesetz Österreich) and illegal when sold or possessed without a prescription under the SMG (Suchtmittelgesetz Österreich).[citation needed]
Canada: Buprenorphine is a schedule I substance in Canada and is only available with a valid prescription. [7]
Germany: Buprenorphine is controlled under Anlage III BtMG (Narcotics Act, Schedule III)[8] as of September 1, 1984.[9] It can only be prescribed on a narcotic prescription form.
Netherlands: Buprenorphine a List II drug of the Opium Law, although special rules apply to its prescription and dispensation.[citation needed]
Russia: Buprenorphine is a Schedule II controlled substance.[10]
Sweden: Buprenorphine is a class IV controlled substance.[11]
Switzerland: Buprenorphine is a controlled substance specifically named under Verzeichnis A. Medicinal use is permitted.[12]
United States: Buprenorphine, either alone or in combination with naloxone (as, for example, Suboxone), is a Schedule III drug.[citation needed]
Prior to the approval of Suboxone in the U.S. for treating opioid addiction, the Drug Addiction Treatment Act of 2000 was passed. This law gives the Secretary of Health and Human Services the authority to grant a waiver to all physicians with appropriate training to prescribe and administer narcotics from Schedules III-V in the treatment of drug addiction. Prior to the passage of this law such authority was restricted solely to physicians working in an outpatient clinic specifically designed for treatment of addiction.[13] The waiver, which requires the physician to undergo an 8-hour training course, initially allowed that physician to treat only 10 patients in this manner; as of 2016, this limit has been increased to 275.[14]
Buprenorphine (Wikipedia)
Buprenorphine (Erowid Vault)
Buprenorphine (TiHKAL / Isomer Design)
↑ Risks of Combining Depressants (Tripsit) | https://tripsit.me/combining-depressants/
↑ Bioavailability of sublingual buprenorphine. (PubMed.gov / NCBI) | https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/9048270
↑ The systemic availability of buprenorphine administered by nasal spray. (PubMed.gov / NCBI) | https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/2576057
↑ Fischer J, Ganellin CR (2006). Analogue-based Drug Discovery. John Wiley & Sons. p. 528. ISBN 9783527607495.
↑ 5.0 5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 "Buprenorphine". SAMHSA Center for Substance Abuse Treatment (CSAT). July 2019. Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; name ":0" defined multiple times with different content
↑ http://www.ema.europa.eu/ema/index.jsp?curl=pages/medicines/human/medicines/000697/human_med_001067.jsp&mid=WC0b01ac058001d124
↑ http://laws-lois.justice.gc.ca/eng/acts/c-38.8/page-12.html#docCont
↑ "Anlage III BtMG" (in German). Bundesministerium der Justiz und für Verbraucherschutz. Retrieved December 18, 2019.
↑ "Erste Verordnung zur Änderung betäubungsmittelrechtlicher Vorschriften" (PDF). Bundesgesetzblatt Jahrgang 1984 Teil I Nr. 36 (in German). Bundesanzeiger Verlag. August 8, 1984. Retrieved December 18, 2019.
↑ Постановление Правительства РФ от 01.10.2012 N 1002 (ред. от 09.08.2019) | https://www.consultant.ru/cons/cgi/online.cgi?req=doc&base=LAW&n=331879&dst=160&date=02.12.2019
↑ Läkemedelsverkets föreskrifter (LVFS 1997:12) om förteckningar över narkotika, konsoliderad version t.o.m. LVFS 2010:1
↑ "Verordnung des EDI über die Verzeichnisse der Betäubungsmittel, psychotropen Stoffe, Vorläuferstoffe und Hilfschemikalien" (in German). Bundeskanzlei [Federal Chancellery of Switzerland]. Retrieved January 1, 2020.
↑ http://buprenorphine.samhsa.gov/titlexxxv.html
↑ http://www.businessinsider.com/obama-buprenorphine-suboxone-policy-2016-7
Retrieved from 'https://psychonautwiki.org/w/index.php?title=Buprenorphine&oldid=146770'


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text:
Q: Escape Sentence Sed System() C I have to use this Linux command in a terminal:
sed -i "/\[multilib\]/,/Include/"'s/#//' /etc/pacman.conf

What it does is uncomment the lines
#[multilib][...]
#Include[...]

The trick is that I'm trying to use this in a system() function in C. So I was ending up with this code:
system("sed -i "/\[multilib\]/,/Include/"'s/#//' /etc/pacman.conf");

But something went wrong so I decided to use an echo to see the ouput:
system("echo 'sed -i "/\[multilib\]/,/Include/"'s/#//' /etc/pacman.conf'");

I saw that the ouput wasn't exactly what I wanted to use and some of you (thanks guys) told me that there were escape sentences to use, so I did some changes:
system("echo 'sed -i \"/\\[multilib\\]/,/Include/\"\'s/#//\' /etc/pacman.conf'");

Now the ouput in xterm is:
sed -i "/[\multilib\]/,/Include/"s/#// pacman.conf

As you can see, the problem is:
s/#//

Which lacks of his ' ' marks. Even though I used an escape sentence.
EDIT 3: Explanations from comments worked. An echo without the system() in a linux terminal showed that xterm doesn't get the ' ' marks either despite of the escape sentence. So it worked for the escape sentence which was my question.
EDIT 4: no need for a new thread it worked now... Don't tell me why I've just rewritten the thing.

A: To put a " in a string, write it as \". This is called an escape sequence.
system("echo '\"/[multilib]/,/Include/\" 's/#//' /etc/pacman.conf'");

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


types of coal crushers russian coal. types of coal crushers russian coal . Effect of Crusher Type and Crusher Discharge Setting On . Coal is the most important and abundant fossil fuel in India.
In this coal market control policies, our hammer crusher, cone crusher, jaw crusher and types of coal crusher in coal demand is slowly growing.
hard rock types. This new concept has ... revolve at slow speeds and split the coal, instead of crushing it, producing a granular product with minimum fines.
About product and suppliers: Alibaba.com offers 1,853 types of coal crushers products. About 77% of these are crusher. A wide variety of types of coal crushers options are available to you, such as jaw crusher, hammer crusher, and impact crusher.
Different Types Coal Crushers - interbio-sudoe.eu. different types of coal crushers used in power plant 4.7/5 Different type coal crushing machine - pioneerer.
types of coal crusher - crusher.quartz … zenith has endeavored to design and manufacture jaw coal crusher which is a type of highly-efficient and energy-saving crushing equipment.
All Shumar Crushers have two machined rolls to which the crusher segments are bolted. ... Raw coal or washed coal. Type and size of rocks in coal feed.
They are typically used as a secondary or tertiary crusher for materials such as ROM coal with refuse, ... Quad Roll Crushers. ... Types of Roll Crushers.


Seven Circle.5 Current Scenario of Premier Cement & the other cement companies As per the Ranking of the Cement Companies (shown above) it can be seen that Premier Cement is on the ninth position among the top ten cement companies (both local and foreign) in the Cement Industry of Bangladesh.
Premier Cement Mills Ltd Job circular 2018. Are you looking for a new job? All job news is online now. We also next updates Premier Cement Mills Ltd New job circular in my website at bd-career.org.. This job converted into image file, so that you can read or download.
ipo news of premier cement mills ltd of bangladesh. Mohta Cement Pvt. Ltd. - AAC Blocks, Eco Bricks & Fly Ash Manufacturer from Indore, Madhya Pradesh, India .
Lafarge Surma Cement Ltd. is a joint venture of Lafarge, a world leader inbuilding materials and Dhaka Premier Cement Mills Limited is one of the leading innovative cement Ltd. The logo "ctr"–contemporaneous, technocracy reli.
The name Premier Cement is known as one of the topmost brands in Bangladesh. Its associated companies adhere to the same demanding standards as they provide to Government, Builders, and Manufacturers of construction materials such as Ready Mix Concrete, Block, Pipe, and other pre-stressed concrete units.
premier cement mill ltd bangladesh PREMIER CEMENT MILLS LIMITED. Dec 27, 2014 . Since his return to Bangladesh in July 2005, he has been involved in the sales and marketing of Premier Cement Mills Limited, consumer.
Premier Cement Mills Limited in Dhaka, Bangladesh . Premier Cement Mills Limited is a hydraulic cement manufacturing company located in Dhaka, Bangladesh. View phone number, employees, products, revenue, and more. Premier Cement Mills Ltd Job Circular on May 2017 - All .
Dhaka, Bangladesh (BBN) – The Board of directors of Premier Cement has recommended 20 per cent cash dividend for the year ended on June 30, 2017, said an official disclosure on Monday. The final approval will come during the annual general meeting (AGM) scheduled to be held on October 14 at 10am at Auditorium of Chittagong Club in Chittagong.
University of Liberal Arts Bangladesh Bachelor of Science (BSc), Computer Engineering. 2009 – 2012. BIAM Model School & College HSC, Science. 2006 – 2008. School of Development Alternative ... Premier Cement Mills Limited. Shari Academy of Professional Photography. View profile. View profile badges. Search by name.
Premier Cement Mills Ltd. Bag Plant Unit, Munshiganj, Dhaka, Bangladesh. 1.8K likes. আমরা প্রামানে বিশ্বাসী ... Also well reputated cement fectory in Bangladesh. Ashraful Alam Bappy · May 15, 2017. this is best job placement for fresh person..he re from u can gather experience. Anny Wong · June 15, 2017.


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Sterry Creek (also known as Storrs Creek) is a tributary of the Lackawanna River in Lackawanna County, Pennsylvania, in the United States. It is approximately  long and flows through Jessup and Olyphant. The watershed of the creek has an area of . The creek is impaired by flow and habitat alterations along with flow loss. The O'Conner Dam is on Sterry Creek and impounds a six-acre reservoir. The creek is a major source of flooding in the borough of Jessup. It is designated as a Coldwater Fishery and a Migratory Fishery.

Course
Sterry Creek begins on a mountain in Jessup. It flows west for a short distance before turning northwest for a few tenths of a mile. The creek then turns southwest and enters the O'Conner Reservoir. From the northwestern corner of the reservoir, it turns west-northwest for a few tenths of a mile. The creek then turns west-southwest for several tenths of a mile, crossing Pennsylvania Route 247, receiving an unnamed tributary from the left, and entering Olyphant. In Olyphant, it turns north-northwest for several tenths of a mile and crosses US Route 6 before turning northeast and reentering Jessup. The creek then turns north-northwest again and reenters Olyphant, where it turns north-northwest again for several tenths of a mile and reenters Jessup. In Jessup, it turns due west for a few tenths of a mile before turning north-northwest for a few hundred feet and reaching its confluence with the Lackawanna River.

Sterry Creek joins the Lackawanna River  upriver of its mouth.

Hydrology
Sterry Creek experiences total flow loss. It begins to lose flow by the time it reaches the Mid Valley Industrial Park. There are also deposits of culm and silt from mining operations along the creek's banks and floodplain.

Sterry Creek is considered to be an impaired stream. The cause of the impairment is flow alterations and habitat alterations. The likely source of the impairment is abandoned mine drainage.

The peak annual discharge of Sterry Creek at its mouth has a 10 percent chance of reaching 320 cubic feet per second. It has a 2 percent chance of reaching 380 cubic feet per second and a 1 percent chance of reaching 410 cubic feet per second. The peak annual discharge has a 0.2 percent chance of reaching 460 cubic feet per second.

The peak annual discharge of Sterry Creek at a ponding area upstream of the Delaware and Hudson Railroad crossing has a 10 percent chance of reaching 560 cubic feet per second and a 2 percent chance of reaching 560 cubic feet per second. It has a 1 percent chance of reaching 1490 cubic feet per second and a 0.2 percent chance of reaching 2640 cubic feet per second.

Approximately  upstream of Lane Street, the peak annual discharge has a 10 percent chance of reaching 410 cubic feet per second. It has a 2 percent chance of reaching 890 cubic feet per second and a 1 percent chance of reaching 1220 cubic feet per second. The peak annual discharge has a 0.2 percent chance of reaching 2480 cubic feet per second.

Geography and geology
The elevation near the mouth of Sterry Creek is  above sea level. The elevation of the creek's source is between  above sea level.

The headwaters of Sterry Creek are in the vicinity of the Valley View Business Park and the Moosic Mountain ridgetop barrens. It is impacted by abandoned mines by the time it reaches the culvert under Pennsylvania Route 247. From river mile 3.5 downstream to its mouth, most of its length is impacted by abandoned mines. One reach of the creek is in a concrete U-channel. The creek lacks any riffle/pool systems and is highly disturbed by coal fines and silt.

Sterry Creek receives runoff from hills to its east. Water from culm banks also drains into the creek, carrying sediment with it. Part of the Moosic Mountains are in the eastern part of the creek's watershed.

The O'Conner Dam is in the watershed of Sterry Creek in Jessup. This dam is in the creek's upper reaches and impounds a water supply reservoir with an area of . In the early 1900s, several coal mines were in the watershed.

Watershed
The watershed of Sterry Creek has an area of . The creek is entirely within the United States Geological Survey quadrangle of Olyphant. The watershed is in the eastern part of the Lackawanna River watershed. It occupies parts of three municipalities: the boroughs of Jessup and Olyphant and Jefferson Township.

Sterry Creek is a large first-order stream. The creek is one major source of flooding in the borough of Jessup. Debris gathering at culverts on the creek causes it to back of and flood nearby properties and basements. The creek is a "mostly quiet stream" that is usually "little more than a trickle". However, once every ten years, it overflows its banks and damages nearby properties. Development in the watershed's upper reaches may impact the creek.

As of the late 20th century, approximately 10 percent of the watershed of Sterry Creek consists of residential development. Much of this was near the Lackawanna River. More than half of the watershed contained forested land.

History and recreation
Sterry Creek was entered into the Geographic Names Information System on August 2, 1979. Its identifier in the Geographic Names Information System is 1199619. The creek is also known as Storrs Creek. This name appears in Patton's Philadelphia and Suburbs Street and Road Map, which was published in 1984.

A channelization project was carried out on  of Sterry Creek by the Pennsylvania Department of Environmental Resources in 1990 in Jessup.

Sterry Creek was given a stream ranking of "Low" in the Lackawanna Valley Industrial Highway Project's Environmental Impact Statement in 1992.

In the early 2000s, a greenway conservation and recreation area along Sterry Creek was proposed in the Lackawanna River Watershed Conservation Plan. The conservation plan also recommended that the boroughs of Olyphant and Jessup include protection of the creek in their zoning plans. Additionally, the creek was on the Watershed Restoration Priority List of the Lackawanna River Watershed Conservation Plan. The Pennsylvania Department of Transportation is studying the creek to investigate flooding problems. The study is slated to be complete in June 2015.

Biology
The drainage basin of Sterry Creek is designated as a Coldwater Fishery and a Migratory Fishery. As of the early 1990s, it contains no macroinvertebrates or fish.

Sterry Creek was described as a "low-quality" aquatic resource in a 1992 Environmental Impact Statement.

See also
Wildcat Creek (Lackawanna River), next tributary of the Lackawanna River going downriver
Grassy Island Creek, next tributary of the Lackawanna River going upriver
List of rivers of Pennsylvania
List of tributaries of the Lackawanna River

References

External links
Google Street View image of Sterry Creek

Rivers of Lackawanna County, Pennsylvania
Rivers of Pennsylvania
Tributaries of the Lackawanna River

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


Ten different Reds had at least one hit. Scooter Gennett went 4-for-4 with three RBI.
Nothing brings out the best in the 2018 Reds like a game with the defending National League champions.
The Reds pushed their record to 5-0 against the Los Angeles Dodgers with a 10-6 victory before a crowd of 12,161 at Great American Ball Park. The five-game winning streak against the Dodgers is longest by the Reds since they won seven straight against L.A. in 1976.
Nine different Reds had at least one hit. Scooter Gennett went 4-for-5 with three RBI.
The game came down to one at-bat: Jared Hughes vs. Yasiel Puig with the bases loaded and one out in the seventh.
Puig got ahead 2-0, took a strike and then fouled off seven straight pitches. He lined the 11th pitch of the at-bat right at third baseman Eugenio Suarez, who snagged and threw to second to complete the 5-4 double play and keep it a 10-6 game.
"That was the second time this year with runners on base, and he's hit a line drive to third," Hughes said. "Before that, he was 4-for-4 off me with two homers, so I know he can definitely find a way to make adjustments against my sinker.
"That's what he was trying to do in that at-bat. He finally did. Thank goodness, Geno was standing right there and made an outstanding play. Even though it was right at him, I don't think anybody understands how hard it is to catch a ball that's going 100 miles an hour."
Hughes then pitched a perfect eighth.
The game went back and forth before that. The Reds would score, the Dodgers would answer, and the Reds would answer the answer.
Left-hander Cody Reed went four innings and allowed three runs on five hits in his third start. He walked three and struck out five. He needed 83 pitches (46 strikes) to record the 12 outs.
Reed pitched out of a major jam in the first. He struck out Matt Kemp with runners at first and second. Then after walking David Freese to load the bases, Reed got Kiké Hernandez to chase a slider for another strikeout.
The Reds hung a four-spot on left-hander Alex Wood in the first. Billy Hamilton led off with a walk, and Jose Peraza was hit by a pitch. Joey Votto got both runners in with double to right. The ball was an inch or two from being Votto's third home run in as many days.
An out later, Scooter Gennett singled to get Votto in. Phillip Ervin followed with a single. Wood struck out Tucker Barnhart, but Brandon Dixon reached on shortstop Manny Machado's error. Gennett scored to make it 4-0.
Reed gave up a run in the third.
Suarez got that run back in the bottom of the third with his 32nd home run of the year – an opposite-field shot to right.
The Dodgers closed it to 5-3 in the fourth on Chris Taylor's 16th home run of the year – a two-run blast to right.
The Reds kept adding on. Hamilton doubled with one out in the fourth. He scored on Peraza's single. After Votto struck out, the Dodgers intentionally walked Suarez. Gennett made L.A. pay with an RBI single to make it 7-3.
Michael Lorenzen gave up a solo home run to former Red Yasmani Grandal in the sixth.
But the Reds broke it open against Ryan Madson in the bottom of the inning.
Peraza led off with a single and stole second and third. Gennett got Peraza in with his third RBI single of the night. Ervin doubled. Barnhart grounded one up the middle to score Gennett and Ervin and made it 10-4.
The Dodgers would not go away. They added two runs off Lorenzen in the seventh and loaded the bases against Wandy Peralta.
That set up the Hughes-Puig battle.


At their budget setting meeting on Thursday 25th February 2016, the CBC councillor for Houghton Hall Ward, Liberal Democrat, Mrs Susan Goodchild, had these words of support.
The new rate for a Band D property for the Central Bedfordshire Council is £1,360.01 (up 3.95%).
Cllr Mrs S Goodchild, courtesy of CBC video services.
"I am always concerned when I hear about proposals to increase council tax, but from my personal experience with my constituents in Houghton Regis, which is known to have a higher proportion of residents living in poverty, then I think we must protect front line services and for this reason I will be supporting the increase in Council tax in line with the council's recommendation.
It is however, hugely disappointing that the Government has not listened to council's and charities, which have been urging them to provide sufficient funding to support local welfare assistance. We cannot pretend that this will not have an impact on the Council's ability to improve people's quality of life.
This Council has in the last four years made efficiency savings, whilst working extremely hard to protect the services upon which people rely.
These efficiency savings cannot be made again and I believe the savings that we as a council will need to achieve will be the most difficult yet.
In reality even having the same amount of money to spend in 4 years time, would mean that there are still significant challenges ahead for us as a Council. We will need to make savings sufficient to compensate for any additional cost pressures that we face over the next 4 years.
Some of the challenges will include the ending of the contracting out of the National Insurance Contributions, introduction of the national living wage and the deprivation of liberty safeguards.
It is commonly held wisdom that prevention is better than cure. Instead of waiting for people to become vulnerable and require public services, it is more financially prudent and beneficial to society and the individuals to create an environment in which people do not become reliant on public services in the first place.
I am especially pleased to see the £9.5 million for providing disabled facilities grants, this will help our more vulnerable residents who need support to stay in their existing homes, where appropriate or if this is not possible to move them to more suitable accommodation.
I would like to extend my thanks to the Directors and their staff for the hard work that has gone into producing this budget and for the support which has been provided to members, to help them to understand the process."


We had a wonderful time in Monterey today. We headed west on Hwy 152 through Hecker Pass to Watsonville this morning and then south on Hwy 1 to Monterey. $10 to park all day and we took our time strolling the length of Cannery Row and Fisherman's Wharf. The weather was perfect. The above photo is a panorama of a total of 9 photographs using high dynamic range (HDR) and compiled in Photoshop CS5 with a little touch up from Color Efex Pro. I love the soft pastel colors in the buildings and the detail in the sky.
We split a hot fudge sundae in a waffle bowl at Ghiradelli chocolate shop on Cannery Row. Very decadent but oh so very good too! We strolled along the bike/pedestrian path for a few miles all the while enjoying the seascapes unfolding before us.
We both fancied fish & chips for supper and decided to check out Fisherman's Wharf. Lots of restaurants to choose from and we settled on Crab Louie's Bistro located right on the wharf. Chris tried their fish & chips and I went for the owner recommended fish tacos, a first for me. We also each had a small bowl of clam chowder. Everything was wonderful.
We headed south a ways from Monterey along the coastline after finishing up our tour of Cannery Row. We had hoped to be able to get a look at Pebble Beach, the world famous PGA golf course located right on the coast, but they wanted $9.50 just to drive the scenic route through the property so we passed on that. We headed back out to US 101 stopping in Salinas for a Starbucks coffee to go and then headed for home. What a great day!
This entry was posted in California, Entertainment, HDR, Photography.
I loved your pictures. Monterey is one of our favorite places.


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Around the web: Reaction and coverage of the Saints Bounty scandal
A sampling of coverage of the New Orleans Saints' Bounty Rule violation. Today, the NFL announced that NFL Security had conducted a two-year investigation into an alleged pay for performance scandal involving about two dozen Saints defensive players.
Report: Vilma offered $10,000 to knock out Favre
A lot of information has already come out regarding BountyGate and the Saints. But we're only just getting started. One of the details that has emerged relates to the 2009 NFC Championship game where the Saints bruised and battered Brett Favre all night long.
Gregg Williams apologizes for "terrible mistake"
Rams defensive coordinator Gregg Williams has publicly apologized, hours after the NFL announced that Williams had violated league rules by orchestrating a system of bounties during his time on the staff of the Saints. "I want to express my sincere regret and apology to the NFL, Mr. Benson, and the New Orleans Saints fans…"
Vikings have no comment on Bountygate
On one hand, an NFL player shouldn't need the incentive of an extra $1,000 in order to play hard and aggressively when a berth in the Super Bowl is riding on the outcome of a game. On the other hand, the fact that Saints defensive coordinator Gregg Williams felt compelled to have a bounty program [...]
Kurt Warner thinks bounties have been part of the league for a long time
Former Cardinals quarterback Kurt Warner, who absorbed a big hit during a playoff game against the Saints in his final NFL game, has responded to the news that the Saints were using a bounty system at the time. "It's definitely disappointing, but I won't say that I'm completely surprised,"
Players unaware of other 'bounty' programs under Williams
Several players who played for former Saints DC Gregg Williams elsewhere -- such as Washington and Buffalo -- said privately that there were never any formal "bounty" programs on those teams.
Not what the game is about
According to the investigation, the players regularly contributed cash into a pool and received improper cash payments of two kinds from the pool, based on their play in the previous week's game. Williams administered the program with the knowledge of other defensive coaches…
Follow me on Twitter and Facebook.
Labels: Bounty Investigation , New Orleans Saints , NFL Football

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text:
HomeNewsEventsMotorsportChina
China 'not on 2022 Formula 1 calendar'
SportBusiness staff, Asia
A general view of the grid before F1's Chinese Grand Prix at Shanghai International Circuit on April 14, 2019 (Photo by Charles Coates/Getty Images)
The Chinese Grand Prix will be absent from the Formula 1 calendar for the third year in a row in 2022, according to news agency Reuters.
Formula 1 is to release its 23-race calendar for 2022 later today (Friday). Quoting 'multiple sources', Reuters said the Chinese Grand Prix at Shanghai was not on a draft shown to teams on Wednesday, but the race would be a possible 'reserve' in case another event drops off during the season.
Tencent becomes Extreme E's latest Chinese rights-holder
Formula 1 finalises sprint races for 2023, explores regionalised calendar
Formula 1 has announced today (Wednesday) that Azerbaijan, Austria, Belgium, Qatar, USA and Brazil will host sprint races in 2023, while the motor-racing series is exploring the possibility of a more regionalised…
Chinese Formula 1 Grand Prix in 2023 'to be cancelled'
The long-awaited return of Formula 1 motor racing to China next year is set to be cancelled due to the country's ongoing Covid policies, the BBC has reported
Gavin Hamilton
Scotland included as Extreme E confirms 2023 calendar
The Extreme E electric off-road racing series has confirmed its calendar for the 2023 season, with Scotland set to host a race for the first time
All-new Central European Rally features on WRC's 2023 calendar
The World Rally Championship (WRC) has unveiled a 2023 calendar featuring a new event concept taking place across three European countries, plus a return to North and South America for the first time since…


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Q: req is not readable after middleware used I'm attempting to secure an API endpoint of mine with passport running on node.js version 0.8.2.  The controller function I have looks something like this:
exports.create = function(req, res) {
    console.log('Request readable? ' + req.readable);

    ... stream blob in req to create blob ...
};

This works great when there is no middleware to authenticate the incoming request and "Request readable? true" is printed to the console.
When I introduce the middleware to authenticate the incoming request, the req is not readable any longer in my controller.
What am I doing wrong?

A: What was happening in this case is that I was making a call to fetch the accessToken from the database asynchronously and in this gap the stream when unreadable:
// req.readable == true here

auth(req, res, function(err) {
    // req.readable == false here

What you need to do in this situation is pause and resume the request stream:
// req.readable == true here

req.pause();
auth(req, res, function(err) {
    req.resume();
    // req.readable == true here


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Home Social sciences Applied and social sciences magazines Military Power Potential
Military Power Potential
International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences
History of the concept
Relevance in the nuclear age
Components of power potential
Power potential in a changing world
The study of power potential
Military power potential consists in the resources that a nation-state can mobilize against other nation-states for purposes of military deterrence, defense, and war. This definition—which makes the term approximately synonymous with "defense potential" but renders it broader than the term "war potential"—follows a narrow definition of national power.
More broadly conceived, national power in interstate relations is the ability of nation-states to produce desired effects in the behavior of other nation-states. However, a wide variety of conditions and means, noncoercive as well as coercive, may be available to a nation-state to produce such effects. Indeed, since nation A may behave in certain ways toward nation B because it "respects" or "admires" nation B, such respect or admiration may be said to be part of B's power, broadly defined, over A. This inclusive perspective is useful, since it keeps us from neglecting or ignoring various factors affecting the behavior of nation-states toward others. However, as we know from the study of interpersonal relationships, a particular kind of behavior may result from different conditions or combinations of conditions and, for analytical, predictive, and manipulative purposes, we may be interested in distinguishing among particular conditions and their effects. One such condition, of prime importance in interstate relations, is power more narrowly defined as military power. This is in fact the most widely accepted definition of power in interstate relations. It is defined as the ability to affect the behavior of other nation-states through the actual or threatened exertion of force. As used in this article, then, national power is the ability to coerce other nations, and coercion refers to physical constraint rather than to such other means of pressure as economic reprisal.
National military power is, of course, relative. It pertains to a relationship between states, the military power of state A being great or small in relation to the military power of state B or of several other states. The importance of military power in shaping the behavior of nation-states toward one another is also relative to the importance of other means of generating desired results. Thus, the importance of national military power will vary between state actors and, over time, within the entire international system of action. The main conditions immediately accounting for this variability are: (1) the pattern of distribution of military power in the international system; (2) the values at stake in international conflicts; (3) the "costs"—in terms of such values as economic resources, personal self-direction, moral standards, and reputation—of producing and employing military power; and (4) the comparative availability and effectiveness of other means for resolving international conflict, and the "costs" of using these alternative means.
In studying the exertion and counterexertion of power, one approach is to concentrate on the results or on the means accounting for, or capable of accounting for, particular results. When we concentrate on the results, and perhaps equate power with particular effects, we are concerned with far more complex relationships than when we compare the particular power instruments available to different nation-states. Thus, state A may have twice as much military power to exert against states B or C than either can exert against A. Faced with the same threat and demand from A, B may give in and C may fight; and faced with the same threat, B may give in to one demand, but fight when confronted with a different demand. Conversely, A rnay use its military power against B or C in support of some demands but not in support of others. Such problems involve choices of action determined by the various advantages and disadvantages attached by state actors to the exertion or counterexertion of power.
In the following we are concerned not with the whole range and scope of power but with the availability of one particular instrument of power, namely, military power. Military power, however, may produqe desired results withput being exerted, State A may act in certain ways because it does not wish to risk the use of B's military power against itself. It is this silent effectiveness of national power that appears to be pervasive, even though it is hard to trace in terms of cause and effect and hence is easily ignored. In the real world, a nation's military power rnay be conditioned by its relations with friendly or allied states from which it may receive supplies, training for personnel, technological assistance, and financial aid, as well as military support in time of war. For the sake of simplicity, these international (and possibly supranational) phenomena will be disregarded in this discussion. We will assume that national power is self-generated.
If national military power is the ability of one nation to coerce other nations through the employment of military means, or to resist such coercion by other states, then this power may be said to have, at any one time, two components: first, mobilized military capabilities ready for immediate operational commitment; and, second, additional power potential, which is a nation's ability to produce further military capabilities. To be employed militarily, power potential must first be mobilized—that is, transformed into, or used in, the production of operational military force, although the very act of initiating the mobilization of potential is a demonstration of a nation's intentions and may of itself act as a coercive threat or counterthreat. The process of mobilizing military potential takes time, and the resources involved will add to operational military capability only to the extent that there actually is opportunity for their mobilization. Manpower and industrial resources may obviously contribute to a nation's military potential, and most writers have in fact focused entirely or largely on economic potential when using the concept of war potential. In modern nations, however, a vast range of national resources is adaptable to the generation of military forces and it is, furthermore, possible to indicate certain administrative resources and political conditions that affect the magnitude of a nation's military potential and the speed with which it can be mobilized.
Since most authors refer to "war potential" rather than to "military power potential," they are usually concerned only with the part of a nation's power potential that has not yet been mobilized in the production of military forces and is still available for mobilization in pursuit of an arms race or in the event of war. However, in the nuclear age, as we shall see, the concept of power, or military, potential is of greater interest than that of war potential. Military power potential is the total ability of a nation to produce military power. Part of it is mobilized at any one time; part of it is unmobilized.
The concept of "war potential" did not gain appreciable currency until after World War n, However, thinking about the reality encompassed by the concept has been familiar in the literature of western Europe ever since the beginning of the mercantilist school. The mercantilist writers (for example, Charles Davenant, Josiah Tucker, and Jean Baptiste Colbert) were profoundly preoccupied with studying the bases—particularly the financial, commercial, industrial, and population resources—on which rested a nation's ability to prepare for war and to conduct it (Heqkscher 1931). Mercantilist discussions of the "sinews of war" dealt with military power potential in the light of mercantilist perspectives. Despite the repudiation of mercantilist notions by the classical economists, there was a line of noted writers—for example, Adam Smith, Alexander Hamilton, Friedrich List, Friedrich Engels—who transmitted this preoccupation from the eighteenth to the twentieth century.
It is not surprising that the mercantilists were the first thinkers who undertook, although with inadequate analytical tools, the systematic study of military potential. They were themselves products of two momentous and interconnected events in the history of mankind—the emergence of the nation-state, which monopolized the organization of military power, and the beginnings of the industrial revolution, which was to have enormous effects on the nature and bases of military power.
The quickening evolution of pure modern science, the flourishing of applied science and technological innovation, and the rapid economic growth associated with the agricultural and, especially, the industrial revolution had even more revolutionary effects on the generation, form, and distribution of military powei*. These effects did not exhaust themselves in the forging of new weapons, such as constantly improved firearms; or even in such new devices as the steam engine and electrical apparatus, which were adapted to direct military use, lent themselves readily to the production of armaments, and vastly increased the mobility of heavily equipped military forces. More basic was the swift increase in the productivity of labor. In the preindustrial age, when communities were basically agrarian and farmers were unable, on the average, to produce much more than they consumed, the portion of resources available for military purposes as well as for other nonfarm activities was severely limited. Large military forces could be supported only temporarily, usually at the expense of plunder, capital depletion, and malnutrition or starvation. The Roman Empire began to decline when it attempted to place too heavy a burden of nonagriciiltural activities, including military ones, on a peasantry that, compared with today's, was poor in productive resources. What happened in modern times, and especially after 1800, was that farmers became able to feed an increasing number of nonfarm families, which were thus released to commerce, industry, government, and the military. Pigou ([1921] 1941, pp. 42-43) calculated that, by the beginning of the twentieth century, industrial nations were able to divert about one-half of their productive capacity to the conduct of war by means of augmented production, reduced personal consumption, reduced investment in new capital, and depletion of existing capital. Their ability to prepare for war had increased similarly.
The first push of modernization began in small local areas. It gave western Europe an enormous advantage in military capability, enabling that comparatively small region not only to inflict huge damage on itself in internecine warfare but also to conquer vast colonial empires overseas. The process of modernization was weak and halting at first, gathered rapid momentum during the second half of the nineteenth century, and—although still unevenly distributed over the globe—reached a stupendous acceleration after World War II.
The monopoly of coercion at the level of the modern nation-state brought about the "nationalization" of war. Advancing science, technology, and economic production resulted in what may be called the "industrialization" of war. As war became nationalized and progressively industrialized, the concept of war, and warfare itself, tended to become "total." Although preindustrial and indeed preagrarian societies have been known to conduct wars of extermination, total war was widely recognized as a new development only after World War i. Thus, Oualid (Inter-parliamentary Union 1931, pp. 120-121) stated that modern war "implies the utilization of all the forces of the national collectivity: human, material, economic and moral." And General Douhet ([1921] 1942, p. 5) observed that "the prevailing forms of social organization" had given modern warfare "a character of national totality—that is, the entire population and all the resources of a nation are sucked into the maw of war." During World War I, the tendency for war to become "total" had expressed itself chiefly in the extension of the naval blockade to shipments of food and nearly all other civilian goods; in World War II, it led to the massive area-bombing of industries and cities, causing huge losses of civilian lives and assets. Making war "total" meant directing hostilities not only against the opponent's armed forces but also against his entire military potential.
Between World War i and World War II, military power potential was usually discussed in terms of "war potential"—that is, the ability of nations to mobilize resources after war had broken out. It was normal for nations to maintain military establishments in peacetime far smaller than those they could establish in time of war. Following the outbreak of hostilities, and in fact during the diplomatic crisis preceding it, there was usually time to mobilize potential power. Germany, for instance, in 1939 produced only 20 per cent of the volume of combat munitions that she produced in 1944 (Knorr 1956, p. 59); similarly, it took several years for the military production of the United States to reach a peak in World War II.
World War I and World War II were classical wars of attrition, won by the coalitions that possessed superior potential in manpower and economic resources. This outcome does not, of course, prove that war potential was decisive; the outcome of war is determined by other factors as well, such as the quality of generalship, strategic surprise, morale, and geography. One may surmise, however, that war potential became more important, in relation to other determinants, as warfare became industrialized and that very large asymmetries in these other conditions were then required to overcome a substantial difference in war potential, especially modern, industrial war potential. It is therefore not surprising that, in World War n, military fortunes turned with the balance of combat supplies (Knorr 1956, pp. 33-34).
The emergence of nuclear bombs, and of aircraft and rockets of high speed and vast range, has caused many analysts to regard the concept of war potential as obsolete. The new arms technology means that military destruction on an unprecedented and previously unimaginable scale could be visited on the interior of any country within days or even hours of the outbreak of war. A few penetrating weapons alone could wreak enormous damage, and there are no known or foreseeable defenses capable of preventing this. The only sure method of preventing a nuclear weapon from penetrating is to destroy it, by means of a first or preemptive strike, before it has taken off from its base. If all-out war occurred under these conditions, the decisive blows, it is assumed, would be struck within a matter of days. The preatomic age saw many cases in which an antagonist lacked sufficient time for mobilizing potential because he was quickly overrun by his opponent. Large-scale nuclear war, however, would permit no time at all to mobilize "war potential," and the constituents of this potential would be mostly destroyed or disorganized in the first waves of attack. The main object of defense in this situation is to deter attack by threatening retaliation; to do this requires forces fully mobilized before the outbreak of hostilities.
As long as these conditions of military technology prevail, "war potential," as distinct from "power potential," will be of less significance, although it remains important in the power relations of nonnuclear nations and in protracted non-nuclear disputes involving nuclear powers. (The Korean War required the United States to mobilize some margin of its war potential; and, in the early 1950s, the United States increased its capability for waging limited nonnuclear war.) However, the concept of military, as distinct from war, potential suffers no loss of significance whatever, since it refers to the capacity of nations to produce military power—nuclear and nonnuclear—whether in peace or war. The relative military power that nations are able to muster for deterrence and defense and their capacities for innovating in, and exploiting, a highly dynamic technology and for entering and sustaining arms races are basically matters of military potential.
Nations have few, if any, properties—geographic, demographic, economic, political, social, or cultural—that do not directly or indirectly affect their ability to produce military forces. These factors are too numerous to permit detailed enumeration and too heterogeneous and interdependent to encourage exhaustive and meaningful classification. Analysts of power potential have therefore focused on what seem to them to be the important determinants and have described these in terms of broad categories, such as population and industrial resources, that have intricate structures and are capable of further differentiation and comparison.
The military sector may be regarded as a sub-system of the national society, receiving manpower, services, and other resources as inputs and producing from them the outputs—trained personnel, equipment, supplies, organization, doctrine, strategy, and deployment—that constitute the nation's military power.
Since virtually all nation-states maintain military establishments at all times, a varying portion of their total power potential is mobilized at any one time; and, in the case of the major nuclear powers at least, this portion has risen compared with previous peacetime periods. Clearly, the unmobilized portion, as well as the total, of a nation's ability to generate military power is subject to change.
It is possible to distinguish three major determinants of military power potential: economic capacity (in the past usually called "economic war potential"), military motivation, and administrative competence. The quantity and quality of the nation's manpower and other resources that are suitable as inputs for the military sector represent its economic military potential. The portion of this potential which, in time of peace or war, a nation is prepared to divert to the military sector depends upon military motivation. The efficiency with which the inputs are transformed into outputs depends on the nation's administrative military potential.
Economic capacity
Production for both civilian and military use depends upon the quantity, composition, and quality of available factors of production. These are the nation's labor force; land and other natural resources; material capital in such forms as farms, factories, railroads, and inventories; monetary capital in the form of net claims on foreigners; and organizations in which factors are combined for economic production. How large a volume of goods and services a nation produces depends, additionally, on the rate of factor employment (some resources may be idle voluntarily or involuntarily) and on resource productivity (that is, the productivity of labor, land, capital, and management). Productivity has a bearing on military potential, since the larger the volume of output per capita, the more resources can be diverted, if the community so chooses, to the military sector without causing intolerable hardship to the civilian sector.
A nation's resources, including its economic defense potential, tend to grow with the numbers in the labor force, additions to real capital, technological innovation, and improvements in productive human skills. Increases of the real gross national product (GNP), in the aggregate and per capita, are a rough index of such changes, although the benefits of rising labor productivity may be claimed, at least in part, in the form of increments to leisure rather than to goods and services. A country with a rapidly expanding national product, in the aggregate and per capita, tends to have an increasing economic potential for military purposes.
However, the magnitude of this economic potential is also conditioned by the composition and quality of resources. In time of peace, and especially in time of crisis and war, the value of potential is derived largely from the speed with which it can be mobilized. Therefore, whatever the size of the national product, the closer resources are to the forms required by the military sector, and the more flexible the economic system is in permitting a rapid shift of productive factors from civilian to military production, the larger a nation's economic defense potential will be. For instance, the larger the proportion of males in the age bracket preferred for military service and the greater the proportion of such males with previous military training, the more the labor force contributes to military potential. Similarly, the closer the products for the civilian sector are to the many products required by the military sector, the greater the nation's potential for military production. Output of energy in various forms and means of transportation are of course basic in the modern industrial age. Modern arms technology has made the military sector a voracious consumer of extremely complicated instruments and hence has put a high premium on such industries as electronics and on sophisticated metallurgical, chemical, and engineering production. Basic energy sources apart, a rich local base of raw materials has, on the other hand, become relatively less important, partly because modern technology has a startling capacity for creating new materials and for substituting one material or even one end product for another. Moreover, in view of the emphasis on military preparedness in peacetime and the improbability of large-scale and prolonged wars of attrition, productive nations can import many of the materials with which they are not endowed. With the acceleration of technological advance, notably in military technology, the most precious resource, especially among the leading military powers, is the capacity for endless scientific discovery and technological innovation and hence the number, skill, and genius of a nation's scientists and engineers.
As suggested, military potential depends not only on how close a nation's composition of total output is to the mixture required by the military sector but also on the rapidity with which output composition can be changed. This flexibility rests in large part on the mobility and versatility of labor and of other factors of production. It may be observed further that, assuming any given composition of national production, this mobility varies with the growth of the real GNP and with the stage of economic development. Rapid economic growth indicates a high rate of investment and of innovation, including product changes. It occurs in a society capable of initiating and absorbing frequent change. The stage of economic development is significant because the more advanced an economy, the richer it is in the kinds of skills and the variety of productive facilities that are conducive to rapid and continuous changes in output.
The quantity and quality of military potential are, of course, relative to the varying military needs and ambitions of the country. Relatively few countries have the potential resources for developing, on their own account, sophisticated nuclear weapons and vehicles for their delivery. Indeed, some of these nations do not intend to become nuclear powers and hence have no military use for nuclear energy production. Although these countries may possess a substantial potential for producing "conventional," that is, nonnuclear military forces, no single country can rival the United States and the Soviet Union in military power and military potential. One might, in fact, conjecture that there is now a greater diversity in the magnitude and quality of military economic potential than prevailed in the past. Differences in sheer size of population and territory have always existed, and so have differences in the state of the arts applicable to military activities. But one suspects that the qualitative differences between, for example, Afghanistan and the Soviet Union or between Haiti and the United States, are greater than formerly existed between comparable pairs of countries. These differences probably reflect, on the one hand, crucial differences in economic and technological development. On the other hand, they may also reflect a new implication of differences in the size of national outputs—namely, that certain very sophisticated lines of production (such as nuclear energy or nuclear weapons) demand a scale of effort that only large and highly developed countries can afford.
Military motivation
A nation may possess a large economic potential for military activities but refrain from mobilizing it for this purpose. Large economic potential for military power does not necessarily equal large military power. Power potential, therefore, depends on what may be called military motivation—that is, upon the will among members of society to supply men and other resources to the military subsystem. The production and employment of military power are organized, collective actions. Power potential is action potential, and action results from motivation. Since the production and use of military power are organized by government, it is through the political process that a society's military motivation is aggregated. However, that motivation expresses itself not only in determining the stream of men and resources made available to the military sector; it also conditions those other aspects of personal behavior that are relevant to the output of power and are often referred to as "morale." Broadly speaking, the military potential of a society depends upon the capacity of its members to forgo the satisfaction of wants and preferences—whether they are concerned with safety, income, consumption, status, leisure, respect, self-direction, or other values—that compete with the demands of the military subsystem (Knorr 1956, p. 67). This does not mean that the individual or group pursuit of such values necessarily conflicts with the production and use of national military power, for some individuals may gain in status, respect, income, and so forth from serving the military sector. Zero war potential would obtain if all the members of a nation were intensely dedicated to goals and preferences that, in every way, prevented military power from being produced or used and that they were completely unwilling to neglect even temporarily.
Military motivation is a concept beset with difficulties. Its systematic examination awaits further progress in relevant social science research. There is the additional difficulty that the willingness of a society to undertake a military effort obviously depends on the nature of international conflicts and of available choices for resolving them, and on the way in which these conflicts and choices are perceived. However, societies also have a certain underlying disposition or readiness to accept military postures and actions, and the personal sacrifices they demand. Historians frequently refer to societies as "warlike" or "peaceful," and political leaders often speak of certain nations as highly likely or unlikely to fight—images obviously based on the record of past national behavior. We are concerned here with particular patterns of values, or cultural standards, that affect a society's attitudes toward international violence and national preparation for it. Since these standards are more or less internalized during the process of socialization—although they are no doubt susceptible to the impact of adult experience and learning—it is assumed that a society's underlying mode of readiness to react to military threats or opportunities usually undergoes only gradual change. This subject likewise stands in need of further conceptual and empirical research before important questions can find more than an intuitive answer. Thus, the dichotomy between "warlike" and "peaceful" is obviously far too simple. A "peaceful" nation may be basically and abidingly averse to the use of military power, or, although strongly preferring the peaceful resolution of international conflicts, it may reveal a high military motivation once it feels sufficiently provoked. In the latter case, a high threshold of provocation must be crossed before that society's underlying willingness to authorize military action is released—in other words, before its military motivation potential is mobilized.
The literature also lacks plausible hypotheses on the relation between military motivation potential and different political and social systems and, therefore, on whether the military motivation of nations tends to vary with forms of government. Two observations may be made. First, the willingness of a society to forgo the satisfaction of civilian wants and preferences competing with the demands of the military sector differs among groups that may also differ in formal and informal political influence. Second, whatever the structure of politics, political influence between government and governed is reciprocal, although the balance of influence may vary greatly from system to system. An authoritarian or totalitarian government (or elite) that is itself endowed with a strong military motivation and exerts a powerful influence on the relevant motivation of the rest of the population will tend to lend a high military motivation potential to the country involved and presumably will find it easy to mobilize this potential, In contrast, a democratic government that reflects or confronts a basically low military motivation in the electorate can do little to increase, and perhaps even to mobilize, the military potential of the nation. However, the historical record contains many democratic nations with a high potential and many authoritarian countries with a low one. The possible patterns are many and complex and do not encourage generalizations on the comparative power potential of nations with different forms of government. From this point of view, the military motivation potential of societies is an empirical question, which can be answered on the basis of empirical research.
Administrative competence
Whatever the military economic potential of a society and whatever its military motivation potential, its output of military power may be relatively large or small depending on the efficiency with which the military sub-system employs the resources supplied to it. The military sector uses inputs in the form of manpower, funds, industrial capacity, research physicists, in order to produce various military forces and supplies, military doctrine and strategy, and all the elements that, in the aggregate, constitute the nation's power.
In the modern age, the different production tasks are extraordinarily numerous and complex, involving difficult choices to be made in the face of various uncertainties. Moreover, the production processes are complicated and lengthy, requiring highly coordinated action and involving a great deal of time, often many years, for their completion. The efficiency problem is encountered on many levels. The industrial enterprises used for manufacturing military hardware may be more or less efficient in their employment of scarce resources; so may be the military services that must transform recruits into competent soldiers and officers; so is the planning and implementation of military research and development (which loom ever larger in the military power equation of modern nations); and so are the crucial choices of present and future weapons systems and strategies, intricately phased out and in over time as technology and strategic requirements change.
Efficiency is a matter not only of choosing the right military end products and components, and of producing them at the least cost in economic and bureaucratic resources, but also of the speed with which decisions are made and implemented. Until a few decades ago, military technology—and with it strategy and doctrine—changed only slowly. By the 1960s the pace of change had become explosive and the administration of the military sector far less able to rely on lessons from past experience. Since major weapon systems take years to develop and produce, a time lag of even one year may have an important bearing on national military power.
Administrative military potential resides essentially in the efficiency of several bureaucracies, especially in business, in the armed services, in special research organizations, and in various government departments. In these structures, competence depends on the conceptual realism with which tasks are understood, the intelligence and training of the directing and staff personnel, the efficiency with which information is procured and used, the efficiency with which many necessarily decentralized operations are coordinated, the quality of the analytical techniques and instruments employed for identifying and evaluating choices in problem solving, and all the other conditions that make for good and prompt decisions and their efficient and prompt execution.
As long as there is military power, power potential will, of necessity, remain important. However, the implications of power potential and, still more, the nature and relative weights of its constituents are notably sensitive to changes in the international system and to changes in technology and economic productivity. Industrialization and the accelerating progress of arms technology have had a revolutionary impact on the nature of national military power and power potential. As economic development and scientific and technological progress continue, the demands of the military sector on societies will tend to undergo further revision, and power potential will rise or fall depending on the society's ability to meet these changing demands for particular inputs of resources.
The future may also bring more or less radical changes in the properties of the international system and its parts. Thus, the consolidation of nation-states into larger units may have far-reaching effects on military power relationships, including comparative power potentials. Similarly, the establishment of various kinds of arms control and disarmament could affect the significance of power potential. It is interesting that the concept of war potential figured importantly in the exploration of disarmament during the 1920s and early 1930s (Inter-parliamentary Union 1931, chapters 3-5), because war potential was expected to become a more decisive factor in the international power balance as states limited their mobilized forces. Similarly, the military potential of nations would change in the future if nuclear weapons were abolished or drastically reduced in number. If general and complete disarmament occurred, and the disarmed world turned out to be highly unstable politically, rearmament or its threat might become a major political factor, and military potential would remain a major element in international relations.
The importance of military potential in interstate power relations and in the calculations of statesmen stands in odd contrast to the paucity of rigorous social science literature on the subject. There are good reasons for this contrast. Although the basic concept of power potential is clear enough, it refers to a reality so complex and embracing so much of the political, social, economic, and cultural life of nations that it resists detailed definition and, on the whole and in many particulars, defies measurement. Who can measure the military motivation potential of a society, or its military administrative competence, or even its military economic potential? The first two are customarily regarded as "imponderables," and the important qualitative aspects of the last are not measured by the GNP or similar indices. Resistance to quantification is of course a common property of many social phenomena. It is lowest in the demographic and economic areas, where a great many data, although of greatly varying quality, are readily available. The structure of populations and labor forces can be roughly compared, and so can the capacity of many industries. It is nevertheless impossible, at least as yet, to compute comparable aggregate values for the economic war potential of nations.
Comparing military motivation potentials is much more problematical. Comparative defense budgets, terms of military service, and similar data are indicators of some interest. But it is patently difficult to infer motivation from behavior, and all we may be able to appraise in these instances is current rather than potential motivation. To estimate administrative military potential is yet more difficult, for to evaluate the outputs of the military sector, short of war, is even harder than to evaluate the inputs it receives.
But in this context, as in many others, "difficult" questions are not necessarily hopeless operations. Ingenious effort may yield worthwhile, although imperfect, results. The fact is that statesmen, government officials, and military men are continuously engaged in comparing the military power, including the power potential, of nations. If they did not do so, they would be unable to perform their tasks. Their comparisons may be extremely crude and largely represent intuitive judgment. Sound intuition, however, is anchored in observation, however haphazard, fragmentary, or impressionistic. Surely, whatever is done haphazardly and impressionistically can, in principle, be done more rigorously, or at least be greatly assisted, by means of empirical analysis and the formation and testing of hypotheses. The fact that this effort is lacking does not argue its impracticability. It is probable that the social sciences, especially as they progress further in analytical capability, could achieve a great deal more in this neglected area of application.
Klaus Knorr
[See alsoEconomic warfare; International politics; Strategy. Other relevant material may be found inInternational relations; Military; Power; War.]
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"Military Power Potential." International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences. . Retrieved July 07, 2019 from Encyclopedia.com: https://www.encyclopedia.com/social-sciences/applied-and-social-sciences-magazines/military-power-potential


text:
Environmental effects shape the maternal transfer of carotenoids and vitamin E to the yolk
Müller, Wendt
Vergauwen, Jonas
Eens, Marcel
Blount, Jonathan D.
Introduction Maternal effects occur when the phenotype of the offspring is influenced by the phenotype of the mother, which in turn depends on her heritable state as well as on influences from the current and past environmental conditions. All of these pathways may, therefore, form significant sources of variation in maternal effects. Here, we focused on the maternal transfer of carotenoids and vitamin E to the egg yolk, using canaries as a model species. Maternal yolk carotenoids and vitamin E are known to generate significant phenotypic variation in offspring, representing examples of maternal effects. We studied the intra-individual consistency in deposition patterns across two years and the mother-daughter resemblance across two generations in order to estimate the level of heritable variation. The effects of the current environmental conditions were studied via a food supplementation experiment, while the consequences of past environmental conditions were estimated on the basis of the early growth trajectories. Results There was a significant effect of the current environmental conditions on the yolk carotenoid and vitamin E deposition, but this effect varied between antioxidant components. The deposition of yolk carotenoids and vitamin E were linked to the process of yolk formation. Past environmental conditions did not contribute to the variation in yolk carotenoid and vitamin E levels nor did we find significant heritable variation. Conclusions The transfer of carotenoids or vitamin E may be an example where current environmental variation is largely passed from the mother to the offspring, despite the numerous intermediate physiological steps that are involved. Differences in the effect of the environmental conditions as experienced by the mother during laying may be due to differences in availability as well as physiological processes such as competitive exclusion or selective absorption.
Source (journal)
Frontiers in zoology. - London
London : 2012
Volume/pages
9 (2012) , 11 p.
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Full text (Publisher's DOI)
https://doi.org/10.1186/1742-9994-9-17
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https://repository.uantwerpen.be/docman/irua/b4cee4/3c78d283.pdf
Faculty of Sciences. Biology
Behavioural Ecology & Ecophysiology
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Last edited 03.12.2021
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https://hdl.handle.net/10067/1017660151162165141