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Citizens from many countries are attracted to Spain and UK citizens make no exception. The relocation options, among which business and employment-related ones, along with the sunny weather, compared to that of the UK are some of the most important attraction points for those who decide to move to Spain.
If you are a UK citizen and are considering the idea of immigration to Spain, you should know that there are several formalities you need to comply with. Below, our lawyers present the main options for those who want to immigrate to Spain from the UK. You can rely on us if you want to apply for a residence permit in Spain.
Visa requirements for UK nationals
Special requirements after Brexit
Employment and residence permits must be obtained by those who do not have Spanish residence permits or EU Blue Cards
Relocation options
Temporary residence permits for students, employees, businesspersons, golden visa, wealth visa,
non-lucrative visa
Temporary residence options Temporary work permit, non-lucrative visa
Permanent residence requirements Living in Spain based on temporary residence permits, family reunification
Access to investor/citizenship by investment visa
Timeframe for obtaining a residence permit (approx.)
Family reunification visa availability (YES/NO) YES
Investment visa requirements Investment value ranges between EUR 500,000 and EUR 2 million
(real estate, financial assets, bank deposits)
Permanent residence timeframe 5 years of uninterrupted stay
Citizenship requirements 10 years through naturalization
Possibility to acquire real estate (YES/NO) YES, through the Golden Visa, the minimum purchase value is EUR 500,000
Spain-UK double tax treaty (YES/NO) YES
Immigration services (YES/NO) YES, support in applying for temporary, permanent residendce, citizenship
Post-immigration support (YES/NO) YES, document renewal services, support in registering with the local authorities
No visa requirements for those who immigrate to Spain from the UK
Conditions for moving to Spain from the UK
UK citizens relocating to Spain after Brexit
Types of visas under which British nationals can immigrate to Spain
Immigration based on employment to Spain
Student visas for British citizens for Spain
How to relocate to Spain from UK based on family reunification
Entrepreneurship as a way to migrate to Spain
The Spain Golden Visa program
Registration with the Central Register of Foreign Nationals
Obtaining a NIE number in Spain
Statistics on British citizens in Spain
The UK has left the European Union which has created some uncertainties for those who are in the process of moving to Spain from the UK. However, there are a few aspects to clarify and the first one is that British citizens who already live in Spain do not have to apply for any visa. This is also the case of those who will immigrate to Spain from the UK by the end of December 2020 thanks to the Withdrawal Agreement.
Our immigration lawyers in Spain can offer detailed information on the procedures to follow for those who plan to move here by the end of 2020. However, the Spanish citizenship requirements have not changed.
The procedure of immigrating to Spain from the UK is also presented in the infographic below:
The conditions under which a UK citizen can emigrate to Spain are the following:
he or she has an employment offer or is self-employed and has arrangements in this sense in Spain;
he or she has a business or plans to set up a business in Spain, thus being eligible for residency;
he or she is a student and is enrolled with a Spanish educational institution;
he or she has other family members living in Spain and is moving with them;
he or she is a retired person and has the financial means of supporting him/herself and health insurance.
It is important to note that there is no requirement for applying for a residence permit if you plan to relocate to Spain from the UK under any of the circumstances above. However, you will need to complete other requirements, just like in the case of EU citizens.
If you plan on emigrating and applying for aresidence permit in Spain, our lawyers are at your disposal with complete assistance in registering with the local authorities, as well as with other services, such as housing support.
British citizens who do not have residence permits or who did not get to start the immigration procedures before Brexit will need to relocate to Spain under the usual route that applies to non-EU citizens. This means that they will need to apply for the desired residence permit just like other citizens. However, the procedure is not complicated and can be completed with the help of our immigration lawyers in Spain.
With respect to the employment visa, it should be noted that after Brexit, a new requirement was introduced for UK citizens immigrating to Spain. The condition is for the foreign employee to have a minimum of 2,000 euros per month entering his/her bank account. Our lawyers can provide more information on this requirement, as well as on the Spain family reunion visa processing time.
After Brexit, citizens of the United Kingdom need to apply for the same visas applicable to other categories of immigrants from non-EU countries. The following are available for this purpose:
student visas who are available to UK students coming to complete their studies in Spain;
work visas for British nationals who want to relocate to Spain for employment purposes;
non-lucrative visas: for citizens in the UK who decide to retire to Spain;
family-reunification visas for those who have family members living in Spain and who can facilitate relocation here;
investment visas that are available for those who want to start their own companies in Spain.
Once the desired visa is selected, the applicant can contact our immigration law firm in Spain, provide the necessary details and start the relocation process.
One of the easiest ways of immigrating to Spain from UK is through employment. The main advantage of this pathway is that it is secure and can be completed quite fast.
Immigration based on employment implies obtaining a short-term or long-term residence permit for Spain, however, British citizens who have EU Blue Cards can also use those if they want to move here. There are also special categories of work permit for certain professionals and seasonal workers, such as au pair, however, these are issued for limited periods of time and prolonging them will imply additional procedures.
In order to obtain a work and residence permit for Spain, a British citizen must first obtain an employment offer and a contract from a Spanish company. Then, the immigration procedure can begin. However, the Spanish labor market is one of the most flexible in Europe and English-speaking employees are welcome, especially in companies that work with foreign business partners.
Important aspects to consider about immigration by employment is that each type of work visa comes with specific requirements. Among these, seasonal workers must also wait for approval from the Ministry of Labor before signing the contract and beginning the relocation process.
In the case of long-term employment permits, residence cards are issued automatically which is one of the most important benefits of this type of relocation from UK to Spain.
Relocating to Spain from UK based on a residence permit can take quite long, between 6 and 8 months, which is why applicants should not be concerned if they do not the answers they await in a few weeks. However, with the help of an immigration lawyer, updates can be received periodically, which is why it is recommended to use such services.
Spanish residency by employment can also lead to citizenship by naturalization should a British citizen be interested in it.
Spain is one of the sunniest European countries, in opposition to Great Britain, which is why it attracts many young British citizens who come to study here and decide to relocate for good. As a matter of fact, Spain is one of the favorite immigration places for UK citizens.
The student visa is one of the most sought types of visas for young persons who come from the UK. Once enrolled in a Spanish superior education facility, obtaining a student visa is quite simple. The passport alongside the acceptance letter and sufficient funds to support oneself are sufficient to obtain a student visa and move here.
Moving to Spain from UK based on a student visa is quite simple even after Brexit and our immigration lawyers can help those interested in this option. It should be noted that student visas are issued for different periods of time, the minimum duration of stay being 3 months. However, it is more advantageous to obtain such a visa for at least 180 days as it comes with a Type-D residence permit which also enables a foreign student to work in Spain based on 20 hours per week schedule.
Student visas are also available for those enrolled in various training sessions. Also, it is possible to bring family members in Spain based on a student visa with a validity of more than 3 months. However, the best way to migrate to Spain from UK is through family reunification in the case of those who have close relatives established here.
Just like other European countries, Spain allows foreign citizens, including British ones to bring family members here if they have lived here for at least one year. Also, the residence card holder must plan to stay here for at least one more year in order for other family members to follow them here.
British citizens can relocate to Spain based on family reunification if:
they have EU Blue Cards;
they have residence permits obtained in other EU states;
they come here for study or research purposes (even if they don't have EU residency).
With respect to the relatives who can immigrate to Spain from UK based on family reunification, the following are eligible:
the spouses or partners of a Spanish resident;
dependent children with ages of less or at least 18 as long as they are unmarried;
grandchildren;
dependent parents with ages above 65.
Once arrived in Spain, the British citizen must register with the local police office in the city he or she will reside.
Moving to Spain from UK based on family reunification is not complicated, nor does it imply meeting special requirements. If you are a British citizen already established here and want to bring family members into the country, you can obtain the support of our lawyers.
British citizens who want to have their own small businesses in Spain in order to ensure a stable income can choose the entrepreneurship path. For this they can opt to be become sole traders or self-employed persons.
Becoming a sole trader or setting up a sole proprietorship implies registration with the tax authorities once the British citizen arrives in Spain. However, an important requirement is for the person to earn at least 24,000 euros per year.
Another option is to register as a self-employed person which also implies registration for taxation for economic activities. For this, the passport and the NIE number are required. The UK citizen will need to register as an independent professional or as a sole trader after which he or she will obtain the personal tax certificate.
As a sole trader or self-employed individual, a foreign citizen must contact the social security authority and register under the Special Regime for Autonomous Workers in order to pay the necessary contributions.
There is also the option of setting up a company under the Commercial Law for those interested in completing other activities at an advanced level and who want to hire employees.
No matter the choice one makes, our immigration lawyers in Spain are at the service of British citizens who want to relocate as entrepreneurs. We can handle the preparation of the immigration papers, but can also offer advice on the steps that need to be completed in order to register with various authorities.
One of the programs that are on the lips of many non-EU citizens is the Golden Visa program under which for a significant amount of money pledged as investment, a foreigner can obtain permanent residence and citizenship in Spain. The program can now be accessed by UK citizens who fulfill one of the following requirements:
they can invest 500,000 in a property in Spain;
they can invest 1 million euros in a bank deposit;
they can invest 1 million euros in company shares;
they can invest 2 million euros in Treasury bonds.
There are also other options under which British highly qualified citizens can move to Spain under the Golden Visa by joining companies that need their expertise or by starting their own companies in fields that bring benefits to the community the projects address.
The wealth visa is another option for UK citizens interested in retiring to Spain. This is one of the most suitable options for those who want to have a stress-free life in one of Europe's most beautiful countries.
If you need guidance in making a decision on the type of visa suiting you the most, our immigration lawyers are at your service with information, examples, and details on the procedures you will go through for Spain immigration.
Do not hesitate to send us your inquiries in order to obtain the desired information.
Those who immigrate to Spain from the UK and who plan on staying there for more than 3 months must register with the Central Register of Foreign Nationals. They have who options in this case:
to register with the local office of the Register in the province the UK citizens live;
to register with the local police station in the city they live, if there is no office of the Register.
The main documents to be presented are the passport (which must have a validity of at least 6 months) and Form number EX18 which must be filed in two copies. Apart from these, other documents must be presented depending on the status of UK citizens moving here.
One of the following statutes can be used:
that of workers for which the employment contract or paychecks is required as proof;
that of self-employed persons for which proof of registration with the Economic Activities Registrar is required;
that of retired persons for which proof of public health coverage must be presented;
that of students for which various documents are required, among which the letter of enrollment with a university or other form of education.
For non-employed persons who immigrate to Spain from the UK, proof of financial funds to support themselves and family members and health insurance coverage must be submitted.
We can also assist those interested in immigration to Spain from the USA. We can also support them in applying for Spanish citizenship.
Another requirement for those who relocate to Spain from the UK is to obtain the NIE (national identification number) number. This will grant British citizens the possibility of buying properties in Spain. This will also allow them to register for taxation in Spain, thus being eligible for permanent residence and citizenship.
Our immigration lawyers in Spain can offer more information on how to move here from the UK and the formalities involved. We invite you to watch our video:
Foreign citizens who have plans of moving to Spain from the UK after Brexit and after the conditions of the Withdrawal Agreement end should know that the UK Government plans on concluding separate conventions with each country of the EU, Spain included.
With respect to the number of UK citizens living in Spain:
in 2019, there were 365,967 UK citizens officially registered in Spain;
compared to 2018, their number increased by 3% in 2019;
almost 50% of British immigrants live in the region of Alicante and Malaga;
in 2018 and 2019, the number of British citizens in Spain increased by 1 to 3%.
If you want to move to Spain from the UK, do not hesitate to contact our lawyers.
Do not hesitate to contact us if you are interested in Spanish citizenship. Long-term residency or investment are the main ways through which you can obtain it, however, for each there are particular requirements to comply with. Request the help of our immigration lawyers in Spain and enjoy living in one of Europe's most beautiful countries.
Tagsemigrate to spainimmigrate to spain from ukimmigration lawyers in spainimmigration to spain from ukmove to spain from the ukrelocate to spain from uk
By immigrate-spain.comOn September 20, 2022 January 10, 2023

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


In this book, award-winning author James K. A. Smith shows that who and what we worship fundamentally shape our hearts. And while we desire to shape culture, we are not often aware of how culture shapes us. We might not realize the ways our hearts are being taught to love rival gods instead of the One for whom we were made. Smith helps readers recognize the formative power of culture and the transformative possibilities of Christian practices. He explains that worship is the "imagination station" that incubates our loves and longings so that our cultural endeavors are indexed toward God and his kingdom. This is why the church and worshiping in a local community of believers should be the hub and heart of Christian formation and discipleship.
Following the publication of his influential work Desiring the Kingdom, Smith received numerous requests from pastors and leaders for a more accessible version of that book's content. No mere abridgment, this new book draws on years of Smith's popular presentations on the ideas in Desiring the Kingdom to offer a fresh, bottom-up rearticulation. The author creatively uses film, literature, and music illustrations to engage readers and includes new material on marriage, family, youth ministry, and faith and work. He also suggests individual and communal practices for shaping the Christian life.
James K. A. Smith (PhD, Villanova University) is professor of philosophy at Calvin College in Grand Rapids, Michigan, where he also holds the Gary and Henrietta Byker Chair in Applied Reformed Theology and Worldview. He is the editor of Comment magazine. Smith has authored or edited many books, including Imagining the Kingdom, Who's Afraid of Relativism?, and the Christianity Today Book Award winners Desiring the Kingdom (over 30,000 copies sold) and Who's Afraid of Postmodernism? He is also editor of the well-received The Church and Postmodern Culture series.


Armstrong Health services are offered at two clinics, conveniently located in Hamilton and Ancaster. Each location is designed to treat your specific need. Our primary location is in the Foot Knee Back Total Health Clinic in Ancaster.
However, if you are interested in the use of bio-identical hormones, please contact Monarch Laser and Wellness to book your appointments. Our Monarch Laser and Wellness location offer a naturopathic approach to treating menopause, which is a critical stage for all women.
For general inquiries, please fill out the contact form. Do not hesitate to contact us, either via phone or email, with any further inquiries. We look forward to hearing from you and treating your condition.


text:
New Social Compact
African Renaissance
Support MD
Modern Diplomacy
Bangladesh: The Rising Economic Power
Shariful Islam
The International Monetary Fund (IMF), in its October 2020 report, titled, World Economic Outlook: A Long and Difficult Ascent, notes that Bangladesh has overtaken India in terms of per capita GDP scoring US$ 1888. Notably, in 2015, just five years ago, India's per capita GDP was around 40 percent higher than Bangladesh. Kaushik Basu, a former World Bank cheif economist tweets that 'Any emerging economy doing well is good news'. The focused and visionary plans, actions, and the hard work of the Sheikh Hasina government and the people of the country made possible such success for Bangladesh. Though this write-up began comparing Bangladesh's economic success with India, certainly Bangladesh identifies India as a great friend rather than competitor, believes in constructive engagement with India and other major powers rather than embracing conflict or competition, and acknowledges the role of the major development partners in the overall socio-economic development of the country.
The impressive economic success of Bangladesh has become a matter of discussion in the Indian media and beyond. It is also seen that while many countries in the world including the developed ones are experiencing negative growth due to COVID-19 global pandemic, Bangladesh is experiencing positive growth that also becomes a matter of celebration for Bangladesh. In this context, it becomes crucial to investigate the rise/ emergence of Bangladesh as an economic power. In addition, only the negative news on Bangladesh becomes emphasized in the global media while overlooking the positive developments.
To understand the emergence of Bangladesh as an economic power, one needs to look at the past. The decades long oppression, suppression, injustice and severe discrimination against East Pakistan by West Pakistan made the people of the East Pakistan poor and illiterate. For instance, in a typical year of between 1960 and 1970, per capita annual income was Bangladeshi Taka 450 (US$ 5.30, based on 2020 value), nearly half of the population had a deficiency in calories intake, and the literacy rate was 17 percent only. Between 1949-50 and 1969-70, the per capita income of Bangladesh could increase at an annual rate of hardly 0.7 per cent. In fact, during the fifties, the per capita income of Bangladesh declined at an annual rate of 0.3 per cent. Per capita consumption of milk, fats, oil, fish and other protein items were extremely low in Bangladesh. In March 1972, P. C. Verma wrote in the Economic and Political Weekly that 'During the last 24 years, while Bangladesh was a part of Pakistan, its economy stagnated. The economic policy pursued by the central government of Pakistan kept it economically backward' (p.580). Development expenditure in Bangladesh was extremely low. It is also argued that the policies taken by the central government of Pakistan in the context of foreign aid, trade, interregional trade had severe adverse effects on Bangladesh.
Thus, the decades long severe discrimination against East Pakistan by West Pakistan economically, politically and structurally led to the independence movement in East Pakistan under the leadership of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Finally, after nine-months of War of Independence, Bangladesh emerged as an independent nation-state in 1971. The 1971 War exacerbated the situation. The United Nations estimated the reconstruction cost in/of Bangladesh at US$938 million. In such a scenario, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the father of the nation took the leadership to rebuild the country, and to make it a 'Shonar Bangla' (Golden Bengal). In fact, it was a daunting task. Even at this stage, many raised questions about the viability and stability of Bangladesh as nation-building in a new state was not an easy task. For instance, during his visit to Dhaka in 1974, Henry Kissinger termed Bangladesh as a 'bottomless basket'. Ambassador U. Alexis Johnson defined the newly born state, Bangladesh as 'international basket case'. However, Bangabandhu was able to overcome those predictions and speculations through his visionary leadership.
On October 4, 2019, the Prime Minister of Bangladesh, Sheikh Hasina wrote in the Print that "Beyond self-sufficiency, we are now the fourth-largest in rice production, second-largest in jute production, fourth-largest in mango production, fifth-largest in vegetable production and fourth-largest in inland fisheries in the world'. Since 2009, Bangladesh has been achieving more than 6 percent growth. The country graduated to a lower-middle-income nation in 2015 while in 2018; the country met the UN criteria for graduating from the 'least developed country' status by 2024. Bangladesh is one of the key players in the global textile industry. This is, in fact, tremendous achievements for Bangladesh. Behind such achievement, the visionary leadership of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina played a crucial role along with the hard work of the tens of thousands of farmers, factory workers, garments workers, and other classes of people in the country. Bangladesh has been awarded 'South-South Award' in 2013 to make remarkable progress in the poverty alleviation. If one looks at few forecasts, according to a study of UK-based firm PwC, Bangladesh will be 23rd largest world economy by 2050. In addition, the Goldman Sach forecasts Bangladesh as one of the countries in 'N11' after BRICS who will dominate the future world economy.
Bangladesh has the potential to become the economic hub in South Asia which requires regional and global economic cooperation. Under the leadership of Sheikh Hasina, Bangladesh is preparing 100 special economic zones for major investors which will create employment opportunities for millions along with increased economic growth that can contribute immensely to the overall socio-economic development of Bangladesh. To attract foreign direct investments, Bangladesh enacted One-Stop Service Act in 2018 to provide all the required services to investors from the same point. In addition, Bangladesh offers the most liberal and congenial investment regime in South Asia. Notably, the GDP of Bangladesh has grown from US$102 billion in 2009 to US$302 billion in 2019. One can also note that foreign direct investment has also increased from US$ 700 million in 2009 to US$ 3613 million in 2018. In 2018, Bangladesh was the second recipient of FDI in South Asia.
After coming in power in 2009, the Sheikh Hasina government set several targets for Bangladesh, i.e. to achieve the status of a middle-income country by 2021, accomplishing the SDG goals by 2030, becoming a developed country by 2041, becoming a miracle by 2071, and executing a delta plan by 2100. Thus, one can argue that under the visionary leadership of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, Bangladesh is moving forward with specific targets in mind. Many argue that Bangladesh can be a developed nation by 2041 if the current political stability in the country under Sheikh Hasina regime continues along with the supports from the major development partners. One of the major strengths for Bangladesh is that among 170 million people more than 60 per cent are energetic and dynamic youths who can contribute immensely to the overall development of the country. The world needs to know that Bangladesh is no more an 'international basket case'. And for this success, Bangladesh and its people sincerely appreciate the cooperation from the international community.
Related Topics:BangladeshEconomics
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Md. Shariful Islam is an assistant professor in International Relations at the University of Rajshahi, Bangladesh. Currently, he is on study leave and pursuing Ph.D. in International Relations at South Asian University, New Delhi. Email: shariful_ruir[at]ru.ac.bd
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Flourishing Forex Market amidst Covid pandemic
Syed Zain Abbas Rizvi
The Covid-19 outbreak has halted the normal channel of life, people losing their livelihood and income has dwindled over the past eight months all over the world. However, in the tailspin the world has faced, the Forex accounts have witnessed a phenomenal growth over the pandemic-ridden months. Month-on-month growth has been recorded as close as 25-50% while the total volume has expedited at an all-time high of 300% growth. Over the past decade such a phenomenal growth was hardly ever seen since the last record high was a close to 40% which is mere compared to the colossal figure posted on the stage in June 2020.
The developing markets, however, post a lucrative section to invest in since the region has been the biggest contributor to the FX rise: close to 60% being the beneficiary of Europe, Africa and South Asian countries. Safe to say that this trend has been so steep largely due to the investors being ridden with optimism over the volatile prices of many of the commodities that were rendered stagnant over the previous decades. This includes the oil prices, gold valuation and even the real estate market that despite being involved in a price bubble leading to the worst financial crisis of the millennial, still stood relatively steady over the past 11 years.
The FX market is oozing optimism to say anything about the trend which could be directly associated to the unprecedented financial climate and the looming atmosphere of recession and financial crisis pushing people towards adopting a new income stream. As conventional income channels come to a dead stall and people having time and focus to spare towards trading, the large volume of cumulative accounts could be further expected to extrapolate since price volatility and unexpected events both in the trade and world affairs have had a conducive effect on even the layman to dip into the trading cycle: FX market being the coherent choice due to safe commodity and currency investments and quick gains.
Exacting one's mind towards the milestones achieved this year, be it the plunge of global oil prices to the negative scale of the exchange or the sharp fall and sudden rise of DJI or even the injection of one of the largest stimulus packages in the United States since the infamous financial crisis, this year marks the focal point of risks and opportunities. The prospects of a new vaccine are still trailing to the second quarter of 2021 despite some countries picking up the pace to vaccinate early means the trend in the market is not short term unless a breakthrough is imminent. On the market front, the interest rate crunch with UK expected to nudge the rates in the negative along with global relief to debt financing, traders have a global ticket on both the borrowing and the lending front to turn up abnormal gains. However, reliable brokers are a tough nook to find since the uncertainty also grips the traders regarding investments in the skewed conditions as such. Moreover, with naïve traders entering the market, small scale brokers clustering the exchanges and limited physical interactions due to social distancing protocols are all but exhaustive factors that could easily deteriorate the growing trend and bring about a financial crisis much sooner than expected if not regulated efficiently.
Kester Kenn Klomegah
In this interview with Armen Khachatryan, Deputy Chief Executive Officer and Programme Director at the Roscongress Foundation, and now a member of the newly created Public Council under the Secretariat of the Russia–Africa Partnership Forum, argues that the first Summit held in October 2019 ultimately seeks to inject a new dynamism in the existing Russia-Africa relations.
According to him, as the African continent undergoes positive transformation, platforms for dialogue between Russia and Africa are profoundly changing too. The Russia–Africa Summit demonstrated the sheer enormity of potential that exists for collaboration across various areas, and one of the outcomes of that historic event was the establishment of the Secretariat of the Russia–Africa Partnership Forum. The Secretariat further created a Public Council, the body also incorporates a Coordinating Council, Research Council and Media Council.
Speaking with Kester Kenn Klomegah early January 2021, Armen Khachatryan unreservedly stressed that building on the existing relations and all that have been achieved over the past few years, needs new platforms such as the Public Council. This Public Council aims primarily to uplift and solidly support the relations into a new stage, change perception among the public and give it an entirely new outlook into the future. Here are the interview excerpts:
A meeting of the Public Council of the Russia–Africa Partnership Forum Secretariat took place early November 2020. What were the main outcomes of the event?
It was the first kick-off meeting held last year. We determined the objectives facing the Public Council of the Russia–Africa Partnership Forum Secretariat. Specifically, these were to do with implementing the decisions of the inaugural Russia–Africa Summit and organizing the second summit, which is planned to take place in 2022. We discussed the current state of Russian-African relations in the humanitarian sphere, as well as the potential to develop them further. We also set out the council's plan of action.
In your opinion, what social initiatives were prioritized – particularly at this time when Russia is seriously looking to focus on Africa?
Humanitarian cooperation has recently played an increasingly significant role in the development of Russian-African relations. The lively discussions at the Russia–Africa Economic Forum in October, 2019, in Sochi are testament to the importance of joint social initiatives, and to the shared desire to implement them. I believe this is with good reason, as collaboration in this area can help build an atmosphere of mutual trust. It isabsolutely essential to forge sustainable partnerships in different spheres with Africa.
In terms of priorities, areas in which we have traditionally collaborated include education, healthcare, culture, the environment, safety and security and so forth. All of these fields possess enormous potential for Russia and Africa to work together, and our country is ready to share its experience and expertise on mutually beneficial terms. Unlike some other countries, Russia wants a strong Africa with genuine sovereignty and a competitive economy. With this in mind, I would place particular emphasis on education. From my point of view, Africa's most valuable asset is not its natural resources, but its people.
Young people currently make up a significant percentage of the population across the African continent. And that figure is going to increase further still. The population of the continent has already passed the 1.3 billion mark, with a median age of about 20. Around 60% of the population are young people under the age of 25. And according to forecasts, by 2050 the elderly will account for just 9% of the population. Given these numbers, we not only need to increase quotas for African students looking to study in Russia, but also open branches of our universities in African countries. That would allow us to offer a Russian education to many more African students as well as establish student exchange programmes.
By all appearances, aspects to do with education and professional training – and issues of humanitarian nature – are currently being examined in keeping with the course that has been delineated. Do you think that civil society should be involved in extending the reach of public diplomacy between Russia and Africa?
There is no doubt that collaboration between Russia and Africa should extend across the board, and take place at various levels. It should not be limited to ties between government officials and members of the business community. In any country, ordinary citizens make up the majority of the population, and for countries to collaborate effectively with one another, there needs to be an understanding of their perspectives and wishes. Therefore, as we look to establish direct ties and foster an environment conducive to regular dialogue with the people of various African nations, it is vital to involve civil society more closely.
It would appear sensible to provide more opportunities to people in Africa in terms of volunteering and doing internships at large Russian companies that are looking to build their presence on the African continent. The aim would be for these people to potentially be offered jobs at the companies' African branches. Human resources need to be at the heart of our efforts, given their potential role in strengthening ties in both industry and science.
For our part, the Roscongress Foundation, as a socially oriented non-financial development institution, is open to proposals and is ready to provide assistance in promoting Russia's image in African countries. This includes through organizing business, cultural and sporting events. As far as this is concerned, I imagine that the Foundation will receive support from Russian embassies and Rossotrudnichestvo's offices in African countries.
Do you envisage any problems during attempts to better leverage Russia's soft power and to strengthen public diplomacy in Africa? Do you view competition from other foreign players as a challenge?
I don't think it's entirely appropriate to use the term "soft power" in this instance. In this regard, I am of the same opinion as Yevgeny Primakov, Head of Rossotrudnichestvo. The term I take issue with is "power", which implies pressure of some kind. We have no intention of pressurizing anyone. We are in favour of equal relations with all of our partners, and this includes African nations. In particular, we are guided by the principle of "African solutions to African problems."
Obviously, there is competition, but I would not call that a challenge as such. Our main objective is not to compete with someone, but to offer our own perspectives on certain issues, communicate our values, and build a positive image of Russia in the eyes of people in Africa. Let me explicitly reiterate here, we are not exerting power in any way. People in Africa will have the benefit of several alternative perspectives, and will be able to choose the approach they feel is closest to them. This, in my opinion, is the principle of equality and mutual respect.
Of course, there are things that are hampering efforts to implement a systemic Russian humanitarian policy in Africa. For example, Rossotrudnichestvo has only eight offices across Africa's 54 nations. It would appear that Russian-African ties would benefit from Russia opening new diplomatic missions in the region. If we want Russia's voice to be heard on the African continent, special attention needs to be given to this issue.
In terms of the media landscape, what steps need to be taken to improve the work done by various outlets? How can we better inform society about events in both parts of the world? Why, for example, news in Africa rarely reported on in Russia?
In terms of working with the African continent, I believe that raising awareness on both sides is one of the most important issues we face. It is difficult to talk about joint ventures, for example, to develop the SME sector, when the African continent remains so little known in Russia, and in Africa, there is only a vague notion of what Russia is. The Russia–Africa Summit and Economic Forum played a crucial role in addressing this, as did the 2018 FIFA World Cup. That event saw many people from Africa visit Russia for the first time. They were able to see with their own eyes what our country is like, instead of being presented an image by the Western media. People were following events using various information resources.
These events played a huge role in helping to shape the media landscape. However, this exchange of information needs to be done on a more permanent basis. It's worth pointing out that in today's world, awareness can be raised in more ways than just via the media. Given the spread of social media, the student exchanges I mentioned earlier could, over time, play a much more important role in cultivating Russia's image than conventional media channels. However, in order to achieve this, it is vital to work with young people in both Russia and Africa.
Going back to conventional media, I believe that first of all, Russian news agencies need to expand their network of correspondents in Africa. That would allow our journalists to work with primary sources, rather than rely on material put together by foreign news agencies. It will also be important to get Russian and African journalists working together, for example, through placement programmes, master classes, roundtables and so forth.
To answer the question on news in Africa being reported on in Russia, things are developing. Telegram channels dedicated to the African continent are appearing, for example, so it is possible to stay up-to-date with key events. One organization which is doing much to leverage Telegram channels is the Association of Economic Cooperation with African States (AECAS). Its members include the Roscongress Foundation, which has considerable experience in developing and implementing humanitarian initiatives. AECAS is also currently working to build an integrated space for people in Russia and Africa to obtain information. This appears to me to be a very promising area. Admittedly, when it comes to large news agencies, the problem is that there are not enough events to report on which would garner widespread interest. However, I am in no doubt that as Russian‑African relations develop further, things will improve in this area.
The second Russian-African Public Forum took place in November 2020. In his welcome address, Foreign Affairs Minister Sergey Lavrov said that amendments needed to be made topolicy initiatives in order to respond to changing realities in Africa. What was he referring to, and what is your take on "changing realities" in Africa?
First of all, I would say that the African continent has undergone an enormous transformation over the last few years. Across all areas, Africa has become much more profoundly involved in the economic processes driving globalization. Partners in Africa are implementing a programme to ease the movement of goods, capital and people, and to employ new technology in business and marketing. This has made the African economy more open and attractive to foreign investors.
The first Russia–Africa Economic Forum in Sochi served as yet another clear demonstration to the Russian and global community that the African economy is becoming more organic. It served as proof of Africa's increasingly significant role in the global economy. Indeed, the continent has a direct bearing on global growth, and on progress in science and technology. Africa's economic ties with the rest of the world are certainly no longer solely about supplying raw materials and being a market for finished products.
The socioeconomic growth we are witnessing, together with the global economy's accelerated transition to a new wave of tech innovation, has meant that Africa's role and position in the global economy has shifted significantly. The continent is also becoming an important growth pole in terms of global demand. Consumer spending on the continent has already reached US$ 680 billion. According the World Bank, this figure is set to grow to US$ 2.2 trillion by 2030.
As the continent undergoes this transformation, platforms for dialogue between Russia and Africa are profoundly changing too. The Russia–Africa Summit demonstrated the sheer enormity of potential that exists for collaboration across various areas. It was a historic milestone for Russian-African cooperation. One of the outcomes of the event was the establishment of the Secretariat of the Russia–Africa Partnership Forum. In addition to a public council, the body also incorporates a coordinating council, research council, and media council. Never before in Russia's modern history has there been such a serious mechanism for bringing together expertise and best practices from all sides and across all areas. It is set to act as a foundation to develop all aspects of Russian-African partnership, and to effectively position Africa's transformation, which we briefly discussed earlier.
The high-level summit also led to the establishment of the Association of Economic Cooperation with African States, which will serve as a platform to strengthen business ties between Russia and Africa.
The situation is so diverse – politics, economy and culture – in Africa. In your opinion, what are the best pathways for promoting policy initiatives, as well as the social aspects of diplomacy with Africa?
That is quite important, but I don't think we should try to identify a single "best" or "universal" pathway. It's important to understand that Africa is a diverse continent – every country is unique, and requires an individual approach. And that's before we consider that methods and initiatives that are employed in one region of the world – for example, Europe – are not at all necessarily appropriate for countries in Africa. We need to meticulously analyse each initiative, and be sure to draw the greatest possible benefit from them.
Generally speaking, there needs to be a focus on working with people, and in particular, with young people in Africa. These efforts should be based upon the needs of the population. And as I mentioned earlier, the pathways to achieving our aims could look very different from one another. Africa, just like Russia, is blessed with a wealth of extremely young talented people: some make films, others dance, others draw. But that's not the important thing. What's important here is to do everything we can to connect the lives of people in Africa with our country –we show that Russia is ready to help develop their talents. After all, these people could well become the thought leaders of the future, as well as ambassadors for Russian-African relations. These people could help foster a positive image of Russia in their respective countries. We are ready to engage and cooperate with intergovernmental organizations, civil society and African partners, work constructively to consolidate the results from the first summit and what both Russia and Africa further set inthe joint declaration in Sochi, in October 2019.
The role of economic warfare in understanding contemporary geopolitics
Gagliano Giuseppe
Despite Fukuyama's theses, the traditional war is not over: especially in Europe, from the former Yugoslavia to Ukraine. As for economic relations between states, these – with all due respect to the Austrian school – do not amount to "soft trade". Indeed, as early as 1990, Edward Luttwak heralded the age of geoeconomics when Bernard Esambert published The World Economic War. German surpluses against French deficits, weak dollar against strong euro, difficult negotiations between the United States and the European Union on the subject of the transatlantic treaty, the world yesterday as today is an arena. Economic warfare is so pervasive that expression is a victim of its success. It is therefore necessary to precisely define this new theoretical and practical object, to evaluate its real scope and its mode of action.
It should be clear, looking carefully at the contemporary dynamics, to affirm that economic war is the daughter of globalization
Although economic warfare in the broadest sense of the term is not new, its contemporary form has relatively recent roots. We can consider that after the Second World War, with the revival of an international monetary system and the signing of the GATT agreements in 1947, the rules for commercial competition between largely national economies were established within the Western bloc. Thus, the economic struggles that have taken place in recent years have been confined to an arena of limited size.
Furthermore, when Bernard Esambert published Le Troisième Conflit mondial in 1968, he traced the contours of an economic war with positive virtues: not only did this "soft" war replace the real war in the West, but it was also a stimulus for industrialized countries, engaged in a profitable competition for all. Furthermore, the Cold War forced the nations of the Western bloc into a de facto solidarity that further limited the effects of their economic rivalries.
It was precisely this balance that was upset in 1991 with the fall of the USSR and the end of communism. From that moment on, nothing stood in the way of the capitalist and free trade model which, until then, represented only one of the two economic systems at work on the planet. Now the arena is global and hardly anyone challenges the rules of the game, but at the same time the end of the war does not bring down the politics of power; it moves them from the military and geopolitical terrain (clash of blocs, peripheral conflicts, etc.) to the economic and commercial terrain (rivalry between powers over resources, the struggle for market share, etc.). According to Luttwak, "in the future, fear of economic consequences could settle trade disputes, and certainly more political interventions motivated by powerful strategic reasons." If Luttwak probably underestimated the importance that geopolitical issues would maintain, he underlined the new dimension of our globalization: that of economic competition between nations Far from thinking like the men of the Enlightenment that trade softens morals, it believes that trade is only one of the modes of war when its armed side weakens.
Winners of the Cold War, the United States was in fact the first to take stock of the change that the world was going through. Basically, the Cold War gave them the opportunity to subsidize entire segments of their economy.
But if at the beginning of the 90s, the geopolitical argument collapsed, the economic discourse remains in all its purity. In the same year, Secretary of State Warren Christopher officially declared that "economic security" was to be elevated to the top foreign policy priority of the United States of America.
In other words, the winners of the Cold War have officially declared economic war on the rest of the world. The perspective is certainly largely liberal; everyone has their chances and can win this game, but the discourse is ambiguous because it is tinged with the defense of national interests. In the end, it mixes both liberal and mercantilist rhetoric, principles hardly compatible in the eyes of economists but perfectly legitimate for politicians.
In order for a country to be fit to fight in economic warfare, it needs a state, that is – Esambert would say – a resolute warlord, who knows the profession of arms and who reduces the morale and spirit of conquest to the economy.
Yet in the 1980s and 1990s, in the era of neoliberalism and the Washington Consensus, the state had been mistreated; it was seen as an obstacle to economic development and therefore President Reagan was not afraid to say that "the problem is the state". Financial globalization, the transnationalization of companies, the intensification of international trade have rung the death knell for this relic of the past. Not only has the state resisted the neoliberal potion, it is now making a comeback. The state continued to play its role of overseeing the private space by creating a favorable legal, fiscal and infrastructural environment for the economy. In our current context, states have also taken on the role of military leaders, to conquer markets and resources, both to secure their power and to enrich their businesses and their fellow citizens.
In fact, the state has a certain number of prerogatives or capabilities that companies are naturally lacking. The state can think long-term, finance long-term when companies prefer the short or medium term. Furthermore, it can implement expensive tools at the service of its companies to distinguish the sectors of the future, the fields in which they have an interest in investing; in short, the state has a far better view of the battlefield than any of its troops. The Japanese example of the MITI has a paradigmatic value, as demonstrated by the pioneering studies of the Paris school of economic warfare directed by Christian Harbulot.
It is also the state that guides the dynamics of tomorrow by setting goals: thus, the Lisbon strategy that the EU member countries adopted in 2000 intends to make the Union "the first knowledge economy" by 2010 by explicitly linking this goal to that of full employment. Only a state can tackle these kinds of tasks, the scope of which far exceeds the financing capabilities and motivations of a business.
States don't wage wars without troops. These are businesses, large and small.
But what does all this mean specifically?
First of all, it concerns a simple but at the same time extremely delicate question in an era of globalization: the nationality of companies. Isn't it an illusion to say that more and more multinational companies, owned by foreign capital, are American?
Indeed, economists have shown that, despite the logic of transnationalization, the idea of "corporate nationality" is not obsolete. First, because a number of strategic companies are protected by states: directly when they are shareholders indirectly when they are guarantors their independence from foreign companies. We recall, for example, that in 2006 the Bush administration forced the Dubai Port World company to sell to AIG International the management of the six large American ports carried out by the P&O company that DPW had purchased. Likewise, advertising firm China National Offshore Corporation was prevented in 2005 from acquiring the US company Unocal. What does this mean if not that states easily recognize national companies, even if their capitalization is now international?
In short, even in the era of the "Global Players", we can speak of nationality of companies.
Secondly, we can assimilate the present large companies, even more so the multinationals, to the legions of the late Roman Empire; mixed, variegated, composed of Roman cadres and barbarian troops, they are nevertheless the army of the Empire. Today's companies, despite their global character, still maintain a national foothold. Furthermore, the recent Peugeot bailout around an alliance between the family, the French state and the Chinese manufacturer Dongfeng illustrates well that the idea of a national company did not die with globalization, it is only more complex than in the past. .
Returning to contemporary economic warfare this can be read as a traditional conflict, with its war objectives. The first is to defensive carette: saving industrial jobs. This challenge has become an obsession as relocations or subcontracting to low-wage countries are draining our industrialized countries.
Why this obsession with industrial jobs in our outsourced world? It is because our post-industrial societies, in the sense that most of the GDP no longer comes from the secondary sector, are no less industrialized than they have ever been. Not only do industrial jobs generate tertiary employment, but there are also many that require a qualification. Bernard Esambert speaks of an "industry-service symbiosis" to designate this pair formed by the high-tech industry and the service sector that accompanies it. Losing the former to the advantage of the new industrial powers means losing the latter and risking regress, not to mention the risk of unemployment or underemployment, which no democracy can bear in the long run. Advocates of economic warfare therefore believe that industrial employment must be defended and even maintained . Beyond the economic debates about their cost-benefits, the destruction of jobs is difficult to accept in the eyes of voters and, therefore, decision makers.
The other objective of the war, decisive for the states, is no longer defense but the conquest of markets and scarce resources. Economic warfare scholars have clearly demonstrated the intensification of the war for the control of natural resources, mainly for the control of hydrocarbons.
Perhaps nothing better than this example illustrates in the eyes of its proponents the obviousness of economic warfare: oil is a scarce and limited resource. Every drop gained by one is lost by the other. Therefore, as it is the basis of development, it is necessary for each state to ensure a secure and continuous supply. The inexorable struggle that the United States and China are waging for African oil but also for the other resources of the subsoil of this continent is an example of this. Absent in Africa 25 years ago, China is now the third largest trading partner after the United States and France; for two thirds it imports oil, but also metals, cotton and precious stones.
This war for natural resources is the scene of a reversal of the balance of power between Western countries on the one hand and emerging and / or developing countries on the other. The rise of China, of the BRICS, the rise of sovereign wealth funds in the Arab oil exporting countries would demonstrate this. In economic warfare, resources are powerful ammunition. And everything suggests that this conflict will escalate.
The International Energy Agency estimates that energy needs will increase by 50% by 2030, in part due to Indian and Chinese growth. The search for raw materials will in fact become a crucial issue for the States. As early as 2007, the Committee on Critical Mineral Impacts on the US Economy published a report in which it lists eleven minerals that are particularly crucial to the American economy due to their scarcity, their need in high-tech industries … the more coveted, is rhodium, used in particular in catalytic converters, and found in Russia but also in South Africa, a much better ally than Moscow. Rare metal, today it is the subject of struggles in which states and multinationals fight side by side. As guarantor of the national economy, each State is called upon to draw up, in its own way, a list of the resources that are or will be essential for it.
The "scarce resources" also include companies that today more than ever are falling prey not only to their private counterparts but also to governments. As such, the crisis has facilitated the entry into the capital of very large companies in the countries of the South through powerful sovereign wealth funds. The large investment funds of the United Arab Emirates, in particular Dubai and Abu Dhabi, have invested extensively in favor of the economic crisis in prestigious companies in difficulty: EADS, AMD, Sony, Citigroup … The Chinese sovereign fund holds almost 10% by Morgan Stanley. As for the Singapore fund, it entered the equity of Merril Lynch at the same level. Here we find the idea of revolution in the North / South hierarchy: winning in the economic war is not a legacy. The newcomers are shaking up the old hierarchy. Saudi Arabia is estimated to be responsible for 5% of US GDP thanks to wealth creation made possible by the use of Arab oil. Suffice it to say that Riyadh has a strategic advantage over its powerful economic partner.
Finally, there is a scarce and strategic commodity that constitutes a relatively new objective of the war: information. It is now important that companies and states know their opponents, their exact technological level, their strategy, in order to be able to anticipate them. Sometimes we speak of cognitive warfare to refer to the advanced weapon of economic warfare. In fact, the acquisition of information with high added value is also essential for the development of the tango economic activity as much as the accumulation of financial capital and the coordination of human skills. If states now want to help their companies gain market share, they must equip themselves with economic intelligence programs, otherwise they will lag considerably behind in a form of struggle that appears increasingly crucial as all the immense theoretical and operational work done by Ecole du guerre economique founded by Chrustian Harbulot.
In short, our time is woven of contradictions; on the one hand, the states hold an official speech supporting, sometimes with nuances, a multilateralism supported by the main international institutions such as the UN, the WTO, the IMF. On the other hand, everyone can see that the states are developing quite different reasoning. The imperative of solidarity in the financial field advocated by the G20 t new response to the need not to lose market share in a context of tension. In the midst of the crisis, the logic of competitiveness requires the conquest of foreign markets.
It is up to Christian Harbulot to have clearly shown this shift from Cold War Manichaeism to the multilateral economic war that states are waging today. According to him, the ally / opponent pair replaced the partner / competitor one. This transformation of possible alliances is accompanied, according to Harbulot, by a reorganization of the field of partners and competitors in geographical terms. The two blocks of the Cold War would have succeeded three blocks: the first is the degraded space of the Western world from which we can possibly extract the United States, the second is the expanded room for maneuver of the new powers, the third, finally, is space of survival of other countries. Each of these spaces follows very different power strategies. Furthermore, the members of each block are not necessarily allies as we have just seen.
Therefore, any peremptory statement becomes impossible. The United States and China are waging a relentless war over Africa's resources. But China, through the purchase of US Treasuries, is the country that allows the United States to live on credit. Another example, China and Taiwan are political enemies but economic partners.
If economic warfare is a struggle, it is based on weapons and countermeasures. In covert warfare, a large number of tools count as weapons. The first of all is undoubtedly training: in our constantly changing societies, initial training helps create a workforce or managers prepared for change.
Likewise, the importance given to research is fundamental. Since 2010, China has more researchers than the United States, although the latter enjoy, thanks to the practice of brain drain, the sharpest minds on the planet. In this context, public-private collaboration is fundamental: in the United States, the Bayh-Dole Act of 1980 provides that patents financed with public funds – by universities or public research centers – are assigned mainly in the form of exclusive rights to private companies American.
In other words, in the eyes of states in economic warfare, the search for patents is truly a national affair, a guarantee of productivity, a decisive weapon in the perspective of a trade struggle between nations. These tools are at the service of competitiveness, this ability to face competition on external and internal markets. As for the attractiveness – which could be understood as the competitiveness of a territory – it is the object of particular attention by many states that the disputes between the European Commission and Ireland regarding Apple have brought to light.
The ultimate hidden weapon of warfare is economic intelligence. It is similar both to a weapon, which anticipates the enemy's movement to surprise him and steal his victory, but also to a defense tactic because it anticipates enemy moves, practicing disinformation for example. The United States is the main player in this information war. We now know that the NSA, initially created in a counterintelligence logic during the Cold War, would have used the Echelon network to know the position of the European Union in 1994 during the final negotiations of the Uruguay Round. In 2014, the New York Times revealed that the agency had spied on an American law firm defending a foreign country in a trade dispute with the U.S. Information has become one of the key issues of the economic war.
As states move from covert warfare to open warfare, weapons change. These attacks can take the form of geoeconomic retaliation in response to a geopolitical crisis; this is for example the case in the fruit and vegetable embargo between the European Union and Russia.
Voluntary import restrictions also amount to retaliatory measures. The well-known example of the restrictions imposed by the United States on Japanese cars in the 1980s testifies to the violence of the conflict. Faced with rising Japanese car sales, Washington sought to protect the "Big Three". Rather than proceed unilaterally, the US government has asked the Japanese to limit their exports. Tokyo preferred to negotiate this perfectly anti-liberal measure rather than run the risk of even more unfavorable restrictions being imposed: this is the voluntary restriction agreement of 1980.
A series of disputes between states led to the adoption of tariff peaks in retaliation; for example, the United States decided in January 2009 to triple tariffs on Roquefort in response to a ban on exports of hormone-containing beef in Europe. In each of these cases, the best offense was the defense.
When worried about avoiding frontal conflicts, states prefer an alternative approach which is to facilitate the assault of their companies on foreign markets. For this reason the political power is an ardent promoter of its companies. This ancient practice has been systematized in the United States in the form of "commercial diplomacy". This is based on three principles: preparing the ground by liberalizing trade with the destination country; use economic intelligence, industrial and commercial intelligence to provide American companies with all the data on the ground to be conquered; finally, to set up ad hoc structures such as the War room. This offensive public strategy is entirely in the service of the private corporations that are the strength of the United States. It is in the same perspective that Washington has increased the number of bilateral free trade treaties: with most of the countries of Central America in the 2000s, with Morocco in 2006, South Korea in 2010.
Finally, there is one last weapon that, individually, is now almost the prerogative of a few emerging countries: sovereign wealth funds. Although they deny themselves, these funds take hold in sometimes strategic groups and help guide their strategy.
To cope with these dangers, those involved in economic warfare have developed policies that resemble shields or even counterattacks. In a context where customs barriers are historically low, there are other means to preserve its market: export subsidies, standards, favoritism given to national companies in one form or another (think of the Small Business Act which reserves some public procurement for SMEs) In short, all means are good.
So it is with money, which has long been – and continues to be – a defensive weapon in the hands of states, especially in the form of devaluation. The UK gave us a recent example of the geo-economic use that could be made of a currency: at the height of the crisis, London let the pound slip while the euro remained strong. In this way, British exports were stimulated. We could reproduce the analysis for the yuan or even the yen at a time when Shinzo Abe has launched a policy of monetary expansion.
For large Western states, it is primarily about protecting their markets at a time when old-fashioned protectionism is almost outlawed. For emerging countries, the stakes are different: by increasing the number of regulatory sources (state, international, private, public, etc.), they weaken the universal legal system designed by the dominant states. Paradoxically, the desire to unify world trade has led to a legal fragmentation of the latter.
The rules of trade have become a battleground in a few decades. Witness the emergence in France of the notion of "economic patriotism". Spread out in 2005 by Dominique de Villepin, then Prime Minister, the doctrine of economic patriotism is based on the idea that it would be up to the state to defend companies considered to belong to strategic sectors. In practice, success is mixed: while Suez was married to GDF in 2008 to deal with a potential takeover by Italy's Enel, Arcelor was absorbed by Mittal.
Looking at the world today, it is tempting to provocatively conclude that war has a bright future; economic warfare of course, but also traditional warfare. But there is also a more dramatic scenario, namely that tomorrow's economic wars can degenerate into armed conflicts.
In short, yesterday as today, historical reality is an ocean of forces that are opposed to each other, in a dynamic that determines a perpetual flow that now leads to ascent now to decline.
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text:
Henk Ovink
Director for National Spatial Planning
Ministry of Infrastructure and the Environment
Raised in a family with three generations of architects. I studied math, art and architecture in Groningen, The Hague and Delft. I started out with my own firm and then co-founded Bureau Kroner, after that I deliberately switched to the government. For the connection to politics, the improvement and necessary change in the civil service and the positioning of content and design. As director of national spatial planning I feel very comfortable with this assignment.
The power is in the city, 50% and later 75% of our population lives in cities, real city power. This continuing urbanization means that the economic, social and environmental problems we face are increasingly spatial issues. The confrontation of these issues has a maximum spatial impact on our cities and urban regions. In that confrontation, in the city, also lay the answers. In the city, the answers are created, built and developed. That confrontation eventually will intensify.The city makes this confrontation productive.
New York, the first time I was there was in 1987. I wanted to stay a week, but had to go to my brothers wedding in Miami, I postponed my leaving New York as long as possible. I keep going back to: work, walk, eat, meet, see, smell, talk and speak. A real city of verbs: each time a different scene.
Das Gelbe Haus, in Flims, from Rudolf Olgiati. Wonderful transformation: an almost real distortion of the existing plan of use, roof, construction and use of materials all the way up to the detailing of the facade. The house stands in the mountain village of Flims, in the foggy bend of the main street.
The National Mall in Washington DC, because it makes politics tactile, it gives the city structure and provides a public space. It's a lovely place to enjoy a book in the sun, coffee and a bagel, children playing and to witness the inauguration of the president. Ibirapuera Park in Sao Paulo: with the best covered skating area, beautiful architecture of Niemeyer and a cultural public space, with museums and theater that is really public and is really used as a public space.
The streets of Red Hook, Brooklyn. Nothing is done, nothing more to do. And more sophisticated the High Line. This is also an example of public planning where the rights are traded with skyscrapers to build 'sky' elsewhere in the city for this 'park in the sky' to protect light, air and space.
The first video game 'Tennis for Two': predecessor of Pong, invented in 1958 by William Higinbotham, an American physicist. Higinbotham wrote "It might liven up the place to have a game that people could play, and which would convey the message that our scientific endeavors have relevance for society." YouTube, founded in 2005 by Steve Chen, Chad Hurley and Jawed Karim.
Governance? Cities make the difference. If Europe was a federation of cities then Istanbul would be it's leading city. Would we be able to control our countries as urban, as mayors? What would it need and what would it demand from it's new town council? And from the EU? Does this mean that we could eliminate national borders? And that we as nation-states abandon the regional agenda, but firmly choose an international perspective? Finally real investments in education, research and innovation. Not the endless subsidies in production that only disrupt the market development. Ensure that there is enough room for talent, talent development and a stream of initiatives.
Sekethu Mehta wrote in Maximum City "A city is an agglomeration of individual dreams, a mass dream of the crowd. In order for the dream of the city to stay vital, each individual dream has to stay vital." The city is the future and is always different.
Initiator of Design & Politics in research and education (Chair Design and Politics TU Delft), policy (Architecture Memorandum, Randstad2040, Olympic Main Structure 2028, Future Agenda Area), debate and practice (International Architecture Biennale Rotterdam 2012, DApp research with Harvard GSD, Columbia GSAPP, Princeton School of Architecture and University of Kentucky School of Design) and initiator of the Design and Politics series.
Real guerrilla warfare is part of the complexity of the big city, unknown in The Netherlands. Guerrilla as the tactic for action-oriented urban development, in changing strong alliances 'making city', that is a guerrilla that works on the city. Guerrilla and planning: a powerful alliance.


text:
Dave Angus Barr (Toronto, Ontario, 1960. november 30. –) profi kanadai jégkorongozó.

Karrier

Komolyabb karrierjét a WHL-ben kezdte 1978-ban a Edmonton Oil Kingsben. 1979–1980 három WHL-es csapatban is megfordult (Great Falls Americans, Portland Winter Hawks, Lethbridge Broncos). Az utolsó WHL-es idényét a Lethbridge Broncosban töltötte. Az NHL-ben kezdte profi pályafutását. A Boston Bruinsban játszott két mérkőzést, majd a szezon többi részét az AHL-es Erie Bladesben játszotta le. A következő idényben ismét felkerült az NHL-be tíz mérkőzésre a Bruinshoz, majd az AHL-es Baltimore Skipjacksbe küldték. 1983–1984-ben a New York Rangershez került, de onnan gyorsan leküldték a CHL-es Tulsa Oilersba. Még ebben az idényben egy mérkőzés erejéig a St. Louis Blues leigazolta. Ebben a csapatban játszotta a következő három idényt. Az 1986-87-es szezon közben a Hartford Whalershez került de itt csak ezt a fél idényt játszotta mert a szezon másik felét a Detroit Red Wingsben töltötte. A Red Wingsben három idényt szerepelt. 1990-ben leküldték a Adirondack Red Wingsbe mely AHL-es csapat. A következő szezont ismét a Red Wingsnél játszotta. 1991–1992-ben a New Jersey Devilsbe került majd egy mérkőzésre leküldték az AHL-es Utica Devilsbe. 1992–1993-ban a Dallas Starshoz került. Ezután már csak IHL-es csapatokban játszott négy idényen keresztül (Kalamazoo Wings, Orlando Solar Bears). 1996-ban élete első 100 pontos szezonját érte el az IHL-ben. 1997-ben vonult vissza. Pályafutását mint edző folytatta

Edzői karrier

A 2000–2001-es szezonban IHL-es Houston Aeros csapatának volt az edzője. Bejutottak a rájátszásba de az első körben kiestek. 2004–2008 között az OHL-es Guelph Storm edzője volt. Utolsó szezonjában eljutottak a rájátszás második köréig. 2008–2009-ben az NHL-es Colorado Avalanche másodedzője volt. A 2009–2010-es szezonban az NHL-es Minnesota Wild másodedzője volt.

Díjai

 Adams-kupa: 1984
 Matt Leyden-trófea: 2006

További információk
 Életrajz
 Statisztika

1960-ban született személyek
Élő személyek
A Boston Bruins játékosai
A New York Rangers játékosai
A St. Louis Blues játékosai
A Hartford Whalers játékosai
A Detroit Red Wings játékosai
A New Jersey Devils játékosai
A Dallas Stars játékosai
Kanadai jégkorongozók

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
Is 13 a lucky number in Ireland?
What is a lucky number in Ireland?
Why is 13 my lucky number?
Is Friday the 13th lucky in Ireland?
Is house number 13 lucky?
What number is the most powerful?
Why are the Irish so lucky?
Whats does 13 mean?
What does 13 mean in the Bible?
Is 13 a good number in Chinese?
What is the most unlucky birthday?
What is the most unlucky day of the year?
How many Friday the 13th are there in 2021?
Is 13 a karmic number?
Can I buy a house with number 13?
What house number is unlucky?
Although superstition dictates that Friday the 13th, and even the number 13, can be unlucky for some, for property buyers there might be value in such superstition. According to data released from property website Daft.ie, homes at number 13 are typically €4,335 cheaper than the average Irish property.
Have you ever wanted to visit the "Emerald Isle?" How about following a rainbow to that pot of gold? Legend says that the luck of the Irish can bring fortune and fame according to Hollywood movies.
"The number 13 means 'assured growth' or 'definitely vibrant' in Chinese. That's why it's actually considered very lucky." Still, regardless of its perceived goodness elsewhere, the number 13 is often met with real fear outside of Asia.
Friday and the number 13 have always been unlucky in their own right, says Steve Roud, author of The Penguin Guide to the Superstitions of Britain and Ireland. "Because Friday was the day of the crucifixion, Fridays were always regarded as a day of penance and abstinence.
IMPORTANT: Quick Answer: How do I become a resident of Northern Ireland?
The number 13 is considered unlucky in the Western culture because it denotes the number of people that attended the Last Supper. In fact, many countries have gone ahead without including the 13th number in their streets, floors or apartments.
What is this? It could be considered that the term "the luck of the Irish" derives from fairytale folklore, namely the legends of leprechauns, as they successfully stored their gold in a place which is impossible to reach, making them very lucky – as well as rich!
Some believe this is unlucky because one of those thirteen, Judas Iscariot, was the betrayer of Jesus Christ. From the 1890s, a number of English language sources relate the "unlucky" thirteen to an idea that at the Last Supper, Judas, the disciple who betrayed Jesus, was the 13th to sit at the table.
The Bible leads to the following interpretation: the number 13 is connected to the suffering of Jesus, who was crucified the day after. However, even in this context, the number 13 can have another meaning for Christians, one that's much more positive.
IMPORTANT: How much is considered rich in Ireland?
Thus, some buildings in East Asia omit floors and room numbers containing 4, similar to the Western practice of some buildings not having a 13th floor because 13 is considered unlucky.
Bad news if you're celebrating your birthday today! While Friday the 13th is renowned for being the most superstitious and unluckiest day of the year, a lot of people may not have known that today, March 15, is also another unlucky day to add to your calendar.
Friday the 13th is considered an unlucky day in Western superstition. It occurs when the 13th day of the month in the Gregorian calendar falls on a Friday, which happens at least once every year but can occur up to three times in the same year.
International Fixed Calendar
Any calendar year has at least one Friday the 13th, and can have as many as three Friday the 13ths. This year, 2021, we have only one: August 13.
There are four karmic debt numbers in numerology, and those are 13, 14, 16, and 19. Each of these four karmic debt numbers holds a significant meaning and indicates a specific set of difficulties that a person would need to work through in this lifetime.
In India, many people avoid buying a house with number 13 or on the 13th floor. In fact, many residential and commercial buildings do not have the 13th floor mentioned in towers. Elevators also skip the number 13 and even real estate developers avoid this number.
IMPORTANT: Can UK solicitors practice Ireland?
It is known that the number 13 is unlucky, especially since if you compute it it results to the number 4 (1+3=4). The number four is believed to be unlucky because it sounds a lot like the word "death" in Chinese.


text:
In the study of ancient Egyptian mathematics, red auxiliary numbers are numbers written in red ink in the Rhind Mathematical Papyrus, apparently used as aids for arithmetic computations involving fractions.It is considered to be the first examples of  method that uses Least common multiples.

References

Egyptian mathematics
Egyptian fractions
Mathematics manuscripts


text:
Home	10.95	All together nowArgent	Return to previous page
All together now quantity
SKU: ECLEC2321
Categories: 10.95, Esoteric Recordings, Esoteric Sale, Physical, Sitewide Sale
Esoteric Recordings are pleased to announce a newly
remastered edition of the legendary third album by ARGENT, "All Together Now".
The album was issued in July 1972 and built upon the success of the band's
preceding works "ARGENT" and "RING OF HANDS".
"All Together Now" featured the band's biggest hit
'HOLD YOUR HEAD UP' and saw ROD ARGENT (keyboards, vocals), RUSS BALLARD
(guitar, piano, vocals), JIM RODFORD (bass, guitar, vocals) and ROBERT HENRIT
(drums, percussion) enjoy global success.
This Esoteric Recordings reissue has been newly remastered
from the original master tapes, includes one bonus track and features a booklet
that fully restores all original album artwork with a new essay.
Press:-
"The strong turnover of third album All Together Now owed much to the inclusion of Hold Your Head Up, a Top Five hit and future staple of every classic rock station worth its license". Rob Hughes – Classic Rock (Summer 2012)
"The perfect balance between Rod's prog and Russ's pop."
Geoff Barton (Prog, June 2012)
1. HOLD YOUR HEAD UP
2. KEEP ON ROLLIN'
4. I AM THE DANCES OF AGES
5. BE MY LOVER, BE MY FRIEND
6. HE'S A DYNAMO
7. PURE LOVE
8. CLOSER TO HEAVEN
Gilgamesh: Gilgamesh, Remastered CD Edition
Kapt. Kopter And The (Fabulous) Twirly Birds
Randy California
A Concert For The People (Berlin) 30th Anniversary Edition
Space Bandits