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Current: Citizen Rights in Flux: The Influence of American Immigrants to Israel on Modes of Political Activism
Citizen Rights in Flux: The Influence of American Immigrants to Israel on Modes of Political Activism
Avi Kay, October 21, 2001
Avi Kay
Filed under: Israel
American Immigrants to Israel, Political Activism
Jewish Political Studies Review 13:3-4 (Fall 2001)
Although American-born Israelis are among the smallest immigrant groups in Israel, they have been at the forefront of extra-parliamentary activity in Israel for nearly thirty years. The ubiquitous presence of American-born Israelis in such frameworks is particularly pronounced in extra-parliamentary groups active in the political-security realm. The difficulty these immigrants experience in integrating themselves in the formal Israeli political structure seems to reinforce a basic "activist" political socialization received prior to their arrival in Israel. Through their activities, American-born Israelis have not only introduced new methods to the public debate, but also have helped focus attention on the potential for citizen groups to contribute – if not direct – public debate.
Israel is a nation of immigrants. In fact, over 30 percent of the current population of Israel was born abroad.1 Among the smallest immigrant groups in Israel are those individuals who immigrated to Israel from the United States. These American-born Israelis (henceforth referred to as ABIs) number roughly 85,000; or 1.5 percent of the current population of Israel.2 But despite their numerical marginality, ABIs have played a prominent role in the development and operations of extraparliamentary political groups. Indeed, ABIs can be found at the forefront of a wide variety of such groups dealing with civil rights, women's issues, "bridge-building" between religious and secular, election reform, environmental concerns and the peace process and its implications.
This work offers a glimpse into the on-going activities of the ABI political activists: their motivations, the nature of their activities and their impact on Israeli political life.
American-Born Israelis: A Demographic Overview
Most of the estimated 85,000 ABIs reside in central Israel. Besides Jerusalem, large concentrations of ABIs can be found in the Tel Aviv suburbs of Petach Tikva, Kfar Saba, and Raanana. In addition, there is a very strong American presence in settlements in Judea and Samaria and in the fast-growing town of Beit Shemesh, situated almost equidistant between Jerusalem and Tel Aviv.3
American immigration to Israel has always been motivated by "pull" factors rather than "push" factors, key elements in the political activism of ABIs. Unlike most other immigrants, ABIs did not come to Israel to escape persecution or to seek economic opportunity, but rather out of a desire to realize goals related to their Jewish identity. Indeed, for the overwhelming majority of ABIs, the move to Israel was made with the acknowledgment that they were trading a materially comfortable and placid existence in the United States for the opportunity to take part in the Zionist enterprise of creating a Jewish state in the Land of Israel.
For most of the approximately 7,500 ABIs who arrived in Israel from the founding of the state in 1948 until 1967, the Zionist enterprise meant the creation of a Jewish homeland based on progressive social ideas.4 It is estimated that between one-third and one-half of these individuals are no longer in Israel. Many of those who have remained are associated with progressive – if not radical – groups operating both on the foreign policy-security plane, as well as with groups that focus on domestic issues.
The largest wave of American immigration to Israel was in the heady years following the Six-Day War in 1967. It is estimated that some two-thirds of the 30,000 immigrants from America who arrived between 1967 and 1973 remained in Israel. Although this group was both diverse with regard to its background and professed a wide variety of explanations for their decision to immigrate to Israel, about half described themselves as "religious."5 Indeed, this group was far more likely to acknowledge religious motivations in their decision to move to Israel than those ABIs who had preceded them.
Over the last quarter century since the Yom Kippur War, some 60,000 American Jews have settled in Israel. Sixty percent of this group is estimated to be Orthodox. The Orthodox not only comprise a clear majority of the American immigrants who arrived during this period, but are estimated to have a "return rate" of roughly 20 percent – only half that of their non-Orthodox counterparts.6
A prime factor contributing to the numbers and staying power of Orthodox immigration is the American Jewish day-school and yeshiva educational system that strongly encourages students to spend extended periods of time studying in religious seminaries in Israel. This "Israel experience" reinforces previous education concerning the central role of the Land of Israel in religious life. In addition, it serves as a basis for interpersonal ties, which contribute both toward the decision to settle in Israel and toward the success of that endeavor. In recognition of this, the Amana settlement organization, an outgrowth of the Gush Emunim movement that created new Jewish villages in Judea and Samaria beyond the pre-1967 border, has worked to actively recruit Orthodox American Jews as potential new residents.7
The Political Socialization of American-Born Israelis
On the whole, recently arrived ABIs are far more likely to express "rightist" positions with regard to the peace process and territorial compromise. This conclusion is based on extensive interviews with over fifty informants, including ABI and Israeli-born activists from all points of the political spectrum, journalists, academics, professionals dealing with ABIs during and after the aliya process, and others.
Regardless of date of arrival in Israel, ABIs bring with them beliefs about political systems and the role of citizens based on Western liberal ideas which are often foreign to the average Israeli. As this author has written elsewhere,8 on the basis of their earlier political socialization, ABIs bring with them to Israel a well-honed sensitivity to their rights as citizens and the firm belief that they have not only the right to actively seek to impact policy decisions, but an obligation to do so. Indeed from Tocqueville's reflections on the emerging American republic9 in the early nineteenth century to recent statistical data on political behavior,10 Americans exhibit a tendency toward political activism and a belief in protest politics. Americans assume that the system will work if citizens make it work. Believers in this "civic myth" view the achievements of protest campaigns such as the civil-rights movement and the anti-Vietnam War movement as proof of the efficacy of grass-roots political protest.
If the American body politic can be viewed as an exemplar of a "civic society," then the American Jewish community is perhaps the archetypal group in such a society. Due to high levels of education, considerable concern for both domestic and international issues, and perhaps slightly insecure about their political and social standing, American Jews are greatly overrepresented and very active in both the formal and informal political frameworks in the United States.11
The Israeli Political Reality
But what is the basic character of the political system in the state to which they have arrived? The prime architects of the Israeli political system were those Eastern European Zionists who came to Palestine at the beginning of the twentieth century. The type of system they put in place was modeled on the emerging democracies of early twentieth century Eastern Europe. While Western "liberal democracies" (such as the United States) stress both the political and civic rights of citizens, the Eastern European democracies give lesser priority to civic participation.
Accordingly, the Israeli political system has traditionally focused on preserving the legitimacy and effectiveness of political institutions. Not surprisingly, then, these institutions – particularly the political parties and affiliated frameworks – have traditionally dominated Israeli society. The ebb and flow of the political fortunes of the parties have impact on almost every element of Israeli society, from civil-service appointments to the operation of health care organizations, from campus politics to appointments to the Chief Rabbinate, from deals over the control of the Jewish Agency and World Zionist Organization to the vigor with which the Histradut labor federation confronts the government's economic program.
Due to the nature of the Israeli political system, the political parties themselves have not been very responsive to voters. The major reason for this is the fact that, unlike the American system, Israelis cannot point to a particular member of the Knesset as "their representative." Israel is not divided into electoral districts which could provide politicians with a limited constituency. Israelis vote for a party, not an individual, and the number of votes the party receives determines the number of individuals on its list who will subsequently become Knesset members.
This situation is particularly irksome to ABIs. Indeed, the Association of Americans and Canadians in Israel was a key player in the public campaign that resulted in the adoption of "American-style" direct elections for prime minister, which first took effect in 1996 and was subsequently repealed by the Knesset in 2001.
For much of Israel's history, political activity was confined to the parties. It took the cataclysmic Yom Kippur War to bring about significant extraparliamentary activity. In the aftermath of the war, public pressure forced both Prime Minister Golda Meir and Defense Minister Moshe Dayan to resign as the public held their political leaders accountable for their policies and actions.
The development of extraparliamentary activity in Israel was directly linked to the erosion of public trust in the leadership of the Labor Party, which had built the major institutions of the state. The post-Yom Kippur War period saw the emergence of new Zionist pioneers in the guise of the extraparliamentary nationalist Gush Emunim movement that was committed to Jewish settlement everywhere in the Land of Israel. This movement acted as a catalyst for the settlement policy of the Likud-led governments that ruled almost continuously from 1977 to 1992.12
With the decline of the Labor Party came the formation of the extraparliamentary Peace Now movement that emerged in the late 1970s as the clearest and most strident voice of left-leaning sectors traditionally associated with the Labor Party. Thus, for the first time, large numbers of Israelis across the political spectrum sought to realize their political aspirations outside the party machinery. Concurrently, the Israeli political scene witnessed an increase in activities which are examples of direct citizen action such as public protests and demonstrations.13
However, the underlying political culture of Israel remains far removed from that of America. While Americans may take to the streets out of conviction to exercise their right to protest in order to influence public policy, Israelis seem to engage in direct-action protest out of a sense of frustration that none of the "legitimate" avenues have led to the desired outcome. They may be seen as being less certain about both the legitimacy and efficacy of their actions.
David Romanoff, an ABI and one of the founders of the right-leaning Zo Artzenu ("This is Our Land") organization, spoke directly to the difference between ABI and native Israeli activists: "We are free of past memories and do not suffer from deep-seated Israeli inhibitions and commitments."14
Indeed, while the average Israeli may be far more politically astute than his American counterpart, he expresses a lower level of felt political efficacy. A study comparing how Israelis and Americans would respond to an unjust or harmful law showed that roughly 65 percent of Americans said that they would contact their political leaders, as opposed to only 5.4 percent of the Israelis. Forty percent of the Israelis said that they would do "nothing," a response offered by only 14.5 percent of the Americans.15
American-Born Israelis Meet the Israeli Political Reality
As has been seen, ABIs are likely to arrive in Israel with both ideological goals in mind and a basic predisposition to seek out avenues to influence the political system. Numerous ABIs with whom this author spoke expressed a belief that, as American born and bred political beings, they "naturally" had a stronger sense of individual civil and political rights. According to Moshe Feiglin, an Israeli-born activist from Zo Artzeinu, "There is an American approach to freedom which does not exist in this country and I live among Americans who know the real meaning of individual freedom" (author's emphasis).16
ABIs point out that they had made a conscious decision to link themselves to the Zionist enterprise. As such, they are more likely to have ideas and expectations from the nature of life in Israel and the actions of societal and governmental mechanisms. Speaking both to the issue of political ideology and political initiative, Eve Harow, an ABI and one of the founders of the right-wing Women in Green, noted that when one comes to Israel: "You leave your family behind, all the world that you're familiar with. That takes get-up-and-go. We're an assertive kind of people. And in order to prove that we did the right thing, we have to help Israel be the best it can."17
However, despite an interest in contributing to the advancement of Israeli society, a sense of mission, and a relatively well-defined ideology, ABIs have traditionally been conspicuously absent from the higher echelons of Israel's political parties and senior government positions. No ABI has ever held a ministerial position. Golda Meir became Israel's prime minister in later life. Born in Russia, she spent many years in the U.S., but was able to integrate herself into the elite of the Yishuv already in the prestate period when most of Israel's leadership was made up of immigrants. The only other American immigrant to serve as a minister was Moshe Arens, who, while raised in the United States, was born in Lithuania. Arens' road to government was rather arduous. He succeeded in moving into the inner circle of the Likud party only after thirty years of political activity and service in senior positions in the Israeli defense industry.18
The Netanyahu government offers further insight into the attitudes of the Israeli public-at-large toward ABIs. Former Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was, himself, a product of American society to a great degree. Raised and educated in the United States, Netanyahu was perceived to have brought to Israel a distinctly American style of campaigning and leadership. This assessment of his style and political behavior was not offered as a compliment.
Significantly, Netanyahu was seen by some as having surrounded himself with "foreigners" in the form of a Russian immigrant head of the prime minister's office (Avigdor Lieberman) and Americans in the key positions of spokesperson (David Bar-Illan)19 and chief foreign policy advisor and later Ambassador to the United Nations (Dr. Dore Gold). Some veteran Israeli columnists, who were uncomfortable with the high-profile role of Americans in the Israeli political system, even charged them with dual-loyalty. The rumored misgivings of the Israeli public concerning the "American-ness" of these two figures led them to minimize the number of their radio and television interviews in Hebrew.20
Interestingly, while Lieberman's rise to power was via party activities, both Bar-Illan and Gold's lack of party support was typical of the ABI. The American-raised Professor of International Relations Galia Golan noted that ABIs tend not to easily penetrate Israeli parties for a variety of reasons. First, the Israeli parties are not simply voluntary organizations as in the United States, but an intricate social framework regulated by accepted code words and "mythology," personal loyalties, and shared experiences from school, youth organizations and military service. ABIs invariably lack the actual experiences and understanding of such dynamics.
Further, Americans tend to enter politics for different reasons than native Israelis. First, it is possible that ABIs subconsciously believe that they cannot advance within the party framework due to the lack of ties discussed above. Also, ABIs are typically drawn to party activity due to ideas identified from the outside, and not after political socialization in party associated youth groups and campus politics.
ABIs, generally considered by others and perceiving themselves to be outsiders to institutionalized politics, naturally seek alternative areas.
The Extraparliamentary Life of the ABI
Right-Leaning Groups
The principle rightist extraparliamentary group is the Yesha Council, which has served as the political arm of Jewish settlers in the territories since its establishment in 1980.21 Many of the council's central figures have worked and socialized together since adolescence. This cohesiveness leads to a very centralized and defined power structure into which ABIs have difficulty entering. Typically, the chief ABI working at the council is in charge of the "foreign desk," handling overseas fund-raising and contact with the foreign press.
Yechiel Leiter, a former head of "the foreign desk," noted that relatively high percentage of ABIs among the settlement population, who are far more likely to take part in public protests than their native born cohorts, they have little impact on policy.22 However, the American-accented Hebrew and abundance of signs in English at such protests speak to both the number of ABIs aligned with the council's policies and their proclivity to take to the streets.
The activities of the council, like those of other groups on the right, peaked in the months prior to the assassination of Yitzhak Rabin in November 1995. The Oslo peace process and Rabin's confrontational relationship with the settler population led to frequent and emotional protests, including a two-month sit-in of whole families in a tent city set up across from the prime minister's office in the summer of 1995.
As government and public support for the settlement enterprise waned, Leiter urged the Yesha leadership to accept new and characteristically American modes of behavior aimed at stimulating a groundswell of support. The publicity campaign launched included such characteristic American elements as hosting missions of diaspora Jews; cultivating positive, pro-active relationships with the press; encouraging ordinary Israelis to contact their elected officials; doing outreach to the general public; and coalition-building with like-minded groups. In addition, Leiter, and especially Zo Artzeinu, called for passive resistance modeled on the successful civil-rights demonstrations led by Martin Luther King, Jr. in the United States in the 1960s.
Leiter recalls that the Yesha leadership never quite fully accepted the legitimacy and efficacy of these activities. While they did become more accepting of the power of the press and mass protest, they remained convinced that the future of the territories would eventually be determined through the creation of facts on the ground – the settling of yet another hilltop.
In the wake of the Rabin assassination, activism declined. There was a sense of persecution, a result of fear of legal action and negative publicity surrounding the charge of "verbal violence." The perceived limits imposed on free speech were particularly offensive to ABIs for whom freedom of speech was the political equivalent of the Golden Rule.
The subsequent election of Benjamin Netanyahu as prime minister further reduced the ability (and, perhaps, necessity) for political protest on the part of the right. With time, however, the Yesha Council came to oppose Netanyahu, hoping (vainly) that the Likud government would emerge from the subsequent election and abandon the Oslo process.
Despite the commitment of Prime Minister Ehud Barak to actively move the peace process forward, his election did not lead to the kind of protest seen in the days of Yitzhak Rabin. Barak succeeded in disarming the right by avoiding verbal attacks on them.
One extra-parliamentary group operating on the right with an overwhelmingly American membership and style is "Women for Israel's Tomorrow" (most often referred to as "Women in Green" due to their trademark green hats). Established in 1993 to oppose the Oslo Accords, "Women in Green" was a response to the left- leaning (and also significantly American-influenced) "Women in Black" (see below). The Women in Green group was described by a leading Israeli paper as "the most authentic and exciting popular resistance movement to have arisen here (in Israel) in the last few years."23
Women in Green focus much of their energies toward an appeal to the American Jewish community and the foreign (and particularly American) press.24 Ruth Matar, a leader of Women in Green, explained that the organization sought to influence American Jewish attitudes by emphasizing "the undemocratic nature of the Labor (then Rabin) government." During the heyday of the Oslo protests, Women in Green communication included newsletters, photographs, and even videotapes depicting both alleged police brutality toward members of the group and other attempts to stifle the activities of the group.
The group gained notoriety for plastering posters all over Israel portraying the late Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin in the traditional Arab kefiya. Later the group would make use of this same gimmick to show their disapproval of the policy of former Prime Minister Benyamin Netanyahu.
The group is also known for the annual walk around the walls of the Old City of Jerusalem, which it sponsors every year on the ninth of Av, the Hebrew date on which Jews commemorate the destruction of the Temple. The annual event is part social happening for English-speakers and others from Israel and abroad, and part political statement concerning exclusive Jewish rights over Jerusalem. It has evolved into one of the largest annual political events in Israel and is a cornerstone of the group's public relations efforts.
Like other American-dominated groups on the right, Women in Green make extensive use of the Internet in their public relations efforts. Their website serves as a funnel for a wide variety of information concerning Israel, in general, and the peace process, in particular. The Internet allows the Women in Green to transmit their message to their main audience: English-speakers abroad. Indeed, the group prides itself on its chapters in major North American cities which provide a source of financial and political support for the group's agenda.
No survey of American influence on the Israeli political scene would be complete without a discussion of those associated with the ideology of the late Rabbi Meir Kahane. Elected to the Knesset in 1984, Kahane's party was banned from participating in the 1988 elections. In February 1994, after American-born Dr. Baruch Goldstein, a long-time associate of Kahane, massacred Muslims at prayer in the Cave of the Patriarchs in Hebron, the Kach and Kahane Chai groups in Israel were outlawed.
In a Knesset address regarding Goldstein's actions, Prime Minister Rabin commented: "To him and to those like him we say, 'You did not emerge from us, you are not part of the community of Israel….You are a foreign implant (emphasis added), an errant seed. Sensible Judaism spits you out.'" During that same period, President Chaim Herzog stated that "the U.S. is the breeding ground for Jewish extremists….All of these groups, right wing and religious, collect money from naive Jews for their own purposes."25 Minister of Absorption Yair Tsaban went so far as to suggest that certain "Brooklyn Jews" – those associated in any way with the ideology of the late Rabbi Meir Kahane – should be barred from utilizing the Law of Return to claim Israeli citizenship. Thus, some Israelis view ABIs as potentially dangerous extremists.26
With his arrival in Israel in the late 1960s, Kahane brought to Israel a new political agenda and new methods for achieving it. While the agenda was a conscious – almost obsessive – rejection of mainstream American values, the tactics were characteristically American. Indeed, the ideas and strategies advocated by Kahane and his followers are considered a uniquely American import into the Israeli political reality.27
Kahane advocated policies and ideas which were previously taboo. He was the first prominent figure in recent decades to call for the transfer of Arabs, later a policy option openly debated in the mainstream right. Transfer by agreement, as opposed to Kahane's forcible transfer, became a central plank of the Moledet party platform. Kahane was a religious Zionist who attacked the political, social, and cultural legitimacy of what he terms a "Hellenized" Jewish state, and described certain Israeli political leaders as "traitors." With his blessing, his followers established Jewish terrorist group (TNT), and made active use of show trials and other theatrics. The publication of a book extolling Goldstein, annual memorials for him and his mentor, and the continued existence of yeshivot based on Kahane's philosophy all point to the tenacious nature of the Kahane subculture which exists throughout the country – and particularly among ABIs.28
The importance of the American connection of these Kahane-influenced individuals and groups is evident in the considerable political, moral, and financial support they receive from the American Jewish community. Interpersonal contacts between individuals in Israel and the United States are supplemented by information concerning the groups' philosophy and activities both in the New York-based Jewish Press and at the Internet site of the Kach movement. Visitors to the site are urged to continue the work of the late Meir Kahane and to sign a petition against the decision of the Israeli government to outlaw Kahane-influenced parties.
Left-Leaning Groups
There are also prominent American-born activists and leaders on the left. One example of this can be found in Peace Now, the largest and best-known extraparliamentary organization on the left. Since its establishment in 1978, Peace Now has been an active advocate of mutual recognition between Israelis and Palestinians and the creation of a Palestinian state. In addition, Peace Now is committed to the cessation of Jewish settlement in the territories.
Mordechai Bar-On, a senior member and historian of the Peace Now movement, suggested to this author that the movement had been influenced more by European peace movements than by anything American.29 However, Peace Now does have certain "Ameri-can connections." Two of the top decision-makers in Peace Now are Americans: Janet Aviad and Galia Golan. Aviad notes that roughly 20 percent of those who take an active role in the movement are ABIs.
Significantly, Aviad notes that groups on the left are far more open to "foreign" ideas. "Peace Now," she says, "is an example of civic society in the American tradition."30 Indeed, like colleagues on the right, Aviad invokes references to the civil rights movement and tactics of civil disobedience advanced by Martin Luther King, Jr., and she has even handed out pamphlets at Peace Now rallies that describe the principles of civil disobedience and the rights of peaceful demonstrators.
However, the American connection has many more concrete consequences. First, American Friends of Peace Now has been a source of both political and financial support for the group's efforts. Bar-On recounted that funding for the Tel Aviv Peace Now protest against the Sabra and Shatilla massacre during the Lebanon War came from American supporters.
More recently, Aviad suggested that the political preferences of Peace Now have benefited from members and sympathizers of the American Friends of Peace Now who either worked in the administration of U.S. President Bill Clinton or were central figures in the Democratic Party. Peace Now maintained an active American branch that included Clinton's national security advisor, Sandy Berger, and other prominent liberal Americans. The impact of American Peace Now supporters on the shaping of American Mideast policy was confirmed by a member of the staff of former Prime Minister Benyamin Netanyahu. Related to the above, Tzalli Reshef, an Israeli-born leader (and founding member) of Peace Now, commented that Peace Now has been able to flourish and gain influence for its agenda because American-born members in the movement "understand how Americans think and how things work in America."31
In light of the key role played by ABIs in the feminist movement in Israel, it is no surprise that they were instrumental in the formation of the peace organization Women in Black. Formed in early 1988 as a response to the first intifada, the group became outspoken advocates of Arab rights. According to ABI Judy Blanc, one of the founding members of Women in Black, the motivating principle of the group's activities was "the liberal feeling about racism held by people who were raised in the United States."32
Clad in black, the weekly (Friday) silent protest of these women became a central feature of the political landscape and political consciousness of Israel. The group kept up its regular vigil for over 300 weeks; stopping only after the announcement of the Oslo Accords. Following Oslo, the group shifted its activities toward increasing contact and cooperation between Israeli and Palestinian women. A veteran member of the group, Jerusalem Municipal Council Member Anat Hoffman, estimated that since its inception, ABIs have comprised between a quarter and a third of the women actively involved in the activities of the group.33
ABIs have also been central in the activities of two organizations on the left that approach the Arab-Israeli conflict using the language of Jewish tradition. The first and more radical of the groups is Rabbis for Human Rights, a group which addresses the Arab-Israeli conflict and the issue of Arab rights from a liberal Jewish perspective. The group's leadership seeks to apply the "prophetic mission of Jewish life: social justice and equality," to the political and interpersonal issues surrounding the Arab-Israeli conflict.34 It has been active in the documentation of human-rights violations in the territories and the expression of solidarity with Arab victims of such violations.
Similarly, ABIs are disproportionately represented in the more religiously traditional, left-leaning "Netivot Shalom," which has links to the Meimad political party. The largely academic group makes the argument that the Jewish heritage gives priority to democratic and human values over territory and, accordingly, breaks with the views of the mainstream Israeli Orthodox electorate which opposes territorial compromise in principle. Significantly, despite their considerable presence in the ideological framework of Netivot Shalom, ABIs are strangely absent from the list of candidates and activists of the Meimad party.
Natives and Newcomers: ABIs in the Eyes of Israeli Colleagues
Native-born Israeli activists noted that ABIs not only stood for the right, but the obligation, of the individual to take a stand for and act upon what they believed was right. In addition, the personal connections and knowledge that these ABIs bring with them to the Israeli political scene was seen as an invaluable contribution to gaining political and financial support abroad.
The former secretary of the Beit El settlement noted: "We (native-born Israelis) may protest, but we feel – somehow – we are not being good citizens by doing this. The ABIs, on the other hand, feel they are only good citizens when they actively make their views known. This is something we can learn from."
ABIs have brought a unique set of attitudes and strategies to the sphere of extraparliamentary behavior in Israel. The ABIs' sense of obligation and commitment toward activism and "standing up for one's rights" may serve as a benchmark of civic behavior as Israel moves toward a more representative democracy with a greater emphasis on citizen rights. Whatever the future holds, American-born Israelis have presented to the Israeli populace a conception and approach to political behavior different to that to which they were accustomed.
1. According to 1998 Statistical Abstract of Israel, the population of Israel was 5,685,000. Of these, fully, 30.4 percent (or 1,714,000) individuals were born abroad. When analyzing the demographics of the Jewish population of Israel, the figures are even more striking, for immigrants comprised fully 37.5 percent of that population of 4,569,000.
2. As will be seen in the ensuing discussion, it is virtually impossible to ascertain the precise number of American-born Israelis currently living in Israel. This is due to both the lack of precise information concerning the (rumored high) return-rate of American immigrants to the United States and the fact that there is a considerable population of (mostly ultra-Orthodox) Americans who are permanently residing in Israel but have not formally become Israeli citizens due to ideological and/or financial considerations.
3. The traditionally backwater town of Beit Shemesh has seen an influx of "Anglo-Saxons" (the local term for English-speakers) over the last few years. Anecdotal information indicates that many of the young Anglo-Saxon couples populating the English-speaking neighborhoods emerging in Beit Shemesh chose not to settle in settlements beyond the green line due to political and security uncertainties concerning the future of those settlements in a post-Oslo peace process Israel.
4. Chaim Waxman, To Israel and Back: American Aliyah and Return Migration (New York: American Jewish Committee, 1986).
5. Ibid.
6. Personal communication with the head of the North American Desk of the Jewish Agency for Israel, Joe Romanelli, Summer 1994.
7. It is estimated that 5-10 percent of the overall population of the settlements are ABIs. This figure reaches 10-15 percent when speaking of what are termed the ideological settlements. Personal communication, Yechiel Leiter, June 1994.
8. Avi Kay, "Making Themselves Heard: The Impact of North American Olim on Israeli Protest Politics," New York: The Institute on American Jewish-Israeli Relations of the American Jewish Committee and the Argov Institute of Bar-Ilan University, 1995.
9. I believe that the ideas and impressions that Alexis de Tocqueville had concerning America, in themselves, helped create the civic society that he believed he saw during his trip to the – then – young republic.
10. Taken from Russel J. Dalton, Citizen Politics in Western Democracies: Public Opinion and Political Parties in the United States, Great Britain, West Germany and France (New Jersey: Chatham House, 1988).
11. The percentage of American Jews serving in the U.S. Congress and those active in political parties far exceeds the proportion of Jews in the general population. According to figures provided by the Center for Public Policy of the B'nai B'rith, while Jews comprise only 2.2 percent of the total population of the United States, there are ten Jewish senators (fully 10 percent of the United States Senate) and 24 Jewish members of the House of Representatives (5.5 percent of the total number). www.bnaibrith.org.
12. During this period, the country was ruled either by a Likud-led government or "national unity" governments in which the Likud advanced its settlement policy.
13. Taken from Gadi Wolfseld, The Politics of Provocation: Participation and Protest in Israel (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1988).
14. Taken from Ehud Sprinzak, Brother Against Brother (New York: Free Press, 1999), p. 271.
16. Ibid., p. 272.
17. Quoted in Jerusalem Post, April 21, 1994.
18. A conversation between this author and David Makovsky, then Editor-in-Chief of the Jerusalem Post, sheds light on the manner in which American immigrants are viewed by many in the Israeli establishment. Makovsky commented on his astonishment that a very senior Israeli journalist had referred to Arens' appointment as defense minister in the Netanyahu government as the intrusion of a "foreign implant" on the Israeli political scene. Makovsky noted that he contacted his colleague to ask how a person who had served in extremely prominent positions in the private and public sector in Israel over the past 45 years could be termed a "foreign implant." It seems that even after nearly a half a century here, Arens' American mannerisms pigeonhole him as something other than truly Israeli.
19. While Bar-Illan was actually born in Israel, he spent a significant part of his life in the United States and was more often than not viewed as belonging to that culture.
20. The source of this information is a very senior figure in the Netanyahu government who requested anonymity.
21. "Yesha" is the Hebrew acronym for Judea, Samaria and Gaza.
22. This author carried out a series of interviews with Leiter in 1995, 1996 and 1999.
23. Maariv newspaper, as quoted at the website of the Women for Israel's Tomorrow.
24. The impact of the media on the image of the ABI activist cannot be overestimated. The fact that the foreign press – and particularly the American press – seeks out English-speakers has made the ABI a much more common commodity of network news. Leftist ABIs are virtually invisible to the reporters with whom this author spoke. While these reporters respect the ABI's media savvy, most – like Dean Reynolds of ABC News – found them a bit too slick and overheated.
25. Jerusalem Post, March 18, 1994.
26. An example of these attitudes can be seen in an article by Eitan Haber, former press secretary to Yitzhak Rabin, in which he questions why so many ABIs he knows have such extreme religious and political views, Jerusalem Post, October 3, 1999.
27. Sprinzak, Brother Against Brother.
29. This and other comments were made in the course of private communication with Mordechai Bar-On in 1994.
30. This author had a number of discussions with Janet Aviad concerning the political activism of American immigrants from 1994 until November 1999. All quotes come from those conversations.
31. Private correspondence with Tzalli Reshef.
32. Judy Blanc is typical of her cohort – a veteran ABI who has been active in a variety of left-leaning frameworks since her arrival in Israel in the 1950s.
33. In her capacity as councilwoman, the Israeli-born, American-educated Hoffman has been at the vanguard of many issues typical of interest to ABIs: feminism, religious pluralism, and a general concern with the protection of the civil rights of the citizenry.
34. In conversations with leaders of the group, such as ABI Rabbi David Forman, it is clear that the group's members identify with the role played by the late Rabbi Abraham Joshua Heschel who marched with Martin Luther King, Jr.
AVI KAY holds a doctorate in human development and social policy from Northwestern University. He is currently Dean of Students and Assistant Professor of Psychology at Touro College in Israel. His areas of interest include political psychology, psychological perspectives of the Holocaust, and professional ethics.
Avi Kay holds a doctorate in human development and social policy from Northwestern University. He is currently Chairman of the Business Management and Marketing Technology Department at the Jerusalem College of Technology.
View all posts by Avi Kay
The International Criminal Court's Decision on Alleged U.S. Crimes in Afghanistan: Implications for Israel
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AIPAC's Washington Conference Will Reflect American Support for Israel
Lenny Ben-David
Jordan and the Palestinian Authority Seek to Sabotage the Trump Peace Plan
"Arm Wrestling" over Jerusalem's Gate of Mercy


NYC Parks Commissioner Mitchell J. Silver, FAICP, announced today that a 1.2-acre parcel has been added to Barretto Point Park, bringing the total acreage of the park to 12.2 acres. This new section was transferred from DEP to NYC Parks in February 2018 and is now open to the public as a grassy area with picnic tables and views of the East River and Manhattan skyline.
Commissioner Silver also announced today that the floating pool will stay in Barretto Point Park through at least 2022. DEC has renewed the floating pool permit for a five-year term, with the possibility of an additional five-year extension. The original 10-year DEC permit for the floating pool expired earlier this year. In order to secure a new permit, NYC Parks conducted vigorous environmental studies to evaluate the barge's impact on the river.
"Mothers on the Move (MOM) is happy that we are moving in the right direction and hope to continue working with the Parks Department," said MOM Executive Director Wanda Salaman.
Prior to being transferred to NYC Parks, the land was remediated by DEP under NYSDEC's Environmental Restoration Program. The remediation plan included excavation, soil removal, new soil cover and a demarcation layer to prevent intermixing of sub-base and subgrade layers. To ready the area for public use, Parks' staff cleared and mowed the site, installed picnic tables, a mulched path and fencing.


text:
Q: Perl formatting array output. I have a small program that I am trying to format the output.
The results get loaded in to an array - I am just having trouble formating the
printing out the array into a certain format.
#!/usr/bin/perl
use strict ;
use warnings ;
my @first_array ;
my @second_array  ;
my @cartesian ;

while (<>) {
    my $first_input =  $_ ;
    @first_array = split(' ', $first_input) ;
    last ;
}
while (<>) {
    my $second_input = $_ ;
    @second_array = split(' ', $second_input) ;
    last ;
}

while(my $first=shift(@first_array)) {
    push(@cartesian, $first) ;
        my $second = shift(@second_array)  ;
        push(@cartesian, $second ) ;

}

print "This is the merged array: @cartesian\n" ;

When I enter this in, I get this:
$ ./double_while2.pl
1 2 3
mon tue wed
This is the merged array 1 mon 2 tue 3 wed

what I want to print out is :
"1", "mon",
"2", "tue" ,
"3", "wed",

or alternately:
1  => "mon",
2  => "tue",
3  => "wed,

A: May I suggest a hash, since you are pairing things
my %cartesian;
@cartesian{ @first_array } = @second_array;

print "$_ => $cartesian{$_}\n" for sort keys %cartesian;

A hash slice is used above.  See Slices in perldata
The arrays that you build had better pair up just right, or there will be errors.
If the goal is to build a data structure that pairs up elements, that can probably be done directly, without arrays.  More information would help to comment on that.

A: Try to use hash instead.
for my $i(0..$#first_array){
    $hash{$first_array[$i]} = $second_array[$i];
 }

or else, you want format without using hashes,  try as follows
for  (my $i = 0; $i < $#cartesion/2; $i++) {
      my $j  = ($cartesion/2) + $i;
      print "$cartesion[$i] $cartesion[$j] \n";

   }

A: From your question and your code, I suppose that you are a lovely new 'victim' to perl ~
To merge two arrays with same lengh, I suggeest using 'map' to simplify your code:
my @cartesian = map {$first_array[$_], $second_array[$_]} 0..$#first_array;

and to format print style , you can define a subroutine to meet your different requirements:
sub format_my_array{
   my $array_ref = shift;
   my $sep = shift;
   print $array_ref->[$_],$sep,$array_ref->[$_+1],"\n" for grep {! ($_%2)} 0..$#$array_ref;
}

Now, you can try calling your subroutine:
format_my_array(\@cartesian, " => ");

or
format_my_array(\@cartesian, " , ");

Now, you get what you want~
You may have noticed that some intermediate concepts are used in this answer, don't doute , that's exactly what I'm trying to introduce you to ~
May you the great happiness in learning perl ~

A: The trick is to go with Perl's strengths instead of fighting against them:
#!/usr/bin/perl

use strict;
use warnings;
# For say()
use 5.010;

my @first_array  = split ' ', <>;
my @second_array = split ' ', <>;

if (@first_array != @second_array) {
  die "Arrays must be the same length\n";
}

my @cartesian = map { $first_array[$_], $second_array[$_] } 0 .. $#first_array;

for (0 .. $#cartesian / 2) {
  say "$cartesian[$_*2] => $cartesian[$_*2+1]";
}

But, it gets much easier still if you use a hash instead of an array for your merged data.
#!/usr/bin/perl

use strict;
use warnings;
# For say()
use 5.010;

my @first_array  = split ' ', <>;
my @second_array = split ' ', <>;

if (@first_array != @second_array) {
  die "Arrays must be the same length\n";
}

my %cartesian;
@cartesian{@first_array} = @second_array;

for (sort keys %cartesian) {
  say "$_ => $cartesian{$_}";
}

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√ Perceiving others in a more positive and empathic light.
√ Viewing oneself more favorably.
√ Establishing deeper social connections.
• Leave extra money in the coffee line to pay for the person behind you.
• Shovel a neighbor's driveway.
• Volunteer at a local soup kitchen.
• Hand write a thank you note.
• Send an e-card to lift someone's spirits (e.g., www.123greetings.com).
• Give a cleaning person at your job or school a thank you gift for his or her service.
• Let someone ahead of you in the line at the grocery store.
• Befriend and visit someone who lives in a nursing home.
• Befriend and support a child who is struggling financially (e.g., www.childrensinternational.com).
• Adopt a soldier as a pen pal (i.e., www.adoptaussoldier.org).
• Cut coupons and leave them on top of the related product at the grocery store.
• Put extra change in a vending machine that you use.
• Put a full load of coins in the meter before you leave your parking spot.
While there are just a few ideas listed here, there are many Internet resources available to support a kindness practice (e.g., www.helpothers.org, www.randomactsofkindness.org and www.daretobeanangel.com), as well as books (e.g., The How of Happiness by Sonja Lyubomirsky and The Power of Kindness by Piero Ferrucci). Finally, please see my previous blog entry on how to make and keep New Years Resolutions.
Good luck to you as you develop a kindness practice. Also, if you think of some creative ideas for practicing kindness please consider posting them here.
Thank you for some great suggestions.


text:
Dallastown standout Aniya Matthews commits to play NCAA Division I basketball at Temple
Dallastown High School graduate Aniya Matthews has committed to play NCAA Division I basketball at Temple.
Dallastown standout Aniya Matthews commits to play NCAA Division I basketball at Temple Dallastown High School graduate Aniya Matthews has committed to play NCAA Division I basketball at Temple. Check out this story on yorkdispatch.com: https://www.yorkdispatch.com/story/sports/high-school/girls-basketball/2019/07/28/dallastowns-aniya-mathews-commits-play-d-basketball-temple/1852310001/
RYAN VANDERSLOOT, 717-505-5403/@yaiaascores Published 3:08 p.m. ET July 28, 2019 | Updated 9:34 a.m. ET July 29, 2019
Dallastown's Aniya Matthews has committed to play basketball at Temple University.
Matthews helped Dallastown win the York-Adams League title a season ago.
The 6-foot, 3-inch star chose Temple over Lafayette, St. Joe's and James Madison.
Dallastown's Aniya Matthews, center, is seen here in a file photo from last season. Matthews has given a verbal commitment to play for Temple University. (Photo: The York Dispatch)
It started with a dream.
Now it has become a reality.
After years of hard work, fueled by the goal of earning an NCAA Division I scholarship, Dallastown High School rising senior Aniya Matthews made things official on Friday.
After consulting with her parents and basketball coaches, the 6-foot, 3-inch standout announced her verbal commitment to play for Temple University in Philadelphia.
"What really drew me to Temple was the connection that I had with all the coaches," Matthews said. "I'm a big person on making connections and building relationships and I just felt that they were the ones that were most invested in me."
Early this summer, Matthews narrowed her search to four schools — Temple, Lafayette, St. Joe's and James Madison.
"The coaches at Temple believe in me the most," she said. "And I was comfortable with them. I have not only a great relationship with the head coach (Tonya Cardoza), but also the assistant coaches and some of the players, which was a big thing for me."
Temple finished 11-19 last season, including a 7-9 mark in the American Athletic Conference.
Coach supports her decision: Jay Rexroth, who is Matthews' coach at Dallastown, wholeheartedly endorsed her decision.
"I was just super-impressed with the way Aniya handled the whole recruiting process," Rexroth said. "She showed that she's mature beyond her years in the way she dealt with the college coaches. I know she narrowed (her choices) down to a few, but obviously she felt that Temple was the best fit for her and I think that she made a great decision."
Matthews, who led the Wildcats in scoring at 9.9 points per game as a junior, is the second D-I recruit for Rexroth over the past two years at Dallastown. Sam Miller, who graduated this past spring, is headed to Saint Francis (Pennsylvania) this fall.
Defensive dominance leads Dallastown Wildcats to York-Adams girls' basketball championship
In addition to Miller, Rexroth lost a several key pieces from Dallastown's York-Adams League title team that finished 25-4. Still, having a player the caliber of Matthews returning is a good place for Rexroth to start building his 2019-2020 team.
"Aniya has worked really hard to get better," Rexroth said. "And even at 6-3, she can pretty much guard anyone at any position on the floor. In fact, this summer during summer league, we had her guard a couple of point guards that are being highly recruited at the D-II and D-I levels and she just showed that she's super-athletic and she's made a full commitment to the defensive side of the floor."
Looking to be more of a leader at Dallastown: While Matthews' on-court performance has taken a step forward this summer, the Temple recruit sounded more excited about helping out in a few other areas with the Wildcats next season.
"I know that our team lost a lot of really good players from last year's team," Matthews said. "So I need to show more offensively and I know my defense has always been one of the stronger aspects of my game.
"But I really know I need to show more of my leadership part. Last year, I wasn't quiet, but I kind of let the seniors on the team do more of the talking, but I feel that this year, now that I am a senior and that I am one of the leaders, that I need to step up in that way as well."
Rexroth is certainly looking forward to that, too.
"She's a great kid," he said. "But she's a little quiet and maybe a little reserved at times, but she demonstrated through this process that she can handle it. It's a lot of pressure for kids to go through."
Reach Ryan Vandersloot at sports@yorkdispatch.com.
Ex-O's pitcher, MASN anaylyst coming to York
Eli Brooks enjoys career night for Michigan
Updated York-Adams winter sports standings
PREP BASKETBALL, JAN. 18: Central boys triumph
Old pool at Dover packed full of memories
Summer Britcher wins World Cup luge silver

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Q: numpy array permutation changes order of axes I would like to permute an array using a fixed order determined in another array. However, when i try to do so, the shape of the array changes. Is this expected behaviour? If so, why is this expected?
For example
a = np.random.normal(size=(12,5,2,2,3))
shuffle_order = np.random.permutation(np.arange(5))
b = a[:,shuffle_order,:,0]

I would expect b.shape = (12,5,2,3). However in reality b.shape is (5, 12, 2, 3)
I am using numpy 1.19.5


Kris and Angela have an amazing home in Tacoma, Washington. Their spacious master bedroom features nearly floor to ceiling windows that let in a maximum amount of light and showcases the incredible view. The vaulted ceilings and generous size of the room presented some challenges in terms of layout and decor, so the couple needed some assistance pulling things together. These two are DIY dynamos and not afraid to roll up their sleeves and get to work!
The pair requested a romantic retreat that wasn't too rustic, or too modern. The only thing in the room that they wished to keep was their large, tufted sleigh bed. The bed is upholstered in a taupe-grey linen, and the walls were already painted a neutral shade. Inspired by a painting that reminded me of their million dollar view, I suggested using a deep teal as an accent color and mixing mirrored elements with stained wood and industrial-inspired touches.


text:
BBC 6 Music live
Genres: Alternative Rock
Genius of Love
Tom Tom Club 1642481799
Jamie xx 1642481509
Heaven or Las Vegas
Cocteau Twins 1642481229
The xx 1642481008
Solange 1642480628
The Cure 1642480418
Prince 1642480038
Another Chance
Roger Sanchez 1642479657
About BBC 6 Music
BBC Radio 6 is a digital radio station based in United Kingdom, owned and operated by BBC as well as its sister station "BBC Radio 2".
Best known for musical genres such as Alternative/Indie music, it is available only on digital media using Digital Audio Broadcasting (DAB)
Users Rating:
midnight - 2 a.m. Guy Garvey's Finest Hour
2 a.m. - 3 a.m. The BBC Introducing Mixtape
3 a.m. - 4 a.m. 6 Music Live Hour
4 a.m. - 5 a.m. 25 Years of Rock
5 a.m. - 7 a.m. Chris Hawkins
7 a.m. - 10 a.m. Shaun Keaveny
10 a.m. - 1 p.m. Lauren Laverne
1 p.m. - 4 p.m. Radcliffe and Maconie
4 p.m. - 7 p.m. Steve Lamacq
7 p.m. - 9 p.m. Marc Riley
9 p.m. - midnight Gideon Coe
midnight - 1 a.m. 6 Music Recommends
2 a.m. - 2:30 a.m. Wish You Were There?
2:30 a.m. - 3:30 a.m. 6 Music Live Hour
3:30 a.m. - 4 a.m. 6 Music's Trunk of Funk with Craig Charles
4 a.m. - 4:30 a.m. 6 Music's Desert Island Disco with Lauren Laverne
4:30 a.m. - 5 a.m. 6 Music's People's Playlist with Lauren Laverne
3:30 a.m. - 5 a.m. 6 Music's Jukebox
6 p.m. - 7 p.m. Steve Lamacq's Roundtable
6 a.m. - 7 a.m. A Brief History of...
7 p.m. - 9 p.m. Iggy Pop
9 p.m. - midnight Tom Ravenscroft
midnight - 2 a.m. Nemone's Electric Ladyland
2 a.m. - 3 a.m. 6 Music Classic Concert
4 a.m. - 5 a.m. Wise Woman
7 a.m. - 10 a.m. Mary Anne Hobs
10 a.m. - 1 p.m. The Huey Show
1 p.m. - 3 p.m. Liz Kershaw
3 p.m. - 6 p.m. Gilles Peteerson
6 p.m. - 9 p.m. The Craig Charles Funk and Soul Show
9 p.m. - midnight The Tom Robinson Show
midnight - 1 a.m. Freak Zone Playlist
1 a.m. - 2 a.m. The Joy of 6
2 a.m. - 3 a.m. 6 Music Recommends
10 a.m. - 1 p.m. Cerys Matthews
1 p.m. - 4 p.m. Cillian Murphy
4 p.m. - 6 p.m. Amy Lamé
6 p.m. - 8 p.m. Now Playing @6Music
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10 p.m. - midnight Don Letts' Culture Clash Radio
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UC San Diego Musculoskeletal (MSK) offers leading-edge imaging of the spine and joints. MRI and CT scanning provides detailed anatomy of structures to detect and evaluate diseases of the central nervous system. Advanced imaging techniques provide additional insight into physiology, chemistry, physical structure, and function.
UC San Diego Radiology offers all MSK imaging modalities, include Magnetic Resonance Imaging (MRI), Computed Tomography (CT), Ultrasound-Guided Biopsy, Dual-Emission X-Ray Absorptionometry (DEXA or DEX), and Anthography.


Welcome to another week and we seem to have gone a little Racecourse crazy at present here at Cloud 9 Towers. We held the My Sight Notts Fireworks Event yesterday at Nottingham Racecourse and we're off to Warwick Racecourse later this week to take a look on a site visit for a client.
And, not only that but the AIEA are holding a race night next April in Ascot so its horses, racing and courses all round.
Jockey Club Venues with whom we work on venue finding (which don't forget we do for free here) has fifteen iconic venues in fourteen locations across the portfolio along with the fabulous and incredibly historic Rooms in Newmarket. The Jockey Club Rooms have been at the very heart of British horse-racing for over 250 years. As a private members club, few people have stepped inside and seen the magnificent interiors, which house an unparalleled collection of British racing memorabilia, but luckily we enjoyed a fam trip there a few years ago so we have seen how stunning it is first hand.
Racecourses in addition to their normal fixtures are often overlooked when it comes to holding meetings and events, but there are lots of great reasons to consider them for your next event. Parking is never an issue and usually free for delegates (always a plus) , the spaces are vast and the views great – and most of the venues have smaller and more intimate spaces available as well.
Nottingham Racecourse for instance is ideal for corporate or private events, a company dinner, conferences, team building or even outdoor event and the sense of scale and space, with green views across the track, Colwick Park and the Trent Valley make it a great location. In addition to the outside space, there are four great rooms available at Nottingham Racecourse so depending on the size of your next event, something for everyone.
That's what we call a good result so please do ask us if you want additional details and we can help you cross the finishing line in style.
Tally Ho & Have a Great Week!


Coming into this one, Alburnett knew they were a major underdog, and they employed the strategy they felt would best help them stay within striking distance, holding the ball and being extremely deliberate on the offensive end. It worked for a while, but at the end of the day, there was just too much talent, too much size, and too much athleticism on the other side of the court, as Grand View Christian won their third straight Class 1A state title, 43-24, on Friday afternoon.
Despite not making a field goal in the first quarter, Alburnett trailed just 7-4 after the first quarter. And despite just one made field goal in the first half, they trailed just 14-6 at the break. In the second half, the much more talented Thunder decided to use some halfcourt traps to try and speed the game up, and that helped them blow this one wide open. They led by as much as 24 late in the fourth quarter before some points from Pirates reserves chopped into that deficit.
Alburnett's 24 points were the lowest in a championship game since 1947, when Sioux City Central scored 23 in a loss to Davenport. Nonetheless, the Pirates (20-6) had a fantastic, memorable season, finishing runner-up in their first ever state tournament, and providing that community with a number of highlights and memories that they can look back on years from now. The Pirates were led by Hunter Caves, who had 8 points and 8 rebounds. Shane Neighbor added 7 in the loss. Three starters (Caves, Neighbor and Austin Huber) return next season, so the Pirates could be formidable again.
Grand View Christian (26-1) finishes a magical three-year run with another state title. Their lone loss this season came to 4A powerhouse Iowa City West, by 10. The Thunder were led by Harouna Sissoko, who had 10 points. Issa Samake added 9 points and 11 rebounds. Bryce Crabb chipped in 8 points, and Arturo Montes had 7.
The all-tournament team, as voted on by the media, was Trey Shearer (Montezuma), Izic Mackey (Alburnett), Hunter Caves (Alburnett), Arturo Montes (Grand View Christian) and captain Issa Samake (Grand View Christian).
The captain of the all-tournament team, Samake didn't have an eye-popping stat line in this one, but it was his shear presence in the paint that changed everything that Alburnett had been successful with throughout this tournament. His size, athleticism and rim protection completely altered the way the Pirates generally play.
There's something special happening in Alburnett, apparently. The Pirates used back-to-back overtime wins to advance to the state tournament, including a 18-point comeback in the district final. They won their quarterfinal game here in the closing seconds on a Hunter Caves jumper. Add another game-winner to the list, as the Pirates advanced to Friday afternoon's 1A championship game on an Izic Mackey game-winner, escaping St. Mary's of Remsen, 39-37.
Alburnett used an 11-2 second quarter to seemingly take control of this semifinal, taking a 23-15 lead into the break. They extended that lead out to as much as 10 in the third quarter before St. Mary's started their charge back. The Hawks held the Pirates to just five third quarter points, trimming the Alburnett lead down to four entering the final period. The Hawks scoring the first five points of the quarter to take the lead, 29-28, with 4:58 to play. The teams exchanged buckets, and the Hawks held a 31-30 lead at the media timeout, 3:12 to play. Alburnett scored the next five points on a bucket from Izic Mackey and three free throws from Hunter Caves, taking a 35-31 lead with 54 seconds to play.
Enter Blaine Harpenau. The St. Mary's sophomore only made 11 3s all season, but he drilled a big one in the corner right in front of his bench to cut the deficit to 35-34 with 36 seconds left. After a pair of Mackey free throws, Harpenau made another 3, this one with 22 seconds left, to tie it up at 37.
Alburnett held for the last shot, with Caves driving down the right side of the lane. His runner missed, but Mackey was there to grab the offensive rebound over a defender and lay it back in. Ball game. Alburnett to the championship.
Alburnett (20-5) was led by Mackey, who had 19 points. Hunter Caves added 11 in the win. The Pirates scored 22 points in the paint. The Pirates will face two-time defending champion Grand View Christian on Friday afternoon, with tip-off set for 2:00 pm. They'll be a heavy underdog there, but they're living a charmed life. Maybe it can continue for one more game?
For the third straight season, St. Mary's falls in the semifinals. They'll play in the consolation game on Thursday morning against Montezuma. The Hawks were led by Blaine Harpenau with 13 points. Brayden Ricke added 11. The Hawks return every player from this year's roster, and should be considered one of the favorites to take home the 1A title next year.
The 6-5 Pirates big man established himself early, scoring 10 points in the first quarter before starting to battle some foul trouble. He was 3-4 inches taller than anyone that St. Mary's could throw at him, and he took advantage of it, carving out position, keeping the ball high and finishing. Oh, and he grabbed the biggest rebound of the game and delivered the game-winner.
It was the ultimate tale of two halves on Wednesday afternoon, as two-time defending champion Grand View Christian blitzed fourth-seeded Montezuma in the second half en route to a 59-36 win, advancing to Friday night's championship game.
Montezuma wasn't intimidated early, coming out and continuing their hot 3-point shooting from their quarterfinal win over Bishop Garrigan, knocking down five 3s in the first quarter, holding a 15-12 lead after one. They took a 22-16 lead into the locker rooms. Then, the proverbial switch was flipped.
Grand View Christian took advantage of their size (after settling for 3s in the first half), constantly attacking the rim, both in transition and in the halfcourt, winning the final 16 minutes 43-14. The Thunder shot 61.5% in the second half after shooting just 30.4% in the first half, including 0-8 from 3. They also won the rebounding battle 22-7 in the final 16 minutes. A team with athleticism that is unrivaled by most teams in the state, regardless of class, the Thunder finally employed it in the second half, locking in on the defensive end and taking complete control of the game, cruising into the championship game for the third straight year.
Grand View Christian (25-1) will play either Alburnett or Remsen, St. Mary's in Friday afternoon's championship game, where they'll again be heavy favorites. The Thunder were led by Issa Samake, who had 19 points, 11 rebounds and 9 blocks in the win. Arturo Montes added 14 points and Harouna Sissoko had 13 for the Thunder.
Montezuma (22-2) will face the loser of the Alburnett-St. Mary's game in the consolation game on Thursday morning. The Braves were led by Trey Shearer, who had 13 points, but really struggled to get anything going in the contest, going 5-22 from the floor in the loss. Cole Watts chipped in 12 on 4-8 3P shooting. With Shearer, Watts, Brayden Arendt and Eddie Burgess returning, the Braves should be very good again next season.
The Drake signee settled too much in the first half, shooting just 2-8, including 0-4 from the arc, but he was dominant in the second half, going 7-7 from the floor, taking full advantage of his edge in size and athleticism to help the Thunder take control of the game. His rim protection completely alters the way teams look to attack GVC, and his six first half blocks set the tone that scoring inside wasn't going to happen today for Montezuma.
Kong Neyail also deserves some mention here, as he was outstanding on the defensive end against Montezuma star Trey Shearer, who was the story of the 1A quarterfinals with his 25-point outburst. Neyail was the primary defender on him throughout the afternoon, and he held him to 13 points on 5-22 shooting.
The first big upset of the 2019 state tournament came on Monday afternoon, with seventh seeded Alburnett knocking off second seed Sioux Central 55-54 on a late jumper from sophomore guard Hunter Caves.
A sleepy first half from both teams saw Alburnett take a 25-18 lead into the locker rooms. Sioux Central came out hot in the third quarter, grabbing their first lead of the game and taking just over five minutes to match their scoring output from the entire first half. They took a 40-39 lead into the final frame.
The fourth quarter saw six lead changes, as neither team gained a lead of more than a possession. The teams exchanged the lead four times in the final 2:14, with the ultimate dagger coming on the jumper from Caves with 14 seconds to play (video from TJ Rushing below).
Alburnett (19-5) moves into Wednesday's semifinals, where they'll face St. Mary's of Remsen. The Pirates have only lost twice this year with their full roster, and one of those losses came to 2A undefeated North Linn, so this team looks for real. The Pirates were led by Hunter Caves, who had a game-high 19 points and 8 rebounds. Austin Huber added 17 points (on 5-7 3P) and Izic Mackey chipped in 12 points and 8 rebounds in the win.
Sioux Central's season ends at 22-3 and with their first ever state tournament appearance. The Rebels were led by Hunter Decker and Logan Grote, who each had 15 points in the loss. Prestan Samson added 10.
The sophomore guard didn't have his best shooting night, but it was his relentless attacking of the rim that kept the Pirates offense afloat in the fourth quarter. He also chipped in 8 rebounds, helping the Pirates grab a 28-23 edge on the glass. Oh, and he hit the game-winner. No big deal.
For the third straight year, St. Mary's is into the semifinals of the 1A State Tournament, this time knocking off third seed Prince of Peace (Clinton), 58-55, on Monday afternoon.
A back-and-forth game for much of the first half, St. Mary's took control over the final three minutes of the half, taking a 32-25 lead into the break. They pushed that lead out to as much as 10 in the third quarter before Prince of Peace started to battle back.
With 4:03 left in the game, Prince of Peace guard Patrick Mulholland was fouled on a 3, and made all 3 free throws, cutting the St. Mary's lead down to 3. After forcing a turnover, Kaidion Larson was fouled and made a pair at the line to get the lead down to 1 with 3:37 left. Spencer Schorg answered with a pair for St. Mary's before a Larson jumper, then a pair of Larson free throws gave Prince of Peace a 55-54 lead with 1:09 to play.
Schorg was fouled turning the corner on a screen and went 2-2 at the line, giving St. Mary's a 56-55 lead with 45 seconds left. Prince of Peace turned it over on the ensuing possession, and free throws by Brayden Ricke provided the final margin.
St. Mary's (20-6) moves into the semifinals for the third consecutive season. This year, however, they won't have to face Grand View Christian. Instead, they'll draw the winner of the Sioux Central-Alburnett game. The Hawks were led by Spencer Schorg, who had a game-high 19 points, 13 coming in the second half. Skyler Waldschmitt added 14 in the win, all coming in the first half.
Prince of Peace's season ends with a 20-4 record, and the school's first ever state tournament trip. The Irish were led by Kaidion Larson, who had 16 points. Nathan Moeller added 12, and Patrick Mulholland and Michael Matthew each chipped in 11.
The Hawks leading scorer saved his best for the final 16 minutes in this one, scoring 13 of his game-high 19 points in the second half. The 6-0 scoring guard made three big 3s in the third quarter to help keep the lead comfortable, then made some big free throws in the fourth quarter to help ice the game away. He played all 32 minutes for St. Mary's in the win.
Red hot shooting from a team that normally doesn't shoot it particularly well helped carry fourth seeded Montezuma into Wednesday's semifinals, with a 78-65 win over Bishop Garrigan on Monday afternoon.
Montezuma, a team that shot 31.6% from behind the arc heading into the tournament, went 9-12 from deep in the first half en route to a 47-29 lead, and they never looked back.
It was the quickness of Montezuma that overcame the huge size edge that Bishop Garrigan had, with star guard Trey Shearer putting on a show with 16 first half points (6-9 shooting, 4-4 3P) as the Braves cruised to an impressive win.
Montezuma (22-1) was led by Trey Shearer, who had a game-high 25 points and 6 assists for the Braves, who shot 55% from the floor as a team. Hunter Ray added 15 points and 9 rebounds, and Cole Watts had 13 points off the bench. Five different Braves made 3s in the game, and they were 11-20 from behind the arc as a team.
Bishop Garrigan's season ends with a 19-7 record. The Golden Bears were led by TJ Schnurr, who had 19 points. Angelo Winkel added 18 and John Joyce had 10. Winkel and Joyce return next season.
We mentioned in the 1A Stars to Watch article previewing the tournament that if anyone in the 1A field was capable of a Joe Smoldt-esque run, it was Shearer, and he didn't disappoint in his state tournament debut. A quick twitch lead guard with fantastic ball handling and shot making abilities, he was perfect from the arc, displaying a silky smooth stroke and a high-level command of the offense.
Two-time defending champion Grand View Christian's quest for a 3-peat got off to a bit shakier start than they would've liked, but the Thunder survived Monday morning, holding on for a 58-51 win over upset minded Council Bluffs, St. Albert.
It was St. Albert who got a few early blows in, jumping out to a quick 9-3 lead behind a trio of 3-pointers from Ryan Hughes (2) and Reed Miller. But Grand View Christian bounced back and closed the quarter on a 15-6 run to take a 18-15 lead after one. They took a 38-30 lead into the locker rooms, despite battling foul trouble with star big men Issa Samake and Harouna Sissoko.
A Reed Miller 3 to open the fourth quarter trimmed the Grand View lead down to 3, the closest the game had been since the first quarter, but the Thunder quickly pushed that back out to a 9 point lead before Issa Samake and Harouna Sissoko both ultimately fouled out. With the Thunder's top two players on the bench, it was the role players who stepped up big down the stretch, with Bryce Crabb going 10-11 from the free throw line (4-5 in the fourth quarter). Andrew Gatto made a pair of big free throws and the Thunder were able to force just enough misses to keep St. Albert at bay, and move on to Wednesday's semifinals, where they'll face either Bishop Garrigan or Montezuma.
Grand View Christian (24-1) was led by Bryce Crabb, who had a game-high 17 points. Harouna Sissoko added 14 points and Arturo Montes had 12 for the Thunder. Issa Samake battled foul trouble all morning and never really got it going, but finished with 5 points, 7 rebounds and 5 blocks.
St. Albert (12-14) was led by Reed Miller, who had 13 points. Sam Rallis added 12 and Jared Gast had 11. Only Gast and Miller graduate from this group, so don't be surprised to see the Falcons back in Des Moines next season.
With Arturo Montes largely limited after the first 10 minutes, and Issa Samake and Harouna Sissoko battling foul trouble, it was Crabb who stepped up for GVC, carrying them into the semifinals. The senior guard made big plays down the stretch on both ends of the floor, and his free throw shooting helped ice the game for the Thunder.


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Austin loses out on $50 million to fight growing traffic dilemma, but there's still hope
Nicole Raney
Jun 22, 2016 | 2:58 pm
Austin lost the Smart City bid, but that doesn't mean new transportation initiatives are off the table.
Office of Sustainability/Facebook
Update: In August, Austin City Council approved the $720 million bond package. The transportation proposal will got to vote on November 8.
It's been a jam-packed couple of weeks for Austin, both on the roads and in local politics.
Austin was one of seven finalists in the U.S. Department of Transportation's Smart City Challenge, a competition between midsized cities to win big grant money to fix transportation issues. The prize? A whopping $40 million in funding from the federal government and up to $10 million from Vulcan, Inc. For months, the City of Austin worked on an impressive proposal, but ultimately lost out to Columbus, Ohio.
However, there's a silver lining for Austin: The DOT was so impressed by each finalist's proposal that, with the continued support of private investors and other federal departments, it is planning to fund a variety of "smart city initiatives." For Austin, that could mean some of the transportation projects outlined in our Smart City proposal, like building more transit hubs, updating major corridors, exploring alternative vehicle options, and much more.
While we won't be taking home the Smart City prize — and the exact amount of the consolation prize is yet to be worked out — the City of Austin isn't putting transportation on the back burner.
Mayor Steve Adler and the City Council are in the midst of ironing out a transportation bond package to put to vote in November. Adler's $720 million proposal addresses issues with regional highways and smaller-scale projects (i.e. sidewalks and bike lanes), but puts the most emphasis on turning our busiest roads into "smart corridors." To transform rush-hour nightmares like Lamar Boulevard, Burnet Road, and Riverside Drive into more streamlined thoroughfares, Adler wants to make updates such as queue jumps; protected bicycle paths; more turn lanes and sidewalks; and smart traffic signals that can respond to collisions, special events, and even weather.
In the meantime, the issue of I-35 — aka the worst road in Texas — is being tackled by the Mobility35 Program, a joint venture between the City of Austin, the Texas Department of Transportation, and the Capital Area Metropolitan Planning Organization. Senator Kirk Watson recently announced a proposal to fund future phases without resorting to a transportation bond, instead tapping toll revenue and leftover funds from other projects.
politicstexastransportation
news/city-life
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6 Austin restaurants score coveted James Beard Award nominations
Where to see the once-in-recorded-history green comet approaching Austin
Where the 1 percent live
2 Austin suburbs cash in among the richest places in Texas for 2023
Kristina Rowe
Photo courtesy of Spaces and Faces Photography
Central Texans wanting a glimpse into the lives of the 1 percent won't have to travel far to get a peek. Lakewayhas been renamed the fifth richest place in Texas for 2023 in a recent study. Southlake, in the DFW, took the top spot, reprising its past success.
HomeSnacks.com has been ranking cities, neighborhoods, counties, and states across America for more than five years, using data from the Census Bureau, OpenStreetMaps, the FBI, and other sources. For this year's study, released January 18, the website compared 355 cities with populations of at least 5,000 people to determine where "the richest of the rich" live.
With a median income of $239,833, and an unemployment rate of just 2.2 percent, it's no surprise to see Southlake flashing cash around. HomeSnacks shows the median home price for Southlake at $697,000, but as of this writing, Realtor.com lists the city's median home price listing at $1.3 million.
Lakeway came in fifth, with a median home price of $481,900 and a median income of $142,566. Bee Cave, where the median income is $100,179, moved up four spots from 13th last year to ninth this year. Unfortunately, although both cost a pretty penny to stick around, neither made the site's Top 10 Best Places To Live In Texas, which several of the cities in other metro areas did, ostensibly getting more bang for their buck.
It appears that wealth is not only moving into Texas, but moving around, as well. Heath is up 8 spots from last year, breaking into the Top 10 at No. 7, followed by Highland Village at No. 8, up a huge 17 rankings.
Elsewhere in Texas ...
The Houston suburb of Bellaire came in at No. 2 with a whopping median income of $211,202 and other signifiers of affluence, moving up two spots from last year's rankings. Pearland, with a median income of $107,941 is the only other Houston-area city to rank in the top 20, squeaking in at number 20.
San Antonio's top spot was Alamo Heights. Ranked third, the area had a median income of $147,475 and an even lower unemployment rate than Southlake and Bellaire at 1.4 percent. The median home price on the list was similar to the cities that beat it, too, despite the very different income bracket, at $614,000. Bexar and Comal county cities Fair Oaks Ranch and Bulverde came in 16th and 17th. Median income in Fair Oaks Ranch is $127,917, while it's just $100,419 in Bulverde.
Dallas-Fort Worth suburbs dominated the list overall; a total of 13 cities in the area cashed in with a top-20 ranking. Lucas, a Collin County suburb with a population of 7,612 in the 2020 census, came in fourth, moving up from fifth place last year. With a poverty rate of just 1.1 percent and a median income of $159,563, the (comparatively) tiny little town is a haven for the well-heeled. Falling into the "more than comfortable" range are Coppell (No. 6), Heath (No. 7), and Highland Village (No. 8). HomeSnacks' 10th through 15th places are occupied by Keller, Royse City, Corinth, Krum, Rockwall, and Roanoke, in that order.
Texas' top 10 richest cities for 2023 are:
1. Southlake
2. Bellaire
3. Alamo Heights
4. Lucas
5. Lakeway
6. Coppell
7. Heath
8. Highland Village
9. Bee Cave
10. Keller
Visit HomeSnacks' website to see the top 100 richest cities in Texas, download the full list and rankings, or search to see where your city came in on the list.
HomeSnacksNorth TexansSouthlakeTarrant Countyrankings


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Facing a $604,000 deficit, Family & Children's Services of the District of Rainy River has had to tap into its $450,000 line of credit as it struggles to make it to the end of its financial year.
The decision to access this line of credit came after a "lengthy discussion" by the board of directors, explained its president, Bob McGreevy.
With the 2010 election coming up in October, the next term for mayor and council likely will see them get better pay than the current one.
This and other details were discussed last Thursday morning when the remuneration and travel policy committee met to review an updated policy for both town staff and members of council.
While the 2010 user fee schedule will not be voted on until a Dec. 21 meeting, town council agreed Monday that most user fees likely will see a two percent jump.
The two percent hike affects 400-plus services provided by the town, ranging from building permits and marriage licences to taxi cab licences and public hall rentals.
Town council referred a request from the Fort Frances Chamber of Commerce for a reduction in arena rental fees to the Community Services executive committee for its recommendation at Monday night's meeting.
After releasing a proposed Growth Plan for Northern Ontario last month, the province now is asking northern residents for further input, with the deadline to receive comments set for Feb. 1, 2010.
Ontario has released a proposed "Growth Plan for Northern Ontario" designed to set the region's economy on a strong, globally-competitive footing.
Rainy River Future Development Corporation is set to celebrate Small Business Week by hosting an open house tomorrow (Oct. 23) from 1-3 p.m. at its office at 608 Scott St.
Aiming to combine early Christmas shopping with support for local businesses, planning is underway for a home-based business expo that will run throughout November.
While details still are being finalized, organizer Jessica Ogden said the expo will run every Saturday in November from 9 a.m.-2 p.m. out of the Clover Valley Farmers' Market building on McIrvine Road here.
The reconstruction of Portage Avenue from Nelson Street to First Street East—known as the biomass road project—is close to wrapping up.
Operations and Facilities manager Doug Brown told council Monday night that all of the water and sewer replacement work is now complete, Union Gas has done its upgrades, and curb work started this week.


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ceo vs coo salary
The company's board gave Yancopoulos a big restricted stock award both to reward him and to encourage him to stay at the company until they vest. Earlier this year, it was announced that he was stepping down from the company's executive committee. These executives, at companies like Apple, Google, Citigroup, and Amazon, are seen as so vital to the future of the company that they earn annual compensation packages that range from $15 million to $85 million. "The workers are making what they make because that's the market rate. The average COO salary in the United States is $444,400 as of October 28, 2020, but the salary range typically falls between $340,500 and $569,300. (Sorry, Hulu.) Data is a real-time snapshot *Data is delayed at least 15 minutes. Roth also said the numbers are skewed by a few CEOs who earn huge compensation packages, and added that taking pay from CEOs and redistributing it to thousands of workers wouldn't make a difference to the workers anyway. Stay updated on the latest products and services anytime anywhere. For most, that might be a sign of reduced influence. Pardon me for asking this silly question. Using another measure of compensation, which takes into account the realized value of the options when they were granted, the CEO comp growth still stood at 940.3%. Under his watch, the company's become massively profitable and just saw its stock pass $1000.
Position: COO.
Finally, we had to figure out employee salaries. We ended up going with Fortune's list of most admired companies. When he announced his planned retirement, there was an uproar in the company, and Cook had to offer a big pay package to get him to stay. since. You know, chump change. Disney's Robert Iger highest-paid CEO making over $65 million in 2018, while Amazon CEO Jeff Bezos made the least (a paltry $1.6 million). Pay difference: $24.21 million. All Rights Reserved. Mishel and Wolfe propose a variety of policy remedies: higher tax rates for top earners, taxing companies more that have greater compensation disparities, a "luxury tax" that would impose a $1 levy for every dollar companies go over a certain ratio cap, and corporate governance reforms that would give shareholders a greater say over wages. Some of the top-paid CEOs include David Zaslav at Discovery ($129.5 million), Lawrence Ellison at Oracle ($108.9 million), John Legere at T-Mobile ($66.5 million), Robert Iger at Disney ($65.6 million) and Lachlan Murdoch at News Corp ($50.7 million), according to S&P Capital IQ records. Some of them even manage to out earn their bosses. Arora is the highly regarded head of Google's business side, which has become an increasingly big priority for Page. Visit PayScale to research chief operating officer (coo) salaries by city, experience, skill, employer and more.
She wants to help business owners spend less time agonizing over their businesses so they can spend more time running them. That might not sound so bad, given the other companies on this list, but let's put that in perspective: if someone worked full time as an Amazon warehouse associate for 60 years, they still wouldn't have earned what Jeff Bezos made in 2018.
With the exception of Adelson himself, he's the company's longest-serving executive and was raised to his current position in charge of all gaming worldwide in 2011. Zuckerberg is already a billionaire several times over from owning so much of Facebook as its founder. That's a full week of signing autographs and taking pictures under the baking hot sun.
Next, we had to get the salaries of each company's CEO, which we did by looking at the 2018 proxy statements that companies submitted to the SEC. We're assuming the e-mail references the President and CEO of United Way Worldwide, Brian A. Gallagher, whose last reported total yearly compensation was $1,236,611 (including a base salary … Goldstein helped launch two of the company's most successful properties, the Venetian and the Palazzo. The total compensation growth since 1978 has outstripped that of the stock market growth of 706.7% and the wages of "very high earners," which have grown 339.2%. So while James may have gotten more in salary and bonuses, Schwarzman owns a large part of the company and made a total of $213 million last year, mostly from cash dividends. Additionally, partners get paid for the performance of "legacy funds" started before the company went public and for their ownership in the firm. To make what Netflix CEO Reed Hastings earns in one minute leading the company, a Netflix customer service rep has to work 20 hours. An Apple Genius would have to spend 6 hours in the store to earn what Tim Cook makes in one minute at the office.
Us too. Global Business and Financial News, Stock Quotes, and Market Data and Analysis. Those years watching frustrated business owners try to sift through their many options gave her a passion for breaking down complex business topics. "The economy would suffer no harm if CEOs were paid less (or taxed more).". NorthOne's fees keep it from being one of our favorite online banks.
Wilke now runs the whole consumer side of Amazon. First, we had to decide which companies to include in our analysis. "We need to enact policy solutions that would both reduce incentives for CEOs to extract economic concessions and limit their ability to do so," the EPI team wrote. That's up from 58 times in 1989 and 20 times in 1965, according to the institute's figures though, it is down from the 2000 peak of 368 to 1. Get this delivered to your inbox, and more info about our products and services. Free transactions and... Is Azlo's fee-free business banking actually a good deal? A Division of NBCUniversal. Sure, you might not earn Bob Iger's $65 million salary, but at least you'll know your boss isn't earning 2,000 times more than your compensation package. Well, first we learned that CEOs get paid a lot.
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ceo vs coo salary 2020


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New doctors accepting new patients
WVUMedicine/Jackson General Hospital welcomes two new doctors to the team: Doctor Richard Jones DC, APRN and Doctor Lance P. Shinn DO.
Richard Jones, a primary and chiropractic care provider along with Shinn, also a primary care provider, make up Jackson Premier Health located at 146 Pinnell Street in Ripley.
Jones is a Chiropractor and an Advanced Practice Registered Nurse. He entered the health care profession to serve others in 1996 as a Registered Nurse after graduating from West Virginia University/Glenville State College nursing program. Jones has since broadened his scope of practice by furthering his education to better care for his patients by obtaining a Doctorate degree in Chiropractic and a Master's Degree in Nursing.
He will be providing chiropractic care and primary care in a new office located at the Jackson General Hospital Campus to serve the Jackson County and surrounding area patient population.
Jones and his wife Monica, who is a Jackson County native, have made Ripley their home for the past 14 years and are raising their two children here now. He enjoys his roles as a husband and father, and spending time with his family participating in outdoor activities, such as tennis, golf, hiking, and kayaking.
Jones enjoys his work as a healthcare provider and developing relationships with his patients to better their health and lives.
Lance P. Shinn was born and raised in Jackson County. In fact, he was born at Jackson General Hospital when they still had the Labor and Delivery wing. He grew up in the small town of Mount Alto and attended Cottageville Elementary until he later graduated with honors from Ravenswood High School. After high school he decided to stay close to home and attend West Virginia University at Parkersburg, the Jackson County Center at Ripley, for his basic college classes. He received an Associate's Degree in Pre-Professional Science with a full scholarship awarded to him.
Later Shinn transferred to West Virginia University in Morgantown where he was involved in helping at the WVU College of Medicine research lab in performing Ovarian Cancer Research. The research helped him earn his Bachelor of Science degree in Biology.
Shinn then decided to continue his education and attend medical school. He thought about staying at WVU; however, he loved the concept of the osteopathic approach to medicine. So, he attended the West Virginia School of Osteopathic Medicine in Lewisburg. There he became involved in many clubs and organizations. In his second year of medical school he became the Class President and was then involved in the Student Government Association for the college.
Shinn always wanted to pursue Family Medicine and be the "home town doc" for the people in his community. He went on to further his training in Family Medicine at Access Health Teaching Health Center in Beckley. There he received the Resident of the Year Award during his Intern year for outstanding performance.
During his residency program he did multiple electives in Wound Care, which he has a special interest. Shinn later did a presentation entitled "Wound Care in Primary Care" for the program and WVSOM. He also led a quality improvement project during his residency program, which focused on improving the companies screening for Colorectal Cancer. During his final year in the residency program he became the Chief Resident.
Shinn thought about staying with a company in Beckley that he had been with for three years and had a large patient base; however, he knew it was time to come back home to Jackson County. Again, he wanted to become the "home town doc" in his community that helped shape him to who he is today.
Shinn has performed many home visits, which he thinks might be an asset to the area. He takes his time to get to know his patients and listens to them to help better their health. He focuses on Primary Care and seeing patients of all ages.
Shinn is excited to be back home in Jackson County once again!
Jackson Premier Health is currently accepting new patients. For additional information or to schedule an appointment, contact 304-373-1521.


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IS there a way to save the citations found online to my library from google docs? The add-on in google docs does not have the "save to library" option.
Citations found online do certainly get added to your library if they're not present already. Once you create a citation through the "Search online" function of our extension, the citation gets added in your library as well.
Please tell us if some citations are missing from your library which were added in your Google document. Thanks.