This is a quick blurb on what #SeptemberOfSelf was all about. In the P-Knot process, we have met a lot of like-minded individuals. We love connecting and talking shop with these types of people. In fact, we started a quarterly meeting called P-Knot for Practitioners which we just wrapped up our 4th meeting to a very successful year of this "round table" nerd session.
Ryan Irving of IrvFit challenged me on my personal Facebook, along with Jared Mello and Derek Pontier of Iron Prescription, and Marco Sousa and Tomas Rodrigues of P-Knot. The way I interpreted this challenge, was to show that what we preach is what we practice in the category of taking care of "self".
We are all coaches, mentors, therapists, and healers of different professions and Ryan challenged us to make sure that we took the time away from being the entrepreneur growing our own businesses which are all focused around health and wellness, to put efforts into our "old Self".
It was easy for me to dive into this P-Knot adventure with such passion and vigor to grow the business and send the message out to people about the benefits of Self Myofascial Release. What has not been easy for me however, is managing my "Self" time. I have neglected the efforts of putting time for family, friends, my girlfriend, my hobbies, my own health, and yes…yes, I have even found a little neglect of taking time for Mr. Butters The Cat.
So this blurb here is to end my last personal Facebook post on #SeptemberOfSelf, but I will not end the habit that I have created.
Thank you Ryan Irving for having such a fantastic idea to make sure the "healer heals themselves". I have to admit, at first I found it somewhat self-serving….which I guess that is EXACTLY what it is! If it wasn't for the challenge of it, and having to prove time taken for myself, I probably would have fizzled out on actually taking time by day 2 or 3.
So here is my #day30 #SeptemberOfSelf: My Take Aways. I took away from this month some very valuable (and too obvious that I couldn't see the forest through the trees) lessons.
Stepping away from the grind makes me better at grinding. In other words, if I do not take time to sharpen the blade my efforts and intentions are lost. I realize now that for a while I have been hacking and hacking away with a dull blade.
Taking time for "Self" has reminded me of who I am inside, besides the business owner/entrepreneur of a small business. This realization is only going to make my work better, and I will have clarity even on those days where nothing seems to go smooth.
Walking away from the grind to reconnect with family and friends, the girlfriend and the cat, and the hobbies and personal interests will be truly beneficial, as my support groups who have always been behind me will see how I have always truly felt; it shows my love and appreciation for being there when I am need. It also is a going back to point 2 above in regards to charging my internal "Ethan" batteries.
This has taught me about changing habits. Whether it be instilling a new good habit, or destroying a bad habit, consistency is KEY. I now want to make up a word (but Marco beat me to the punch!! nice one man)… ConsistentKey, ha!
I realized that the like-minded people in my business world are also just like me, and I can call them friends not business acquaintances.
Summarizing all of this, I want to say that I have enjoyed the pressure of a challenge to spend time during my long days to focus on "Self". It truly has revamped my prospective and has allowed me to re-evaluate my day to day structure. Special thank you to Ryan Irving for this. You are a personal #StarFishThrower in my life now. If it was not for the FeRx guys, and the P-Knot guys to jump in and take this challenge with me, I am not so sure I would have completed it. But, the stars aligned and this last day of SeptemberOfSelf ends on a month with a double new moon. Cheers to new beginnings!
This entry was posted in Daily Habit, Written and tagged habit.
Phenomenal write up, Ethan! Glad you had so much to take from this!
Thanks Ryan! You have been a great inspiration to moving forward in this niche of entrepreneurship!


Milano is served by a very good public transportation managed by ATM. There are four underground lines connecting the main places of the city and a good amount of buses and trams, which will get you almost anywhere you want. Also there is a suburban railway service called "passante" that comprises 10 lines and where inside the Milan urban area the ATM ticket is valid.
The price for one ticket in the city area is € 1,50 and it is valid for only one trip in the undergroung or 90 min's on buses and trams. There are also a daily ticket and a "carnet" which is ten tickets for a lower price.
The price for a Urban student travel card is € 22 every month, plus € 10 the first time for the card and a picture (fototessera). The cost of a yearly card is about € 200 and it is valid 12 months.
To get your ATM card, you have to go to one of these offices inside the underground: - Duomo (MM1 and MM3) - Loreto (MM1 and MM2) - Cadorna (MM1 and MM2) - Centrale (MM2 and MM3) - Garibaldi (MM2) - Romolo (MM2).
Have a look on ATM web site to find buses and tram timetable, or to find the right path to reach a destination.


30 junior sailors from 7 SoCal clubs raced RS Teras at California Yacht Club on May 12th in Marina del Rey. Tight competition in the upper half of the fleet was dominated by Cal YC's racing team. The record turnout was a result of recent additions to program owned fleets that now span the region from Orange County to Santa Barbara. The youngest sailor, age 7, Miles Gordon of Santa Monica Windjammers managed a very respectable effort to place in the top half of the fleet. 2016 West Coast Tera champ Tessa Farrell and CYC's Talia Hamlin, tied going into the 5th race, placed 2nd and 3rd.
Taking top spot, Emily Rychlik of Westlake Yacht Club showed great light air technique and big fleet skills to sail a near perfect regatta with 5 firsts - and this regatta was the first time she sailed a Tera! Click image below for complete results.


Our Staff at Ethics In Tech is dedicated to contributing principal articles on the changing moral ground within technology. Equally, We take the time to curate articles and share the stories that others won't.
An expert in the subject of Iran and US politics as it relates to censorship and surveillance. Furthermore, Mr. Razavi launched the first No Facebook In Censorship cause for Iran. As a lifelong activist and humanitarian he has published hundreds of articles and videos on various social issues issues including regional politics, poverty, war and social injustice.
A longtime social justice advocate and freelance journalist, Brett joined Ethics in Tech in 2014. In addition, Brett is the founder of Moral Low Ground and is also editor-at-large for US news at Digital Journal.
Ethics In Tech & Lack Thereof – Sleeping Under the Cell Tower tells Vahid's circuitous and tragicomic journey through Big Tech, as a startup founder and as an employee. This journey coupled with Vahid's personal struggles details a relatable and intriguing read.
Elizabeth Warren wants to 'break up Big Tech'. So do we.
Is Facebook's 10-Year Challenge something more sinister than the latest viral meme?
Welcome Back to Ethics In Tech!
Ethics In Tech Copyright 2019 © All rights Reserved.


"This Is Us" star calls president's speech after mass shooting "shameful."
President Donald Trump spoke about the Parkland, Florida shooting that claimed the lives of 17 people this morning, stressing the need to talk about mental health while failing to bring gun control into the conversation, that didn't sit too well with Mandy Moore.
The "This Is Us" star immediately took to Twitter to vent that her "blood is boiling" while watching the televised press conference.
"I am absolutely baffled watching the President speak about the tragedy in #parkland and not ONE word about guns," she wrote. "Shameful. My blood is boiling. Something has to change. Bring on the midterms so we can use our power to vote out politicians who continue to do nothing."
Her co-star Denis O'Hare -- who appeared as William's lover on multiple episodes of the NBC show -- also spoke out against the president. "Listening to Donald Trump attempting to be sincere is painful," he tweeted. "We have no leader in this country. No one to inspire us. No one to comfort us. No one to govern."
While Trump began his speech saying "police responded to reports of gunfire," he didn't return to the issue. Instead, he praised the work of law enforcements, first responders and teachers for their "courage" and vowed to visit the community to meet with families and local officials.
"I want to speak now directly to America's children, especially those who feel lost, alone, confused or even scared: I want you to know that you are never alone and you never will be," he said. "You have people who care about you, who love you, and who will do anything at all to protect you. If you need help, turn to a teacher, a family member, a local police officer, or a faith leader. Answer hate with love; answer cruelty with kindness."
He also promised to work with local and state leaders to "tackle the difficult issue of mental health" and said his "top priority" would be "making our schools and our children safer."
Following the speech, former President Barack Obama tweeted out his official statement, stressing the importance of "common-sense gun safety laws."


Thomas Ashe was born on January 12th, 1885, in County Kerry, into a bi-lingual household. He became an Irish teacher in Lusk and joined the Gaelic League and the Irish Volunteers, commanding the Fingal battalion during the Easter Rising. His death sentence was commuted to life imprisonment, which in fact lasted only a year. He was released but soon charged and convicted with sedition, and died on hunger strike on September 25th, 1917, after an "inhuman and dangerous" attempt at force-feeding by the authorities (WP). See also Tomás Ághas.
Whispering Winds Why Do You Weep?
Oh! Is it that your poor heart's broke/And scattered off afar?
Who like your way have no control/Or sovereign destiny?
Pray pity me a wretched lad/Who never will grow old.
And whisper sweet the breath of God/Upon my humble grave.
Sinn Féin's Martin McGuinness was nominated by the party to stand for President Of Ireland. He garnered 13.7% of first preference votes and finished third to winner Michael D. Higgins (WP). For the hunger strikers metalwork, see M03118.
"This mural is dedicated to the Women of Cumann na mBan, Oglaigh na hEireann & Sinn Fein." Image "from R[uth] Taillon's book The Women Of 1916." For the mural on the left, see Sister Soldiers. Hawthorn Street, Belfast.
This is the scene on the Shore Road at Gray's Lane. From left to right, "[Tony] Blair/Haine [Peter Hain, NI Secretary] – 2 S/F Toadies"; "And so the sham goes on"; "Johnny Adair – South East Antrim UFF – No Surrender"; the remains of the Tudor Lodge (still present in 2017).


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vale-guthrie-feldman
Vale Guthrie Feldman
Birth Date July,2014
Full Name Vale Guthrie Feldman
Birth Name Vale Guthrie Feldman
Father Name Michael Feldman
Father Profession PR consultant
Mother Name Savannah Guthrie
Mother Profession journalist
Sibilings Charles Max Feldman
Have you ever seen the morning show of the NBC News, Today? If so, you might be acquainted with the main co-anchor, Savannah Guthrie, who never failed to wins audiences' hearts.Okay, today's article is about the oldest daughter named Vale Guthrie Feldman.
Born inAugust 2014 in the United States, Vale Guthrie is best known as the celebrity kid and is of mixed ethnicity. The 5 years old Vale is now cherishing her childhood along with her parents and a little brother.
Vale's Personal Life
Vale Guthrie Feldman is just 5 years old, but she already becomes a favorite of paparazzi and audiences not only of her celebrity parents but also for her cuteness. However, her parents tried their best to keep their daughter away from the limelight.
Image: Vale Guthrie Feldman's smiling face
Source: Savannah's Instagram(@savannahguthrie)
As of now, the celebrity child is enjoying her childhood and studies. More to that, she often captured playing with her younger brother.
Vale Guthrie Feldman's Parents Love Story
Guthrie's parents Savannah and Feldman first met in 2008 at Michael's 40th birthday party. It was just before Guthrie announced her divorce from her first 4-year husband, Mark Orchard (2005 to 2009). Soon, after Savannah's division with Mark, they started dating.
After years of dating, the couple engaged on May 13, 2013, and after a year, they committed as husband and wife in March 2014. The beautiful wedding was held privately in Tucson, Arizona, among 80 to 90 peoples.
Image: Mother, Savannah Guthrie, and father, Michael Feldman in their wedding day
Source: Michael's Instagram(@feldmike)
The bride was glowing in her lacy Monique Lhuillier gown wedding dress while the groom stunned a toxic black dress. Not only this, the wife and husband were looking forward to their first child as Guthrie was four months pregnant.
Nonetheless, they kept the pregnancy news hidden until their wedding days. Happily, Savannah said that "I well, we are pregnant for four months," in the wedding attendants at dinner, and her guests were pleased with the newlyweds.
Picture: Vale Guthrie Feldman with her whole family
Now, the couple is together for 10 years and lives happily along with two children, Vale, 5, and Charles, 2. Moreover, the couple celebrated their fifth wedding anniversary, and it's incredibly bright that their love is as strong as ever.
Younger Sibling- Charles Max Feldman
The cute and beautiful girl is blessed with one sibling named Charles Max Feldman, who is 3 years younger than Vale Guthrie. Well, a little brother Charles was born in December of 2016.
Image: Vale Guthrie Feldman cuddling her younger brother, Charles Max Feldman
Guthrie Feldman now enjoys her childhood and spends most of her time with 2-year-old Charles in the United States. Further, the two siblings are really closed to one another.
Parents' (Michael and Savannah) Net Worth
Vale Guthrie's mother, Savannah, holds an impressive fortune of $20 million as of 2019. Of course, she accumulated her wealth through her long career as a journalist. Likewise, she has worked for many famous stations like NBC News, MSNBC, The Today Show, and among others.
Image: NBC reporter, Savannah Guthrie
Now, Guthrie is working for NBC News morning show Today since July 2012 as a main co-anchor. Her annual salary at NBC is around $8 million. Another NBC Journalist, Anne Thompson, and Candace Sweat also making a good fortune from the same network.
On the other hand, Michael Feldman is a former Democratic political adviser and American public relations and communications consultant. His net worth is around $2 Million as of 2019 and all thanks to his career.
Find out more fascinating biographies about notable celebrity children's on marriedceleb!!!
Vale Guthrie Feldman Celebrity Kid Savannah Guthrie

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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Home | Publications| Encyclopedia | Roger Mills County
Roger Mills County Courthouse
(2012.088.65, Lewis A. Danner Collection, OHS).
ROGER MILLS COUNTY.
Located in western Oklahoma, Roger Mills County is bounded by Ellis County on the north, Dewey and Custer counties on the east, Beckham County on the south, and the state of Texas on the west. Named for Texas politician Roger Quarles Mills, most of the county lies within the High Plains physiographical region, and the southeastern corner is in the Gypsum Hills region. The Washita and Canadian rivers drain the county. The Antelope Hills (listed in the National Register of Historic Places, NR 78002259) are located in a bend of the Canadian River in northwestern Roger Mills County. The county sits atop the petroleum-rich Anadarko Basin. Incorporated towns in 2010 included Cheyenne (the county seat), Hammon, Reydon, and Strong City.
Present Roger Mills County was originally part of the Cheyenne and Arapaho Reservation. Before the area was opened for non-Indian settlers on April 19, 1892, Counties C through H were created. E County became Day County, and F County became Roger Mills. At 1907 statehood the boundaries of Roger Mills County changed. The southern portion of former Day County was added to Roger Mills, and the southern portion of Roger Mills was added to Beckham County. On March 17, 1930, Roger Mills' western boundary was changed after the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the true 100th Meridian was actually thirty-eight hundred feet further east. Roger Mills County came to comprise 1,146.46 square miles of land and water.
Roger Mills County's archaeological past is represented by 164 sites. Fifteen represent the Paleo period (prior to 6000 B.C.), sixty-two, the Archaic period (6000 B.C. to A.D. 1), eleven, the Woodland period (A.D. 1 to 1000), and seventy-six, the Plains Village period (A.D. 1000 to 1500). Three of the Plains Village sites are listed in the National Register of Historic Places: the Lamb-Miller Site (NR 78002261), the Allee Site (NR 78002260), and the Goodwin-Baker Archaeological Site (NR 78002258).
Probably the first Europeans in the area were the Spanish led by explorer Coronado. They camped near the Antelope Hills in 1541. Almost two hundred years later French Canadian traders and brothers Pierre Antoine and Paul Mallet followed the Canadian River on their return trip from Santa Fe, New Mexico, in 1740. In the 1800s explorers and traders passed through the area. In 1821 after reaching the Rocky Mountains explorer Stephen H. Long followed the Canadian River eastward through present Oklahoma. In 1839–40 trader Josiah Gregg crossed the future state from Van Buren, Arkansas, to Santa Fe, following basically along the Canadian River. Capt. Randolph B. Marcy passed through the region in 1849 as he led a group of gold seekers across Indian Territory. In 1853 U.S. Army Lt. Amiel Whipple led an expedition from Fort Smith, Arkansas, to survey for a possible railroad route through present Oklahoma. Following crude roads just south of the Canadian River the Whipple Expedition passed through future Roger Mills County. Two significant battles occurred in present Roger Mills County. In the Battle of Antelope Hills Texas Rangers attacked a Comanche village on May 12, 1858. On November 27, 1868, Lt. Col. George A. Custer assaulted Chief Black Kettle and a band of Cheyenne camped along the Washita River in the Battle of the Washita. The Washita Battlefield National Historic Site (NR 66000633) was listed in the National Register of Historic Places in 1966.
In 1818 the Quapaw ceded the land south of the Canadian River to the United States. In the 1820s and 1830s the Choctaw and Chickasaw were removed from the southeastern part of the United States to Indian Territory. By an agreement made in 1855 with the Choctaw and Chickasaw their land west of the 98th Meridian was leased to the United States. In 1869 a reservation for the Cheyenne and Arapaho was set aside in the Leased District. Due to the area's suitability for grazing, the Cheyenne and Arapaho leased reservation land to cattlemen such as Edward Fenlon and William E. Malaley. In the early 1890s the Bar X Ranch was established in northwestern Roger Mills County. Before the land opening on April 19, 1892, the Cheyenne and Arapaho received 160-acre allotments. Following the opening a temporary structure provided offices for county officials. In 1917 construction began on a two-story, red brick courthouse.
Roger Mills County's economy has been based primarily on farming and livestock raising. Principal crops have included sorghum, broomcorn, wheat, cotton, corn, and alfalfa. At 1907 statehood farmers planted 42,256 acres of corn, 23,280 acres of cotton, 12,256 acres of sorghum, and 10,743 acres of broomcorn. In 1930 Roger Mills County had 2,353 farms, averaging 278.3 acres per farm. Of those farms, 49.85 percent were operated by tenants. That year livestock numbered 25,389 cattle, 5,964 horses, 5,326 swine, 3,142 mules, and 1,165 sheep and goats. In 1963 farmers had 40,000 acres planted in wheat, 27,600 acres in sorghums, 14,300 in cotton, and 4,200 in barley. At the turn of the twenty-first century the county had 680 farms, with an average size of 1,015.54 acres or a total of 690,568 acres.
Roger Mills County benefited from the national conservation movement initiated in the 1930s to reduce soil erosion and flooding. The Sandstone Creek Watershed project, begun in 1950 under the authority of the Flood Control Act of 1944 (PL 78-534), comprised 68,770 acres in Roger Mills and Beckham counties. Upon completion of this project in 1952 twenty-four dams had been constructed.
Early transportation routes followed the waterways and American Indian trails. In 1849 the California Road developed as gold seekers traversed across Indian Territory to California. From the mid-1870s to the 1890s the Camp Supply Road, connecting Camp Supply (later Fort Supply) in northwestern Oklahoma with the Red River, passed through the western portion of present Roger Mills County. In the 1910s Roger Mills County gained railroad service. In 1911 the Wichita Falls and Northwest Railway (later the Missouri, Kansas and Texas Railway) built a line between Elk City (Beckham County) and Leedey (Dewey County) that passed through Hammon and the southwestern corner of Roger Mills County. One year later the Clinton and Oklahoma Western Railway (later the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe Railway, AT&SF) constructed a line from Butler (Custer County) to Strong City. In 1914 the Cheyenne Short Line Railroad (later AT&SF) connected Cheyenne and Strong City. Modern motorists used U.S. Highway 283 and State Highways 30, 33, and 47.
At 1907 statehood Roger Mills County had 13,239 inhabitants. Numbers declined to 12,861 and 10,638 in 1910 and 1920, respectively. Population peaked at 14,164 in 1930. Since then the county has lost residents as indicated by 7,395 reported in 1950 and 4,799 in 1980. At the turn of the twenty-first century population stood at 3,436. In 2010 the county's 3,647 inhabitants were 89.9 percent white, 5.8 percent American Indian, 0.4 percent African American, and 0.3 percent Asian. Hispanic ethnicity was identified as 4.5 percent.
The Dorroh-Trent House in Hammon is listed in the National Register of Historic Places (NR 79002026). Outdoor enthusiasts enjoyed the Black Kettle National Grassland. In Cheyenne the Black Kettle Museum and the Roll One-Room School Museum offered exhibits of the historical past. Prominent Oklahomans who have hailed from Roger Mills County include U.S. Rep. Frank Lucas and artist Augusta Metcalf. The first woman ever elected to the Oklahoma House of Representatives, Amelia Elizabeth "Bessie" McColgin, also lived in Roger Mills County.
Linda D. Wilson
SETTLEMENT PATTERNS
Profiles of America, Vol. 2 (2d ed.; Millerton, N.Y.: Grey House Publishing, 2003).
"Roger Mills County," Vertical File, Research Division, Oklahoma Historical Society, Oklahoma City.
Roger Mills Minute: A History of Roger Mills County (Cheyenne, Okla.: Security State Bank, 1992).
Nat M. Taylor, A Brief History of Roger Mills County (N.p.: N.p., 1947).
Linda D. Wilson, "Roger Mills County," The Encyclopedia of Oklahoma History and Culture, https://www.okhistory.org/publications/enc/entry.php?entry=RO018.
Antelope Hills, National Register of Historic Places
Dorroh-Trent House, National Register of Historic Places
Washita Battlefield, National Register of Historic Places


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Parental Rebellion Pays Off: Conservatives Win School Board Seats
Jarrett Stepman / @JarrettStepman / November 14, 2022
Moms for Liberty was among groups lending support and financial backing for citizens who sought election to save their local schools. Pictured: Casey DeSantis, wife of Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, is joined by their 5-year-old daughter Madison during the Moms for Liberty Summit on July 15 in Tampa. (Photo: Octavio Jones/Getty Images)
Jarrett Stepman / @JarrettStepman
The midterm elections didn't quite sweep Democrats out of power. However, some positive developments occurred, especially in noteworthy state and local elections.
The parental rebellion against wokeness, radical gender ideology, and misguided COVID-19 policies continued, producing some solid results in school board elections across America. Again, it wasn't a red tidal wave, but commonsense candidates found success in an arena long dominated by the Left and public sector unions.
Unions still dominate at the local level—in both organization and money—but the landscape is changing.
Though they are often "nonpartisan," school board elections have become a serious battleground in debates over K-12 education. Nonpartisan does not mean that there isn't a serious debate about ideas. As local schools—even in "red" districts—increasingly promoted critical race theory and radical gender ideology alongside stringent COVID-19 lockdowns, parents began organizing in earnest.
What we've seen in the past few years is organized parental groups insisting on having their voices heard in school board meetings—much to the consternation of Attorney General Merrick Garland. They've put forth candidates to transform school boards from the inside too.
A few national organizations, such as the 1776 Project PAC and Moms for Liberty, added much-needed support and financial backing for citizens to step into the arena to save their local schools.
For instance, Bridget Ziegler, a Florida mom who not only won her Sarasota County School Board election back in August, now helps educate other potential candidates as the Leadership Institute's director of school board programs.
This kind of organization and institutional support has proved invaluable and means that campaigns once dominated by left-leaning insiders are now open and competitive.
Over the past year, the 1776 Project says it has flipped more than 100 races nationwide.
And some big wins came during the midterm elections. These groups helped flip school board elections in Florida, Maryland, Indiana, and Michigan, according to The Daily Caller.
"Of the 67 candidates Moms for Liberty supported in Florida school board elections, 41 won," the Caller reported.
An impressive record, especially given that many of the group's candidates are political neophytes, running for office for the first time in their lives.
The Left has taken notice. Big, left-wing media outlets are starting to write lengthy hit job pieces on Moms for Liberty. The message: The notion that critical race theory has embedded itself into K-12 education is a right-wing fantasy, but trying to stop it is racist.
The New Yorker, for instance, said that such efforts were a "manufactured culture war over critical race theory." If the culture war is manufactured, why is the Left so concerned about it? Maybe left-wing activists are just nervous that someone is fighting back and not simply ceding schools to them without a fight.
Here's how the New Yorker described victories for education freedom—a phrase it put in scare quotes—in the midterms:
A clown-car school board race in Charleston, South Carolina, ended with five out of nine seats going to Moms for Liberty-backed candidates. Governor Ron DeSantis—the maestro of Florida's 'Don't Say Gay' legislation and a home-state hero to Moms for Liberty—endorsed six school board candidates, all of whom won their races; Moms for Liberty endorsed a total of 12 in Florida, winning nine. In Texas, 10 out of 15 spots on the state school board appeared to be going to Republicans, including three seats in which GOP incumbents either lost or dropped out of their primary when facing opponents who took a harder line against CRT.
Bad news for The New Yorker is good news for America.
Saving education in this country is a multifront battle. Of course, school choice opportunities for parents and students are essential. Florida, for instance, has by many measures, one of the best set of school choice programs in the country.
But plenty of students continue to attend public schools. Despite what the Left says, parents have every right to shape education in those schools too.
Former Secretary of Education Betsy DeVos had a great response Monday to the National Education Association, the largest public sector union in the United States, after the NEA's Twitter account suggested that teachers know what's best for children.
You misspelled parents. https://t.co/uMc9ozCUS7
— Betsy DeVos (@BetsyDeVos) November 14, 2022
That parents are participating in school board elections is a great thing for self-government in America. Those who are so insistent that "democracy" is under threat apparently are upset by this development.


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Medicare-for-All movement grows
More and more unions are following the lead of the SEIU and Local 888 — and endorsing proposals for a Medicare-for-All model for the U.S. Meanwhile more than 100 House Democrats are supporting just such a plan, which would make health care a basic human right in this country.
"Today in America, 30 million people are uninsured; 40 million are underinsured. We have the most expensive healthcare system in the world and yet our outcomes are the worst of all industrialized countries," said the chief sponsor of the Medicare for All Act of 2019, U.S. Rep. Pramila Jayapal of Washington state.U.S. House members from Massachusetts who have endorsed the bill include Katherine Clark, William Keating, Joseph P. Kennedy, James McGovern, Ayanna Pressley and Lori Trahan.
At its 2017 convention, the Massachusetts AFL-CIO backed the Resolution in Support of Health Care as a Human Right. Delegates voted to support federal and state bills "that embody the principles of a single-payer Medicare-for-All system."
Similarly, the national AFL-CIO passed a resolution in 2017 endorsing Medicare for All model. One goal would be to cut overall costs by eliminating the red tape and inefficiency of private health insurance.
For more information on the Medicare for All Act of 2019, see https://jayapal.house.gov/medicare-for-all/medicare-for-all-act-of-2019/?
Three Massachusetts members of Congress haven't endorsed the act. You can reach them by going to their websites' contact section: Stephen Lynch at https://lynch.house.gov/contact-me/email-me, Seth Moulton at https://moulton.house.gov/contact/, Richard Neal at https://neal.house.gov/contact


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Solon-Telford Funeral Home
Send Flowers for Jane
Jane A. Kettman
July 4, 1948 ~ January 3, 2021 (age 72)
Jane A. Kettman, 72, of Streator passed away Sunday, January 3, 2021 at her residence in Streator.
A private Mass of Christian Burial will be celebrated at St. Michael the Archangel Church, Streator. Fr. Ryan Mattingly will officiate.
Burial will be in St. Stephen's Cemetery, Streator.
Born July 4, 1948 in Streator she was the daughter of John and Margaret (Churney) Kettman.
She is survived by a sister, Judy Whalen of Streator; a brother, John (Jonelle) Kettman of Grand Rapids, Michigan; nieces and nephews, Jeff (Theresa) Kettman of Lake Orion, Michigan, Kathy (Paul) Telford of Pontiac, Troy (Karen) Whalen of Grayslake and Terry (Chris) Whalen of Bloomington; 10 great nieces and nephews also survive.
She was preceded in death by her parents.
Born and raised in Streator she attended St. Stephen's Grade School and Woodland High School.
She worked for Streator National Bank, which later became First Midwest Bank right out of high school. She worked there for over 20 years becoming the head Bookkeeper. She later took a position in Rockford with a group home for children where she worked in Bookeeping as well. After her retirement in Rockford she moved back to Streator.
She was a member of St. Michael the Archangel Church through the years.
Jane was very family orientated and her siblings and her nieces and nephews meant the world to her. She enjoyed spending time with them and attending there many activities. She will be dearly missed by her loving family.
Memorials may be directed to the charity of the donor's choice.
Online condolences may be left for the family at www.solontelford.com
To send flowers to the family or plant a tree in memory of Jane A. Kettman, please visit our floral store.
© 2021 Solon-Telford Funeral Home. All Rights Reserved. Funeral Home website by CFS & TA | Terms of Use | Privacy Policy


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Q: Being redirected one page back My goal is that the user will be redirected to the page that he initially was when he pressed the login button and has inputed his username and password. So far I had no problem doing so. However, if I press the view more button so that I am redirected to the singleproduct.php and then press the back from the browser going back to search.php and after that try to login I am redirected to the singleproduct.php instead of search.php. I had no problem doing this on other pages including the singleproduct.php or any other of my pages and even in the search.php if I dont end up there by going back or forward through the browser buttons it still works.
Does it have to do with the $_SERVER['REQUEST_URI'] not being given the new url or have I messed up somewhere else?
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search.php
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include 'includes/dbh.inc.php';
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?>
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singleproduct.php
<?php
session_start();
include 'includes/dbh.inc.php';
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?>
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            exit();
    }
}

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Giulio Andreotti
Italian politician and political leader; 41st Prime Minister of Italy (1972-73, 1976-79, 1989-92)
Senator for life
OMI SMOM OCSG OESSH
Prime Minister of Italy
23 July 1989 – 28 June 1992
Francesco Cossiga
Oscar Luigi Scalfaro
Claudio Martelli
Ciriaco De Mita
Succeeded by
Giuliano Amato
30 July 1976 – 5 August 1979
Giovanni Leone
Sandro Pertini
Ugo La Malfa
Aldo Moro
18 February 1972 – 8 July 1973
Emilio Colombo
Mariano Rumor
Ministerial offices
Minister for Cultural Heritage and Environment
13 April 1991 – 28 June 1992
Ferdinando Facchiano
Alberto Ronchey
Minister of State Holdings
26 December 1990 – 28 June 1992
Franco Piga
Giuseppe Guarino
Minister of Foreign Affairs
4 August 1983 – 23 July 1989
Amintore Fanfani
Giovanni Goria
Gianni De Michelis
Minister of the Interior
11 May 1978 – 13 June 1978
Virginio Rognoni
19 January 1954 – 10 February 1954
Mario Scelba
Minister of Budget and Economic Planning
23 November 1974 – 30 July 1976
Antonio Giolitti
Tommaso Morlino
15 March 1974 – 23 November 1974
Mario Tanassi
Arnaldo Forlani
16 February 1959 – 24 February 1966
Antonio Segni
Fernando Tambroni
Minister of Industry, Commerce and Crafts
24 February 1966 – 13 December 1968
Edgardo Lami Starnuti
Minister of Treasury
2 July 1958 – 16 February 1959
Giuseppe Medici
6 July 1955 – 2 July 1958
Adone Zoli
Luigi Preti
Secretary of the Council of Ministers
1 June 1947 – 19 January 1954
Alcide De Gasperi
Giuseppe Pella
Paolo Cappa
Member of the Senate
1 June 1991 – 6 May 2013
Member of the Chamber of Deputies
8 May 1948 – 31 May 1991
Rome–Viterbo–Latina–Frosinone
Member of the Constituent Assembly
25 June 1946 – 31 January 1948
(1919-01-14)14 January 1919
Rome, Lazio, Kingdom of Italy
6 May 2013(2013-05-06) (aged 94)
Rome, Lazio, Italy
Christian Democracy
Other political
Italian People's Party
Union of the Centre
Livia Danese
4, including Lamberto
Giulio Andreotti OMI SMOM OCSG OESSH (US: /ˌɑːndreɪˈɒti/ AHN-dray-OT-ee, Italian: [ˈdʒuːljo andreˈɔtti]; 14 January 1919 – 6 May 2013) was an Italian politician and statesman who served as the 41st prime minister of Italy (1972–1973, 1976–79 and 1989–92) and leader of the Christian Democracy party; he was the sixth longest-serving prime minister since the Italian Unification and the second longest-serving post-war prime minister, after Silvio Berlusconi. Andreotti is widely considered the most powerful and prominent politician of the so-called First Republic.
Beginning as a protégé of Alcide De Gasperi, Andreotti achieved cabinet rank at a young age and occupied all the major offices of state over the course of a forty-year political career, being seen as a reassuring figure by the civil service, business community, and Vatican. In foreign policy, he guided Italy's European Union integration and established closer relations with the Arab world. Admirers of Andreotti saw him as having mediated political and social contradictions, enabling the transformation of a substantially rural country into the world's fifth-biggest economy. Critics said he had done nothing to challenge a system of patronage that had led to pervasive corruption. Andreotti staunchly supported the Vatican and a capitalist structure, while opposing the Italian Communist Party. Following the popular Italian sentiment of the time, Andreotti also supported the development of a strong European community playing host to neo-liberal economics. Though Andreotti belonged to the right-wing, he was not averse to the implementation of the European Social Fund and Regional Fund in building the European economy.
At the height of his statesman career, Andreotti was subjected to criminal prosecutions and charged with colluding with Cosa Nostra. Courts managed to prove that he was undoubtedly linked with them until 1980, however the case was closed due to past statutes of limitations. The most sensational allegation came from prosecutors in Perugia, who charged him with ordering the murder of a journalist. He was found guilty at a trial, which led to complaints that the justice system had "gone mad". After being acquitted of all charges (actually, in part due to statute-barred limitations), Andreotti remarked, "Apart from the Punic Wars, for which I was too young, I have been blamed for everything that's happened in Italy."
Andreotti served in numerous ministerial positions, including as Minister of the Interior (1954 and 1978), Minister of Finance (1955–58), Minister of Treasury (1958–59), Minister of Defence (1959–66 and 1974), Minister of Budget and Economic Planning (1974–76) and Minister of Foreign Affairs (1983–89) and was a Senator for life from 1991 until his death in 2013. He was also a journalist and author. Andreotti was sometimes called Divo Giulio (from Latin Divus Iulius, "Divine Julius", an epithet of Julius Caesar after his posthumous deification).
1 Background and attributes
2 Early political career
2.1 Chamber of Deputies and government
2.2 Influence on culture
2.3 1950s and 1960s
3 First term as Prime Minister
3.1 Social policies
3.2 Foreign policy
4 Second term as Prime Minister
4.1 Legislative action
4.2 Kidnapping of Aldo Moro
5 Foreign Affairs Minister
5.1 Sigonella Crisis
5.2 Policies
6 Third term as Prime Minister
6.1 European Union negotiations
6.2 Resignation and decline
7 Later political life
7.1 Tangentopoli
7.2 After the Christian Democracy
8 Controversies
8.1 Trial for Mafia association
8.1.1 Andreotti's absolution and statute of limitations
8.2 Trial for murder
10 Death and legacy
10.1 Conspiracy theories
10.1.1 Related perceptions of Andreotti
11 Electoral history
13.1 Primary sources
Background and attributes
Giulio Andreotti, the youngest of three children, was born on 14 January 1919 in Rome. His father, who died when Giulio was two, was a primary school teacher from Segni, a small town in Lazio; after a few years his sister Elena also died. Andreotti attended the Liceo Torquato Tasso in Rome and graduated in law at the University of Rome, with the mark of 110/110.
He showed some ferocity as a youth, once stubbing out a lit taper in the eye of another altar boy who was ridiculing him. His mother was described as not very affectionate, and an aunt is said to have advised him to remember that few things in life are important, and never to over-dramatise difficulties. As an adult he was described as having a somewhat unusual demeanor for an Italian politician, being mild-mannered and unassuming. Andreotti did not use his influence to advance his children to prominence, despite being widely considered the most powerful person in the country for decades. "See all, tolerate much, and correct one thing at a time," was a quote that emphasised what has been called his 'art of the possible' view of politics.
Andreotti was known for his discretion and retentive memory, and also a sense of humour, often placing things in perspective with a sardonic quip. Andreotti's personal support within the Christian Democrats was limited, but he had the ability to see where the mutual advantage for apparently conflicting interests lay, and put himself at the centre of events as mediator. Though not a physically-imposing man, Andreotti navigated political waters through conversational skill.
Early political career
Andreotti in 1946
Andreotti did not shine at his school and started work in a tax office while studying law at the University of Rome. In this period he became a member of the Italian Catholic Federation of University Students (FUCI), the only non-fascist youth organization which was allowed by the regime of Benito Mussolini. Its members included many of the future leaders of the Italian Christian Democracy.
In 1938 while researching the papal navy in the Vatican library, he met Alcide De Gasperi, who had been given sanctuary by the Pope. De Gasperi asked Andreotti if he had nothing better to do with his time, inspiring him to become politically active. Speaking of De Gasperi, Andreotti said, "He taught us to search for compromise, to mediate."
In July 1939, while Aldo Moro was president of FUCI, Andreotti became director of its magazine Azione Fucina. In 1942, when Moro was enrolled in the Italian Army, Andreotti succeeded him as president of FUCI, a position he held until 1944. During his early years Andreotti suffered violent migraines that forced him to sporadically make use of psychoactive drugs and opiates. During World War II, Andreotti wrote for the Rivista del Lavoro, a fascist propaganda publication, but was also a member of the then-clandestine newspaper Il Popolo.
In July 1943, Andreotti contributed, along with Mario Ferrari Aggradi, Paolo Emilio Taviani, Guido Gonella, Giuseppe Capograssi, Ferruccio Pergolesi, Vittore Branca, Giorgio La Pira, Giuseppe Medici and Moro, to the creation of the Code of Camaldoli, a document planning of economic policy drawn up by members of the Italian Catholic forces. The Code served as inspiration and guideline for economic policy of the future Christian Democrats. In 1944 he became a member of the National Council of the newborn Christian Democracy party, and after the end of the conflict he became responsible for the youth organization of the party.
Chamber of Deputies and government
In 1946, Andreotti was elected to the Constituent Assembly, the provisional parliament which had the task of writing the new Italian constitution. His election was supported by Alcide De Gasperi, founder of the modern DC, of whom Andreotti became a close assistant and advisor; the two politicians became close friends despite their very different characters. However, De Gasperi later described Andreotti as a man "so capable in everything that he could become capable of anything". In 1948, he was elected to the newly formed Chamber of Deputies to represent the constituency of Rome–Viterbo–Latina–Frosinone, which remained his stronghold until the 1990s.
Andreotti began his government career in 1947, when he became Secretary of the Council of Ministers in the cabinet of his patron De Gasperi. The appointment was also supported by Giovanni Battista Montini, who later would become Pope Paul VI. During the office, Andreotti had wider ranging responsibilities than many full ministers, which caused some envy. Andreotti's main undertaking was representing the interests of Frosinone in the province of Lazio. Lazio would continue to serve as Andreotti's geographical base of power later in his political career.
Influence on culture
As the state undersecretary in charge of entertainment in 1949, Andreotti established import limits and screen quotas, and provided loans to Italian production firms. The measures were aimed at preventing American productions from dominating the market against Neorealist films, a genre which exhibitors complained lacked stars and was held in low esteem by the public. As he phrased it, there were to be 'Less rags, more legs'. Raunchy comedies and historical dramas with voluptuous toga-clad actresses became the staple of the Italian film industry. To ensure that state funds were not used to prop up commercially unsustainable films, the screenplays were vetted, thereby creating a form of preproduction censorship. It was intended that Italian studios use part of their profits for high-quality films. However, Vittorio De Sica's Umberto D., which depicted the lonely life of a retired man, could only strike government officials as a dangerous throwback, due to the opening scene featuring police breaking up a demonstration of old pensioners and the ending scene featuring Umberto's aborted suicide attempt. In a public letter to De Sica, Andreotti castigated him for his "wretched service to his fatherland".
1950s and 1960s
In 1952, ahead of local elections in the municipality of Rome, Andreotti gave proof of his diplomatic skills and gained credibility. In fact Andreotti persuaded De Gasperi not to establish a political alliance with the neo-fascist Italian Social Movement, as Pope Pius XII asked, to prevent a Communist victory.
As Secretary, Andreotti contributed to the re-formation of the Italian Olympic Committee, which had been disbanded after the fall of the Fascist regime. In 1953, among other things, he promoted the so-called "Andreotti's veto" against foreign football players in Italian Serie A.
After De Gasperi's resignation and retirement in August 1953, Andreotti remained Secretary of the Council under the short-lived premiership of Giuseppe Pella.
Andreotti during the 1960s
In 1954, Andreotti became Minister of the Interior in the first government of Amintore Fanfani. From July 1956 to July 1958 he was appointed Finance Minister in the cabinets of Antonio Segni and Adone Zoli. In the same period, Andreotti started to form a corrente (unofficial political association, or a faction) within the Christian Democracy, which was then the largest party in Italy. His corrente was supported by the Roman Catholic right wing. It started its activity with a press campaign accusing Piero Piccioni, son of the deputy national secretary of the DC, Attilio Piccioni, of the murder of fashion model Wilma Montesi at Torvaianica. After the defeat of De Gasperi's old followers in the DC National Council, Andreotti helped another newly formed corrente, the Dorotei, to oust Amintore Fanfani, who was the leader of the left-wing of the party, as Prime Minister of Italy and National Secretary of the DC. On 20 November 1958 Andreotti, then Minister of Treasury, was appointed president of the organizing committee of the 1960 Summer Olympics to be held in Rome.
In the early 1960s Andreotti was Minister of Defence, and was widely considered the de facto leader of the right-wing Christian Democratic opposition to Fanfani and Moro's strategy. In this period the revelation that dossiers on virtually every public figure in the country had been compiled by the secret service resulted in the SIFAR affair. Andreotti ordered the destruction of the dossiers; but before the destruction Andreotti provided the documents to Licio Gelli, the Venerable Master of the clandestine lodge Propaganda Due (P2).
Andreotti was also involved in the Piano Solo scandal, an envisaged plot for an Italian coup in 1964 requested by then-President of the Italian Republic Antonio Segni. It was prepared by the commander of the Carabinieri, Giovanni de Lorenzo, in the beginning of 1964 in close collaboration with the Italian secret service (SIFAR), CIA secret warfare expert Vernon Walters, William Harvey, then-chief of the CIA station in Rome, and Renzo Rocca, director of the Gladio units within the military secret service SID.
In 1968, Andreotti was appointed leader of the parliamentary group of the Christian Democracy, a position he held until 1972.
First term as Prime Minister
In 1972, with Andreotti's first term as Prime Minister began a period when he was often seen as the éminence grise of governments even when not actually premier. He remained in office in two consecutive centre-right cabinets in 1972 and in 1973. His first cabinet failed in obtaining the confidence vote and he was forced to resign after only 9 days; this government has been the one with the shortest period of fullness of powers in the history of the Italian Republic.
A snap election was called for May 1972, and Christian Democracy, led by Andreotti's ally Arnaldo Forlani, remained stable with around 38% of the votes, as did the Communist Party, with the same 27% as in 1968. Andreotti, supported by secretary Forlani, tried to continue his centrist strategy, but his attempt only lasted a year. The cabinet fell due to the withdrawal of the external support of the Italian Republican Party on the matter of local television reform.
Andeotti's approach owed little to a belief that market mechanisms could be left to work without interference. He used price controls on essential food stuffs and various social reforms to reach an understanding with organised labour. A law of 11 August 1972 extended health insurance to citizens over the age of 65 in receipt of a social pension. A law of 30 June 1973 extended cost of living indexation to the social pension.
A devout Catholic, Andreotti was on close terms with six successive pontiffs. He gave the Vatican unsolicited advice on occasion, and was often heeded. He updated the relationship of Roman Catholicism to the Italian state in an accord he presented to parliament. It put the country on a more secular basis: abolishing Roman Catholicism as the state religion, making religious instruction in public schools optional, and having the Church accept Italy's divorce law, in 1971. Andreotti opposed legal divorce and abortion, but despite his party opposition, wasn't able to avoid the legalization of abortion in May 1978.
Andreotti with Richard Nixon and Frank Sinatra, 1973
Andreotti was a strong NATO supporter, in fact in 1973 he was invited to America by the U.S. President Richard Nixon.
However, in 1972 he paid an official visit to the Soviet Union, which was the first one by an Italian Prime Minister in more than a decade. During his premiership, Italy opened and developed diplomatic and economic relationships with Arab countries of the Mediterranean Basin, and supported business and trade between Italy and the Soviet Union.
Second term as Prime Minister
After his resignation, Andreotti served as Minister of Defence in the government of Mariano Rumor and as Minister of Budget in the cabinets of Aldo Moro. In 1976, the Italian Socialist Party left the centre-left government of Moro. The ensuing elections saw the growth of the Italian Communist Party (PCI), and the DC kept only a minimal advantage as the relative majority party in Italy, which was then suffering from an economic crisis and from terrorism. After the success of his party, the Communist secretary Enrico Berlinguer approached DC's left-leaning leaders, Moro and Fanfani, with a proposal to bring forward the so-called Historic Compromise, a political pact proposed by Moro which would see a government coalition between DC and PCI for the first time. Andreotti, known as a staunch anti-communist, was called in to lead the first experiment in that direction: his new cabinet, formed in July 1976, included only members of his own Christian Democratic party but had the indirect support of the communists.
Andreotti with G7 leaders at the 4th G7 summit in Bonn, 1978
Andreotti's third cabinet was called "the government of the "not-no confidence", because it was externally supported by all the political parties in the Parliament, except for the neo-fascist Italian Social Movement.
On 28 January 1977 the Italian Parliament approved the Land Use Law, which introduced severe constraints on construction, such as new criteria for land expropriations and new planning procedures. On 27 July 1978, the Fair Rent Law completed state control of rents with general rules for rent levels and terms of leases. A law of 16 February 1977 introduced ad hoc upgrading of cash benefits for the agricultural sector. In November 1977, pension linkage to the industrial wage was extended to all other pension schemes not administered by INPS. A law of 16 February 1977 extended family allowances to agricultural part-time workers. A law of 5 August 1978 introduced a ten-year housing plan, with the state making funds available to regions for public housing and subsidies for private housing. As premier, Andeotti's urging of fellow leaders in the European Community was influential in the creation of an EU Regional Development Fund, which the south of Italy was to greatly benefit from.
In 1977 Andreotti dealt with an economic crisis by criticising the luxury lifestyle of many Italians and pushing through tough austerity measures. This cabinet fell in January 1978. In March, the crisis was overcome by the intervention of Moro, who proposed a new cabinet, again formed only by DC politicians, but this time with positive confidence votes from the other parties, including the PCI. This cabinet was also chaired by Andreotti, and was formed on 16 March 1978.
Kidnapping of Aldo Moro
Main article: Kidnapping of Aldo Moro
Giulio Andreotti with Aldo Moro
On the morning of 16 March 1978, the day on which the new Andreotti cabinet was supposed to have undergone a confidence vote in Parliament, the car of Aldo Moro, then-president of the Christian Democracy, was assaulted by a group of Red Brigades (Italian: Brigate Rosse, or BR) terrorists in Via Fani in Rome. Firing automatic weapons, the terrorists killed Moro's bodyguards (two Carabinieri in Moro's car and three policemen in the following car) and kidnapped him.
During the kidnapping of Moro, Andreotti refused any negotiation with the terrorists. Moro, during his imprisonment, wrote a statement expressing very harsh judgements against Andreotti.
On 9 May 1978 Moro's body was found in the trunk of a Renault 4 in Via Caetani after 55 days of imprisonment, during which Moro was submitted to a political trial by the so-called "people's court" set up by the Brigate Rosse and the Italian government was asked for an exchange of prisoners.
After Moro's death, Andreotti continued as Prime Minister of the "National Solidarity" government with the support of the PCI. Laws approved during his tenure included the reform of the Italian National Health Service. However, when the PCI asked to participate more directly in the government, Andreotti refused, and the government was dissolved in June 1979. Due also to conflict with Bettino Craxi, secretary of the Italian Socialist Party (PSI), the other main party in Italy at the time, Andreotti did not hold any further government position until 1983.
Foreign Affairs Minister
In 1983, Andreotti became Minister of Foreign Affairs in the first Cabinet of Bettino Craxi, despite the long-lasting personal antagonism between the two men which had occurred earlier on; Craxi was the first Socialist to become Prime Minister of Italy since Unification.
Sigonella Crisis
Main article: Achille Lauro hijacking
Andreotti with the Socialist leader and Prime Minister Bettino Craxi
On 7 October 1985, four men representing the Palestine Liberation Front (PLF) hijacked the Italian MS Achille Lauro liner off the coast of Egypt, as she was sailing from Alexandria to Ashdod, Israel. The hijacking was organized by Muhammad Zaidan, leader of the PLF. One 69-year-old Jewish American man in a wheelchair, Leon Klinghoffer, was murdered by the hijackers and thrown overboard.
The Egyptian airliner carrying the hijackers was intercepted by F-14 Tomcats from the VF-74 "BeDevilers" and the VF-103 "Sluggers" of Carrier Air Wing 17, based on the aircraft carrier USS Saratoga, and directed to land at Naval Air Station Sigonella (a NATO air base in Sicily) under the orders of U.S. Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger; there, the hijackers were arrested by the Italian Carabinieri after a disagreement between American and Italian authorities. In fact, the Prime Minister Bettino Craxi claimed Italian territorial rights over the NATO base. Italian Air Force personnel and Carabinieri lined up facing the United States Navy SEALs which had arrived with two C-141s. Other Carabinieri were sent from Catania to reinforce the Italians. The US eventually allowed the hijackers to be taken into Italian custody, after receiving assurances that the hijackers would be tried for murder. The other passengers on the plane (including Zaidan) were allowed to continue on to their destination, despite protests by the United States. Egypt demanded an apology from the U.S. for forcing the airplane off course.
The escape of Muhammad Zaidan was the result of a deal made with Yassar Arafat.
Giulio Andreotti with Silvio Berlusconi in 1984
As Minister Andreotti encouraged diplomacy between the United States and the Soviet Union and improving Italian links with Arab countries. In this respect he followed a line similar to that of Craxi, with whom he had an otherwise troubled political relationship. The Italian authorities had banned the Lion of the Desert war film about the Second Italo-Senussi War during the Italian colonization of Libya, because, in the words of Andreotti, it was "damaging to the honor of the army".
On 14 April 1986, Andreotti revealed to Libyan Foreign Minister Abdel Rahman Shalgham that the United States would bomb Libya the next day in retaliation for the Berlin disco terrorist attack which had been linked to Libya. As a result of the warning from Italy – a supposed ally of the US – Libya was better prepared for the bombing. Nevertheless, on the following day Libya fired two Scuds at the Italian island of Lampedusa in retaliation. However, the missiles passed over the island, landing in the sea, and caused no damage. As Craxi's relationship with the then-National Secretary of the DC, Ciriaco De Mita, was even worse, Andreotti was instrumental in the creation of the so-called "CAF triangle" (from the initials of the surnames of Craxi, Andreotti and another DC leader, Arnaldo Forlani) opposing De Mita's power.
After Craxi's resignation in 1987, Andreotti remained Minister of Foreign Affairs also in the governments of Fanfani and De Mita. In 1989, when De Mita's government fell, Andreotti was appointed as new Prime Minister
Third term as Prime Minister
Portrait of Andreotti in the late 1970s
On 22 July 1989, Andreotti was sworn in for the third time as Prime Minister. His government was characterized by a turbulent course: Andreotti decided to stay at the head of government, despite the abandonment of many social democratic ministers, after the approval of the norm on TV spots (favorable to private TV channels of Silvio Berlusconi). This choice did not prevent the resurgence of old suspicions and resentments with Bettino Craxi, whose Italian Socialist Party withdrew from their coalition government in 1991. Andreotti would create a new government consisting of Christian Democrats, Socialists, Social Democrats, and Liberals.
In 1990 Andreotti revealed the existence of the Operation Gladio; Gladio was the codename for a clandestine North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) "stay-behind" operation in Italy during the Cold War. Its purpose was to prepare for, and implement, armed resistance in the event of a Warsaw Pact invasion and conquest. Although Gladio specifically refers to the Italian branch of the NATO stay-behind organizations, "Operation Gladio" is used as an informal name for all of them.
During his premiership Andreotti clashed many times with President of the Republic Francesco Cossiga.
European Union negotiations
In 1990 Andreotti was involved in getting all parties to agree to a binding timetable for the Maastricht Treaty. The deep Economic and Monetary Union of the European Union favoured by Italy was opposed by Britain's Margaret Thatcher, who wanted a system of competition between currencies. Germany had doubts about committing to the project without requiring economic reforms from Italy, which was seen as having various imbalances. As President of the European Council, Andreotti co-opted Germany by making admittance to the single market automatic once the criteria had been met, and committing to a rigorous overhaul of Italian public finances. Critics later questioned Andreotti's understanding of the obligation, or whether he had ever intended to fulfill it.
Resignation and decline
In 1992, at the end of the legislature, Andreotti resigned from premiership; he was the last Christian Democratic Prime Minister of Italy. The previous year, Cossiga had appointed him Senator for Life. Andreotti was one of the most likely candidates to succeed Cossiga as President of the Republic in the 1992 presidential election.
Andreotti and the members of his corrente had adopted a strategy of launching his candidature only after effectively quenching all the others. The strategy was thwarted by allegations against him; moreover, the election was influenced by the murder of the anti-mafia magistrate Giovanni Falcone in Palermo.
Later political life
Tangentopoli
Main article: Mani Pulite
In 1992 an investigation was started in Milan, dubbed Mani pulite. It uncovered endemic corruption practices at the highest levels, causing many spectacular (and sometimes controversial) arrests and resignations. After the dismaying result in the 1992 general election (29.7%) and two years of mounting scandals (which included several Mafia investigations which notably touched Andreotti), the Christian Democracy was disbanded in 1994. In the 1990s most of the politicians prosecuted during those investigations were acquitted, sometimes however on the basis of legal formalities or on the basis of statutory time limit rules.
After the Christian Democracy
The Christian Democracy suffered heavy defeats in the provincial and municipal elections, and polling suggested heavy losses in the election due in the spring of 1994. In hopes of changing the party's image, the DC's last secretary, Mino Martinazzoli, decided to change the name of the party to the Italian People's Party. Pier Ferdinando Casini, representing the centre-right faction of the party (previously led by Forlani), decided to launch a new party called Christian Democratic Centre and to form an alliance with Silvio Berlusconi's new party, Forza Italia. The left wing faction either joined the Democratic Party of the Left or stayed within the new Italian People's Party, while some right-wingers others joined National Alliance.
Andreotti in the late 2000s
Andreotti joined the Italian People's Party of Mino Martinazzoli. In 2001 after the creation of The Daisy, a centre-left alliance of parties, Andreotti abandoned the People's Party and joined the European Democracy, a minor Christian democratic political party in Italy, led by Sergio D'Antoni, former leader of the Italian Confederation of Workers' Trade Unions. Andreotti became immediately a prominent member of the party and was widely considered as the de facto leader of the movement.
In the 2001 general election the party scored 2.3% on a stand-alone list, winning only two seats in the Senate. In December 2002 it was merged with the Christian Democratic Centre and the United Christian Democrats to form the Union of Christian and Centre Democrats. Andreotti opposed this union and did not join the new party.
In 2006, Andreotti stood for the Presidency of the Italian Senate, obtaining 156 votes against the 165 of Franco Marini, former Labour Minister in the last Andreotti Cabinet. On 21 January 2008 he abstained from a vote in the Senate concerning Minister Massimo D'Alema's report on foreign politics. Together with the abstentions of another life senator, Sergio Pininfarina, and of two communist senators, this caused the government to lose the vote. Consequently, Prime Minister Romano Prodi resigned. On previous occasions, Andreotti had always supported Prodi's government with his vote.
During the 16th term of the Senate in 2008–13, he opted to join the parliamentary group Union of the Centre – Independents of Pier Ferdinando Casini.
Trial for Mafia association
Salvatore Lima
Andreotti came under suspicion because his relatively small faction within the Christian Democrats included Sicilian Salvatore Lima. In Sicily, Lima cooperated with a Palermo-based Mafia, which operated below the surface of public life by using control of large numbers of votes to enable mutually beneficial relationships with local politicians. Andreotti said, "But Lima never spoke to me about these things." By the 1980s the old low-profile Mafia was overthrown by the Corleonesi, an extremely violent faction led by fugitive Salvatore Riina. Whereas old Mafia bosses had been cautious about violence, Riina's targeting of anti-mafia officials proved ever more counter-productive. The 1982 murders of parliamentarian Pio La Torre and Carabinieri general Carlo Alberto Dalla Chiesa led to the Maxi Trial. Prosecutors, who could not be disciplined or removed except by their own self-government board, the CSM, were given increased powers. After the January 1992 upholding of the Maxi Trial verdicts as definitive convictions by the supreme court, Riina embarked on a renewed campaign which claimed the lives of the prosecuting magistrates, Giovanni Falcone and Paolo Borsellino, and their police guards. As Riina intended, the assassination of Falcone discredited Andreotti and prevented his becoming the president of Italy. It also led to prosecutors being seen as epitomising civic virtue. In January 1993 Riina was arrested in Palermo. In the aftermath of Riina's capture there were further Mafia bomb outrages that included terror attacks on art galleries and churches, which left ten members of the public dead, and led to weakening of rules on the evidence which prosecutors could use to bring charges.
Labelled by Italian media as the "trial of the century", legal action against Andreotti began on 27 March 1993 in the city of Palermo. The prosecution accused the former prime minister of "[making] available to the mafia association named Cosa Nostra for the defense of its interests and attainment of its criminal goals, the influence and power coming from his position as the leader of a political faction". Prosecutors said in return for electoral support of Lima and assassination of Andreotti's enemies, he had agreed to protect the Mafia, which had expected him to fix the Maxi Trial. Andreotti's defense was predicated on character attacks against the prosecution's key witnesses who were themselves involved with the mafia. This created a "his word against theirs" dynamic between a prominent politician and a handful of criminals. The defence said Andreotti had been a long-time politician of national stature, never beholden to Lima; and that far from providing protection, Andreotti had passed many tough anti-mafia laws when in government during the 80's. According to Andreotti's lawyers, the prosecution case was based on conjecture and inference, without any concrete proof of direct involvement by Andreotti. The defence also contended the prosecution relied on the word of mafia turncoats whose evidence had been contradictory. One such informer testified that Riina and Andreotti had met and exchanged a "kiss of honour". It emerged that the informer had received a US$300,000 'bonus' and committed a number of murders while in the witness protection programme. Andreotti dismissed the allegation against him as "lies and slander […] the kiss of Riina, mafia summits […] scenes out of a comic horror film".
Andreotti was eventually acquitted on 23 October 1999. However, together with the greater series of corruption cases of Mani pulite, Andreotti's trials marked the purging and renewal of Italy's political system.
Andreotti's absolution and statute of limitations
Andreotti was tried in Palermo for criminal association (until 28 September 1982) and mafia association (from 29 September 1982 onwards). While the first-degree sentence, issued on 23 October 1999, acquitted him because the fact did not exist (on the basis of article 530, paragraph 2, of the Penal Code), the appeal sentence, issued on 2 May 2003, distinguishing between the facts up to 1980 and those that followed, established that Andreotti had "committed" the "offence of participation in the criminal association" (Cosa Nostra), "concretely recognisable until the spring of 1980", an offence, however, "extinguished by statute of limitations". For facts subsequent to the spring of 1980 Andreotti was instead acquitted.
Both the prosecution and the defense appealed to the Court of Cassation, one against the acquittal, and the other to try to obtain an acquittal even on the facts until 1980, instead of a statute of limitations. However, on 15 October 2004 the Court of Cassation rejected both requests, confirming the statute of limitations for any offence until the spring of 1980 and acquittal for the rest. The grounds for the appeal judgment read (on page 211):
Therefore the appealed sentence [...] has recognized the participation in the associative crime not in the reductive terms of mere availability, but in the widest and juridically significant ones of a concrete collaboration», that quotes the opinion of the Court of Appeal, is immediately followed by another sentence of the Court of Cassation: «The reconstruction of single episodes and the evaluation of their consequences was made in accordance with comments and interpretations that can also be not shared and against which other ones can be relied on.
If the final judgment had arrived by 20 December 2002 (limitation period), it could have resulted in one of the following two alternative outcomes:
- Andreotti could have been convicted on the basis of article 416 of the Penal Code, i.e. the "simple" association, since the aggravated mafia-type association (416-bis of the Penal Code) was introduced in the Italian Penal Code only in 1982, thanks to the rapporteurs Virginio Rognoni (DC) and Pio La Torre. (PCI), or
- the defendant could have been acquitted in full with the confirmation of the judgment of first instance.
In 2010 the Court of Cassation ruled that Andreotti had slandered a judge who had given testimony, by saying the self-governing body of prosecutors and judges should remove him from his position. Andreotti had said that leaving the man as a judge was "like leaving a lighted fuse in the hand of a child".
Trial for murder
Carmine Pecorelli's dead body in his Citroën CX, in 1979
Contemporaneously with his trial for Mafia association, Andreotti was tried in Perugia with Sicilian Mafia boss Gaetano Badalamenti, Massimo Carminati, and others on charges of complicity in the murder of journalist Mino Pecorelli. The case was circumstantial and based on the word of Mafia turncoat Tommaso Buscetta, who had not originally mentioned the allegation about Andreotti when interviewed by Giovanni Falcone and had recanted it by the time of the trial.
Mino Pecorelli was killed in Rome's Prati district with four gunshots, on 20 March 1979. The bullets used to kill him were Gevelot brand, a peculiarly rare type of bullets not easily found on gun markets, legal and clandestine alike. The same kind of bullets were later found in the Banda della Magliana's weapon stock, concealed in the Health Ministry's basement. Investigations targeted Massimo Carminati, member of the far-right organization Nuclei Armati Rivoluzionari (NAR) and of the Banda della Magliana, the head of Propaganda Due, Licio Gelli, Antonio Viezzer, Cristiano Fioravanti and Valerio Fioravanti.
On 6 April 1993, Mafia turncoat Tommaso Buscetta told Palermo prosecutors that he had learnt from his boss Gaetano Badalamenti that Pecorelli's murder had been carried out in the interest of Andreotti. The Salvo cousins, two powerful Sicilian politicians with deep ties to local Mafia families, were also involved in the murder. Buscetta testified that Gaetano Badalamenti told him that the murder had been commissioned by the Salvo cousins as a favor to Andreotti. Andreotti was allegedly afraid that Pecorelli was about to publish information that could have destroyed his political career. Among the information was the complete memorial of Aldo Moro, which would be published only in 1990 and which Pecorelli had shown to General Carlo Alberto Dalla Chiesa before his death. Dalla Chiesa was also assassinated by Mafia in September 1982.
Andreotti was acquitted along with his co-defendants in 1999. Local prosecutors successfully appealed the acquittal and there was a retrial, which in 2002 convicted Andreotti and sentenced him to 24 years imprisonment. Italians of all political allegiances denounced the conviction. Many failed to understand how the court could convict Andreotti of orchestrating the killing, yet acquit his co-accused, who supposedly had carried out his orders by setting up and committing the murder. The Italian supreme court definitively acquitted Andreotti of the murder in 2003.
On 16 April 1945, Andreotti married Livia Danese (1 June 1921 – 29 July 2015) and had two sons and two daughters, Lamberto (born 6 July 1950), Marilena, Stefano and Serena.
Death and legacy
Andreotti said the opinion of others was of little consequence to him, and "In any case, a few years from now, no one will remember me." He died in Rome on 6 May 2013 after suffering from respiratory problems, at the age of 94. The BBC described him as "one of the most prominent political figures of post-war Italy". The New York Times noted he had "a résumé of signal accomplishments and checkered failings that reads like a history of the republic". The Mayor of Rome, Gianni Alemanno, announced the death, stating that Andreotti was "the most representative politician" Italy had known in its recent history.
Andreotti was accused of participation in a variety of plots. He was alleged to be the éminence grise behind the Propaganda Due Masonic Lodge, a secret association of politicians, civil servants, industrialists, military leaders, heads of the secret service, and prominent journalists conspiring to prevent the Italian Communist Party taking office. This theory posited control of elements ranging from the neo-fascist Valerio Fioravanti to Rome gangsters the Banda della Magliana and to Operation Gladio, a clandestine NATO organisation that was intended to fight a Soviet conquest of Europe through an armed resistance movement.
Andreotti was also accused of having a hand in the death of Aldo Moro and terrorist massacres in a strategy of tension aimed at precipitating a coup, as well as banking scandals and various high-profile assassinations.
Related perceptions of Andreotti
Cover of the Italian weekly Panorama featuring Andreotti
Fictional characters have been influenced by his image as a Machiavellian. A rejoinder that Andreotti made in reply to an inquiry if being in power was wearing him out, "Power wears out those who don't have it", was put into the mouth of the character of a powerful Mafia-linked politician in the film The Godfather Part III. He was nicknamed Belzebù (Beelzebub) or "The Devil himself" by Bettino Craxi, a political opponent who later fled Italy while sought on corruption charges. Other disparaging nicknames included "The Black Pope" and "The Hunchback" (he had a malformed spine). Although relatively tall for an Italian of his generation, cartoonists sometimes portrayed Andreotti as a hunchback dwarf lurking in the background.
A joke about Andreotti (originally seen in a strip by Stefano Disegni and Massimo Caviglia) had him receiving a phone call from a fellow party member, who pleaded with him to attend judge Giovanni Falcone's funeral. His friend supposedly begged, "The State must give an answer to the Mafia, and you are one of the top authorities in it!" To which a puzzled Andreotti asked, "Which one do you mean?"
In 2008 Andreotti became the subject of Paolo Sorrentino's film Il Divo, which portrayed him as a glib, unsympathetic figure, in whose orbit people tended to meet untimely and unnatural deaths. He reportedly lost his temper when he first saw the film, but later joked, "I'm happy for the producer. And I'd be even happier if I had a share of the takings."
Andreotti was depicted in the 2020 film Rose Island, which tells the story of the Republic of Rose Island, played by Marco Sincini.
Electoral history
Constituent Assembly Rome–Viterbo–Latina–Frosinone DC 25,261 Y Elected
Chamber of Deputies Rome–Viterbo–Latina–Frosinone DC 169,476 Y Elected
Prime ministers of Italy
Kingdom of Italy
Rattazzi
Minghetti
La Marmora
Depretis
Cairoli
Starabba
Giolitti
Pelloux
Zanardelli
Tittoni
Luzzatti
Salandra
Boselli
Nitti
Facta
Badoglio
Parri
De Gasperi
Fanfani
Scelba
Tambroni
Forlani
Spadolini
Craxi
Goria
De Mita
Prodi
D'Alema
Gentiloni
Italian Ministers of Foreign Affairs
Visconti-Venosta
Melegari
Robilant
Starabba di Rudinì
Caetani
Canevaro
Prinetti
Paternò Castello
Guicciardini
Scialoja
Sforza
Tommasi della Torretta
Schanzer
Guariglia
Nenni
Saragat
Malfatti
Ruffini
De Michelis
Andreatta
Frattini
Terzi di Sant'Agata
Mogherini
Moavero Milanesi
Di Maio
Italian Ministers of the Interior
Natoli
Cadorna
Cantelli
Ferraris
Nicotera
Federzoni
Fornaciari
Aldisio
Romita
Spataro
Taviani
Restivo
Rognoni
Scalfaro
Mancino
Maroni
Jervolino
Scajola
Pisanu
Cancellieri
Minniti
Lamorgese
Andreotti I Cabinet (February–June 1972)
Caiati
Sullo
Gonella
Misasi
Aggradi
Valsecchi
Cassiani
Piccoli/Andreotti (interim)
Donat-Cattin
Scaglia
Andreotti II Cabinet (1972–73)
Malagodi
Tanassi
Gullotti
Bozzi
Matteotti
Ferrari Aggradi
Badini Confalonieri
Rumor V Cabinet (March–November 1974)
Pieraccini
Zagari
Lauricella
Bisaglia
Togni
Bertoldi
Andreotti III Cabinet (1976–78)
Morlino
Pandolfi
Stammati
Vito Lattanzio/Ruffini
Marcora
Ruffini/Lattanzio
Dal Falco
Ossola
Colombo (interim)
Pedini
Antoniozzi
Andreotti IV Cabinet (1978–79)
Cossiga/Andreotti (interim)/Rognoni
Donat-Cattin/Prodi
Pastorino
Andreotti V Cabinet (March–August 1979)
Di Giesi
La Malfa/Visentini
Compagna
Preti (interim)
Craxi I Cabinet (1983–86)
Romita/Vizzini
Granelli
Forte/Fortuna
Scotti/Zamberletti
Biondi/Valerio Zanone
De Vito
Mammì
Martinazzoli
Longo/Craxi/Romita
Visentini
Falcucci
Capria
Darida
Lagorio
Craxi II Cabinet (1986–87)
Zamberletti
Fanfani VI Cabinet (1987)
Guarino
Sarcinelli
Gorrieri
Goria Cabinet (1987–88)
Iervolino
La Pergola
Ruberti
Santuz
Tognoli
Mattarella
Galloni
De Rose
Mannino
Prandini
Ruffolo
De Mita Cabinet (1988–89)
Maccanico
Vito Lattanzio
Cirino Pomicino
Fracanzani
Bono Parrino
Andreotti VI Cabinet (1989–91)
Marongiu
Sterpa
Saccomandi
Facchiano
Andreotti VII Cabinet (1991–92)
Boniver
Bodrato
Presidents of the European Council
President-in-Office
Den Uyl
Tindemans
Giscard d'Estaing
Haughey
Van Agt
Papandreou
Santer
Lubbers
Nyrup Rasmussen
Dehaene
Lipponen
Persson
Verhofstadt
Aznar
Fogh Rasmussen
Simitis
Balkenende
Vanhanen
Janša
Topolánek
Reinfeldt
Permanent President
Van Rompuy
Recipients of the Bancarella Prize
1953 Ernest Hemingway
1954 Giovannino Guareschi
1955 Hervé Le Boterf
1956 Han Suyin
1957 Werner Keller
1958 Boris Pasternak
1959 Heinrich Gerlach
1960 Bonaventura Tecchi
1961 André Schwarz-Bart
1962 Cornelius Ryan
1963 Paolo Caccia Dominioni
1964 Giulio Bedeschi
1965 Luigi Preti
1966 Vincenzo Pappalettera
1967 Indro Montanelli
1968 Isaac Bashevis Singer
1969 Peter Colosimo
1970 Oriana Fallaci
1971 Enzo Biagi
1972 Alberto Bevilacqua
1973 Roberto Gervaso
1974 Giuseppe Berto
1975 Susanna Agnelli
1976 Carlo Cassola
1977 Giorgio Saviane
1978 Alex Haley
1979 Massimo Grillandi
1980 Maurice Denuzière
1981 Sergio Zavoli
1982 Gary Jennings
1983 Renato Barneschi
1984 Luciano De Crescenzo
1985 Giulio Andreotti
1986 Pasquale Festa Campanile
1988 Cesare Marchi
1989 Umberto Eco
1990 Vittorio Sgarbi
1991 Antonio Spinosa
1993 Carmen Covito
1994 John Grisham
1995 Jostein Gaarder
1996 Stefano Zecchi
1997 Giampaolo Pansa
1998 Paco Ignacio Taibo
1999 Ken Follett
2000 Michael Connelly
2001 Andrea Camilleri
2002 Federico Audisio
2003 Alessandra Appiano
2004 Bruno Vespa
2005 Gianrico Carofiglio
2006 Andrea Vitali
2007 Frank Schätzing
2008 Valerio Massimo Manfredi
2009 Donato Carrisi
2010 Elizabeth Strout
2011 Mauro Corona
2012 Marcello Simoni
2013 Anna Premoli
2014 Michela Marzano
2015 Sara Rattaro
2016 Margherita Oggero
2017 Matteo Strukul
2018 Dolores Redondo
2019 Alessia Gazzola
Politicians from Rome
Christian Democracy (Italy) politicians
Italian People's Party (1994) politicians
European Democracy politicians
Union of the Centre (2002) politicians
Finance ministers of Italy
Foreign ministers of Italy
Italian Ministers of Defence
Members of the Consulta Nazionale
Members of the Constituent Assembly of Italy
Deputies of Legislature I of Italy
Deputies of Legislature II of Italy
Deputies of Legislature III of Italy
Deputies of Legislature IV of Italy
Deputies of Legislature V of Italy
Deputies of Legislature VI of Italy
Deputies of Legislature VII of Italy
Deputies of Legislature VIII of Italy
Deputies of Legislature IX of Italy
Deputies of Legislature X of Italy
Italian life senators
Italian anti-communists
Presidents of the Organising Committees for the Olympic Games
Sapienza University of Rome alumni
Bancarella Prize winners
Grand Crosses 1st class of the Order of Merit of the Federal Republic of Germany
Knights of Malta
Knights of the Holy Sepulchre
People acquitted of murder
People convicted of murder by Italy
Overturned convictions in Italy
Italian Roman Catholics