Posada was arrested shortly thereafter, but he was not charged under any anti-terror statutes or treaties. Instead, he was charged with lying : specifically, lying to immigration about whether he had arrived in the US by boat or by bus and lying about his past involvement in Havana bombings, all charges that carry relatively light sentences . Any questions of charges under the various national and international statutes against terrorism were off the table.
To understand the reasons behind this unique new approach to prosecuting the war on terror, it is necessary only to understand that for decades Posada was America's terrorist. As it turns out, that makes all the difference in the world.
Outrage in Havana. Welcome in Miami. Diffidence in Washington. The polarized reactions occasioned by Posada's return to the US provide an unusually clear example of what's meant in practice by the saying 'one man's freedom fighter is another man's terrorist'  Posada himself has displayed little inhibition in the past to relate his exploits to the media and appears adamant in the belief that his mission is to help free Cuba and/or fight Communism in the region. As for his methods, he claims he's not losing any sleep  over their bloody toll in Havana, at least — an ability we might chalk up to extensive practice.
Young Luis lived through and was shaped by the turmoil and civic unrest of the latter years of the US-backed Batista regime. He studied medicine and chemistry at Havana University, meeting Castro during the student uprisings, violence, and protests of the era . However, he opposed the Cuban Revolution and was active in speaking out against the new regime, convictions which landed him in prison. Upon his release, he fled to Mexico and then to Miami where he was recruited by the CIA  for the ill-starred Bay of Pigs invasion, though his squadron within Brigade 2506 never saw action.
The alumnus of this school counts among its members a significantly higher number of military dictators and secret police than your average collegiate. The SOA Watch online database of program graduates lists some 395 alumni of particular notoriety for their reign as military or intelligence officers once they returned to their home country, including thoseworking with cocaine traffickers , those involved in church burnings targetting activist preachers , the organization of death squads , the assassination of Archbishop Oscar Romero , and other similar breaches of human rights.
The remarkable career of Luis Posada Carriles and other graduates of the SOA (since renamed but still very much in operation and teaching "the identical courses" ) should not come as any great surprise to students of Latin American history, as even a cursory perusal of the public record reveals a comprehensive, decades-long involvement in the area by American intelligence, special forces, and their proxies. Yet time and again, public debate on the issue (on the rare occasions it receives exposure in the mainstream media) fails to question the ongoing policy of shipping US military resources and expertise to the area, instead focussing on issues narrow enough in scope as to exclude any discussion of the wider context.
Such as the distraction of Posada's 'immigration fraud' charges. Such as the Army's contention that SOA Watch "claims a false cause-and-effect relationship between training at [SOA] and the criminal acts of a few who have attended the school's programs in the distant past." Such as one oft-cited attack on the founder of the SOA Watch (Catholic priest Roy Bourgeois), the allegation by Paul Mulshine of the New Jersy Star-Ledger that he "had once gone on patrol with the Salvadoran guerillas" . Looking into the available facts on the matter, it becomes apparent instead that the priest's goal was to travel the countryside, speak with the poor, and investigate who may have been responsible for the assassination of Archbishop Romero and a number of catholic nuns of his order, as reported in Time magazine and a 1999 interview with the priest  .
Some irony may be detected in the way Bourgeois' trip to interview dispossessed natives was ginned-up into a 'guerilla patrol', given that the embedding of US agents within guerilla groups is a fairly standard military practice in the area. The study of these and similar tactics, a field known as 'Low Intensity Conflict', has produced a body of military scholarship on counterinsurgency documenting the use of tactics as diverse as the direct creation of armed insurgent (or counter-insurgent) militias, the use of embedded special forces operatives asagents provocateur, the administrative suspensions of civil rights in occupied regions, and 'psuedo-operations', the use of violence and fear undertaken while masquerading as the enemy.
For current students of Low Intensity Conflict in this past century, there's the writings of General Sir Frank Kitson, a British military man that held the title Commander in Chief of UK Land Forces from 1982-85. During the 1950s, he was assigned to serve in the suppression of the Kenyan and Malayan uprisings during the postwar collapse of Britain's colonial empire, and he committed his experiences to print in a number of volumes. Low Intensity Operations: Subversion, Insurgency and Peacekeeping, published in 1971, came to print around the time he was actively applying the same concepts in Northern Ireland, setting up a covert British Army unit  subsequently accused of drive-by shootings and assassinations .
Kitson outlined a theory of the 3 stages of insurgency and subversion  in which, chillingly, any criticism of the state is seen as falling along a continuum of insurgency. This 'slippery slope' model encompasses a preparatory period in which the subversives communicate their ideas to the population, the non-violent phase in which the use of protest, pickets, strikes and boycotts by critics are presented as the dangerous precursor to violence — and the use of police force becomes an operational decision to put down protest. Finally the insurgency erupts, and militants stream into the streets, engaging in armed conflict with government forces.
Just such a theory of 'subversion', where protest is seen as leading inevitably to violence appears to have become entrenched in law-enforcement practice. In 2009, the American Civil Liberties Union discovered that US Department of Defence anti-terrorism training course material identified protest as a form of 'low level terrorism' . The recent experience of the Toronto G20, in which large crowds of protestors and passerby were held captive for long periods of time in defiance of Canadian civil charter rights suggest that this attitude is operational in Canada as well. When questioned about the roundup of innocents outside the Novotel building on June 26, 2010, Toronto Police Chief Bill Blair stated that "I know a lot of people who did not come to commit crimes but were facilitating the potential of that breach of the peace … by providing cover in a crowd" (emphasis added), thus justifying the suspension of civil rights in the city .
Cline also writes that the "potential political impact" of direct psuedo-operations unfortunately makes it "all too easy for government opponents to brand the teams conducting these missions as 'death squads' beyond the reach of the law."  His apprehension is well-founded.The first case described in his paper, the paramilitary response to the 1946-1955 Huk Insurrection in the Philippines, crops up continuously in the literature for its early innovations in the field like the deployment of small hunter-killer teams. In his book Instruments of Statecraft: U.S. Guerilla Warfare, Counterinsurgency, and Counterterrorism, 1940-1990 Michael McClintock quotes a top army officer describing the style of the Nenita or 'skull squadron', named for their use of the skull and crossbone flag "The special tactic of these squadrons was to cordon off areas; anyone they caught inside the cordon was considered an enemy…. When I was stationed in the Candaba area [in Pampanga], almost daily you could find bodies floating in the river, many of them victims of Valeriano's Nenita Unit."  His source for the quote is a book co-authored by the same Major Napoleon Valeriano.
Valeriano was instrumental in the training of Cuban exiles   for the Bay of Pigs invasion, and so in tracing the thread of Major Valeriano's career we may observe an unbroken decades-long succession of covert involvement in foreign LIC operations from Indonesia to the operations of Luis Carriles Posada in Latin America and beyond, and it is to Posada's trial in El Paso that we now return.


METWAVE is an industrial microwave that sterilizes, dries, processes, and cooks organic and inorganic materials such as dried fruits and nuts. A well-designed invention based on METWAVE's patent-pending small microwave generators allows us to reduce the cost of METWAVE. Our product is an indispensable alternative for producers who want to reduce or eliminate hazardous toxins such as Aflatoxin or Orotoxin. Thanks to microwave technology, products passing through the system are heated from the inside out. When METWAVE is used for heating, drying or cooking, it is helpful to dry the grease at relatively low temperatures by comparing conventional methods. METWAVE's modular design meets all your capacity needs depending on the product. With METWAVE Hybrid, we are increasing the efficiency and capacity by combining sustainable energy sources (such as Solar and Geothermal) into microwave energy.


Sand Art is a popular and colorful craft item for rent. Clowning Around & Celebration Authority provides a variety of brightly colored sand, plastic bottles, scoops and funnels for layering the sand into the bottles. Tops will be placed on each bottle to provide an attractive keepsake. Staff accompanies to assist the youngsters.


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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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Bernard Lepeu, né le  à Paris et mort le , est un homme politique français.

Biographie

Entré à l'Assemblée en 1962, l'industriel Bernard Lepeu est battu de justesse lors des élections de 1968 par le candidat centriste, le général Paul Stehlin, faisant de cette circonscription la seule de France dans laquelle un député de la majorité est remplacé par un opposant au gaullisme. Son suppléant, Didier Delfour, devient conseiller de Paris de 1965 à 1971.

Notes et références

Liens externes

Député de Paris
Député de la Seine
Député de la IIe législature de la Ve République
Député de la IIIe législature de la Ve République
Personnalité de l'Union pour la nouvelle République
Personnalité de l'Union des démocrates pour la République
Naissance en mars 1910
Naissance dans le 8e arrondissement de Paris
Décès en mars 1976
Décès dans le 15e arrondissement de Paris
Décès à 66 ans

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
Spotlight-G
The challenging local mountain Schöckl.
Every G-Class has to conquer the Schöckl: Mercedes-Benz uses the local mountain in Graz, Austria, as a test track. It is considered one of the greatest challenges for man and technology worldwide.
Strong DNA, exclusive news, thrilling stories & exciting events – always in the spotlight: the G-Class.
Spotlight G
Interview with Robert Lesnik.
Mercedes-Benz designer Robert Lesnik talks about the challenges of designing the all-electric Concept EQG.
The G-Class of the DLRG Dinslaken: 30 years of water rescue.
For a whole 30 years, the Mercedes-Benz G-Class has provided indispensable help in disaster control for the Rhine rescue station in Voerde.
The iconic elements of the G-Class.
Since its premiere in 1979, numerous iconic elements have characterised the appearance of the G-Class. We reveal their backgrounds and special features.
A look into the future of the G-Class.
"Stronger than Time" – the motto introducing this G-Class generation is truer than ever. Here a look at highlights to come over the next two years.
10.000 kilometres with the G-Class.
We accompanied Igor on his iconic adventure and reveal the countries he crossed, the challenges he overcame and how he equipped his G-Class for such a long journey.
Playlists: The sounds of the G-Class.
For many people, the G-Class is a way to express their character – just like music. We have created four Spotify playlists to make your ride even more special!
Q&A with Instructor Christian.
Anyone who spends a day at the G-Class Experience Center will meet them: the instructors. Christian is one of them and gives us a behind the scenes look at being an instructor.


A corporate merger between two UK construction businesses mainly engaged in the fit-out sector would not normally grab my attention. However, the pre-Christmas announcement that Styles & Wood is to be combined with interiors firm Southerns Group means a change of ownership for Styles & Wood's information technology subsidiary, Nottingham-based iSite.
Central Square Holdings Ltd (CSHL) is owned by Steve Parkin, chairman and founder of delivery business Clipper Logistics, which counts some of the country's biggest retailers among its clients. Clipper floated in 2014 and Parkin used some of the proceeds to buy into interiors firm Southerns Group in 2016. The plan is to combine this with Styles & Wood (more background – TCI article).
iSite has been a smaller player in the UK construction collaboration market, supporting many Styles & Wood customers by offering supporting information management services. As a result, its customers have tended to be industry clients with retail and office portfolios to maintain – a service iSite provided via its Portal solution. In 2012, iSite launched a cloud-based facilities management solution branded as "The Hub", building on relationships with, among others, Nationwide Building Society and retailers Tesco, the Co-op and Morrison's (until the late 2000s, iSite was known as StoreData, hinting at its retail connections).
Until a change in its reporting practices, Styles & Wood used to publicly report iSite's contribution to group turnover and profits; in 2014, for example, it generated revenues of £1.84m (profit: £192k) – then its most successful year, and it looked to be on target to beat that the following year (see September 2015 post).
As well as the Portal and Hub solutions, it also provides a mobile solution branded as iSite Go.
Central Square has indicated that it "has no intention of changing Styles & Wood's strategic plans, the location of Styles & Wood's operations or redeploying Styles & Wood's fixed assets or effecting a material change to the operations of the business or any conditions of employment of Styles & Wood employees".
This may mean that iSite continues to support its Styles & Wood's business activities, though its ownership by a contracting business may deter some customers in that sector from dealing with iSite. Most of the successful collaboration technology businesses have been independent of such interests (if it was seen as a non-core business, I think a disposal or a management buy-out might make its services more attractive to contracting customers).