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Intersectional inequalities in younger women's experiences of physical intimate partner violence across communities in Bangladesh
Laila Rahman ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-8117-84811,
Janice Du Mont ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-4851-11041,2,
Patricia O'Campo ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0003-4549-73241,3,4 &
Gillian Einstein ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-0770-54711,2,5,6
International Journal for Equity in Health volume 21, Article number: 4 (2022) Cite this article
Physical intimate partner violence (IPV) risk looms large for younger women in Bangladesh. We are, however, yet to know the association between their intersectional social locations and IPV across communities. Drawing on intersectionality theory's tenet that interacting systems of power, oppressions, and privileges work together, we hypothesized that (1) younger, lower educated or poor women's physical IPV experiences will be exacerbated in disadvantaged communities; and conversely, (2) younger, higher educated or nonpoor women's physical IPV experiences will be ameliorated in advantaged communities.
We applied intercategorical intersectionality analyses using multilevel logistic regression models in 15,421 currently married women across 911 communities from a national, cross-sectional survey in 2015. To test the hypotheses, women's probabilities of currently experiencing physical IPV among intersectional social groups were compared. These comparisons were made, at first, within each type of disadvantaged (e.g., younger or poor) and advantaged (e.g., older or nonpoor) communities; and then, between different types of communities.
While our specific hypotheses were not supported, we found significant within community differences, suggesting that younger, lower educated or poor women were bearing the brunt of IPV in almost every community (probabilities ranged from 34.0–37.1%). Younger, poor compared to older, nonpoor women had significantly higher IPV probabilities (the minimum difference = 12.7, 95% CI, 2.8, 22.6) in all communities. Similar trend was observed between younger, lower educated compared to older, higher educated women in all except communities that were poor. Interestingly, younger women's advantage of higher education and material resources compared to their lower educated or poor counterparts was observed only in advantaged communities. However, these within community differences did not vary between disadvantaged and advantaged communities (difference-in-differences ranged from − 0.9%, (95% CI, − 8.5, 6.7) to − 8.6%, (95% CI, − 17.6, 0.5).
Using intersectionality theory made visible the IPV precarity of younger, lower educated or poor women across communities. Future research might examine the structures and processes that put them at these precarious locations to ameliorate their socio-economic-educational inequalities and reduce IPV in all communities. For testing hypotheses using intersectionality theory, this study might advance scholarship on physical IPV in Bangladesh and quantitative intersectionality globally.
Physical intimate partner violence (IPV) is a serious human rights and public health concern worldwide [1] and particularly in Bangladesh [2]. Although physical IPV risk looms large for all Bangladeshi women through their life courses, younger women are at a higher risk [3, 4], so are the women who are lower educated or poor [5,6,7,8]. However, as Bangladeshi IPV literature mostly focuses on women's single-axis categories such as age, education, and poverty, we do not know what happens when these marginalized categories (hereafter referred to as social locations) intersect across different types of communities. Intersectionality theory [9,10,11], originated in Black feminism, invites us to go beyond women's single-axis locations to examine the association between younger women's intersectional social locations (which are socially produced sites of power, oppressions, and privileges) to add to our understanding of their heightened physical IPV risk. Although intersectionality has emerged as a critical feminist theory [12]; quantitative IPV literature is yet to apply and extensively engage with this theory. Also, of high importance is to know the role of communities in which women live. Although a review of contextual studies [13] suggested communities including poor communities affect IPV, we do not know how younger women's intersectional locations interact with communities. In this article, we, therefore, have applied intersectionality theory to examine Bangladeshi currently married younger women's intersectional social locations of education and poverty across different types of communities that shape their current experiences of physical IPV.
Using an intersectional analysis, a recent study has shown that younger, lower educated women had higher probabilities of experiencing physical IPV than older, higher educated women [14]. Although poverty is an important risk factor [4, 15] and communities in which women live affect their experiences of physical IPV [13, 16], this study did neither examine this outcome at women's intersecting social locations of younger age and poverty, nor did it examine how these intersectional locations vary across communities. Since mid-1990s, studies have underscored the importance of communities in shaping women's IPV in the United States [16] and around the world [13] including Bangladesh [17, 18]. A few studies [19, 20] have also examined interactions among women's community- and individual-level single-axis locations (e.g., interaction between individual- and community-level income and women's status) but not their intersectional locations. In Bangladesh, considering the role of child marriage and poverty [18, 21, 22], driven by patriarchy and neo-classical economy, disadvantaged communities in which high proportions of younger married and poor women live (hereafter referred to as younger communities and poor communities) are of particular interest.
Younger communities have likely been shaped by patriarchy–the underlying structure and ideology of men's domination or power over women [23], which contributes to early marriage in Bangladesh [24]. In such communities, social norms encourage men to use violence to keep the men-dominated social order; therefore, public disapproval of women's breaking social norms (such as taking jobs outside the home) may trigger IPV [3]. Thus, feminist theories suggest that women have greater IPV risk if they live in patriarchal younger communities [18]. Women, of course, adopt different strategies to escape violence [25, 26].
Due to macro social-economic policies and neoclassical economy, poor communities are likely shaped by scarcity of resources, infrastructure, and dearth of economic opportunities. In these communities, lack of income opportunities and resource constraints may trigger stress, consequently physical IPV [27]. They may also unable to provide social support and networks for women to resist and men to stop perpetrating violence [28]. In Bangladesh, a study [20] examining the effect of community-level factors found that community average per capita household income was a protective factor for physical or sexual IPV, although that association was marginally significant, while another study [17] examined but did not find association between community-level poverty and physical IPV, rendering the association between community-level poverty and IPV inconclusive. Given the lack of empirical evidence using nationally representative data, we wanted to examine whether the interaction between women's intersectional social locations and community types affect their experiences of physical IPV.
We used Crenshaw's intersectionality theory [10, 11] and McCall's intercategorical intersectionality approach [12] to conceptualize this study. In introducing intersectionality theory, Crenshaw [10] made visible Black women who were located at the intersection of two marginalized social locations: race and gender. Centring the experiences of Black women and Black, Indigenous, and people of colours (BIPOC), this theory highlights how individual social locations are produced and shaped by interacting and mutually constituting social structures and processes such as ageism, classism, sexism, and racism, exerting power over individuals to shape their experiences at different intersections of age, class, gender, and race, among others [29,30,31].
To advance this field of inquiry using quantitative methods, McCall [12] proposed the intercategorical approach, which quantifies the differences among different intersectional locations. Consequently, the field of quantitative intersectionality has continued to grow across disciplines including public health [32]. Encouraging as these applications are, a recent systematic review [33] revealed that exploratory analyses dominate intersectionality research. Although such studies are important, it is necessary to formulate and test theory-driven hypotheses that might help program managers/policymakers to understand and change the social structures to improve population health [33, 34]. Interestingly, intersectionality as a critical normative theory cannot be tested [35]. If thought of as an empirical paradigm [36] it is possible to select categories for research with "the knowledge of the research topic" ( [31] p1715).
We, therefore, drew on Bangladeshi IPV literature and intersectionality theory's tenet that the interacting systems of power, oppressions, and privileges work together [30, 31] to generate hypotheses. We conceptualized that women's individual-level intersecting locations interact with communities to shape their physical IPV experiences (Fig. 1). We hypothesized that Bangladeshi younger women who are lower educated or poor are more oppressed in disadvantaged communities (e.g., younger or poor communities) than their counterparts in advantaged communities (e.g., older or nonpoor communities). Interacting systems of power and privileges, on the other hand, might help younger women who are higher educated or nonpoor to be more successful in escaping physical IPV in advantaged compared to disadvantaged communities.
Conceptual model depicting women's intersecting locations interacting with communities, shaping their physical intimate partner violence (IPV) experiences
Research questions and hypotheses
Given the above theoretical frame, we asked: (a) do younger, lower educated or poor women's physical IPV experiences get exacerbated in disadvantaged communities? Conversely, (b) do younger, higher educated or nonpoor women's physical IPV experiences get ameliorated in advantaged communities?
To answer the above questions, we tested two directional hypotheses: (1) Younger women who are lower educated or poor will have higher probabilities of experiencing physical IPV than older women who are higher educated or nonpoor; these differences in probabilities will be higher in disadvantaged than advantaged communities; and (2) Younger women who are higher educated or nonpoor will have lower probabilities of experiencing physical IPV than their counterparts who are lower educated or poor; these differences will be higher in advantaged than disadvantaged communities.
We employed an intercategorical intersectionality, multilevel, cross-sectional study design to test directional hypotheses [12, 37]. We used the latest nationally representative, secondary, cross-sectional survey data administered by Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics (BBS) that used a stratified two-stage cluster sampling design from the 2015 Bangladesh violence against women survey (BVAWS2015) following the World Health Organization and United Nations guidelines [38]. BBS considered design effect in calculating sample, selected households, and participants randomly, and trained interviewers to collect data, ensuring the privacy and confidentiality of women using a standard pilot-tested questionnaire.
Study setting and participants
BBS [38] conducted BVAWS2015 survey in all the seven Bangladeshi administrative divisions, which were stratified by rural, urban, and city locations. Women 15-years and older living in the same household were considered eligible; however, guests and domestic workers who lived there for less than 6 months were excluded [38]. Woman interviewers recruited participants from their households across 911 primary sampling units (PSUs) which were geographical units with an average 108 households. After identifying households during 13–22 August 2015, woman interviewers conducted interviews in person with women and girls over a period of 15 days [38]. Only one participant per household was interviewed following the World Health Organization's ethical guideline [38, 39].
BVAWS2015 interviewed 21,688 women who were 15 years or older [38]. In the current study, after excluding never married (n = 1701), previously married (n = 1799), women who were not living with a spouse during the survey (n = 2676), transgender (n = 76), unknown gender (n = 1), and women with missing information on outcome variable (n = 14), we included 15,421 participants in our final sample. These currently married 15 years or older women were living with their spouses during the survey across 911 communities (see Additional file 1).
We categorized PSUs as communities [7, 40]. These communities comprised four types: younger communities, poor communities, older communities, and nonpoor communities. For this categorization, we used ever-married women's (n = 19,987) age and poverty characteristics. Each community type included at least 120 communities with an average 17 observations (minimum 8, maximum 25) per community. Also, 98.5% of communities had more than 10 observations. Considering the minimum requirement for community-level samples is 50 to 100 and individual-level samples for a 2-level model is 5 to 10 [41], we considered our community- and individual-level samples adequate.
As BVAWS2015 [38] had only 4.8% non-response rate and our sub-sample had negligible number of missing cases, the current study was able to reduce the non-response bias. BBS [38] also took measures to reduce the measurement bias by considering the design effect and selection bias by using a nationally representative sample and randomly selecting PSUs, households, and women [42, 43]. The interviewer training in asking sensitive questions that followed the ethical guideline [39] might have also helped reducing the interviewer and social desirability biases.
The binary dependent variable–IPV, was constructed from the modified conflict tactics scale-2 [44], which is considered a gold standard measure [1]. Items that BBS [38] used to measure physically violent acts that women reported to have experienced in the past year included their getting: (a) slapped, punched or something thrown at them; (b) pushed, shoved or pulling of their hair; (c) burned with hot things; (d) acid thrown at them; (e) hot water/oil/milk/peas thrown at them; (f) kicked, dragged or beaten up; (g) suffocated or strangled; (h) burned; (i) threatened with knife/weapon; and (j) hit by a stick. Items c, d, e, and j were country specific items. We generated IPV by coding it 1 if a woman responded yes to any of these acts and, 0, if not.
Individual-level independent variables included younger age, lower education, and poor. We used binary coding to manage complexity and coding decisions were made using previous literature examples [4, 7, 14, 45]. Younger age was coded 1, if women were 15 to 29 years old; and 0 if they were 30 years and older. Lower education was coded 1, if women completed 0 to 4th grades; and 0, if they completed 5th grade or higher levels of education. BBS [38] generated wealth quintiles using household asset items to create five wealth groups. Using this, the poor category was coded 1, if a woman's household belonged to 1st wealth quintile; and 0, if otherwise.
Community-level independent variables included two binary variables: (a) younger communities and (b) poor communities. We generated these community types by calculating proportions of ever-married younger women and poor women living in each community. Communities in which high proportions of younger women lived were coded as younger communities and the remainder as older communities. Similarly, communities where high proportions of poor women lived were coded as poor communities, and the remainder, as nonpoor communities. Thus, we distinguished four types of communities. High proportion cut-off points were determined based on the communities in which proportions of women with a specific characteristic (i.e., younger, poor) scored higher than one standard deviation (SD) above the mean. (See these cut-off points in Results section.) Using standardization addressed the rightly skewed poor community variable. This approach is consistent with earlier research [17, 46].
For covariates, we included dummy coded women's religion (Islam = 1, Other = 0), geographical location (Rural = 1, Urban/City locations = 0), and their husband's age (< 30 = 1, > = 30 = 0) and education (<5th grade = 1, > = 5th grade = 0). We treated them as confounders, because they are potentially associated with married women's age, education, and poverty; and are also risk factors for IPV against women in Bangladesh [4, 19, 47,48,49]. We did not use women's income variable as a confounder, as it potentially lies in the causal pathway between the dependent and independent variables.
We carried out univariate analyses to describe the variables, bi-variate analyses to examine the distribution of independent variables by outcome, and logistic regression analyses for hypothesis testing. We conducted complete case analyses to address the missing data. We ran a two-level fixed effect logistic regression model with cross-product terms of explanatory main effects variables to predict IPV [37]. This model included women's individual-level variables (i.e., younger age, lower education, and poor) and community-level variables (i.e., younger communities and poor communities; see Additional file 2). Relevant interaction terms for individual main effects and cross-level interaction terms between individual- and community-level variables were included following the well-formulated hierarchical design [50]. We adjusted for confounding variables and survey weights including sampling strata, clusters at the community-level, and households' and women's weights at the individual-level to avoid making types I and II errors [51].
For testing the discriminatory accuracy, we measured the intraclass correlation coefficient and incremental percentage change in the area under the receiver operating characteristic curve (AUC) between the null model (i.e., a benchmark model that included only the community identification variable) and the explanatory model [52, 53]; and also estimated the significant difference in AUC between these models. To estimate the measures of association, we calculated marginal predicted probabilities and significant differences across intersecting social locations, with pairwise comparisons and Bonferroni correction. We conducted sensitivity analyses with continuous instead of categorical level-1 variables; and divided communities into deciles (i.e., 10 equal population groups) by community-level mean age and mean wealth quintile values instead of using dichotomization (see Additional file 3).
We used 5% significance level in all estimates. Analyses were conducted in Stata version 15.1 [54]; and Stata's [55] margins with pwcompare was used to calculate differences between women's probabilities of experiencing IPV at different intersectional locations within communities; and lincom to measure the difference-in-differences between disadvantaged and advantaged communities. We used the strengthening the reporting of observational studies in epidemiology (STROBE) cross-sectional guidelines [56] to report this study.
Women and community characteristics
Over one-third (34.0%, weighted n or nw = 11,732,707) women were 15 to 29 years old; almost 50% (nw = 17,108,771) had no or less than a fifth-grade education; and 23% (nw = 7,944,569) were poor (see Additional file 4). At the intersection of age and education, 11.7% (nw = 4,053,377) women were younger, lower educated, 22.3% (nw = 7,679,330) were younger, higher educated, while 28.2% (nw = 9,758,881) were older, higher educated. At the intersection of age and poverty, 7.9% (nw = 2,735,813) women were younger, poor, 26.0% (nw = 8,996,895) were younger, nonpoor, while 51.0% (nw = 17,605,518) were older, nonpoor.
Over 82% (nw = 28,387,282) women lived in advantaged communities (in which high proportions of older or nonpoor women lived) while at least 17.1% (nw = 5,896,066) women lived in disadvantaged communities (in which high proportions of younger or poor women lived; see Additional file 4). High proportion cut-off points for defining community types were 43.3 and 41.8% for younger and poor communities, respectively. That is, in each younger community, at least 43.3% of the ever-married women were younger; and in each poor community, at least 41.8% of them were poor.
IPV prevalence rates across women's single-axis locations and types of communities
Overall, although 25.1% (nw = 34,546,982) women reported experiencing IPV in the past year, the prevalence rates for younger, lower educated, and poor women compared to older, higher educated, and nonpoor women, respectively, were significantly higher (27.8–31.4%, nw = 17,108,771–7,944,569 vs. 22.3–23.3%, nw = 17,438,211–22,814,274; see Additional file 5). IPV prevalence rate did not vary between younger and older communities (25.7%, nw = 6,159,700 and 24.9%, nw = 28,387,282), but it did vary for women in poor compared to nonpoor communities (29.5%, nw = 5,896,066 vs. 24.2%, nw = 28,650,916, F (1, 890) =7.2, p = .01).
IPV prevalence rates across women's intersectional locations and types of communities
Women's intersectional social locations revealed significant differences in IPV prevalence rates, the highest for younger, poor women (35.4%, nw = 2,735,813), the lowest for older, higher educated women (20.1%, nw = 9,758,881; see Additional file 5). Figure 2 depicts how women's marginal predicted probabilities of IPV at their different intersectional social locations varied within each type of community. IPV probabilities varied from 18.8% (95% CI, 14.7, 22.9) for older, higher educated women in younger communities to 37.1% (95% CI, 31.0, 43.3) for younger, poor women in poor communities (Fig. 2). Younger, lower educated or poor women's predicted probabilities of IPV ranged from 34.0% (95% CI, 27.9, 40.2) in younger communities to 37.1% (95% CI, 31.0, 43.3) in poor communities.
Marginal predicted probabilities (95% CI) of women experiencing physical intimate partner violence at different intersectional social locations across different types of communities.1Bangladesh violence against women survey 2015, unweighted N, women = 15,421; weighted N, women = 34,546,982; N, communities = 911.2Younger and poor communities were considered disadvantaged communities, and older and nonpoor communities, advantaged communities.3Dark red and green colours point to the highest and lowest predicted probabilities, the lighter shades lie in between these extreme point estimates.4Probabilities were estimated after running Model-2 (see Additional file 6)
Results of testing hypothesis 1
Within community differences indicated that younger, poor compared to older, nonpoor women had significantly higher IPV probabilities (the minimum percentage point difference = 12.7, 95% CI, 2.8, 22.6) in all communities (see Additional file 7, Fig. 3). Similar trend was observed between younger, lower educated compared to older, higher educated women in all except communities that were poor. The minimum percentage point difference in IPV probabilities was marked in older communities (13.9, 95% CI, 8.2, 19.6) while the maximum, in younger communities (15.2, 95% CI, 5.0, 25.5; see Additional file 7, Fig. 3). In contrast, in poor communities, younger, lower educated compared to older, higher educated women had 6.4% (95% CI, − 7.0, 19.9) higher IPV probabilities, but this difference was not significant (see Additional file 7, Fig. 3).
Results of testing Hypothesis 1. Within community differences and between community difference-in-differences in marginal predicted probabilities of women experiencing physical intimate partner violence between disadvantaged and advantaged communities. ***p < .000; **p < .00; * < 05; ns-nonsignificant at p < .05. DC=Disadvantaged communities; AC = Advantaged communities.1Bangladesh violence against women survey 2015, unweighted N, women = 15,421; weighted N, women = 34,546,982; N, communities = 911. 2In Panel I, difference-in-differences between younger and older communities = 1.3, 95% CI (− 6.1, 8.7); between poor and nonpoor communities = − 8.6, 95% CI (− 17.6, 0.5). See Additional file 7. 3In Panel II, difference-in-differences between younger and older communities = 3, 95% CI (− 5.2, 11.1); between poor and nonpoor communities = − 0.9, 95% CI (− 8.5, 6.7). See Additional file 7
The between community, difference-in-difference tests indicated no difference between disadvantaged and advantaged communities (probabilities ranged from − 8.6% (95% CI, − 17.6, 0.5) to 3.0% (95% CI, − 5.2, 11.1; see Additional file 7, Fig. 3). Therefore, we could not confirm Hypothesis 1 (i.e., younger, lower educated or poor compared to older, higher educated or nonpoor women will have higher IPV probabilities in disadvantaged than advantaged communities). In other words, disparities were not higher in a disadvantaged compared to an advantaged community.
In all advantaged communities (i.e., older and nonpoor communities), younger women who were higher educated or nonpoor compared to their lower educated or poor counterparts had significantly lower IPV probabilities (the minimum percentage point difference = 7.8, 95% CI, 0.6, 14.9; see Additional file 8, Fig. 4). In only one type of disadvantaged communities, i.e., in poor communities, younger, nonpoor women had significantly lower IPV probabilities compared to younger, poor women (difference in probabilities = 12.5, 95% CI, 1.2, 23.8; see Additional file 8, Fig. 4).
Results of testing Hypothesis 2. Within community differences and between community difference-in-differences in marginal predicted probabilities of women experiencing physical intimate partner violence between disadvantaged and advantaged communities. ***p < .000; **p < .00; * < 05; ns-nonsignificant at p < .05. DC=Disadvantaged communities; AC = Advantaged communities.1Bangladesh violence against women survey 2015, unweighted N, women = 15,421; weighted N, women = 34,546,982; N, communities = 911. 2In Panel I, difference-in-differences between younger and older communities = − 5.0, 95% CI (− 12.6, 2.8); between poor and nonpoor communities = − 2.7, 95% CI (− 11.7, 6.2), p = 0.55. See Additional file 8. 3In Panel II, difference-in-differences between younger and older communities = − 2.2, 95% CI (− 10.4, 5.9), p = 0.59; between poor and nonpoor communities = 4.7, 95% CI (− 3.7, 13.1), p = 0.27. See Additional file 8
However, there was no difference in disparities between disadvantaged and advantaged communities (difference-in-difference probabilities ranged from − 5.0, 95% CI, (− 12.6, 2.8) to 4.7, 95% CI (− 3.7, 13.1); see Additional file 8, Fig. 4). Thus, we also could not confirm Hypothesis 2 (i.e., younger, higher educated or nonpoor compared to younger, lower educated or poor women will have lower IPV probabilities in advantaged than disadvantaged communities). In other words, disparities in experiencing IPV between younger, lower educated or poor and their counterparts who were higher educated or nonpoor were not more pronounced in an advantaged compared to a disadvantaged community.
Sensitivity analyses
For hypothesis 1, sensitivity analyses (see Additional file 9) indicated significant difference between younger, lower educated and older, higher educated women in poor compared to nonpoor communities, however, this finding pointed to the opposite direction to what we had hypothesized. That is, although we assumed that the disparities will be more acute in poor compared to nonpoor communities, we found that the disparities were higher in nonpoor compared to poor communities. For Hypothesis 2, the sensitivity analyses did not find any difference between communities, confirming the findings of the primary analysis (see Additional file 10).
As expected, we found significant within community differences in experiencing IPV among younger women who were lower educated and older women who were higher educated in all communities except those that were poor. Younger women who were poor compared to older women who were nonpoor also had significantly higher probabilities of experiencing IPV in all communities. Additionally, younger, lower educated or poor women were disadvantaged compared to their counterparts who were higher educated or nonpoor in all advantaged (i.e., older and nonpoor) communities. Such widespread within community differences indicated that women's age, education, and poverty are sites of both oppressions and privileges with underlying patriarchal and socio-economic power structures in Bangladesh, as elsewhere [57].
However, within community differences among younger women who were lower versus higher educated was not found in younger and poor communities. Most importantly, we did not find support for our hypotheses on finding between community differences to point to the interacting systems of power, oppressions, and privileges working together in such a way so that younger women's probabilities of experiencing IPV are exacerbated in disadvantaged communities, while they are reduced in advantaged communities. Contrary to what we had hypothesized, poor communities revealed absence of differences in probability of women experiencing IPV at the intersection of age and education, but not at the intersection of age and poverty.
Disadvantaged communities' role in exacerbating disadvantages
Unexpectedly, we did not find support for Hypothesis 1, i.e., younger, lower educated or poor women's IPV probabilities did not exacerbated in disadvantaged compared to advantaged communities. As expected, younger, lower educated women compared to older, higher educated women had higher probabilities of experiencing IPV in most communities, confirming the findings of an earlier study, although the authors did not examine variation across communities [14]. However, in poor communities, the hypothetically privileged, older, higher educated women did not occupy an advantaged location, rendering no difference between poor and nonpoor communities. This absence of difference in IPV probabilities between these marginalized and privileged groups in poor communities occurred not because younger, lower educated women had low levels of IPV probabilities, but the older, higher educated women had high levels of IPV compared to their counterparts in nonpoor communities. Therefore, such equality in poverty, as previously shown in the Canadian context (Armstrong, 1996 as cited in [58]), is not ideal. To clarify, an intersectional social justice project does not expect the oppression against a privileged group to increase to make them equally vulnerable to an oppressed group. Instead, the purpose is to reduce oppression for all groups with greater attention to those at more disadvantaged locations at an accelerated rate [59].
In contrast, the significant difference between younger, poor and older, nonpoor women in poor communities indicates the importance of material resources over education in these settings. According to gender equity and IPV literature, education that increases personal capability, skills, and employment opportunity is pivotal to empower women, and women's empowerment is key to combating IPV [7, 40, 60]. Theoretically, education may also equip women with higher bargaining power and greater ability to resolve conflict, in turn, motivating them not to accept violence either as a patriarchal norm or an instrument of conflict resolution [15, 40, 61]. Considering this, one would expect educated women to achieve a higher social status and standard of living and be more equipped to manage stress and conflict with a concomitant reduction in experiencing IPV [14, 40]. In this study, although the social processes were not examined, it is plausible that the protective effect of education played a positive role for older and higher educated women in nonpoor communities, but not in poor communities. This might be due to the status inconsistency between spouses in education while living in a resource poor setting [62]. For example, women with higher education than husbands were more likely to experience IPV in India [46] and in a factory-based violence prevention study in Bangladesh [63]. However, studies using nationally representative data in Bangladesh found it to be either a protective factor or to have no effect although these authors did not account for poor community settings [7, 64].
Advantaged communities' role in ameliorating advantages
Hypothesis 2 was supported by the finding that younger women who were equipped with higher education and material resources had reduced IPV probabilities compared to younger, lower educated or poor women in advantaged (i.e., nonpoor and older) communities. Although this provided support for our underlying assumption that interacting systems of power and privileges at the community-level work together, the differences did not vary significantly between advantaged and disadvantaged communities. Interestingly, in poor communities, younger, nonpoor women were better off compared to younger, poor women; however, younger women with either lower or higher education were equally disadvantaged. This suggests that, in these communities, women's economic status played a protective role while their levels of education did not. Indeed, an anthropological study conducted in Bangladeshi villages revealed that access to education created younger women's ability to work, improving their family income, consequently, contributing to a decline in IPV in poor communities [61]. It is, therefore, plausible that the promise of education falls flat when it does not lead, at the same time, to a reduction in poverty; even with a higher education, poverty related stress and conflicts may lead to higher rates of IPV [14, 61].
Interestingly, in patriarchy dominated younger communities, younger women who were either higher educated or nonpoor did not get any advantage over their marginalized counterparts who were lower educated or poor, reflecting the durability of patriarchal settings that put younger women at the most precarious location irrespective of their education and economic status. In contrast, a cross-cultural study using data from 44 countries indicated that women's education was likely to reduce violence in countries where wife abuse was normative than where it was not [65]. However, a recent study [18] in Bangladesh found that the advantage of women getting married at a later age is reversed in patriarchal communities, where high proportions of girls are married before age 15. Another study found that women's empowerment, although a protective factor for IPV in a socially progressive setting in Bangladesh, became a risk factor in a socially conservative setting [19].
Implications of younger women's intersectional locations across community types
As we did not find evidence that disadvantaged communities exacerbate and advantaged communities ameliorate IPV for younger women, we cannot suggest prioritizing disadvantaged over advantaged communities for intervention. Younger, lower educated or poor women were clearly located on the bottom rung, bearing the brunt of IPV in all communities. The robust within community differences suggest that disrupting patriarchal norms and practices that put younger women at the most precarious social location and ameliorating their material and educational conditions are to be prioritized in all communities. Also, absence of difference between younger, lower educated and younger or older, higher educated women (i.e., a flattening effect of education regardless of age) might point to the problem of education not being translated into social and material benefits in poor communities [66]. Therefore, Bangladeshi IPV prevention programs and policies should invest in providing quality education and improving women's material conditions and gender equitable relationships and norms, addressing power imbalances in all communities. A recent study found that providing educational support, skills, and gender awareness training to adolescent girls helped reducing child marriage in Bangladeshi villages [67]. Similar initiatives can be made to reduce IPV. Following the proportionate universalism approach [59] reaching out to all women in all communities, but investing more resources for younger women and communities that are poor might be justified. Future studies may examine the socio-economic-political structures and processes that underlie the power, oppressions, and privileges to reduce inequality and IPV against not just younger women, but all women. This would allow avoiding oppression Olympics or competition among multiple marginalized groups [68] towards building intersectional solidarity and effect change.
Embedded in intersectionality theory is the social justice project of addressing violence against women [11, 69], yet, thus far, only 1% applied quantitative intersectionality studies have incorporated this theory to examine IPV (authors' estimate from Bauer et al.'s [70] review article). Interestingly, none of these IPV studies used or tested intersectionality theory informed hypotheses. The current study, thus, helps advancing the IPV and intercategorical intersectionality scholarship by generating and testing intersectionality theory oriented, directional hypotheses. Although intersectionality is not a testable theory [35], we drew on IPV literature to generate hypotheses. We pragmatically used existing social categories that are sites of power, oppression, and privilege, as required in intersectionality research [12]. As such, it answers recent calls to conduct intercategorical research that "embed an explicit theoretical frame to best meet the tenets of intersectionality" ( [71] p262). This study benefits from using a large sample, with a low rate of non-response (BBS, [38]). It is important to note, however, that identifying social categories with IPV or sensitive outcomes has a stigmatizing potential that might further harm [52]. On the other hand, the fear of stigmatization might also keep IPV underground [39]. To avoid this, the current study focussed on women's social locations, not identities [32].
This study has several limitations. As it was quantitative, we could not incorporate women's subjective experiences. Using a cross-sectional survey data allowed us only to indicate association, not causation. Due to unavailability of data, we could neither include variables on structures that generate women's social locations, nor could we include process indicators that lead to IPV, although these are key aspects of intersectionality theory. To manage complexity, we dichotomized the variables, however, we followed previous literature to set cut-offs and conducted sensitivity analyses. Although the modified conflict tactics scale is considered a gold standard measure [1], IPV can be expressed differently across cultures [72]. Interestingly, BBS [38] included country specific items to address this issue. As BBS did not over sample some marginalized populations, we also could not include Indigenousness, disability, and gender identity categories that are some critical social locations [69]. Given that women are subject to multiple forms of violence [38], it is important to apply this analysis to examine multi-dimensional violence against women in the future. Moreover, since intersectional inequalities change across time and place [12, 31], doing a longitudinal study could have captured how intersectionality inequalities travel across the life course. Considering the enormity of IPV problem, the BBS might consider conducting longitudinal surveys to allow examination of causal processes as well as any change in IPV going forward. As women's getting married at a young age is not common in all countries, the concept of younger communities might be unique to countries like Bangladesh, offering limited generalizability. However, the precarities of women's lower education, poverty, and their living in poor communities are realities in many settings; therefore, the findings of this study might be partially applicable to other low- and middle-income countries.
While we found no evidence that younger women's intersecting disadvantages got worse in disadvantaged communities and improved in advantaged communities, we found significant within community differences, revealing complex inequalities within each type of community. As the purpose of an intersectional, social justice project is to reduce the underlying oppression for all social groups with greater attention to those at more disadvantaged locations, we suggest (a) addressing patriarchal norms, practices, and the economic power structures that put younger, lower educated or poor women at most precarious social locations and (b) ameliorating their material and educational conditions in all communities. Additionally, in poor communities, the flattening effect of education for older as well as younger women are to be further examined. Future studies also need to examine the socio-economic-political forces and processes that underlie the power, oppressions, and privileges at the intersectional locations to reduce inequality and IPV against not just for younger, but all women. For generating and testing intersectionality theory-oriented directional hypotheses in IPV research, this study might advance scholarship on domestic violence and quantitative intersectionality globally.
Data of the current study are subset of the Bangladesh Violence Against Women Survey 2015 dataset, which is available from the Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics at http://203.112.218.65:8008/PageSiteMap1.aspx?MenuKey = 7#.
BBS:
Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics
BVAWS2015:
The 2015 Bangladesh violence against women survey
IPV:
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We appreciate Bangladeshi women and girls for participating in the survey and the Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics for making the survey data available.
LR: Frederick Banting and Charles Best Canada Graduate Scholarship by the Institute of Gender and Health at the Canadian Institutes of Health Research. JDM: The Atkinson Foundation.GE: The Wilfred and Joyce Posluns Chair in Women's Brain Health and Aging (Canadian Institutes of Health Research, The Ontario Brian Institute, and The Wilfred and Joyce Posluns Fund). The sponsors had no role in study design; collection, analysis, and interpretation of data; and writing and submitting the article for publication.
Dalla Lana School of Public Health, University of Toronto, 155 College St., Suite- 620, Toronto, ON, M5T 3M7, Canada
Laila Rahman, Janice Du Mont, Patricia O'Campo & Gillian Einstein
Women's College Research Institute, Women's College Hospital, 76 Grenville St., 6th Floor, Toronto, ON, M5S 1B2, Canada
Janice Du Mont & Gillian Einstein
Centre for Urban Health Solutions, St. Michael's Hospital, 30 Bond St., Toronto, ON, M5B 1W8, Canada
Patricia O'Campo
Li Ka Shing Knowledge Institute, St. Michael's Hospital, 209 Victoria St., Toronto, ON, M5B 1T8, Canada
Department of Psychology, University of Toronto, 100 St. George St., Toronto, ON, M5S 3G3, Canada
Gillian Einstein
Department of Gender Studies, Linköping University, 581 83, Linköping, Sweden
Laila Rahman
Janice Du Mont
LR conceived of the study and developed the conceptual framework with the help of PO. LR acquired and analysed the data and wrote the first draft. PO guided the statistical analyses; PO and JDM directed the hypothesis testing. GE supervised the study and provided intellectual input to the study including ethics approval and data acquisition. GE, JDM, and PO critically edited manuscript drafts. All authors contributed to the interpretation of results and approved the final manuscript.
Correspondence to Laila Rahman.
University of Toronto gave an ethics review exemption to this secondary, deidentified, cross-sectional survey data received from BBS, a public data custodian. BBS collected the primary data by conducting the Bangladesh Violence Against Women Survey 2015. They received informed consent before conducting interviews and carried out the survey according to the World Health Organization's ethics guideline on researching violence against women.
Flowchart on the selection of study participants and communities.
Multilevel logistic regression model predicting the currently married women experiencing physical intimate partner violence in Bangladesh.
Description of sensitivity analysis.
Women and community characteristics.
Women's experiences of physical intimate partner violence in the past year by women and community characteristics.
Multilevel logistic regression model estimates, coefficients (95% CI), predicting women's experiences of physical intimate partner violence in the past year.
Results of testing Hypothesis 1: Within and between community differences in probabilities of women experiencing physical intimate partner violence in the past year.
Sensitivity analysis, results of testing Hypothesis 1: Within and between community differences in marginal predicted probabilities of women experiencing physical intimate partner violence in the past year.
Additional file 10.
Rahman, L., Du Mont, J., O'Campo, P. et al. Intersectional inequalities in younger women's experiences of physical intimate partner violence across communities in Bangladesh. Int J Equity Health 21, 4 (2022). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12939-021-01587-z
Intercategorical intersectionality
Cross-sectional survey research


text:
John Green Is Donating $6.5 Million to Sierra Leone's Healthcare System—And You Can Help
BY Ellen Gutoskey
vlogbrothers, YouTube
One in every 17 women in Sierra Leone, Africa, will die during pregnancy or childbirth—that's the highest maternal mortality rate in the world.
To help provide the time, attention, and resources needed to effect systemic change in the country, bestselling author and longtime Mental Floss contributor John Green just announced that his family is donating a total of $6.5 million over the next five years to the Sierra Leone branch of Partners in Health (PIH), an organization that supplies poor communities with medical resources and works with local governments to establish long-term healthcare infrastructure.
In a video posted on his vlogbrothers YouTube channel (which he runs with his brother, Hank) Green explains that the high maternal mortality rate is partly due to a large-scale shortage of basic necessities like electricity, running water, and transportation. Without electricity, nighttime deliveries are dangerous and refrigerating blood for transfusions is impossible; without running water, it's difficult to sanitize tools; and without ambulances, the best option for women who need emergency cesarean sections is a long ride to the hospital on the back of a motorbike.
Because the solution isn't specific to just one thing, the country pretty much needs to build a better healthcare system from the ground up. With the help of PIH and donations from Green and other outlets, Sierra Leone's Ministry of Health and Sanitation is dedicated to doing just that. In the Kono District, they'll hire more community healthcare workers, strengthen primary care centers, and build a Maternal Center of Excellence in the government hospital with an NICU, operating rooms, and more.
If you think it seems like those objectives might cost even more than $6.5 million to achieve, you're right. PIH's overall fundraising goal is $25 million in the next five years, and they're already more than halfway there.
Green is hoping to raise a little over $1 million each year, and every dollar helps. If you have a few to spare, you can donate to the campaign here.
There's also a group of matching donors who have pledged to match up to $120,000 in donations per year. If you can contribute $2000 or more and would like to join that group, you can email John for details at sparksflyup@gmail.com.
Sierra Leone might have the highest maternal mortality rate right now, but there are similar crises happening all over the world. With this endeavor, PIH wants to demonstrate that improving healthcare systems isn't impossible and also be a guide for other organizations hoping to replicate their work.
Looking to give to other altruistic causes, too? Here are 15 more incredible organizations helping women around the world.
charity Charity Spotlight Health News video

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Staleochlora viridicata är en insektsart som först beskrevs av Jean Guillaume Audinet Serville 1838.  Staleochlora viridicata ingår i släktet Staleochlora och familjen Romaleidae.

Underarter

Arten delas in i följande underarter:

 S. v. paraguayensis
 S. v. orientalis
 S. v. viridicata

Källor

Hopprätvingar
viridicata

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


I was at the Oregon Region Porsche Club holiday dinner recently, and several members came up to talk about my November 11 column, Tips for Car Club Survival, concerning things that car clubs might consider to help them survive and grow as we move deeper into the 21st century.
Our new world is not particularly automobile-friendly, as we have so many options now for entertainment and socialization. How then do we keep old car clubs relevant?
There are many stock phrases in the vocabularies of car collectors.
I've just completed the 1,000-mile Monte Carlo-style rally held every year in Argentina. The Argentine Millas brings together old-car enthusiasts for three long days of challenging roads and timed legs that are measured to 1/100 of a second.
My co-pilot was Round-Fender Volvo Club leader Dean Koehler, recently retired from Alaska Airlines and who is also an ex-Navy carrier pilot.
Alfa 4C: The Right Car for the Right Time?
I've been around Alfas for a long time.
When I was at Ron Tonkin Grand Turismo in the late '80s and early '90s, the Alfas we were selling were the Milano, the 164 and the beloved-but-aged Spider.
I've been thinking about what it takes for a club to survive in the 21st century. I belong to a fair number of automotive marque clubs, and I regularly attend meetings for other clubs as a guest. Here are my tips for making a club a more effective organization.
How often do you get to discuss advances in Civil War artillery with Indy 500 winner Bobby Rahal while driving in his 1962 Porsche 356 twin-grille roadster under a canopy of Spanish Moss?
Over the past 13 years, the Hilton Head Island Motoring Festival has grown from a car show to an entire week celebrating the vintage car world, including vintage races, a tour, elegant receptions and of course the concours itself.
At the highest level of the U.S.-based catalog-sale collector car auctions, Gooding & Company and RM Auctions are the major players, with Bonhams now a hard-charging, fast-rising contender.
All three of these companies are now going toe-to-toe in Monterey, Scottsdale and Amelia Island. There will be no shortage of high-dollar fireworks as billionaires compete for delectable multi-million dollar collectibles.
Winter's Coming – Store Your Car or Drive It?
We had an unseasonably hot summer in Portland. I went so far as to buy a vintage Volvo 122S with factory air-conditioning just to beat the heat. It's been dry as well – the desiccated skeletons of the potted plants on my deck bear mute testimony to the futility of my normal watering routine.
But in the last three weeks, summer finally decided to leave, and we've skipped early fall and gone directly to near-winter.
Should Alex Say Goodbye to Her BMW?
My daughter Alex has had her trusty 1995 318i BMW for more than six years. The car is white over tan with a 5-speed, and Alex has put over 50,000 miles on it.
I find that the 4-cylinder engine is a perfect match for the chassis, offering enough speed for any situation, good gas mileage and low maintenance costs.
Car shows happen in the most unlikely places.
This weekend, the Goldendale Motorsports Association hosted the 16th annual Concours de Maryhill and hillclimb. The venue was the Maryhill Museum of Art, 103 miles east of Portland, overlooking the Columbia River. Entrepreneur Sam Hill built Maryhill and dedicated it to the public in 1926.


Rising interest rates and increased competition are causing U.S. banks to decrease their commercial real estate lending this year, according to a recent report by CoStar.
But as we've written before, statistics should always be looked at very closely. While it's true that commercial real estate lending as a whole is declining, the bright spot among all CRE asset classes is multifamily housing.
Breaking down commercial real estate lending by U.S. banks by asset class shows that borrowers are still asking for – and receiving – loans for multifamily development, even with today's slightly higher interest rates.
On the other hand, multifamily loan origination for Q3 2018 increased by 19%.
Banks are paring down their overall commercial loan portfolios. Still, the dollar volume of loans originated for multifamily property by life insurance companies grew by 4% and multifamily loan origination from Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac was up 3% over this last quarter.
Meanwhile, over the same time frame, five out of the top 10 banks with the largest commercial real estate loan portfolios decreased their holdings. For example, Wells Fargo trimmed its $134 billion commercial property loan portfolio by about $2.7 billion.
In today's environment of rising interest rates the big U.S. banks are having a tough time gaining new business while trying to balance their heightened exposure to rising interest-rate risk and credit risk.
If CRE lending is slowing why are multifamily loan originations still growing?
Multifamily property (along with industrial) are the only two commercial real estate asset classes that are on the radar screen of real estate investors and commercial real estate lenders.
The smart money considers multifamily housing to be a safe haven regardless of today's changing economic environment. Even though multifamily property prices have increased over 11% the past year – higher than the 10% price growth seen in 2017 – investing in multifamily property continues to provide stable and safe returns.
Steve Guggenmos, VP Research & Modeling at FreddieMac Multifamily, continues to see continuing strong fundamentals for the multifamily housing market in the U.S. So much so that multifamily loan origination volume is expected to rise to $305 billion by the end of 2018.
Regardless of the economic environment people still need a place to live. After the Global Financial Crisis in 2008 residential foreclosures boomed, people lost their homes . . . and the demand for multifamily housing increased dramatically.
Even though the real estate market and economy have long since improved, multifamily housing demand continues to grow as people seek out more affordable housing options. While economic factors certainly play a role in rising demand, millennials and people nearing retirement age simply see less value in home ownership than generations of the past.
We've written previously about the structural change taking place in the housing market today.
It is a fundamental realignment that has little to do with traditional supply and demand. This, combined with home ownership increasingly being excluded from the American Dream, and powerfully strong investment fundamentals, help ensure that the demand for multifamily housing will continue to grow today and tomorrow, and for years to come.


text:
Peroxide Ingestion, Promoted by Alternative Medicine, Can Be Deadly
WASHINGTON, D.C.—High-concentration peroxide, sometimes promoted in alternative medicine circles for cleanses or as a so-called "natural cure," can lead to numerous life-threatening ailments and death itself, according to a paper published online yesterday in Annals of Emergency Medicine ("Outcomes Following High Concentration Peroxide Ingestions").
"Ingesting high-concentration peroxide can cause embolisms affecting the cardiac, respiratory and neurological systems, leading to permanent disability or death," said lead study author Benjamin Hatten, MD, MPH, of the University of Colorado School of Medicine in Aurora, Colo. "Though touted by the alternative and complementary medicine communities as 'super water,' peroxide should not be ingested for any reason. Because there are also industrial uses, some ingestions have been accidental because of its resemblance to water."
Dr. Hatten examined 10 years of poison control records for high-concentration peroxide ingestion (concentration strength of 10 percent or greater). Almost 14 percent (13.9 percent) of reported cases had embolic events and 6.8 percent of cases either died or exhibited continued disability. Life-threatening ailments associated with high-concentration peroxide ingestion include seizure, altered mental status, respiratory distress, stroke, pulmonary embolism and heart attack. Patients treated early with hyperbaric oxygen had improved outcomes. Caustic injuries were rare and routine endoscopy was not beneficial.
"This product is meant to be used by the dropper and then diluted, yet we encountered many cases where it was stored at full strength in a clear vessel in the refrigerator," said Dr. Hatten. "This is a caustic liquid, and as with many poison prevention efforts, we recommend keeping this product in its original container and adding both child-resistant capping and a colorizing agent to reduce the possibility of accidental ingestion."
Annals of Emergency Medicine is one of the peer-reviewed scientific journal for the American College of Emergency Physicians (ACEP), the national medical society representing emergency medicine. Annals of Emergency Medicine is the largest and most frequently cited circulation peer-reviewed journal in emergency medicine and publishes original research, clinical reports, opinion, and educational information related to the practice, teaching, and research of emergency medicine.
For further information: Steve Arnoff | sarnoff@acep.org | Twitter: @EmergencyDocs
Medicines and Prescribing News Poison Public Education Research


text:
World Trade Politics
Power, Principles and Leadership
David A. Deese
Published October 19, 2007 by Routledge
Published November 13, 2007 by Routledge
World Trade Politics: Power, Principles and Leadership
This book develops a new theoretical approach to understanding the role of leadership in trade negotiations. By examining in detail the key role of leadership in the GATT/WTO system, it offers new insights into trade bargaining from the inception of the GATT through to the current WTO Doha Round. David A. Deese makes use of an impressive range and amount of primary material on the GATT/WTO system from a variety of official sources.
World Trade Politics will be recommended reading for upper level undergraduate as well as postgraduate and research students, and will be essential reading for scholars of the global trade system.
1. Principles, Power, and Leadership 2. What is Political Leadership in International Relations? 3. The Founding: World War II to the Turbulent 1970s 4. GATT, 1975 – 1995: From Endangered Species to Unprecedented Authority 5. Foundations for the Future: Can the WTO Become Relevant to Development and its Least Developed Members? 6. Why International Institutions Fail and Succeed
David A. Deese of the Department of Political Science at Boston College is editor of The New Politics of American Foreign Policy and the book series, The Library of Essays in International Relations. His research focuses on international organizations, political economy, and foreign policy.
"World Trade Politics is a masterful work of historical analysis that makes a signal contribution to the field of International Political Economy. Combining meticulous empirical research with an unusually comprehensive reading of the formal literature, Deese develops an integrated theory of political leadership in international negotiations that is at once eclectic and nuanced. His tracing of the evolution of the GATT/WTO regime has applicability far beyond the issue of trade relations alone." - Benjamin Jerry Cohen, Louis G. Lancaster Professor of International Political Economy, University of California, Santa Barbara, USA
"A comprehensive, insightful analysis of success and failure in GATT/WTO international trade negotiations over the past sixty years. In particular, Deese gives credible (and long overdue) emphasis to the decisive role played by effective political leadership." - I.M. Destler, Visiting Fellow, Peterson Institute for International Economics, USA
"David Deese asks the important question how the GATT expanded from its modest 1947 beginnings to become one of the most powerful international institutions in our world today. He constructs original answers using the concept of leadership by US and other officials in negotiations through the decades. A valuable contribution that details leadership failures as well as successes and considers the prospects for developing countries." - John Odell is Director, Political Economy and Public Policy Program, University of Southern California, USA
"The rise of China, India, and Brazil present important questions about leadership in the global economy . In this engaging and important new book, Professor David Deese uses case studies to investigate trade negotiations and thus, to ask and answer important questions about leadership and power. Policymakers would do well to read this book as they seek to understand and juggle the demands of their constituents with their responsibilities to the global community at large. Scholars will benefit from a greater understanding of how the U.S. and the EU provided intellectual and practical leadership of trade negotiations." - Susan Ariel Aaronson, Research Associate Professor, George Washington University, USA
International Trade (incl. trade agreements & tariffs)
Politics of International Trade
Economics, Finance and Accounting


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Snugpak Journey Duo Two Person Tent.
The extremely wind-stable Journey Duo by Snugpak is a sturdy two-man tent with low weight and pack size. It has a classic tunnel construction with two poles, waterproof outer tent, inner tent with mosquito net and waterproof floor. The high mesh content ensures a good climate in the inner tent. The floor pan is made of very sturdy 190t polyester and reliably prevents moisture from getting into the tent from the floor. The inner tent can also be set up without an outer tent, so it can comfortably sleep in warmer regions, without being visited by annoying mosquitoes. The interior is generously sized and offers enough space for two people. The luggage can be stored in the large apse. The low height, criss-cross boom and guy points provide excellent wind stability.
External dimensions: approx. 320 x 165 x 106 cm (L / W / H).
Inner dimensions: approx. 220 x 155 x 100 cm (L / W / H).
Pack size: approx. 58 x 18 x 17 cm.


It's fun. It's creative. It's educative about the basics that photographers deal with whenever they do their thing.
Work out your exposure by the hit and miss method, also known as exposure determination by experimentation. This is where you say "Ooooh. I reckon about two minutes." Then if it turns out ok, well and good. But if it's not right, you either double it or halve it for the next exposure, depending on your assessment. Nothing wrong with that method for pinhole photography.
Let's say you're using 4"x5" photographic paper. The diagonal of your paper is about 160mm. If you make the distance from the pinhole to the paper about 50mm to 80mm this will be ok. Length of about half the diagonal of the film. You could make the length 20mm to 50mm giving quite a wide angle. There's nothing to stop you building your pinhole camera around a four foot length of drainpipe giving you a 1200mm telephoto pinhole camera, except that the exposure time might be in the order of several hours or all day.
Note: 100mm = about 4"
There is much more technical stuff that can be studied but that's all you really need to know to get started. So empty the breakfast cerial packet and build a pinhole camera.
It's important to have a smooth, burr free pinhole for the sharpest possible image. Ideally, push the tapered section of the needle through in several stages, gently removing the burr with fine wet and dry paper between actions. Rest the foil on cardboard as you push the needle through so you don't stretch the foil.
I think that every photographer needs to build at least one pinhole camera and experiment with it. There is so much to be learned from pinhole photography which is photography at its most basic.


text:
acreil
DSP and other digital geekery
« sample item with diameter 32
Casio Cosmo Synthesizer SPU (1984), ZZ-1 (1986) »
continuous microtonal glissando for 8 oscillators
November 4, 2018 //
Get the PD patch here. It's simplified and permits manual control. It runs in PD Vanilla. The full album is here.
Here are 8 sawtooth oscillators gliding up and down in pitch in equal intervals. They start at unison and end in octaves, a tritone from the starting pitch. In between are a surprising number of audible consonances, even though the overall sound is generally very dissonant. To avoid extremes in pitch, each oscillator is actually a Shepard-Risset glissando that returns to the same pitch every two octaves.
The most frequently used model of consonance is harmonic concordance. For a simultaneity of multiple tones, consonance is heard when partials from one tone coincide with partials from another. For tones consisting of a harmonic series, this happens at integer ratios. For inharmonic tones, consonances occur at different intervals where the inharmonic partials coincide.
In the video you can see only a very small number of harmonics, but the effect is illustrated rather clearly. Consonances are audible when lines intersect and overlap. This isn't the only way to represent it on a spectrogram. There's a lot to explore by viewing it at different scales. It probably looks more interesting when zoomed out, but I think the video corresponds most closely to what's actually audible.
Here the consonances occur both at small integer ratios, and because the same inteveral is stacked 8 times, also at roots of those ratios, up to the seventh root. The greatest consonances occur when fundamental frequencies (and consequently all harmonics) coincide at equal divisions of the octave, up to 7 EDO. At 8 EDO intervals (odd multiples of 150 cents), all tones are equally spaced and none overlap. In general, partials audibly coincide about every 2 cents.
Here's a list of audibly consonant intervals. The columns represent the time where the interval occurs, the interval size in cents and the equivalent ratio. This isn't a complete list; it includes only the relatively simple intervals. I made it by stepping through all possible intervals 0.1 cents at a time and noting the consonances. Then I found the ratios using an octave script. The output is edited somewhat.
00:00 0000.000 unison
00:25 0025.106 sixth root of 12/11
00:32 0032.075 fourth root of 14/13
00:32 0032.985 cube root of 18/17
00:33 0033.001 fifth root of 11/10
00:33 0033.025 seventh root of 8/7
00:33 0033.985 sixth root of 9/8
00:36 0036.481 fifth root of 10/9
00:44 0044.400 square root of 20/19
00:46 0046.235 fifth root of 8/7
00:57 0057.777 seventh root of 24/19
00:57 0057.794 fourth root of 8/7
01:00 0060.801 cube root of 10/9
01:07 0067.970 cube root of 9/8
01:11 0071.090 eighth root of 25/18
01:17 0077.186 eighth root of 10/7
01:24 0084.467 21/20
01:26 0086.852 fourth root of 11/9
01:31 0091.202 square root of 10/9
01:41 0101.955 square root of 9/8
02:30 0150.000 one step in 8 EDO (all tones are equally spaced)
02:51 0171.429 one step in 7 EDO
03:02 0182.404 10/9
03:23 0203.910 9/8
03:37 0217.493 sixth root of 17/8
04:10 0250.188 seventh root of 11/4
05:42 0342.857 two steps in 7 EDOs
07:30 0450.000 three steps in 8 EDO
08:00 0480.000 two steps in 5 EDO
11:25 0685.714 four steps in 7 EDO
12:30 0750.000 five steps in 8 EDO
13:23 0803.400 seventh root of 103/4
17:08 1028.571 six steps in 7 EDO
17:30 1050.000 seven steps in 8 EDO (all tones are equally spaced)
20:00 1199.700 octave (slightly detuned)
One thing worth noting here is that many intervals are almost exactly equal divisions of other intervals. For example, the 11/9 neutral third (347.408 cents) is close to two equal divisions of 3/2 (350.978 cents), three equal divisions of 20/11 (344.999 cents), four equal divisions of 20/9 (345.601 cents), five equal divisions of 30/11 (347.390 cents) and six equal divisions of 10/3 (347.393 cents). This implies that interesting chords can be constructed by stacking these intervals.


Speechie Freebies: Irregular Plural Pops!
These fun lollipop cards feature the singular form of a noun, and students will need to produce the plural form to fill in the blank and make the sentence complete! The download also includes blank cards to customize and a student worksheet!
Head on over to Crazy Speech World grab this freebie!


+/- 20,000 SF flex building for sale or lease, featuring a light industrial/warehouse facility constructed of steel beam, block and brick, high ceilings, 2 drive in's, and two floors of office space. It is located in Lansdale Borough, nearby the Lansdale train station. Can be divided into multiple units. Security system throughout facility: motion detector and fire alarm.
422 W 6th Street, Lansdale, PA 19446 (MLS# 1000865448) is a Warehouse property. 422 W 6th Street is currently listed for $775,000 and was received on May 09, 2018. Want to learn more about 422 W 6th Street? Do you have questions about finding other Warehouse real estate for sale in Lansdale? You can browse all Lansdale real estate or contact a Coldwell Banker agent to request more information.


text:
Emilee Speck, Digital journalist
Published: August 26, 2020, 7:50 pm
Tags: Cocoa, Brevard County, Jim Wallen
Woman sold former Cocoa councilman's wedding ring after his murder, police say
Former Cocoa City Councilman killed during break-in, suspect in custody, police say
Cocoa Beach high school seniors cross bridge during graduation ceremony
Former Cocoa councilman will be remembered for his laughter, love for his family
Jim Wallen was an 'asset to this community ... loved by many people,' his wife of 51 years says
COCOA, Fla. – Jim Wallen's tragic death has left a hole in his family's lives as well as the larger Cocoa community where he had a great impact for most of his 75 years, his family said.
Wallen taught in Brevard County for 37 years and served on the Cocoa City Council for two terms, including as vice mayor. The veteran teacher taught English and economics but also worked with students with disabilities, according to his wife, and with adult education students helping them earn their diplomas.
"He was definitely an asset to this community and was loved by many people," Lucinda Wallen said.
The couple shared a love of travel, visiting every continent around the world, even Antarctica. But his family said Wallen loved every adventure, even those around town.
"He just thought everything was the best, say we went to Melbourne and he'd say 'That was the best trip ever,'" Lucinda Wallen recalled. "We could have gone to Italy or China and he would have been just as happy going to Melbourne."
Wallen was killed Aug. 21 when Cocoa police say a man broke into the family's home on Manor Drive and encountered the 75-year-old. The suspect, and another woman accused of selling Wallen's wedding ring taken from his body, were both arrested within 24 hours of the murder.
Wallen and his wife would have celebrated 52 years of marriage on Monday.
Surrounded by photos of their travels and family pictures in the couple's longtime home, Wallen's wife, son, daughter-in-law and granddaughter said they will miss "just everything" about him and the circumstances around his death doesn't make the loss any easier but they want him to be remembered for who he was, not how he died.
Brett Wallen said it will take a long time to adjust to the idea his father is really gone. The father and son bonded over sports and his daughter-in-law said Wallen was a devoted grandfather.
Jim and Lucinda Wallen and their granddaughter, Rainey. (Image courtesy the Wallen family) (WKMG 2020)
"I will miss terribly going to baseball games and football games with him," he said.
Rainey Wallen, his granddaughter, will miss having him at her high school graduation later this year. She will also miss his laugh and the laughter he brought to his family.
"He made grandchildren laugh like nobody else," his daughter-in-law Michelle Wallen said.
The couple hosted seven foreign exchange students at their home in Cocoa and kept in touch with them years later. After his death, former students, neighbors, community members and local politicians have shown an outpouring of support. Lucinda Wallen said people have been reaching out nonstop, reminding her how much her husband of 51 years meant to everyone he met.
"In this horror there is still a very redeeming fact that the community has been very helpful to us," Brett Wallen said.
The 75-year-old was active in his church, loved god and volunteered with Meals on Wheels and other organizations.
Wallen's impact was lasting even from the grave. One of his many former students investigated the crimes against him. Cocoa police Detective Chris Haddaway recalled taking Wallen's eighth grade English class.
"He always had a smile on his face. He was very upbeat and kind and caring and compassionate to everybody," Haddaway said.
The family thanked the Cocoa Police Department for quickly making an arrest.
"They went above and beyond," son said. "They knew my dad, they cared about him. He was not another case file."
Family photos and travel pictures in Jim and Luci Wallen's Cocoa home. (Image: Cocoa police) (WKMG 2020)
Copyright 2020 by WKMG ClickOrlando - All rights reserved.
Emilee Speck
Emilee is a digital journalist for News 6 and ClickOrlando.com, where she writes about space and Central Florida news. Previously, Emilee was a space writer and web editor for the Orlando Sentinel and a producer at the Naples Daily News.