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Posted by ReligiousLiberty.TV	/ March 19, 2013
Adventist News Network.
The unrest began last week after a report circulated that a young Christian man had committed blasphemy against Islam's prophet. By March 9, the situation had escalated and thousands of protestors began setting fire to property owned by Christians in a Lahore neighborhood.
While some residents sustained injuries, there was no loss of life. Most Christians had earlier fled under threats of violence and police warnings to leave, a representative of the Adventist Church in Pakistan said.
Church property and the homes of Adventist members, however, sustained "tremendous damage," church leaders said. The rented home of local Adventist Pastor Afzal Bhatti and his family was destroyed along with the homes and belongings of at least 40 Adventist families.
Songbooks, Bibles and sound equipment at the local Adventist church were burned, but the building itself only withstood minor water damage as firefighters worked to control nearby blazes, an Adventist survey team reported.
At least 170 homes and businesses were torched, according to Associated Press reports.
Bhatti and his family were among residents who left as the mob headed for their community.
"In his haste, Pastor Bhatti left behind his cell phone and ID card," a church representative said, adding that a protestor yanked the glasses off his face as he fled.
Bhatti and his wife, Parveen, returned the morning after the riots to comfort and pray with affected community members. Later, the family began the process of rebuilding their lives by purchasing necessities for work, study and ministry.
Earlier this week, the Punjab State government pledged to compensate each affected family with the equivalent of US$2,000. Since then, the federal government of Pakistan has promised an additional US$5,000 per family.
The Adventist Church and the Adventist Development and Relief Agency in Pakistan are assessing the situation and assisting members of the affected Christian community.
Less than five percent of Pakistanis are Christian, and blasphemy against the Quran or the prophet Muhammad can carry the death penalty. Religious liberty experts have observed that blasphemy laws are often used to repress religious minorities or settle personal disputes.
In 2011, Salmaan Taseer, a Pakistani businessman and politician, and Shahbaz Bhatti, the only Christian in Pakistan's cabinet, were assassinated for their opposition to legislation against blasphemy. Religious freedom advocates have long urged Pakistan to ease its harsh controls on defamation of religion.
"We have always strongly opposed Pakistan's blasphemy laws, which are the source of so much injustice in the country, especially for religious minorities and Muslim dissidents," said John Graz, secretary-general of the International Religious Liberty Association.
"All religious liberty advocates should express solidarity with the affected families and encourage the government to reform this legislation," he said.
Copyright 2013 Adventist News Network. Reposted pursuant to ANN reproduction guidelines.
Home » In Pakistan, mob burns homes in anti-Christian violence (ANN)

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A world sample of 186 diverse communities was divided into 93 pairs with adjacent serial numbers. Members of the same pair have similar attributes. Differences between the pair members minimize cultural variations and might identify linkage of higher government levels with other cultural variables. Higher government levels are linked with residence fixity, writing and records, social stratification, a large building in the community, dowry instead of bride-price, more food obtained from agriculture and intercommunity trade, formal schooling for older children prior to adolescence, and more frequent external and internal warfare. Contrary to correlations using scores of the total sample, higher government levels have weak or reversed linkages with unilineal kinship, food obtained from animal husbandry, and requiring children to be obe-dient. Contrary to long term increase in social stratification and other measures of cultural complexity, the stratification score was usually lower in the pair member that was described in a later year.
All human societies probably originated from a single small community in Africa, approximately 200,000 years ago (Tishkoff et al. 2009). Each subsequent community therefore shares a common origin. Likewise, all human beings are cousins, descended from the initial members of Homo sapiens. An important difference is how recently communities and individuals became differentiated from each other. A world sample of 186 societies (Murdock and White 1969) identifies for each society the date it was described and a focal community for each society that contained multiple communities. Communities with adjacent serial numbers are relatively similar in geographical location and other characteristics. Most of them had relatively recent common origins, less than 2,000 years earlier. They are more similar to each other than to most of the 184 other societies.
Many societies have evolved from small, independent communities to large, hierarchical nations. Some nations and empires have split into smaller political units that occupied smaller territories. The number of government levels is one of ten measures of cultural complexity, defined by Murdock and Provost (1973). The measures of cultural complexity are highly correlated with each other in the world sample of 186 communities.
Correlation coefficients are used to determine whether variations in number of government levels above the community, from zero to three or more, are associated with variations in measures of cultural complexity, and in other variables. When the correlations are applied to the scores of the total sample of 186 societies, a high correlation of government levels above the community with another cultural variable is not necessarily attributable to a functional linkage. The correlation might be caused by a functional linkage of both variables with a third variable instead of with each other.
An example is that more government levels above the community are correlated with more food obtained from animal husbandry. Both variables are functionally linked with technological developments, which make possible government above the community and animal husbandry. When the societies are divided into pairs that are similar in technological development, the pair member with more government levels above the community usually obtains less food from animal husbandry but more food from an alternative source, agriculture. The differences between the pair members provide evidence that government levels above the community are functionally linked with agriculture but not with animal husbandry.
A world sample of 186 communities was selected and described by Murdock and White (1969). Each community is an independent society or a focal community of a society that contains multiple communities. Each sample member is in a different culture cluster (Murdock 1967) and is geographically separated with a different language from the other 185 communities. A purpose was to include all cultural variations that have been described adequately. The desire for maximal diversity of the societies influenced selection of the sample members. Information on cultural customs of each community in the sample was reported in subsequent articles in the journal Ethnology and reproduced in a book edited by Barry and Schlegel (1980).
The 186 societies were divided into 93 pairs with adjacent serial numbers. The first pair contains numbers 1–2. The last pair contains numbers 185–186. For each variable, the difference between the pair members was calculated by the score of the first pair member minus the score of the second pair member. The difference therefore is plus, zero, or minus. For ordinal scales with more than two levels, the plus and minus differences include numerical measures of magnitude.
The similarities of the pair members in most other cultural variables minimize the effects of these variables, such as geographic location and type of subsistence economy. A linkage of government levels with another cultural variable is indicated if the differences between pair members reveal a consistent relationship between government levels and the other cultural variable.
For correlations between government levels above the community and another cultural variable, differences between pair members are omitted if the score for either member is unavailable and also if either of the two variables has the same score for both pair members and thereby a zero difference. When the numerical differences between pair members are –1 and +1, these numbers are adjacent because there is no zero score. Similarly, the years 1 B.C. and 1 A.D. are adjacent. There is no year zero.
Correlations between government levels above the community and another cultural variable are applied to three different measures. They are differences between pair members (DP), paired scores (PS), and total scores (TS) that include the omitted pairs. The correlations using the difference between pair members (DP) are li-mited to the pairs whose members have a different score on both variables. Because of the criteria for including pairs, their members are not a random sample of the total number of communities. The paired scores (PS) contain the same communities as the differences between pair members (DP). The number of cases for paired scores is twice the number of cases for differences between pair members. The cases for total scores exclude only communities with insufficient information for a score on either variable tested in the correlation coefficient.
A collection of statistical programs was used (SPSS 1994). The relationship between two variables was measured by the Pearsonian correlation coefficient, also called the product-moment correlation. The maximum possible correlation is 1.00, if high scores of one variable correspond perfectly with high scores of the other variable, or –1.00, if high scores of one variable correspond perfectly with low scores of the other variable. The minimum possible correlation is zero if the positive and negative relationships between the two variables are equal in frequency and magnitude.
Alternative groupings of communities were tested. Parings began with serial numbers 2 and 3, ending with numbers 184 and 185. Because numbers 1 and 186 are omitted, there are 92 instead of 93 pairs. Threesomes instead of pairs were grouped, beginning with numbers 1–3, ending with numbers 184–186. Murdock and White (1969: 15) stated that the serial number of the community placed it between the two others to which it was geographically most contiguous and culturally most similar. In each of the 62 threesomes, the sum of the scores of the first and last member was subtracted from twice the score of the middle member.
Murdock and Provost (1973) coded ten measures of cultural complexity on an ordinal scale of five numbers, 0–4. For each variable, the scores are available on each of the 186 communities. One of the ten measures of cultural complexity is an ordinal scale of five government levels, reported by Murdock and Provost (Ibid.). The scale is defined as follows.
0. Political authority is dispersed among households or other small component units. This score contains 11 communities.
1. Autonomous local communities. This score contains 71 communities.
2. One higher government level, such as a petty state with a paramount chief. This score contains 47 communities.
3. Two higher government levels, such as a small state divided into administrative districts. This score contains 28 communities.
4. Three or more government levels above the community, such as a large state organized into provinces which are subdivided into districts. This score contains 29 communities.
A modified measure, government levels above the community, contains 82 instead of 71 independent communities with a zero score. The 11 communities with dispersed political authority are added to the 71 autonomous communities. The three levels of higher government therefore create a scale of 0 to 3 instead of 0 to 4. Table 1 shows correlations of government levels above the community with nine measures of cultural complexity. The measure of government levels below or above the community is omitted because of its replacement with the new measure of government le-vels above the community.
Nine measures of cultural complexity are associated with government levels above the community in the world sample of diverse communities. Three correlations, followed by the number of cases for each correlation, are applied to differences between pair members (DP), paired scores (PS), and total scores (TS).
The three correlations in Table 1 are applied to different measures. Correlation (DP) is for the difference between the pair members. The score of the second member is subtracted from the score of the first member. The pair is omitted from the correlation if both members have the same score on either of the two variables. Correlation (PS) is for the paired scores, limited to the same pairs as in correlation (DP). Correlation (TS) is for the total scores of the 186 individual communities. Table 1 also shows the numbers of cases for the three correlations. In correlation (DP), each pair is a case. In correlation (PS), the number of cases is the number of individual communities in the same pairs. The number is twice the number of pairs in correlation (DP). In correlation (TS), the number of cases is the total scores of the 186 communities.
The correlations shown in Table 1 are all positive. Each difference from zero is statistically significant. Communities with higher government levels usually have a high score on the nine measures of cultural complexity. The magnitudes of the correlations differ greatly among the measures of cultural complexity and to a lesser degree among the three correlations.
The correlation for differences between pair members (DP) is highest for three measures of cultural complexity: residence fixity, writing and records, and stratification. Attributes of these measures of cultural complexity might account for their linkage with government levels above the community. A fixed residence increases the opportunity to develop higher government levels, whether by conquest or consent, and communities with sedentary residence also are easier for the highest government level to control. Written records facilitate development of higher government levels, and higher government levels increase the need for written records. Hierarchical stratification of the community members encourages development of hierarchical stratification in the higher government levels, and a stratified higher government level is easily applied to the communities.
The correlation applied to differences between pair members (DP) is lowest for urbanization, defined as population of the community. The urbanization score ranges from 0, fewer than 100 persons, to 4, more than 1,000 persons. In communities with higher government levels, the score is the average population of the multiple communities. Urbanization and government levels both are probably more strongly associated with a third variable, such as technological development, instead of with each other. Higher government levels can constitute hierarchical aggregations of communities with either large or small populations. A small village instead of a large city was usually the selected community in mo-dern industrialized nations. In the sample of 186 communities, the selected village is a component of the nations Russia, Turkey, Ireland, Korea, Japan, and China.
Linkage of government levels with each of the nine measures of cultural complexity may be inferred because the difference from zero is statistically significant for all nine correlations that are applied to the difference between pair members (DP). The correlation applied to the difference between pair members (DP) is higher than the correlation applied to paired scores (PS) for seven of the nine measures of cultural complexity. For the two exceptions, with Technology and Land Transport, the difference from zero is the same for both applications of the correlation (DP and PS).
Three measures of cultural complexity, writing and records, agriculture, and population density, have much higher correlations with government levels above the community for the difference between pair members (DP) than for the paired scores (PS) applied to the same communities. Writing and records may be expected to encourage development and maintenance of higher government levels. The agricultural activities of planting, tending, and harvesting crops require labor and planning. These behaviors are consistent with higher government levels. A crowded population is more likely to develop higher government levels and is probably easier for the highest government level to control.
The pairs of communities are portions of the total sample, selected for differences between the pair members in government levels and also in the designated measure of cultural complexity. The pairs of communities therefore are not randomly chosen portions of the total sample of 186 communities. In Table 1, the correlation of government levels with residence fixity is much higher for the correlation applied to paired scores (PS) than for the correlation applied to the total scores (TS). The correlation therefore is increased when the scores are limited to pairs in which the members differ in both variables. The correlation of government levels with land transport is also higher for the correlation applied to paired scores (PS) than for the correlation applied to the total scores (TS).
Each society was selected to differ from all 185 others in this world sample. Consequently, many members of the same pair have different scores on higher government levels and on the nine measures of cultural complexity. Among the 93 pairs of societies, the number of pairs with a different score for the pair members on both variables ranges from 60 of the 93 pairs for agriculture to 24 of the 93 pairs for residence fixity. Higher numbers indicate more frequent differences between the pair members or more rapid cultural change of the designated measures of cultural complexity. For government levels above the community, 58 of the 93 pairs have a different score.
Differences between members of the same pair of communities have been applied to correlations of government levels above the community with several cultural variables that are not measures of cultural complexity. The correlations are shown in Table 2. The numbers of cases in correlations applied to the total scores (TS) show that for some variables the scores are not available on all 186 communities.
Higher correlations for differences between pair members (DP) than for paired scores (PS) indicate strong direct linkage of the designated measures with government levels above the community. Total scores (TS) are for all communities with a score on the designated measure. The three correlations are followed by the number of cases for each correlation.
Murdock and Wilson (1972) coded absence or presence and type of a large building in the community. The types of large building are a residence, public building, ceremonial edifice, military installation, and industrial edifice. Government levels above the community are correlated with presence of a large building in the community. The correlation applied to differences between pair members (DP) is higher than the correlations applied to paired scores (PS) and total scores (TS). Most of the communities with higher government levels are not the capital city. Higher government therefore appears to be linked with presence of a large building in the component communities.
Murdock (1967) reported several categories of presence or type of gifts connected with marriage. Schlegel and Eloul (1987, 1988) modified the measure to distinguish between direct and indirect dowry. The following ordinal scale of six levels ranges from the minimum score of 1, bride-price, gifts from the husband's family to the wife's family, to 6, dowry, gifts from the wife's family to the husband's family. Indirect dowry means that relatives of the bride contribute gifts to the marrying couple.
4. Gift exchange, woman exchange, or none.
Government levels above the community have the highest correlation with dowry instead of bride-price for the correlation applied to differences between pair members (DP). Gifts from the bride's family are adaptive adjustments to a surplus of marriageable women. The surplus may occur because some men leave the community to join a higher government for political or military service. The custom of bride-price is a rational adjustment to a surplus of marriageable men. The surplus is more probable in politically independent communities, especially if polygynous marriage decreases the availability of marriageable women. The majority of the 186 communities have polygynous marriage.
The relative amounts of food obtained from six sources were reported by Murdock and Morrow (1970). Table 2 shows the correlations of government levels with two food sources, agriculture and intercommunity trade. The correlation applied to differences between pair members (DP) is higher than the other two correlations (PS and TS). A linkage is indicated between both food sources and higher government levels. The pair member that obtains more food from either intercommunity trade or agriculture is more likely to develop and maintain higher government above the community.
Barry, Josephson, Lauer, and Marshall (1977) coded degree of formal schooling, using an ordinal scale with six categories.
1. Informal training only, with minimal guidance.
2. Apprenticeship (guidance) is atypical or occasional.
3. Apprenticeship is typical and frequent but informal training is more prevalent.
5. Formal schooling is atypical or occasional.
6. Formal schooling is typical and frequent.
This measure was rated separately in the early and later stages of childhood, prior to adolescence. Table 2 shows that the correlations applied to differences between pair members (DP) are higher than the correlations applied to paired scores (PS). Government levels above the community probably help to develop more systematic education of older children. Industrialized nations develop prolonged schooling of the children because the nation and its communities benefit from a well educated population.
In the total sample of communities, average formal schooling scores are higher for boys than girls. A contrary difference is that the correlations of government levels above the community with formal schooling, applied to differences between pair members (DP), are higher for girls than for boys. The differences between pair members compensate for the prevalence of more formal schooling for boys than girls.
Ember and Ember (1992) coded two measures of frequency of warfare, internal and external, between 15 years before and 10 years after the date of the ethnographic description. The ordinal scale of 16 levels ranges from absent to constant. Linkage of frequent warfare with higher government levels is indicated by higher positive correlations applied to differences between pair members (DP) than to paired scores (PS) and total scores (TS). Correlation (DP) of .36 for external warfare is reliably different from zero, defined as a probability less than 5 % that the difference from zero could be attributable to random variation. Correlation (DP) of .30 for internal warfare is slightly less than a reliable difference from zero according to the same criterion.
The correlations for differences between pair members (DP) in Tables 1 and 2 were tested with the alternative groupings, pairs beginning with serial numbers 2 and 3, and threesomes. These further tests generally verify the associations found between government levels and the other variables. A few variables with statistically significant correlations for pairs that begin with 1 and 2 and end with 185 and 186 were omitted from Table 2 because the difference from zero was not statistically significant with an alternative grouping.
Correlations of government levels above the community with some other cultural variables, applied to the total scores (TS), are not all attributable to a functional linkage of the two variables. The very diverse communities in the total sample cause many correlations to be attributable to linkages of both variables with a third variable. The members of the same pair, with adjacent serial numbers, have similar scores on most of the variables. If correlations applied to the difference between pair members (DP) are close to zero or in the opposite direction, they reveal a weak or reversed linkage between the variables whose correlations are applied to the total scores (TS).
The correlations between higher government levels and other cultural variables listed in Table 3 are reliably different from zero when applied to the total scores (TS). The correlations are close to zero or in the opposite direction when applied to the differences between pair members (DP).
Lower or opposite correlations for difference between pair members (DP) than for paired scores (PS) indicate weak or reversed linkage of the designated measures with government levels above the community. Total scores (TS) include all communities with a score on the designated measure. The three correlations are followed by the number of cases for each correlation.
Bilateral kinship is a simple form of kinship, signifying equivalent or optional kinship with the father's and mother's relatives. A more complex form of kinship is unilineal, affiliation li-mited to the father's relartives (patrilineal), mother's relatives (matrilineal), or differential affiliations with both paternal and maternal relatives (double). Table 3 shows that higher government levels are negatively correlated with bilateral kinship measured by the total scores (TS). The complex unilineal form of kinship therefore is more prevalent in communities with the complex political system of higher government levels. The correlation between the complex political system and the simple form of kinship is positive when applied to the differences between pair members (DP). The member with higher government levels usually has bilateral kinship. The higher government weakens the power of extended families that support unilineal kinship in the community. Accordingly, bilateral kinship characterizes most of the industrialized nations with three or more government levels above the community.
Higher government levels have a positive correlation with food obtained from animal husbandry and a negative correlation with food obtained from fishing, when applied to the total scores (TS). The politically complex higher government levels therefore are correlated positively with the complex food source of animal husbandry and negatively with the simple food source of fishing. The directions of the correlations are reversed when measured by differences between the pair members (DP). The pair member with a higher go-vernment level usually obtains less food from animal husbandry and more food from fishing. The higher government probably encourages agriculture instead of animal husbandry and improves the technology for fishing.
An ordinal scale of 11 categories on requirement for obedience by older, preadolescent boys was reported by Barry, Josephson, Lauer, and Marshall (1976). An ordinal scale of 11 categories on permissiveness toward older, preadolescent boys was reported by Barry, Josephson, Lauer, and Marshall (1977). Higher government levels have positive correlations with obedience training and negative correlations with permissiveness when measured by the total scores (TS). The correlations are close to zero when measured by differences between pair members (DP). The linkage therefore appears to be weak between higher government levels and these two measures of child training. A different variable may account for the large differences from zero for the correlations measured by the total sample (TS). Social stratification is a possible linkage with higher government levels and the child training variables. Stratification has a high positive correlation with higher government levels, a high positive correlation with obedience training, and a high negative correlation with permissiveness.
The information on each community includes the year that it was described. The diverse sample of communities includes a wide range of years. The earliest is 1750 B.C. for the Babylonians. The latest is 1965 A.D. for the Yanomamo. The ancient Babylonians have the highest score of 4 on nine of the measures of complexity. The exception is the next to highest score on land transport. The recently described Yanomamo have the lowest score of zero on government levels and on social stratification.
The sample of 186 communities does not include the initial small group of humans approximately 200,000 years ago. Higher government levels began long before the ancient Babylonians. Some of the 82 politically independent communities were formerly components of higher government levels. Among the 93 pairs of communities with adjacent serial numbers, most members of the same pair were described more than a thousand years after they had become differentiated from the same prior community, but within a hundred years of each other. White (1989) identifies the date described and other information on each of the 186 communities. Table 4 compares the date of description for members of 22 pairs. The table excludes pairs whose date of description differed by fewer than 25 years and therefore contained the births of individuals in the same generation.
The earlier community is on the left and the paired later community is on the right. Both are followed by the year described and the scores for social stratification (SS) and higher government (HG). The difference between the earlier and later scores (E – L) are also shown.
Government levels above the community, and most of the measures of cultural complexity, did not differ consistently between the pair member described earlier and later. An exception is social stratification. The scores are the following.
0. Egalitarian without classes, castes, hereditary slavery, or important wealth distinctions.
1. No class distinctions but hereditary slavery and/or important wealth distinctions.
2. Two social classes without castes and without hereditary slavery.
3. Two social classes plus hereditary slavery and/or caste divisions.
4. Complex stratification into three or more classes or castes, with or without slavery.
Table 4 shows for each paired community a stratification score less than 4 in the year described and the scores for stratification and higher government levels. The score is lower for 18 pair members that were described in the later year and for only four pair members that were described in the earlier year. According to the sign test (Siegel 1956: 250), the probability is 0.4% that the same or greater preponderance can occur by chance, either in the same or in the opposite direction. The four exceptions are the pairs with serial numbers 19–20, 39–40, 141–142, and 167–168.
The year in which the pair members were described differs by less than a century in 18 of the 22 pairs. Only four of the 44 communities were described prior to 1800. The preponderance of lower stratification scores for the pair member described in the later year might be attributable to a general increase in equality of status and opportunity during the 19th and 20th centuries. Differentiation of the pair members from the same prior community usually occurred more than a thousand years earlier. The preponderance of lower stratification scores for the pair member described in the later year therefore is probably not attributable to a longer interval of differentiation from the prior same society.
Bradley, Moore, Burton, and White (1990) reported that the reason for decreased social stratification may be depopulation and acculturation instead of greater equality of status and opportunity. In Table 4, very few of the later pair members were more depopulated or acculturated than the earlier pair members.
Higher government levels are positively correlated with stratification, but higher government levels are less consistently lower in the pair member that was described later. In Table 4, the later pair member had less higher government levels in 12 pairs, the same higher government level in five pairs, and more higher government levels in five pairs.
The highest stratification score of 4 has the disadvantage of including absence in addition to presence of hereditary slavery. Stratification scores of 0 and 1 are without hereditary slavery. Stratification scores of 2 and 3 are with hereditary slavery. Table 5 lists 12 pairs of communities in which one member has the highest stratification score of 4. Communities are omitted if both pair members have the highest stratification score or if the difference in year described is less than 25.
The earlier community is on the left and the paired later community is on the right. Both are followed by the year described and the scores for social stratification (SS) and higher government (HG). The difference between the earlier and later SS and HG (E – L) are also shown. One member of each pair has the highest score of 4 on social stratification.
The community with the highest stratification score was described earlier in six pairs. In three of these six pairs, the earlier community, Babylonians, Aztec, and Inca, was the capital of an ancient civilization. Hereditary slavery was probably prominent in these ancient communities. The community with the highest stratification score was described later in six pairs. In four of these six pairs, the later community, Turks, Russians, Koreans, and Japanese, is a village in an industrialized nation. Each of these nations has abolished hereditary slavery.
The pairs of communities listed in Tables 4 and 5 omit pairs in which the stratification score is the same for both pair members. Four of the 22 pairs listed in Table 4 have the same score on go-vernment levels above the community for both pair members. Table 6 lists eight pairs of communities in which the members have different scores on government levels. They were omitted from Tables 4 and 5 because the pair members have the same score on social stratification.
The members of the eight listed pairs of communities have the same score for social stratification. The earlier community is on the left and the paired later community is on the right. Both are followed by the year described and the scores for social stratification (SS) and higher government (HG). The difference between the earlier and later HG (E – L) is also shown.
The later member has a lower score on government levels in only three of the eight pairs of communities listed in Table 6. This difference between the earlier and later pair members is contrary to the preponderance of lower scores on social stratification in the later pair members, listed in Table 4 when the highest stratification score is excluded.
Correlations between two selected variables have often been measured and reported in the sample of 186 communities. An innovation of the present paper is to divide the 186 communities into 93 pairs of relatively similar communities. The correlation coefficients are applied to the pairs in which the members have a different score on both variables that are selected. The differences between the pair members (DP) resemble the technique of matched pairs, which can be applied to individual people in addition to communities. An example is to compare homozygous twins who have been reared in separate families. Differences between the twins are attributable to environmental instead of genetic influences. Similarities between the twins are attributable to their identical genetic attributes.
When the members of the same pair of communities differ in higher government levels, a consistent difference in another cultural variable probably indicates a functional linkage between the two variables. Higher government levels show evidence for linkage with nine measures of cultural complexity in Table 1, and with several other cultural variables in Table 2.
The pair members are communities with adjacent serial numbers, selected to be similar in most attributes. The differences between the pair members in higher government levels and in the other selected variable are thereby expected to be smaller and less consistent. The reduction in size and consistency of differences normally causes correlations to be closer to zero. Contrary to this general trend, most of the correlations in Tables 1 and 2 differ more from zero for the differences between pair members (DP) than for paired scores (PS). The paired scores constitute the most appropriate comparison because they are applied to the scores of the same communities that are included in the differences between pair members.
The usual correlations between two selected variables, applied to the total scores (TS), have the disadvantage that both variables may be functionally linked with a third variable instead of with each other. The similarity of the pair members in most respects minimizes or reverses the effect of a third variable when correlations are applied to the differences between pair members (DP). Accordingly, Table 3 identifies correlations of higher government levels with several cultural variables, applied to the total scores (TS), which are minimized or reversed when applied to differences between pair members (DP).
Reduction in the number of independent cases is a disadvantage of correlations applied to differences between pair members (DP). The total sample of 186 communities is reduced to 93 pairs. The number of pairs is reduced further because the pair members need to have a different score on both selected variables. The pair does not contribute to the correlations if either member has the same score on either of the two selected variables. The number of pair members with the same score can be minimized if an ordinal scale contains many categories. Frequency of warfare, in Table 2, and training for older boys, in Table 3, are ordinal scales with more than ten categories.
The correlations applied to differences between pair members (DP) indicate linkages of higher government levels with other cultural variables, but they do not determine whether higher government levels caused the linked variable or whether the linked variable caused higher government levels. Both causal directions may contribute to the linkage. For example, agriculture is a favorable condition for aggregation of communities with the same higher government, and also helps to perpetuate the higher government.
Members of the same pair of communities differ substantially. The sample of 186 communities was selected to maximize the independence of each community from all of the 185 others. A possibly desirable modification of correlations applied to differences between pair members (DP) might be selection of pairs that have small differences in the year they were described and that share the same linguistic family. This selection would minimize the duration of differentiation of the pair members from their common antecedent community. The consecutive serial numbers were selected on the basis of general cultural similarity instead of time interval since their common antecedent community.
An alternative technique for minimizing differences between pair members is the use of 412 culture clusters in a world sample of more than a thousand societies, specified by Murdock (1967). The members of each cluster are similar in every known respect and became separated from the same society less than 1,000 years earlier (Murdock 1967: 412). Barry (1969) selected 12 pairs of societies that are members of the same cluster. The pair member with a higher score in training of children to be compliant instead of assertive also usually had a higher score in food obtained from agriculture or animal husbandry than from fishing, hunting, or gathering, a higher score in indulgent behavior toward infants, and a lower score in frequency of drunkenness.
Correlations of higher government levels with other cultural customs, applied to differences between cluster members, would not be feasible because most members of the same cluster do not differ in higher government levels and in the other cultural variables included in Tables 1–3. Scores on many more cultural variables are available on the sample of 186 communities than on multiple members of the same culture clusters.
When correlation coefficients are applied to total scores (TS), partial correlations can adjust the effect of one or more other variables on the correlations. Partial correlations were applied to portions of the sample of 186 communities by Barry (2005, 2007) and by Barry and Yoder (2002). A limitation is that the additional variables need to be identified and measured. The information consists of the scores of individual communities. Pairs of communities with adjacent serial numbers provide more generalized control for effects of other variables because it is not necessary to recognize or measure them. When the members of the same pair of communities resemble each other in most respects, correlations applied to differences between the pair members (DP) have important advantages over partial correlations applied to the total scores (TS).
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2005. Social Behaviors Associated with Hereditary Community Leadership. Social Evolution & History 4(2): 3–17.
2007. Wealth Concentration Associated with Frequent Violent Crime in Diverse Communities. Social Evolution & History 6(2): 29–38.
Barry, H., III, and Schlegel, A. (eds).
1980. Cross-Cultural Samples and Codes. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press.
Barry, H., III, and Yoder, B. L.
2002. Multiple Predictors of Contribution by Women to Agriculture. Cross-Cultural Research 36: 286–297.
Barry, H. III, Josephson, L., Lauer, E., and Marshall, C.
1976. Traits Inculcated in Childhood: Cross-Cultural Codes 5. Ethnology 15: 83–114.
1977. Agents and Techniques for Child Training: Cross-Cultural Codes 6. Ethnology 16: 191–230.
Bradley, C., Moore, C. C., Burton, M. L., and White, D. R.
1990. A Cross-Cultural Historical Analysis of Subsistence Change. American Anthropologist 92: 447–457.
1992. Warfare, Aggression, and Resource Problems: Cross-Cultural Codes. Behavior Science Research 26(1–4): 169–226.
1967. Ethnographic Atlas. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press.
1973 . Measurement of Cultural Complexity. Ethnology 12: 379–392.
1988. Errata. Behavior Science Research 21: 111.
1956. Nonparametric Statistics for the Behavioral Sciences. New York: McGraw-Hill.
Tishkoff, S. A., Reed, F. A., Friendlaender, F. R. et al.
2009. The Genetic Structure and History of Africans and African Americans. Science 324: 1035–1044.
1989. Focused Ethnographic Bibliography: Standard Cross-Cultural Sample. Behavior Science Research 23: 1–145.


text:
Boston Bar Journal
A Peer Reviewed Publication of the Boston Bar Association
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Cantell v. Commissioner of Correction, Class Actions and the Mootness Doctrine
Posted: August 9, 2017 | Author: bbabarjournal | Filed under: Case Focus, Summer 2017 Vol. 61 #3 |Leave a comment
by Jeff Goldman
Case Focus
In Cantell v. Commissioner of Correction, 475 Mass. 745 (2016), four inmates appealed from the denial of their petition for class certification to seek a class-wide injunction limiting the use of "special management units" or "SMUs" in state prisons. The Superior Court had denied a motion for class certification, and the Appeals Court had dismissed the plaintiffs' appeal from the denial as moot because, "when the plaintiffs' appeal was before that court, it was uncontested that none of the named plaintiffs was still confined in an SMU." 475 Mass. at 752-53.
The SJC could have fixed the Appeals Court's mootness error by relying on the established principle that on an appeal from the denial of class certification, the court determines mootness based on whether the claim was moot while before the trial court, regardless of whether the class representative's claims became moot while the case was on appeal. U.S. Parole Commission v. Geraghty, 445 U.S. 388, 404 (1980); see also Gonzales v. Commissioner of Correction, 407 Mass. 448, 452-53 (1990) (holding that where individual claims become moot prior to class certification motion, class claims are dismissed); 1 William B. Rubenstein, Newberg on Class Actions § 2:10 (5th ed. 2011). In other words, as the U.S. Supreme Court held in a 1980 decision also involving claims by prisoners, the determination of mootness on appeal from a denial of class certification "relat[es] back" to the plaintiffs' situation as it existed before the trial court. Geraghty, 445 U.S. at 404. Had the SJC applied Geraghty in Cantell, the outcome would have been the same but the Court's decision much easier: because "[a]t the time of the motion judge's decision [on the motion for class certification], one of the named plaintiffs . . . remained in an SMU," there was therefore no mootness problem. Id.
However, none of the briefs in Cantell cited Geraghty, and the SJC resolved the mootness issue by relying entirely on Wolf v. Commissioner of Public Welfare, 367 Mass. 293, 297–298 (1975). Discussing Wolf, the SJC reasoned that the case was:
not moot because the plaintiffs brought this case as a putative class action, and the class action allegations contained in the amended complaint remain operative until a judge has considered and rejected them on their merits. See Wolf [] (adopting rule followed by number of Federal courts "that a class action is not mooted by the settlement or termination of the named plaintiff's individual claim"). This is particularly true where, as the plaintiffs argue is the case here, it is within the defendants' power voluntarily to cease the allegedly wrongful conduct with respect to any named plaintiff by unilaterally deciding to release him from an SMU. "If the underlying controversy continues, a court will not allow a defendant's voluntary cessation of his allegedly wrongful conduct with respect to named plaintiffs to moot the case for the entire plaintiff class." [Wolf] at 299 []. The statement applies to the present case: the alleged wrongs set out in the amended complaint continue to affect the putative class of individuals who remain confined to SMUs. In these circumstances, the plaintiffs' appeal is not subject to dismissal on mootness grounds.
This formulation—"that a class action is not mooted by the settlement or termination of the named plaintiff's individual claim"—is imprecise and will likely need to be revisited. Although it works in the circumstances of Cantell, it cannot be said as a general matter "'that a class action is not mooted by the settlement or termination of the named plaintiff's individual claim.'" In typical cases, and where no other mootness exception applies, if all individual claims become moot before the filing of a class certification motion, the entire case should be dismissed. See, e.g., Gonzalez, 407 Mass. at 450; Cruz v. Farquharson, 252 F.3d 530, 533 (1st Cir. 2001) ("Despite the fact that a case is brought as a putative class action, it ordinarily must be dismissed as moot if no decision on class certification has occurred by the time that the individual claims of all named plaintiffs have been fully resolved."). Accordingly, it was probably a mistake for the SJC to state that "class action allegations . . . remain operative until a judge has considered and rejected them on their merits." Whether this is dicta or not, an attorney reasonably could use these statements to support an argument that the mootness of a class representative's personal claims never matters under Massachusetts law, even if the personal claims were moot before filing a motion for class certification motion, or even that there is never a mootness defense in a class action.
This imprecise language notwithstanding, lower courts should not take Cantell as foreshadowing the SJC's abrogation of mootness doctrine in class actions. The SJC regularly invokes the mootness doctrine, particularly in cases of constitutional dimension. Further, the SJC recognized in at least two cases after Wolf that the mootness doctrine applies to class claims. In Flint v. Commissioner of Public Works, 412 Mass. 416, 419-20 (1992), the SJC rejected on mootness grounds class action claims for declaratory relief. And in Gonzales, the SJC reversed the trial court's certification of a class of prisoners (and directed that the case be dismissed unless resuscitated within thirty days by a new plaintiff) because the two named plaintiffs were no longer incarcerated at the time of the class certification motion.
Finally, Wolf does not actually support the parenthetical that the SJC used to summarize it in Cantell. Wolf held merely that the named plaintiffs' claims were not necessarily moot under the common law because they were "capable of repetition yet evading review." In fact, Wolf was a prototypical "capable of repetition yet evading review" case: the claim was that the plaintiff and other members of the class were not receiving replacement public assistance checks within the required four-day period, but rather some days later. It would have been virtually impossible for any claimant file a lawsuit and achieve class certification while any single check was outstanding. (The "capable of repetition yet evading review" exception might also have applied in Cantell, although it was not necessary for the SJC to reach the question.)
In short, in its class action-mootness jurisprudence, as in most of its other opinions about justiciability, the SJC has taken a flexible approach, deciding some technically-expired issues on their merits because there are sound, common-law reasons to do so, while refusing to adjudicate stale issues when no traditional exception to mootness doctrine applies. When the next opportunity arises for the SJC to apply the mootness doctrine in a class action, the Court should reiterate its past, sound approach and reject any attempt to read Cantell as requiring a categorical approach to mootness in class cases.
Jeff Goldman is of counsel at Morgan, Lewis & Bockius, LLP. His practice centers on securities litigation and regulatory enforcement defense.
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text:
L'escursionismo naturista o naturgita (in inglese naked hiking e in francese randonue) è una pratica che consiste nell'unire l'escursionismo con il naturismo approfittando della sensazione di libertà che dà il corpo privo di vestiti durante le passeggiate in piena natura.

Questo movimento si sta via via diffondendo negli stati in cui il naturismo è più praticato: la Francia, la Spagna, la Germania, l'Austria e il Regno Unito dal momento che i tribunali di questi Paesi hanno preso a non condannare più la nudità nella natura, quando essa è avulsa dal compimento di atti sessuali.
In Francia e più generalmente nell'Europa francofona si sono diffusi siti Internet che permettono alle persone interessate di incontrarsi per regione e di organizzare delle randonue in gruppo.

Punto di vista legale

In Italia, la giurisprudenza consolidata considera atti osceni ai sensi dell'articolo 529 del Codice penale solamente: "qualsiasi manifestazione di concupiscenza, sensualità, inverecondia sessuale, compiuta su altri o su sé stesso, che offende così intensamente il sentimento della morale sessuale e il pudore da destare, in chi possa assistervi, disgusto e repulsione".
Con una norma del genere il legislatore opera, di fatto, un rinvio a norme sociali extragiuridiche, per loro natura mutevoli da persona a persona e nel tempo; al riguardo, il legislatore precisa che l'offesa al pudore dev'essere avvertita "secondo il comune sentimento", espressione anche questa piuttosto vaga, intesa da dottrina e giurisprudenza nel senso che il parametro per valutare l'oscenità dev'essere ciò che avverte l'uomo medio, non chi è particolarmente pudico né chi è particolarmente impudico.

L'articolo 726 del codice penale considera invece atti contrari alla pubblica decenza, più genericamente, le offese al pudore quali conseguenze della violazione di norme etico - sociali che impongono decoro, riserbo e compostezza.

Gli atti osceni insomma ledono il sentimento della moralità sessuale in maniera talmente elevata da suscitare disprezzo e repulsione in chi vi assista, mentre l'ipotesi contravvenzionale degli atti contrari alla pubblica decenza si concreta con il venir meno del doveroso riserbo attinente alla sfera sessuale che genera disagio, fastidio o riprovazione (il mostrarsi completamente nudi all'interno di un'autovettura durante il compimento di un atto sessuale, è comportamento sicuramente offensivo del pudore e certamente avvertito come tale, indipendentemente dalle condizioni attuali di sviluppo sociale e culturale).

Secondo la giurisprudenza mentre è indubbio che la semplice nudità non corrisponda alla fattispecie penale dell'art 529 non altrettanto accade con quella di cui all'art 726 in quanto, con un orientamento risalente nel tempo, "configura l'ipotesi prevista e punita dall'art. 726 cod. pen. ... la completa denudazione del corpo, poiché ha l'attitudine a destare disagio e repulsione o curiosità erotica, nell'osservatore dotato di comune sensibilità" (Sez. III, 22.9.1982, n. 10824, Pettini, m. 156129); e che "poiché la pubblica decenza va commisurata secondo un criterio storico-sociologico al sentimento comune dell'uomo medio e non alla particolare sensibilità di un singolo, la nudità integrale in luoghi pubblici o aperti al pubblico, al di fuori della particolare situazione dei campi di nudisti, integra comunque gli estremi del reato di cui all'art. 726 cod. pen., non rilevando che il denunciante abbia dichiarato di non aver provato disgusto" (Sez. III, 27.6.2006, n. 31407, Bompadre, m. 235750).

Note

Voci correlate
Naturismo
Escursionismo

Altri progetti

Naturismo
Escursionismo

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
Lidl GB Sales Up 2.6% Over Christmas Period
Published on Jan 11 2022 8:34 AM in Retail tagged: Aldi / Tesco / Morrisons / Schwarz Group / Lidl GB
Lidl (GB) said on Tuesday its sales rose 2.6% in the four weeks ending 26 December year-on-year.
The British arm of German discount supermarket group Lidl on Tuesday reported a rise in sales over the Christmas period and reiterated its pledge to offer the lowest prices in the market, a day after rival Aldi made the same promise.
British consumers are about to be squeezed on spending, with energy prices, food inflation, mortgage costs and taxes all heading higher in 2022, leaving retailers looking at a much tougher environment.
"As inflation continues to rise, I want to reassure each and every one of our customers that we remain resolute in our promise of being the destination for the lowest grocery prices in the market," said Lidl GB chief executive Christian Hartnagel.
Aldi UK & Ireland
On Monday, his counterpart at Aldi UK & Ireland, Giles Hurley, said his firm "will always offer the lowest prices for groceries, no matter what."
The German discounters' price pledges have caused concern amongst some analysts.
"Are we entering a stage now where deep discounting in certain areas of the market represents a form of market failure due to the damage into the supply chain, especially farming?" asked Shore Capital analyst Clive Black.
Britain's food retail sector has been transformed in the past decade by the rise of Lidl and Aldi, which have driven down returns at the big four of Tesco, Sainsbury's, Morrisons and Asda.
Lidl GB is owned by Germany's Schwarz group and is Britain's seventh largest supermarket group, with a market share of 6.3%.
Sales Increase
Its sales rose 2.6% year-on-year in the four weeks to 26 December and were up 21% against 2019, before the pandemic impacted trading.
On Monday, Aldi UK & Ireland reported a 0.4% rise in December sales.
Lidl GB said Christmas pudding sales jumped 23% year-on-year and sparking wine sales 24%. It also highlighted strong demand for Lidl Christmas jumpers and scented candles.
Unlike its bigger rivals, but in common with Aldi, Lidl is still opening new stores but does not have a significant online business.
Last November, Lidl GB set a new target of reaching 1,100 stores by 2025. It currently trades from over 890.
1,100 New Stores
0n the 24 November 2021, Lidl set a new target to have 1,100 stores by the end of 2025, in the UK, creating up to 4,000 new jobs in the process.
The discounter said at the time that it had a previous target of 1,000 stores by the end of 2023, which it said it was on track to reach.
It currently trades from about 880 stores, having opened 55 in 2020-21, with 26,000 employees.
More to follow...
News by Reuters edited by Donna Ahern Checkout. For more Retail stories click here. Click subscribe to sign up for the Checkout print edition.
Aldi Unveils New Killarney Store
Dunnes Retains Number One Spot As Ireland's Largest Grocer
Dunnes Stores has retained the number one spot as Ireland's largest grocery retailer.
Aldi Ireland & UK's Christmas Sales Rise Driven By Premium Products
Aldi said on Monday its Christmas performance was boosted by record sales of its premium range.


text:
Home Intersectionality Health Why Reproductive Rights Must Be Taken More Seriously In India
Why Reproductive Rights Must Be Taken More Seriously In India
Rohitha Naraharisetty
Reproductive rights have been recognised as an inalienable aspect of human rights, wherein the two can no longer be viewed as mutually exclusive. It entails bodily autonomy, sexual health, access to maternal healthcare, freedom from sexual violence and torture, access to contraception and birth control, and access to safe and hygienic abortion services.
With such a broad gamut of rights subsumed under reproductive rights, the same are an integral part of any feminist practice which addresses the question of agency, choice, and freedom for women against oppressive, patriarchal structures which regulate women's bodies. Reproductive rights are especially important in contexts, where highly restrictive social mores attach a morality constraint to women's agency and prevent them from exercising their bodily autonomy. However, there have been relatively few efforts in India to address issues from the lens of reproductive rights as human rights.
Image source: Common Dreams
India has had a chequered history with respect to securing reproductive rights for its women. In the recent past, efforts have been made to significantly reduce the maternal mortality rate, with schemes such as Janani Suraksha Yojana which monetarily incentivise institutional deliveries. There is also the issue of gender-biased sex selection which the state has taken seriously in the past, and is a positive step towards eliminating societal pressures on expectant mothers. The steps taken towards the same are, however, flawed and require re-evaluation.
REPRODUCTIVE RIGHTS ARE A RECOGNITION OF THE FACT THAT REGULATION AND CONTROL OVER WOMEN'S SEXUALITY AND REPRODUCTIVE CAPABILITIES IS THE VERY BASIS OF PATRIARCHY AS AN IDEOLOGY.
The Medical Termination of Pregnancy Act of 1971, which made abortions legal in India, stipulates a 20 week time period within which abortions are allowed. This is to prevent gender-biased sex selection, but presents a whole host of issues which are detrimental to the reproductive autonomy of women in India.
Image source: SELF
One of them is the insufficient time frame within which abortions must take place. The other is insufficient dissemination of information, wherein a common misconception that goes unchecked—parental or spousal permission is required to abort a foetus. Another is the power that the law gives to medical practitioners licensed to perform abortions, who are empowered to make decisions about the termination of the foetus, and who may deny the service based on their medical opinion.
Access to contraception is another key issue that remains problematic in India. While government schemes promote the use of contraception in rural areas, they do so under the rubric of family planning schemes which can be availed by married couples. For adult, unmarried women to access birth control, there are several institutional and societal barriers which prevent them access, based on morality concerns. In Tamil Nadu, for example, there still exists a ban on the sale of emergency contraceptive pills over the counter, due to anxieties around women freely expressing their sexuality.
Safety from sexual violence is another sphere of reproductive rights which is often treated as a separate issue. Marital rape, for example, must be viewed through the lens of reproductive rights as human rights; doing so would recognise the fact that the phenomenon occurs as a form of control over women's bodies through violence. This violence is overlooked due to its occurrence within the marital context, in which procreation is viewed as a natural goal.
There may therefore be countless children born out of such violence, owing to the naturalisation of the narrative of sexual ownership and control over women within a marriage. Sexual violence outside the marital context must also be viewed for its underlying connotations of femicide; that it aligns with the notion that women with reproductive capacities must be controlled by having their sexual agency taken away from them.
Also read: iPill, uPill, We Would All Kill For An iPill In Chennai
When all of these issues are treated as separate from each other, and not under the ambit of reproductive rights as a spectrum, what goes unchallenged is the origin of all of these issues from a singular source—the reproductive system of women as a site of patriarchal structuring of gender roles and power relations. What all of them have in common is historical roots in paternal anxiety, wherein women's sexuality was viewed as dangerous on account of the threat it posed towards determining paternity and therefore, lineage and ancestry.
Image source: Simmons Voice
Reproductive rights are a recognition of the fact that regulation and control over women's sexuality and reproductive capabilities is the very basis of patriarchy as an ideology. By acknowledging it as a human rights issue, this subordination is directly challenged at the ground level, wherein women are treated as individuals who are oppressed as a collective, based on biological characteristics.
There exists a tendency to club these issues together as 'women's issues' instead, which makes them secondary to other concerns. The lack of progress is reflective of the fact that there is inadequate attention paid to the root causes that lead to them, in the first place. Courts in India have cited international law such as articles from the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) and the International Covenant on Economic Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), and articles 14 and 15 of the Constitution in order to emphasise the import of reproductive rights as essential to the fundamental right to dignity and liberty regardless of any other factors.
Also read: Rohtak Rape Brings Into Focus India's Troubled Relationship With Reproductive Rights
A more robust incorporation of the reproductive rights framework is, however, required if future policies and judgements are to have a nuanced understanding of the qualitative nature of problems pertaining to women and gender.
Featured Image Source: Vice
reproductive healthcare
Previous articleWomen Producing Knowledge In The World Of Epistemic Injustice
Next articleMary Kom Bags A Gold In The 23rd President's Cup In Indonesia
Rohitha Naraharisetty is a student of Development Studies at IIT Madras. She is interested in gender studies, aspires to smash the patriarchy, and is terrible at writing clever bios.
Family Planning In India And Its Anti-Women Approaches
Union Health Ministry Adopts Non-Interventional Approach In Final Stages Of Labour
Man-struation Or Irritable Male Syndrome: "Dear Men, Are You IMSing?"
The Republic Of Pee-ople: Why Public Urination Is Problematic
The Curious Case Of The Artificial Hymen Product
World Toilet Day: Why Are Toilets A Feminist Concern?
Watch: 5 Indian Books With Queer Protagonists You Need To Read
Feminist News Wrap – Transgender Persons Bill, Marital Rape & Maneka...
Subtle Sexism: On Pets and Feminism


I hope everyone has been having a good holiday. I'm going to keep things short here. This episode features my post-Christmas check in, and a brief week in review.
The Promo is from my friend Nuchtchas, announcing her new podcast Nutty Bites, which will be coming out in 2011. For more information on that, check out her website at http://nimlas.org/blog/.
Enjoys the show. Happy New Year, see you in 2011!
Next post: Episode 3 – Happy New Year!


High unemployment levels in Malawi have caused many people to be desperate for job opportunities, giving a chance to unscrupulous individuals to take advantage of job seekers.
It has been observed that some crooked people are placing fake job adverts in newspapers in order to dupe poor job seekers.
In recent times, there have been a tendency for some companies to advertise vacancies in Malawian newspapers without providing email, postal or physical address, job description or company background yet such firms offer several positions.
One of the adverts that caught Malawi24's attention in one of the dailies was an advert by a tourism company called Cartoon Ville International.
The company claimed that it wanted to recruit 139 employees on positions of service providers, administrative assistants, data management officer and procurement officer but there was no job description for the posts or email, just a number for people to call.
But when one job seeker called the contact, he was told to send money to the number through mobile money in order to be employed.
The employer declined to meet the job seeker in person or to provide him with the company's physical address.
The reports have led to questions among job seekers on whether they should continue trusting job adverts that appear in newspapers or not and if the newspapers are doing enough to protect their readers.
That's very true and it is really happening, but the question that someone need to know is…What is the government through the ministry of Labour doing about these bogus employers?
Education in malawi does not help at all. The government is not creating jobs for every year graduating students.Unemployment has made alot of people to emigrate inseach of jobs.
We have jobs here in malawi, but what is killing us most is corruption, to have a link is something great than to have a school certificate, everything is link in MW, even if you want a plate of rice @ the wedding celemony you also need to make a link for you to have it!


text:
Q: Rails passing params with link_to using ajax I'm creating a online order system for a restaurant using rails and i want to be able to attach modifiers to items using ajax i have
<%= link_to(mod.name , add_modifier_url , method: :put, remote: true, mod_id: mod.id, item_id: item.id) %>

the call is making it to my controller but i cant access any of the params I'm sending how do you pass params with link_to and ajax in rails
thanks
EDIT
I think I answered my own question, I just had to put the params i wanted to send as params for the url
<%= link_to(mod.name , add_modifier_url( mod_id: mod.id, item_id: item.id) , method: :put, remote: true) %>

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


Greetings from Conference Secretariat RI Asia and Pacific Regional Conference in June, 2019! The RIAPR Conference would be held from 26-28 June 2019, at The Venetian Macao Resorts Hotel, Macau SAR.
Due to lots of request for postponing the abstract submission deadline, we are pleased to reschedule the submission date to 15 April, 2019.


I liked this photo: it shows members of the Scots parliament wearing rainbow-coloured ties to mark their support for the TIE campaign.
The TIE Campaign only three years old but is doing great things in Scottish schools. It aims to reduce bullying and ignorance by encouraging LGBT-inclusive education in schools, and it works.
MORE than three quarters of Scots pupils who've attended LGBT inclusive assemblies in schools stopped using homophobic language as a direct result, new research has revealed.
Nearly all pupils, 96 per cent, said the events in schools had made them more aware of the impact of homophobic, biphobic and transphobic bullying and attitudes on others, while 92 per cent said they'd since reflected on their own use of language.
Furthermore, of those pupils who said they previously held negative views towards the LGBT community, 86 per cent said their attitudes had changed positively after attending the assemblies.
One of my colleagues, a computing teacher, has found she has more female students signing up when traditionally it was more male. She thinks because we've tackled this as a whole that we've challenged stereotypes and broken down gender norms. So we're finding it's breaking through into choices now as well.
…schools are still only emerging from the shadow of Section 28. The law, repealed in 2000, prevented teachers from discussing LGBT issues with children in schools.
We can't reverse the mistakes of the past, but we can ensure we don't repeat them today.


text:
package coursier.install.internal

import coursier.cache.{ArchiveCache, ArchiveType, ArtifactError, Cache}
import coursier.cache.loggers.ProgressBarRefreshDisplay
import coursier.install.{AppDescriptor, InstallDir}
import coursier.install.error.DownloadError
import coursier.util.{Artifact, Task}

import java.io.File
import java.nio.file.Files

sealed abstract class PrebuiltApp extends Product with Serializable {
  def artifact: Artifact
  def file: File
}

object PrebuiltApp {

  final case class Uncompressed(
    artifact: Artifact,
    file: File
  ) extends PrebuiltApp

  final case class Compressed(
    artifact: Artifact,
    file: File,
    archiveType: ArchiveType,
    pathInArchiveOpt: Option[String]
  ) extends PrebuiltApp

  final case class ExtractedArchive(
    artifact: Artifact,
    archiveRoot: File,
    pathInArchive: String,
    file: File
  ) extends PrebuiltApp

  def get(
    desc: AppDescriptor,
    cache: Cache[Task],
    archiveCache: ArchiveCache[Task],
    verbosity: Int,
    platform: Option[String],
    platformExtensions: Seq[String],
    preferPrebuilt: Boolean
  ): Either[Seq[String], PrebuiltApp] = {

    def downloadArtifacts(
      artifacts: Seq[(Artifact, Option[(ArchiveType, Option[String])])]
    ): Iterator[PrebuiltApp] =
      artifacts.iterator.flatMap {
        case (artifact, archiveTypeOpt) =>
          if (verbosity >= 2)
            System.err.println(s"Checking prebuilt launcher at ${artifact.url}")
          def maybeFileIt: Iterator[File] = {
            cache.loggerOpt.foreach(_.init())
            val maybeFile =
              try cache.file(artifact).run.unsafeRun()(cache.ec)
              finally cache.loggerOpt.foreach(_.stop())
            handleArtifactErrors(maybeFile, artifact, verbosity)
              .iterator
          }
          def maybeExtractedArchiveIt: Iterator[File] = {
            cache.loggerOpt.foreach(_.init())
            val maybeDir =
              try archiveCache.get(artifact).unsafeRun()(cache.ec)
              finally cache.loggerOpt.foreach(_.stop())
            handleArtifactErrors(maybeDir, artifact, verbosity)
              .iterator
          }
          archiveTypeOpt match {
            case None =>
              maybeFileIt.map { f =>
                Uncompressed(artifact, f)
              }
            case Some((archiveType, None)) =>
              maybeFileIt.map { f =>
                Compressed(
                  artifact,
                  f,
                  archiveType,
                  None
                )
              }
            case Some((archiveType, Some(pathInArchive))) =>
              maybeExtractedArchiveIt.map { f =>
                ExtractedArchive(
                  artifact,
                  f,
                  pathInArchive,
                  new File(f, pathInArchive)
                )
              }
          }
      }

    candidatePrebuiltArtifacts(
      desc,
      cache,
      verbosity,
      platform,
      platformExtensions,
      preferPrebuilt
    ).toRight(Nil).flatMap { artifacts =>
      val iterator = downloadArtifacts(artifacts)
      if (iterator.hasNext) Right(iterator.next())
      else Left(artifacts.map(_._1.url))
    }
  }

  private[coursier] def handleArtifactErrors(
    maybeFile: Either[ArtifactError, File],
    artifact: Artifact,
    verbosity: Int
  ): Option[File] =
    maybeFile match {
      case Left(e: ArtifactError.NotFound) =>
        if (verbosity >= 2)
          System.err.println(s"No prebuilt launcher found at ${artifact.url}")
        None
      case Left(e: ArtifactError.DownloadError)
          if e.getCause.isInstanceOf[javax.net.ssl.SSLHandshakeException] =>
        // These seem to happen on Windows for non existing artifacts, only from the native launcher apparently???
        // Interpreting these errors as not-found-errors too.
        if (verbosity >= 2)
          System.err.println(
            s"No prebuilt launcher found at ${artifact.url} (SSL handshake exception)"
          )
        None
      case Left(e) =>
        // FIXME Ignore some other kind of errors too? Just warn about them?
        throw new DownloadError(artifact.url, e)
      case Right(f) =>
        if (verbosity >= 1) {
          val size = ProgressBarRefreshDisplay.byteCount(Files.size(f.toPath))
          System.err.println(s"Found prebuilt launcher at ${artifact.url} ($size)")
        }
        Some(f)
    }

  private def candidatePrebuiltArtifacts(
    desc: AppDescriptor,
    cache: Cache[Task],
    verbosity: Int,
    platform: Option[String],
    platformExtensions: Seq[String],
    preferPrebuilt: Boolean
  ): Option[Seq[(Artifact, Option[(ArchiveType, Option[String])])]] = {

    def mainVersionsIterator(): Iterator[String] = {
      val it0 = desc.candidateMainVersions(cache, verbosity)
      val it =
        if (it0.hasNext) it0
        else desc.mainVersionOpt.iterator
      // check the latest 5 versions if preferPrebuilt is true
      // FIXME Don't hardcode that number?
      it.take(if (preferPrebuilt) 5 else 1)
    }

    def urlArchiveType(url: String): (String, Option[(ArchiveType, Option[String])]) = {
      val idx = url.indexOf('+')
      if (idx < 0) (url, None)
      else
        ArchiveType.parse(url.take(idx)) match {
          case Some(tpe) =>
            val url0         = url.drop(idx + 1)
            val subPathIndex = url0.indexOf('!')
            if (subPathIndex < 0)
              (url0, Some((tpe, None)))
            else {
              val subPath = url0.drop(subPathIndex + 1)
              (url0.take(subPathIndex), Some((tpe, Some(subPath))))
            }
          case None =>
            (url, None)
        }
    }

    def patternArtifacts(
      pattern: String
    ): Seq[(Artifact, Option[(ArchiveType, Option[String])])] = {

      val artifactsIt = for {
        version <- mainVersionsIterator()
        isSnapshot = version.endsWith("SNAPSHOT")
        baseUrl0 = pattern
          .replace("${version}", version)
          .replace("${platform}", platform.getOrElse(""))
        (baseUrl, archiveTypeAndPathOpt) = urlArchiveType(baseUrl0)
        ext <-
          if (archiveTypeAndPathOpt.forall(_._2.nonEmpty))
            platformExtensions.iterator ++ Iterator("")
          else Iterator("")
        (url, archiveTypeAndPathOpt0) = archiveTypeAndPathOpt match {
          case None                  => (baseUrl + ext, archiveTypeAndPathOpt)
          case Some((tpe, subPath0)) => (baseUrl, Some((tpe, subPath0.map(_ + ext))))
        }
      } yield (Artifact(url).withChanging(isSnapshot), archiveTypeAndPathOpt0)

      artifactsIt.toVector
    }

    if (desc.launcherType.isNative)
      desc.prebuiltLauncher
        .orElse(desc.prebuiltBinaries.get(platform.getOrElse("")))
        .map(patternArtifacts)
    else
      None
  }

}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
Russian trolls live-tweeted Manchester and London attacks
The @southlonestar Russian troll account posted about the Manchester bombing and retweeted a post from the Arron Banks-funded Westmonster politics blog
By Matt Burgess
Getty Images / OLI SCARFF / Stringer
One of the leading Russian Twitter trolls posted multiple times in response to the Manchester bombing, further raising concerns over Russian attempts to influence British politics.
The account, @southlonestar, posted at least ten times around the Manchester bombing in May 2017, which killed 22 people. As the attack unfolded, the Russian troll also retweeted a post from Westmonster, a political blog created and funded by leading Leave campaigner Arron Banks.
The posts, which have all been captured by the Internet Archive were largely in support of those affected by the incident. The Russian troll tweeted: "Some trolls using pictures of youtube celebrities to make a joke of Manchester tragedy. I love 4chan users but it's just too much..." alongside a fake picture of one person believed to be missing following the explosion. The Russian account had 53,900 followers at the time of the attack.
"ISIS accounts celebrating Manchester attack," the Russian account wrote in another post. "Disgusting." Other posts around the terrorist attack included retweets of missing people and news updates attributed to legitimate media accounts. One tweet alongside a screen capture of an alleged pro-Isis account saying it was responsible for the attack said: "Who would have thought...."
This little-known company is killing fake social media accounts
By Sabrina Weiss
Internet Archive / WIRED
In one instance @southlonestar retweeted a post from @TEN_GOP, another known Russian account. The tweet was allegedly sharing a video of dashcam car footage captured near the scene of the explosion. One other tweet was a retweet of Westmonster, the Breitbart-style news website launched by Arron Banks earlier this year. At the time of the retweet Westmonster had 17,000 followers. It now has more than 30,000.
The posts from the Russian account around the Manchester bombing were all saved at 0933 on May 23 by the Internet Archive and are shown to be from at least ten hours beforehand. The Archive has captured tweets from @southlonestar on 27 different occasions.
The @southlonestar account, created in 2015, has already been found tweeting racist comments after the Westminster Bridge terror attack and has been identified as a Russian propaganda tool by Twitter in evidence provided to the US Congress.
There's a suspicious pro-vaping campaign targeting Donald Trump on Twitter
By Will Bedingfield
In June, another Russian account named @Pamela_Moore13 (58,000 followers at the time), tweeted about the terrorist attack at London Bridge. Archived posts were captured from the account minutes after the attack started. Posts from the Russian troll account shared breaking news from Sky News, amongst others.
Throughout 2016 and 2017, @southlonestar regularly posted about the UK and Europe. "UK voted to leave future European Caliphate! #BrexitVote," the account posted the day after the EU referendum. "I hope UK after #BrexitVote will start to clean their land from muslim invasion!" it sent on the same day. Another post offered congratulations for people who had voted to "take control of their country".
Two days after the Brexit vote, @southlonestar referred to earlier comments around negotiations, "UK, remember when Obama threatened to send 'to the back of the queue' if you leave? His allies are not UK but ISIS". The month after the account posted about Brexit, it also tweeted "RIP UK. It's not okay and it'll never be okay to support oppressive religion #fuckislam".
In the months before the Manchester bombing, @southlonestar had tweeted anti-Muslim and anti-Islam posts on multiple occasions. "Christians murdered in #Egypt today by Islamic terrorists. Media will say it has #NothingToDoWithIslam #PalmSunday," the account posted on April 9. In another post, the Russian troll wrote, "Muslims are completely fucked up".
Unsolicited Dog Pics is the one Twitter account you want sliding into your DMs
By Cian Maher
Here's the first evidence Russia used Twitter to influence Brexit
The account also bragged about its tweets being used included in media reports. "Thank you again, British libs. Now I'm even more famous!" @southlonestar posted after a tweet about the Westminster Bridge attack was included in a story published by The Sun. "Wow... I'm on the Daily Mail front page!" it said of its inclusion on Mail Online.
Other tweets from @southlonestar during 2016 referenced terror attacks in Munich, Brussels and Nice. Russia-linked Twitter accounts also targeted posts around terror attacks, as previously reported by WIRED.
The revelations of Russia's attempts to influence politics outside of the US have been criticised by UK prime minister Theresa May. At the Lord Mayor's banquet on Monday evening May accused Russia of trying to "weaponise information", adding that it would not succeed.
Officials from Russia have reacted angrily to May's comments. Leonid Slutsky, the chairman of the foreign affairs committee in Russia's parliament said the country was not trying to "undermine the international system of rules," according to the BBC.
"The world order that suits May, with the seizure of Iraq, war in Libya, the rise of IS and terrorism in Europe, has had its day," Alexei Pushkov, a Russian senator said. "You can't save it by attacking Russia."
In addition, the Leave.EU Twitter account reposted a statement from Alexander Yakovenko, the Russian ambassador to the UK, which said May's comments were "insulting". The ambassador's full statement says: "I am calling on the unscrupulous journalists and politicians: stop imposing this fake agenda, don't try to solve your problems at our expense!"
We finally know the full extent of Russia's Twitter trolling campaign
Here are the MPs that Russian trolls targeted the most
By Gian Volpicelli
Friday briefing: EE has switched on the UK's first 5G network
By WIRED
WIRED Awake
Five must-read stories you may have missed this week
WIRED Weekender


I've found numerous tutorials to set up KVM with CentOS 5.5. Some refer to the Red Hat guides, which are useless in my opinion if you are not using KVM in a large server park, others come up with scripts to set up networking.
I kept searching and trying configurations until I finally found one that works. Note that among problems you might encounter is the one that plagued me for months: CentOS is attempting to bring up the virtual device for LAN access on the host before bringing up the physical interface, this fails and prevents all networking and dependencies from starting properly.
To set up the bridge devices for KVM and the host (something which is done only once to 'wire' your virtual network instide the bridge) look here. Most of the guide is still relevant even if they refer to the Red Hat documentation (which is about Red Hats cloud virtualisation platform and not a single server running KVM).
Use a configuration like this for proper KVM networking under CentOS, Red Hat and probably even Fedora.
The "NM_CONTROLLED" bit seems to originate from Fedora 12/13, CentOS might ignore it altogether so you could leave it out.
The crucial parts in this configuration is that eth0 is started on boot and is assigned a bridge device: 'br0'. The 'br0' device is marked as a bridge device which completes the dependencies between them. So make sure if you deviate from the examples you leave the types and 'bridge=br0' in tact.


*NOTE: A minimum charge of $181.00 in respect of academic fees will be assessed to students who cancel their registration in a program (Degree POSt) on or after the published date for the first day of classes in the session. The first day of classes in the Summer Session is May 15, 2006. For students with only course enrolments with a section code S, the first day of classes is considered to be July 4, 2006 for the purpose of determining minimum charge.


text:
iPhone X is the best selling smartphone in the world?
By Ed Hardy • 2:54 pm, April 29, 2018
According to a market research company, 5.1 percent of all smartphones sold globally in February were the iPhone X.
There's been a lot of pessimism about the iPhone X lately, but a market research firm says that this device was the top selling smartphone in the world by a wide margin in February.
The company also says Apple had all four of the best selling smartphones globally that month.
This analysis comes from Counterpoint Research, who also said Apple's sales volume was 5 percent higher than it was in February of 2017.
The top four devices in global sales that month were the iPhone X (5.1 percent), the iPhone 8 (3.1 percent), the iPhone 7 (2.2 percent) and the iPhone 8 Plus (1.9 percent).
All of the top smartphones in February were made by Apple, according to Counterpoint Research.
Photo: Counterpoint Research
The Samsung Galaxy S8 was in sixth place with 1.4 percent of the global market in February. The S9 didn't debut until March.
Swimming against the tide
Counterpoint Research seems to be contradicting numerous reports that the iPhone X is in trouble. Samsung indicated slow demand for the type of OLED display used in Apple's top smartphone. TSMC says it's getting fewer orders for processors than expected. This is the sole supplier of iPhone CPUs, but also supplies chips for many other devices. Similar reports have come from the companies that make Apple's TrueDepth camera and the iPhone's power management chips.
However, none of the pessimistic news about the iPhone X so far has been based on information coming from Apple.
Tim Cook was the last company executive to go on the record about sales performance of the tenth-anniversary iPhone, and he did so in February, the same month Counterpoint Research reported on. Apple's CEO said, "iPhone X was the best-selling smartphone in the world in the December quarter according to Canalys, and it has been our top-selling phone every week since it launched."
If the iPhone X is actually doing well, it would explain why Apple is supposedly basing all the 2018 iPhone models on its design.
Apple will report on its January-March quarter this Tuesday. That will give us definitive answers on how all the versions of the iPhone are performing in the global market.
Posted in: News Tagged: analysis, iPhone X


text:
SPORT REPORT
About the North American Riders GroupNRG_wpDM2020-06-24T12:54:34+00:00
The North American Riders Group is back on the show jumping scene with renewed intensity representing riders, owners, trainers and their horses, with a keen focus on improving our sport at a continental and global level.
The role of the NARG Top 25 has changed. In 2010, there were 18 FEI CSI 3*–5* events in North America, in 2020 there would have been 74. Going forward analysis via a reliable third-party, whose primary goal is to improve the sport, is more important than ever.
From 2010–2016, the NARG TOP 25 instigated major change
Over the course of 6 years, since the Top 25 launched in 2010, we:
Increased the # of WORLD RANKING classes and prize money at 19 EVENTS
Achieved mileage rule change
IMPROVED FOOTING
AT 26 VENUES
improved stabling
Improved production & VIP at 14 events
Supported the Longines FEI North American League launch in 2015
AND NOW WE'RE BACK
IMPROVED FOOTING AT 26 VENUES
improved stabling at 13 venues
About NARG
The purpose of the NARG is to improve the quality of competitive show jumping in North America. We do that by uniting professional riders and trainers to use their collective strength to make show jumping in North America the best in the world.
With your support, NARG will continue to be recognized by those involved as the clear strong voice of North American riders and the all important supporting personnel directly involved with show jumping. To bring change we must speak with a singular voice.
Active participation offers you an opportunity to help shape the organization that will influence the classic sport that is no doubt very important to you. We know that there is strength in numbers. But we are especially hoping to recruit members willing to get involved by serving as volunteers willing to donate their time in support of this important undertaking. Another way to effectively participate is through providing financial support beyond the dues level established. In that regard, we are seeking and will welcome both contributions and sponsorships.
We are moving ahead but we need your help. We invite you to join with us, to help us grow by encouraging others to join and to get involved!
The North American Riders Group (NARG) was founded in Lexington, Kentucky on September 24, 2008. Its founding members included Chris Kappler, McLain Ward, Beezie Madden, Norman Dello Joio, Jimmy Torano and Kent Farrington.
The NARG was founded to represent the viewpoints and interests of all riders, trainers and owners in equestrian sport in North America. The NARG focus is to encourage growth of equestrian sport by improving the quality of events and controlling costs. We effect change through constructive criticism and positive influence on our governing bodies through committee activities.
Our goal is to be universally recognized as the effective voice of North American riders and the associated trainers coaches, horse owners, corporate sponsors and others involved with show jumping
Our governing board is composed of nationally and internationally known active competitive riders with many years of experience. We have seasoned representation on hand at major equestrian events to serve as the eyes and ears of NARG and enable us to fully understand how members would like to see their sport evolve and to allow NARG leadership to work productively with key decision makers to improve our sport.
President: Mark Leone (USA)
Vice-President: Tiffany Foster (CAN)
Treasurer: Lauren Hough (USA)
Board Members:
Kent Farrington (USA)
Jimmy Torano (USA)
Mark Samuel (CAN)
Missy Clark (USA)
Will Simpson (USA)
Enrique Gonzalez (MEX)
Andrew Welles (USA)
Ben Asselin (CAN)
Eugenio Garza (MEX)
Executive Director: Jen Markee (USA)
Thank You to our Returning Sponsor
Together, we can improve our sport
NARG.org • 516.428.4423 •
© North American Riders Group | Site Design by EqSol


text:
Q: How to create this 4type or 3type tab list? how can I create the 4type or 3type tab list that are in this page - http://demos.brianmcculloh.com/swagger/ located in right side? I have seen that on many sites. Basically is there any free plugins, that would allow me to create something like this easily, or Will I need to make it by myself with show/hide functions, and how hard is it to make something like that? If there's already free plugin, then I need plugin, which is free for commercial use (allowed to be sold in marketplaces with ready blog/portfolio templates).

A: Not sure what is the 4type or 3type tab list,but for easy tabs,jquery-ui is fine
http://jqueryui.com/demos/tabs/


text:
Stories by Joe Rosato Jr.
Merchant Marines Veterans Hoping to Get Their Due More Than 70 Years After the War
By Joe Rosato Jr.
Published Dec 14, 2018 at 7:26 PM | Updated at 12:26 AM PST on Dec 15, 2018
Merchant Marines Veterans Hoping to Get Their Due
//www.nbcbayarea.com/on-air/as-seen-on/Merchant-Marines-Veterans-Hoping-to-Get-Their-Due_Bay-Area-502830532.html
Advocates are making a last-minute push to honor the last surviving Merchant Marines who fought in World War II and were denied many of the benefits given to other branches of the military. Joe Rosato Jr. reports.
(Published Friday, Dec. 14, 2018)
Advocates are making a last-minute push to honor the last surviving Merchant Marines who fought in World War II and were denied many of the benefits given to other branches of the military. Bay Area Congressman John Garamendi (D) introduced a pair of bills in Congress that would award each survivor $25,000 and a gold Congressional Medal of Honor. But advocates for the veterans say time is running short.
"Every day we lose more and more Merchant Marine veterans of World War II," said Christian Yuhas, a current Bay Area Merchant Marine engineer who is helping to lead the effort. "Before they pass away we would love to have a well-deserved thank you in the form of a gold medal from Congress."
Merchant Marines served in a support capacity delivering supplies and personnel to the Army and Navy during the war. But of the 250 thousand who labored during the war, fewer than 2000 are believed to be still living. Several attempts to pass similar bills in Congress in recent years failed. Yuhas has been making calls and sending emails to Congressional members hoping to get the bills passed this week before Congress goes on recess.
"For a very long time the Merchant Marine force wasn't considered an armed force," Yuhas said, "because it was a volunteer group of mariners that volunteered to man the ships at sea."
4.3 Magnitude Earthquake Hits East Bay, 3.2 Temblor Follows
For decades after the war, the mariners were denied G.I. benefits afforded to other military branches. It wasn't until 1988 they were finally awarded the benefits of the G.I. Bill. But some veterans said it was too little, too late.
"By then, the guys were then in their seventies," said Frank Mendez, a retired Merchant Marine who served in World War II. "The GI benefit wouldn't do much for education or anything else."
The war veterans argue even though they weren't a fighting force, they were subjected to the same perils as the units they supported. They were often called upon to deliver supplies to dangerous war torn beaches in the South Pacific and targeted by kamikaze fliers. Some 800 Merchant Marine vessels were sunk during the war with around 8000 casualties.
75 Yrs Later: Survivor's Story of Deadly Port Chicago Blast
"Percentage-wise we lost more percentage than any other service branches," Mendez said.
Veteran Harold Wagner said the passage of the two bills would mark a significant gesture by the government to recognize the role he and other Merchant Marines played the war. Like Mendez, Wagner joined the volunteer mariner force at the age of 16 — serving at the tail end of the World War II and later in the Korean War. He said often times when mariner's ships were sunk, they'd be transported back to the U.S. to immediately board other ships headed back to the war.
"I think they were very important," Wagner said. "They couldn't have won the war without the Merchant Marines."
Yuhas said supporters of the bills were racing to collect enough sponsors in Congress to move the bill forward.
"We cannot and will not forget them for the dedicated service they provided our country," Yuhas said. "A well-deserved thank you would be a wonderful gift to what's left of the Merchant Marine veterans from World War II."
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text:
Les Ulriken Eagles sont un club norvégien de basket-ball basé à Bergen. Le club appartient à la BLNO soit le plus haut niveau du championnat norvégien. Son nom vient du mont Ulriken.

Historique

Le club est né en 1970.

Palmarès
 Champion de Norvège : 1994, 1999, 2000, 2007

Entraîneurs successifs

Joueurs célèbres ou marquants

Liens externes
  Site officiel

Club de basket-ball en Norvège
Club sportif fondé en 1970
Club sportif à Bergen (Norvège)


text:
A Krasznokamszki járás (oroszul Краснокамский район, baskír nyelven Краснокама районы) Oroszország egyik járása a Baskír Köztársaságban, székhelye Nyikolo-Berjozovka falu.

Népesség

1970-ben 43 213 lakosa volt, melyből 13 415 baskír (31%), 7 721 tatár (17,9%).
1989-ben 42 669 lakosa volt, melyből 16 660 tatár (39%), 10 273 baskír (24,1%).
2002-ben 27 552 lakosa volt, melyből 9 668 baskír (35,09%), 7 319 mari, 6 176 tatár (22,42%), 3 954 orosz (14,35%).
2010-ben 27 986 lakosa volt, melyből 8 752 baskír (31,3%), 7 396 mari (26,5%), 7 220 tatár (25,8%), 4 105 orosz (14,7%), 114 udmurt, 79 ukrán, 35 csuvas, 18 fehérorosz, 10 mordvin.

Források
 Всероссийская перепись населения 2002 года. Национальный состав населения по регионам России. Демоскоп Weekly.
 A 2010-es népszámlálás eredményei: [ Итоги Всероссийской переписи населения 2010 года по Республике Башкортостан]

Jegyzetek

Baskíria járásai