I had a great weekend in Cabo San Lucas with family and friends. The flight there and back was easy and would normally have been forgotten by the time the car pulled into the driveway. Except for two simple, but surprising, exchanges — one on the way out and one on the way back — and they will stick with me for a while.
We both knew that the odds a "next time" were pretty slim, and he offered an easy smile and a firm handshake. I grabbed the $20 and handed it to him. He refused, but I insisted. We did that dance for a bit and then he reached into his front pocket, grabbed a few $1 bills, and insisted that I accept them. We did another dance.
In the end, he took the $20 bill and I took the $1 bills (turns out there were 13 of them in the crumpled pile) and off we went. I was struck by how hard he pushed to not take a tip that he obviously thought was too much. There was no doubt he was sincere. The dignity with which he handled this small exchange was inspiring.
On the return trip, the van dropped us off at long-term parking and I drove the car to the exit. The parking was prepaid, so I handed the receipt to the gal working the booth. She thanked me, reached around with her magic wand and opened the gate. I had a $5 bill sitting in the center console, so I reached over, grabbed it and handed it to her.
I'm guessing, based on her reaction, that the people who work the booths are rarely given tips. But the smile she gave, which I can still see as I type these words, was worth far more than $5 bucks. You can bet I'll be tipping them in the future.


If you've ever been to an international airport, you've probably seen one of the keenest spotters of illegal contraband - The Beagle Brigade! These cute dogs aren't after drugs or bombs, they're carefully trained to sniff out agricultural products. Learn all about this furry group of crime stoppers in today's episode.


Sergei Kazarian is Professor of Physical Chemistry in the Department of Chemical Engineering of Imperial College London and a Fellow of the Royal Society of Chemistry. He has published over 190 peer-reviewed articles and reviews in leading scientific journals and 12 book chapters, over 100 of his articles are on applications of FTIR spectroscopic imaging.
Sergei's group is one of the world's leading centres for spectroscopic imaging, for which he was awarded a European Research Council Advanced Grant in 2008 and, in 2007, led a team which received a Research Excellence Award from Imperial College. His research focuses on the development and applications of spectroscopic imaging to materials, biomedical samples and pharmaceuticals and is generously supported by a number of grants from EPSRC, MRC, BBSRC and industry. His research in spectroscopic imaging was presented at the Royal Society's 350th Anniversary Summer Science Exhibition in 2010.


Sony has launched their new WH-1000XM3 around-ear headphones in the Indian market. The headphone is the latest addition to Sony's 1000X family of headphones. This is an upgrade from their previous WH-1000XM2 headphones. With the new headphones, Sony has added many new improvements from the outgoing generation. The new headphones have better Noise Cancelling performance, among other features.
The Sony WH-1000XM3 is a pair of Bluetooth headphones that have built-in active noise cancellation. With this feature, the headphones can neutralize the unwanted background noise while enjoying their favorite audio. Sony has equipped the headphones with the QN1 which is a noise cancelingProcessor developed by the company. Sony claims the new processor has four times better performance than it's predecessor.
The headphones have 40mm drivers with LCP (Liquid Crystal Polymer) diaphragm. The LCP diagram can reproduce the full range of frequencies up to 40kHz and can handle heavy beats.
The headphones have a Quick Attention Mode which allows the user to know what is going around them. The user can place their hand on the right earcup which will instantly decrease the volume and they can check their surroundings. The right earcup has a touchpad to control various functions with simple swipe gestures. To control volume users can simply swipe up or down on the touchpad and right or left swipe changes the audio track.
The headphones have Bluetooth 4.2 technology and have NFC for easy connection with supported devices. It only has two physical keys that can control options like power on/off and Bluetooth pairing. The headphones weigh at 255 grams and are available in two color options: Black and Platinum silver.
Sony claims the headphones have a battery backup of 30 hrs. They can be charged from zero to full in 2-3 hours and also have Quick charge capabilities. With 10 minutes of Quick charge they can give a 5-hour audio playback.
Packaged along with the headphones are a bunch of accessories. They include a Type-C charging cable, an auxiliary cable for line in, an in-flight adapter and a case for securely carrying the headphones.
The headphones have a price tag of Rs. 29,990/-. They will be available both online and offline starting from 18th October.


The Chandra X-ray image reveals huge bubbles of hot gas above and below the plane of the galaxy.
These bubbles indicate that much of the gas that was originally in the disk of the galaxy has been heated to millions of degrees and ejected into the outer regions by the jets from the black hole.
The ejection of gas from the disk by the jets has important implications for the fate of this galaxy. Researchers estimate that all of the remaining gas will be ejected within the next 300 million years &mdsh; very soon on cosmic time scales -- unless it is somehow replenished. Because most of the gas in the disk has already been ejected, less gas is available for new stars to form. Indeed, the researchers used Spitzer data to estimate that stars are forming in the central regions of NGC 4258, at a rate which is about ten times less than in the Milky Way Galaxy.


So here are some of the questions that were covered in Dave's Q & A session at A4UExpo earlier this week. It was great to see so many people made it to the early morning session to learn some up to the minute views from Dave.
Should you cloak affiliate links?
What do you think about the new change that Google brought in with not showing the search referrer in Analytics?
Google are spinning it that it is for privacy, but Adwords data will still be shown. It's bad for the webmaster, and in the end bad for the user as webmasters won't be able to make pages better that are getting certain terms sending traffic. People will be working out how to get around it and it will be interesting to see if the pro package have the data available.
I have 100 products on a page, what should I do with keyword density?
Google will see it as spammy. Add content and rewrite product titles and content to reduce keyword density. Pagination will help and diversify the listing as 100 products on one page is not good for the user.
What's the optimum % of keyword density on a page?
There is a myth out there about keyword density, but it has to be natural. It depends on the industry. Look and see what other sites are doing in your industry and see what the sites that are ranking are doing.
On links, if there is a good blog post without a link, do you ask for the old post to be amended or get a new post created to include the link?
My preference is to get a new article written and the old post redirected. If I can see that an old piece of content has been changed to include a link so can Google. Make link placements in keeping with the site.
If I was a new affiliate, what advice would you give?
Don't give up your day job! Research the industry, make sure the market is OK. Check tools like SearchMetrics to see how competitors' sites have performed. Avoid industries that are swamped, like voucher codes and avoid a thin affiliate site. Build a new brandable site with no initial monetarisation, add good content, possibly have a walled garden area for the affiliation, get sign ups, do email marketing, bring offers specifically to users. Don't just list loads of affiliate links on a page, and build up a war chest to develop the strategy.
I've started using JQuery to make the site sexier, with multiple tabs. It could seem that content is hidden so would Google look at the site and see it as cloaking?
Bespoke AJAX is quicker or maybe have a look at DART, with AJAX on the client side rather than serverside. Behind the AJAX you need the static version, use # bangs and rel canonical and make use of CSS and HTML5. Think of the intent, if it's to get more search traffic then it may be an issue, if it's for a user then it's OK, Google will see it as that.
Do social signals from Facebook and Twitter have an effect on rankings?
Twitter is a social signal that Google trusts. Can't just rank with Twitter, but if you get lots of RT's then it does pass a strong signal for QDF. Facebook is a locked down environment so how can Google trust it? Look at Google with Google+ and the +1's but they will learn that people are buying seasoned Gmail accounts. There is also personalisation and locational signals that are looked at.
In Google results there are sites listed top with spammy links. Is the problem the algorithm?
This doesn't get overlooked, but gets dampened. Brand sites who already have a lot of links, if they have new or historic spammy links they already have enough equity to rank. They will need to reach a tipping point before they get a slap and get hurt. For instance JCPenny got a slap but they didn't get taken out of the index, it was more of a warning. Google will move away from links but they will always be there.
If someone steals your content what should you do?
Comment links, are they any good? What are your favourite links?
Links need to be something without a footprint. Think outside the box and look at areas that touch your industry. Help other webmasters to help you. If you were building campervan links, think about the campsites or surf dudes. It's not a crime to link to people so look at things that touch your industry and see how it would benefit them.
With the real estate of natural search becoming how it is, what's the importance of it?
Aim for the Top 3. Look at mobile, look at traffic coming into the site, and where people are coming in. Our jobs as always will change and be recreated. While there is still a search box we still have a job. Widen the traffic source to images, videos, product feeds, local listings, news etc. Natural organic SEO is lessoning, widen the targets.
Is there a benefit to having a domain reference rather than a hyperlink?
Google sees the url structure but can't count is as a link. From a social signal they see it and possibly count it.
How important is IP address and Whois on bulk domains?
Shared hosting is good as you could kind of hide in the crowd all with the same IP, but watch for less favourable sites joining your shared hosting. It used to be a major quality signal but now the Cloud has changed this and so will IPV6, it's now a narrow signal. Separate IP addresses can be used for linking but Google can tie it all together anyway. Look at the intention of sites on the same IP.
What's your worst horror story of clients who have come to you after using another agency?
Big UK brand that had had links built by a big UK agency that were base64 encoded footer links in WordPress themes. Ended up having to ditch the domain and rebrand. Ask the SEO agency, what's the worst that could happen if they come up with a fool proof plan and can you pull it back if you needed. Obviously you can't pull back lots of WP footer links on a free theme that has been widely used.
There's a lot of talk about sites with bad spammy links. What's to stop a competitor sending a tonne of spammy links to you?
If you chuck enough spammy links at a site it can harm, but could also help them for a bit, so do a regular check on the links to your site and if you see a spike check them out and report them. There is obviously a good chance that Google will also look through the rest of your links so be aware.
Sum up 2012 as a strategy?
Whatever service you need or query you might have, Becky is your main point of contact as a client. As head of the new business team, she is the person to guide you through the services we can provide to you when you realise that you should be working with us!
Loved this session, very entertaining as well as informative. Dave swears like a pro!
Thanks Becky for compiling all the answers for all of us out there! but i have another question… its more of a experience then a question!
whats your take on it?
I still feel that Twitter is still more important than Google's +1, but I do feel that a Google +1 acts a bit like a ping to Google.
A good test would be to add an another InfoGraphic to the same site and just use pingomatic or something to let the world know the site has been updated; so to speak, before you do any social push, then repeat the test without the the ping and only +1 it.
you were great as always. thanks for the great tips and help.
There is a lot of talk going on about the importance of anchor text these days. As we know, Google used to give a lot of importance to the anchor text in earlier times. But what do you think of it now, how important is it now?
Also, what's your view on the bounce rate? Does the bounce rate of a site can affect its rankings in Google, Is Google using the bounce rate as a signal?


Time trial master Cadel Evans I must confess up front that I'm no time trial expert. In fact I've only ever done one individual time trial and that was with absolutely no special preparation or specific training. However, my Club Championship ITT is coming up and I thought I'd give it another go and in the process educate myself about how to prepare for one. My first and only 'race of truth' was last year for the LACC Club Championship. I literally decided the day before that I would go along to Penrith Regatta Centre and give it a crack.


text:
Bring Your Voices, Bring Your Pain
Posted byofficiallywendy February 28, 2017 April 26, 2019 Posted inBlogTags:Dialogue, Palestine, Peace
Young Israeli and Palestinian Leaders on Modeling Difficult Dialogues
Each semester, the Humanities Institute hosts a Public Forum as part of our Difficult Dialogues program, designed to foster dialogue-based learning on campus. On February 13th in the Texas Union, the HI hosted a panel discussion with Creativity for Peace, a non-profit organization that trains young Palestinian and Israeli women to be peacemakers in their communities. The organization hosts a three-week summer camp in Santa Fe, NM that teaches these young women how to dialogue across cultural and sociopolitical lines for the purpose of fostering peace.
The panel included Dottie Indyke, Director of Creativity for Peace, and four Young Leaders with the organization ready to share their stories. Indyke opened the panel discussion, clarifying that the Israeli/Palestinian conflict is not primarily a religious war between Palestinian Muslims and Israeli Jews, but is, rather, primarily a struggle for rights to the land. The Israel-Palestine conflict is most commonly traced back to the end of World War II, when, in response to the immigration crisis in Europe with regard to Holocaust survivors and Jewish refugees, the Jewish People's Council, in cooperation with the newly formed United Nations, established the Jewish state at the site of the ancient kingdoms of Israel and Judah. Areas of Palestine were partitioned off for Jewish settlement. The conflict over shifting boundaries can be seen today in the suicide bombings, raids, and demolitions that afflict both Israel and Palestine.
Of the four young women on the Difficult Dialogues Public Forum panel, two were Palestinian, one was Israeli, and one was both Palestinian and Israeli. The panel discussion was organized around each panelist describing their personal experiences growing up in the region and what they had learned from attending the three-week Creativity for Peace summer camp. The first speaker, Dima Khalifa, a Psychologist from a small Arab city in Palestine who first attended the CfP camp in 2006, described witnessing houses of the Arab minority in Israel being illegally demolished in front of the homeowners in order to make way for Jewish settlements. Khalifa recalled an instance in which Israeli authorities wrongfully identified a Palestinian high school teacher as a member of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS). That he was trying to prevent his home from being demolished led them to believe he was plotting a terrorist attack. Many innocent civilians ended up getting killed when the police arrived on the scene as a result of this misidentification. Khalifa said that it is because of injustices such as these that the Palestinian people must continue "struggling and fighting for [their] right just to be." At camp, she recalled, Khalifa argued with the Jewish girls, blaming them for the injustices she had witnessed and about which she had heard, until her dialogue training kicked in, and she learned how to actively listen to their stories about their own experiences of the conflict.
Mai Shbeta, a human rights lawyer who attended the camp in 2008, described the village she grew up in as one of the very few villages where Israelis and Palestinians lived together in peace. Shbeta herself comes from a mixed family, and she proudly considers herself as fully part of both Israeli and Palestinian cultures. Shbeta recollected watching Muslims, Jews, and Christians dance together at her wedding and wondering to herself why, if these people could dance together, the rest of the world couldn't dance together too. This experience reminded her of the hardest part of leaving the CfP camp: the realization that although she had experienced changes through CfP's program, the world had not changed. She told the audience that after that kind of realization, "it's really hard to continue your life. That's why we're so involved."
The third panelist, Deema Yusuf, shared a story about her grandmother's home. Her grandmother had handed Yusuf the key to her old house and asked Yusuf to go to see if the house was still standing. Yusuf found that her grandmother's home had been demolished. In its place stood a hotel, and, Yusuf said, she filled with anger. When she attended the CfP camp in 2012, Yusuf attempted to organize the Palestinian girls against the Jewish girls, finding ways to make the Jewish girls feel guilty for what she saw as their complicity in the injustices Yusuf and her family had experienced. Yusuf said that it was not until she had listened to a Jewish girl at the camp tell the story of how her grandmother had been killed on a bus by a suicide bomber that Yusuf began to understand that Jews suffer in this conflict too.
Sivan Kedem, a Jewish woman, was a CfP camper in 2005 and has been a Young Leader since then. She is also currently a facilitator-in-training. She described the camp as a place where young women could "bring their voices, bring their pain," and that through learning to listen to each other, these young women could begin to heal. Had Deema Yusuf never listened, for example, to her Jewish campmate tell the story about her grandmother's death, Yusuf would still be filled with anger today. Similarly, Sivan Kedem, responding to Mai Shbeta's earlier comment about the difficulties she experienced after returning home and realizing the world had not changed, said, "we go back home to the same reality; this is why we need to keep working." In addition to the drive to keep working towards peace, Creativity for Peace has taught these girls how to listen, how not to "reject what you're hearing," what Kedem called the essence of the camp.
During the Public Forum, the panelists modeled the very dialogue they were discussing by sharing their personal experiences with the audience. As one of the panelists observed, while two individuals may not see eye-to-eye on the nature and causes of any given conflict, no person can tell another that she did not experience what she experienced. The women involved with Creativity for Peace, by discussing how they had been personally affected by the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and by discussing their personal experiences and growth while attending the CfP camp, asked their audience to empathize rather than intellectualize, creating a foundation for dialogue.
The Blue Blip
The Value of Student Volunteerism

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
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import { NgModule } from '@angular/core';
import { FlexLayoutModule } from '@angular/flex-layout';
import {
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} from '@angular/forms';
import { TsButtonModule } from '@terminus/ui/button';
import { TsMenuModule } from '@terminus/ui/menu';
import { TsOptionModule } from '@terminus/ui/option';
import { TsSelectionListModule } from '@terminus/ui/selection-list';
import { TsTooltipModule } from '@terminus/ui/tooltip';

import { TsPaginatorComponent } from './paginator.component';

export * from './paginator.component';

@NgModule({
  imports: [
    CommonModule,
    FormsModule,
    FlexLayoutModule,
    ReactiveFormsModule,
    TsButtonModule,
    TsMenuModule,
    TsOptionModule,
    TsSelectionListModule,
    TsTooltipModule,
  ],
  exports: [
    TsPaginatorComponent,
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  declarations: [
    TsPaginatorComponent,
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export class TsPaginatorModule {}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
Q: PyEnchant: adapt folder for Win-32bit and Win-64bit I use PyEnchant library from PyPI site.
I got Windows 32 bit release: it loads OK on Win-32, Linux, macOS; but doesn't work on Windows 64 bit (it's OK: DLLs are 32 bit).

*

*iconv.dll

*intl.dll

*libenchant-1.dll

*libglib-2.0-0.dll

*libgmodule-2.0-0.dll

*lib/enchant/lib*.dll (2 files)

I tried to have 2 copies of pyenchant: one in dir win32, other in win64; and added one of directories/folders to sys.path. So these are 2 directories/folders and hard for users to copy spell-dict's inside these 2 directories/folders.
I want to use it in a cross-platform app. So need one directory/folder "pyenchant".
How to change lib, place 32-bit/64-bit DLLs, so that one "pyenchant" directory/folder can be used in both Win-32 and Win-64?
Please help.

A: So, you want to make Windows search for your DLLs on the path you specify. You will need to add your dlls to Windows' PATH variable; plase take a look at
DLL - How to put a folder on PATH with Python; you will have to detect whether you are on a 32 or 64 bit system, and dynamically configure the PATH as necessary.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


It's that time again, to take stock in last year's resolutions and goals, and figure out what worked, and what didn't. As a reminder, I only set three hard and fast resolutions for 2018, and then had a longer (unpublished) goal list I wanted to work on.
Of those three goals, the first is the only one I had real success with. I may not have managed exactly 6, but I've gotten a lot more than 4.5 (which is what I was getting before) a majority of nights last year. Getting to bed is still kind of a major hurdle for me, but I did pay very close attention to how many hours I was getting based on when I went to bed and set my alarm accordingly so that if I went to sleep 15 min. late, I got up 15 min. late.
Tuesdays are still an issue for me, as I have to get up an hour earlier for work, and I can't go to bed an hour earlier just because my routines are so ingrained. But I have been getting 6 hours of sleep on Friday nights, and I've made a point to work things around so I can get 6 hours some Saturday night/Sunday mornings too.
All in all, that goal has been a success, and it won't be difficult to keep going with that.
As for the second goal…well, I had to give that up a few months in because all the eggs were aggravating my gall bladder. Once I stopped eating eggs every day (I still eat them, just not more than a couple times a week), my gall bladder quieted down and all is still well so far. That was a fail, but only because my body made it so. Can't help that, unfortunately.
The third goal was a partial fail. I tried, really I did, but my reminders kept not working (I've since gotten a better reminder system), and by the time I'd remember it was late and I was tired, and I rushed through and didn't really give my goals list and progress analysis the attention it deserved.
I did go through the list occasionally, I tried to pick a new "top three" goal and never really settled on a good one, and I did modify the larger list a few times to give myself a better chance. One of the items on my list was to read a comic book every day (trying to catch up with a little over a years' back-log). I achieved that goal with flying colors, and I'm caught up on a few different series, nearly caught up with my Harley Quinn's, and still have quite the stack of Spidermans to get through.
I worked a lot on getting healthier this year, which sort of backfired in that my body threw a bit of a temper-tantrum, but the doctor I established as my first "primary care doc" told me not to worry about it, so I shan't. I lost five pounds, a lot of that doing intermittent fasting. Even though that doesn't seem like it will work for me long-term, it still had the great benefit of showing me just how few calories I actually need during a day. So I'm eating less, and have managed to keep the 5lbs off. Go me!
Most of the other goals on my longer list are household and financial goals, and I simply spaced most of the household/cleaning goals, and as for finances…well, yeah. No. Finances were more than just a fail – I wanted to pay down debt, and ended up with more than I had at the beginning of last year. It was a combination of not following through with my budgeting goals, lack of impulse control, and using the wrong budgeting system for my personality type.
Needless to say, finances are at the top of my priority list next year, and I'll discuss that more tomorrow.
It was an odd year, and I'm kind of glad to just be leaving it all behind and moving forward. Writing was…not even close to what I wanted it to be, and left me wondering if I should even keep trying to write. I did finally start establishing some good writing habits over the past couple of months, and in just the past week, I've started blocking out more time for that as well (by shifting nightly routines up a bit). So, maybe next year will be better. I hope so. I need to either publish stuff, or close down the business side of things and just write for myself. By the end of next year, I should have a decision reached in regards to that.


The existing traffic and parking facilities (more than 561 on-site parking stalls in immediate proximity to the field) will accommodate the proposed amendments, as guided by the adopted Traffic Management Plan. The traffic management plan and operation of the campus has hosted events exceeding the capacity of the field with examples ranging from Graduation to College Events without issue. Initial conversations with the Traffic Engineering Department indicate that the shift in game start time later in the evening will benefit overall neighborhood traffic as it will avoid peak commuter traffic time on Monroe Street.
1. The Woodrow Street entrance will not be used for events in the complex.
2. Edgewood will distribute parking and circulation maps to all visiting schools stressing use of Edgewood College Drive for access and parking on-site.
3. The main entrance will feature a permanent large-scale parking & circulation map illustrating the location of on-site parking & access while discouraging parking within the neighborhood and detailing the parking restrictions on Monroe Street.
4. Parking attendants will be used on site to communicate and execute the parking & circulation plan, including posting signage along Monroe Street/Woodrow Street to direct traffic to Edgewood College Drive, and directing parking on-site.
5. The existing pedestrian entrance along Edgewood College Drive will be maintained as the only non-emergency point of access to the facility.
Copyright © 2019. Edgewood High School Goodman Athletic Complex.


There is nothing more adventurous than a road trip especially if its one through Rajasthan. As the flight descended on the arid lands of the Pink city, I was welcomed by some hospitable folks who had arranged a car for one of the most amazing road trips I was ever about to have.
The Pink city lived up to its name – "Bloody Pink" as one of my friends mentioned. Rattled with the history which Jaipur is so well known for, the legends still breathe and the ghosts of the past reach out to you as you walk past the corridors of the City Palace, Hawa Mahal and the colourful markets of the Johri Bazaar. The forts loom large on the outskirts of the old city. One can still imagine the elephants, horses adorned for official parades of the Maharajas. Opulence greets you at almost every sight. Colors of life bathe this city which is buzzing with traders, merchants and hawkers. There was a sense of festivity in the air. It was Diwali after all.
The principal tourist attraction is the Amer Fort built by Raja Man Singh. Built in aesthetic style, it is known for its huge ramparts, gates and opulent palace complex built with red sandstone and marble. Truly fit for a king, its asthetic ambience is celebrated by the Sheesh Mahal, Diwan–e-aam, Diwan–e-Khas and the temple of the Sila Devi Goddess who is said to have visited the king in his dreams. This palace, along with the Jaigarh and Nahargarh forts, is situated on the same stretch of the Aravalli range of hills.
We hit the highway in the wee hours of the morning. Skirted by arid lands, shrubs and bushes, and rolled into the ghats of Pushkar.
The hint of winter was in the air, as we reached the city of our dreams – Udaipur, the lake city, and the most romantic place on earth – The Taj Lake Palace hotel!
The chronicles of Rajasthan will continue….keep following to know more about the Mewar Rajputs and their brilliant lifestyle… and of course my experiences in this mesmerising city!
Share the post "A road trip through Rajasthan"


How to factory reset Lava Iris 350? How to wipe all data in Lava Iris 350 easily? Guide to bypass screen lock in Lava Iris 350? Full guide How to restore defaults Lava Iris 350 mobile phone? You can check out Hard Reset Intex aqua i15 guideline here.
Here is the full guideline to hard reset Lava Iris 350 mobile phone. You can easily unlock your Lava Iris 350 using this method. There are 2 ways to hard reset your Lava Iris 350 smartphone. Both two methods are work seamlessly without creating any problem.


There are total 12 letters in Heraldically, Starting with H and ending with Y.
Heraldically is a scrabble word? Yes (21 Points) Heraldically has worth 21 Scrabble points.
adv.	- In an heraldic manner, according to the rules of heraldry.
In Heraldically H is 8th, E is 5th, R is 18th, A is 1st, L is 12th, D is 4th, I is 9th, C is 3rd, Y is 25th letters in Alphabet Series.


Alvin Langdon Coburn (1882 – 1966) was one of the foremost photographic artists of the modern age. His career lasted for six decades, spanning and championing the transition from pictorialism to abstraction. He became the first major photographer to emphasize the visual potential of elevated viewpoints and later made some of the first completely abstract photographs.
His most well known works were also his last taken in the United States in 1912. From the top of New York city skyscrapers he pointed the camera directly at the street, eliminating the horizon line and flattening perspective to emphasise abstraction. A meticulous printer, his unrelenting search for techniques to convey his unique vision resulted in his becoming one of the pioneers of modern photographic technique.


text:
Hello! It's been a long and challenging year both personally for many, and for development during this tough period.
We first want to thank all of our active readers and supporters. Your feedback and support has been incredibly encouraging and has kept us on track and working hard this year.
We have a lot planned for 2021, and with that we'd like to announce what we've been working on!
We're moving to large quarterly updates for the public. What this means is every 3 months, we'll compile everything into a large development vlog, which will contain a ton of information about the game and what we've been working on.
You can expect to see concepts, art turnarounds, breakdowns, research, character designs and development and gameplay in these vlogs. This will allow everyone to keep connected with the team in a more comprehensive way.
We've received many questions regarding how to support us. With a proper update schedule and the increase in development budget, we are happy to announce that we are creating a comprehensive Patreon campaign. Here are some rewards!
Early access to our quarterly updates
Exclusive Blog Posts
Exclusive Discord channel
Monthly Dev Vlog
Regular Art Updates
Live Q&A's
Alpha / Beta Access
Release Copy
We also have a Tier rewards system in place! You can see more about this on our Crowdfunding page, which will be updated shortly with additional information. The longer you support us, the more rewards you receive.
These include tonnes of in-game rewards, which are exclusive to Patreon backers. Not even Kickstarter supporters will have access to these, so if you enjoy exclusive content, it's a great way to gain access to it while supporting us!
In the meantime, take a look at some art we've been working on. We'll have more to show in our Patreon blogs (the first of which is coming on Monday), and our first quarterly update, which is scheduled for 31st March.
Funding Contingent
We intend to secure funding this year, either through partners or through crowdfunding. With this in mind, we are targeting a Q4 Kickstarter campaign, where we will show off our alpha gameplay.
In the meantime, we will continue internally funding development of the game. Any support through Patreon will be absolutely huge, as it will allow us to focus far more resources on the game as opposed to external work to raise funds.
If you haven't already, we'd love for you to join our Discord and become a part of our community – head over to discord.contingentgame.com.
Thank you very much for reading this far! It means a lot to me and the team.
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The LBHOA Summer Concert Series kicks off this Sunday, June 3rd at 5:00 PM with The Blue Breeze Band. One of the hottest R&B and soul groups in Los Angeles, The Blue Breeze Band performs powerhouse hits from the 1960s and 1970s to the funkiest dance songs of today.
Members of The Blue Breeze Band have performed and toured with many R&B and soul legends including Smokey Robinson, Lakeside, The Temptations, Mary J. Blige, Rod Stewart, The Brothers Johnson and Evelyn "Champagne" King.
The Blue Breeze Band has delighted audiences throughout California and Arizona with the finest Motown, R&B Soul Funk and Jazz & Blues music for more than 12 years. The lively, energetic, dynamic musical artists bring audiences to their feet – and to the dance floor.
This week's concert is sponsored by SCH&A Insurance Services. SCH&A is a boutique insurance agency located in the heart of Malaga Cove now proudly celebrating its 30th year in business. Their clients range from employers with 2 employees to national accounts with several thousand employees. They thrive on providing their clients with exceptional concierge service to help strategically manage their benefits and compliance concerns.
Thanks Stanton for sponsoring this great event – we look forward to feeling The Blue Breeze in Lunda Bay Plaza this weekend! SCH&A – thanks!


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text:
Reading: The Cinematic Cowboy in Africa: Identities and the Western Genre
The Cinematic Cowboy in Africa: Identities and the Western Genre
Jacqueline Maingard
University of Bristol, GB
About Jacqueline
Jacqueline Maingard is Reader in Film at the University of Bristol, and Honorary Research Associate in the Archive and Public Culture Research Initiative, University of Cape Town. Author of South African National Cinema (Routledge, 2007), she has published on film and history in Africa in various journals and volumes, including Journal of Southern African Studies, Memory Studies and Screen. She is currently completing a monograph on black cinema audiences in South Africa, 1920s to 1960s. She is also leading a research project on colonial film archives in Britain.
This article identifies instances in Africa in which the western genre and specifically the figure of the cowboy is appropriated and adapted to local circumstances. It opens with a brief excursion into the western's influence on African cinema, focusing primarily on Bamako (2016). The article develops a brief discussion of the potentials and pitfalls of comparative research in relation to Africa and proposes that focusing on a specific genre such as the western, is a useful additional element in adopting modes of comparative research. The article focuses on examples drawn from different parts of the continent including the Democratic Republic of Congo, Tanzania and Southern Africa. Finally, it draws conclusions on the potential of future research focusing on the cinematic cowboy and his appropriation into the lives of African audiences.
Keywords: Africa, audiences, cinema, cowboys, western genre
How to Cite: Maingard, Jacqueline. 2020. "The Cinematic Cowboy in Africa: Identities and the Western Genre". TMG Journal for Media History 23 (1-2): 1–16. DOI: http://doi.org/10.18146/tmg.796
The film Bamako (2006), set in a courtyard in Bamako, the capital city of Mali, includes a short, mock, 'spaghetti' western within the film proper entitled Death in Timbuktu. At a screening and Q&A event held at the National Film Theatre in London in 2014, a member of the audience asked the filmmaker, Abderrahmane Sissako, why he had inserted this short film. His reply was that he had seen many westerns as a boy growing up in Africa and had always wanted to make one himself. Sissako performs within the short western credited as Dramane Bassaro, the name of the character he plays in his earlier film, La vie sur terre (Life on Earth, 1998). The celebrated actor, Danny Glover, whose production company, Louverture, produced the film, acts as the 'lone ranger' character. As well as being an opportunity for Sissako to make his own western and to perform the role of a cowboy himself, the short western, and its specific plot, plays an especially critical role.1
The film as a whole is based on a fictitious court case, in which the people of Mali take the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank to court. A series of local people provide witness to their views before a presiding judge and other legal professionals acting for both the prosecution and the accused. The witness statements in the trial critique the globalisation goals of the IMF and the World Bank and particularly the Structural Adjustment Programmes, to which countries like Mali have had to sign up resulting in severely destructive effects on locally-driven economies. Sissako's western is filmed on location in Timbuktu, his own version of the sandy southern Spain or Italian equivalent of the Wild West representing the locations of Italian 'spaghetti' westerns. Indeed in Sissako's 'film lesson,' published in Africultures in 2003 (before he made Bamako), he comments that '[s]paghetti westerns have marked my entire film culture. They were very important for me.'2
While apparently 'playing' with cowboy imagery and characterisation, Sissako simultaneously constructs a powerful, adjunctive allegory to Bamako's wider critique of globalisation. The first image in Death in Timbuktu represents the lone ranger (Glover) in full cowboy regalia, including the wide-brimmed hat, long overcoat, bullets strung across his chest, alongside his horse at the foot of a sandy dune beside a lake. Four cowboys, on horses and dressed in typical cowboy attire, enter Timbuktu, where the remainder of the short is filmed. In a gun-toting shooting scene where local people are the target, one of the cowboys (Zeka Laplaine) boasts of killing two women with one bullet rather than simply one, over-extending his self-congratulatory laughter shown in increasingly close shots. The lone ranger shoots and kills him from a viewpoint above the streets.
The "Death in Timbuktu" section from the film Bamako (Abderrahmane Sissako 2006).
The short film's insertion into the wider film is both framed and interrupted by images of the television audience in the courtyard where the court case takes place by day and where the television is positioned in the evening after the day's proceedings. Initially there are technical problems with the service, for which the anchor woman apologises, giving a nod to real-life hitches that audiences might expect. At the point where Laplaine laughs with his fellow cowboys about killing two women with one bullet, the image cuts away to the audience and a close-up view of a boy enraptured. A short while later, with Laplaine's laughter still dominating, there is a further cutaway to the audience and a young girl laughing. Glover then takes up his position to shoot Laplaine and executes his shot. The effect of this is twofold, on the one hand Sissako points to the question of audience identification with the figure of the cowboy and at the same time he clearly delineates between the good cowboy, in the form of the lone ranger, and the bad cowboy, Laplaine, who randomly shoots to kill. The short film is clearly on the side of the lone ranger, taking up the cause of justice, and thus acts as a form of allegory for the wider film's critique of the IMF and the World Bank's policies. But how the courtyard audience of Death in Timbuktu 'reads' the short film and the extent to which the overt reading is one of complicity in its own demise remains an open question.3
Just over 100 years before Sissako's production of Bamako and Death in Timbuktu, the image of Buffalo Bill was already introducing the figure of the cowboy to Africa. In South Africa for example, the first 'showing' of 'moving pictures' in South Africa courtesy of an Edison kinetoscope in 1895 included 'Buffalo Bill in one of his quick-firing exhibitions.'4 This was to a small select group of 'literary and scientific gentlemen,'5 but two weeks later it was opened to the public in Henwood's Arcade in Johannesburg. The same image of Buffalo Bill, who the South African film historian Thelma Gutsche describes as 'Colonel Cody – the first real movie star,' could be seen 'galloping jerkily about firing at a glass ball with a Colt repeating rifle.'6 In all likelihood the audiences for these exhibitions were white, although one can speculate as to the street audiences that might have seen the city centre exhibition in a shop window.
The ubiquity of seeing westerns across different parts of Africa and their effects on African audiences is increasingly coming to light in scholarly publications focusing on examples drawn from a range of countries. In the light of this issue's focus on comparative approaches, it is thus a valuable exercise to identify scholarship related to different instances where westerns have been influential in Africa. This embryonic investigation is hardly one that can be called 'comparative' as such, but it nevertheless raises several issues relevant to the delineation of comparative research modes within 'new cinema history.' While this article points towards a 'universalising' mode of research in that it focuses on different geographical areas and different methodologies, it also represents an interest in a single genre, the western.7 It therefore incorporates an additional, defining, element by focusing specifically on a genre of films rather than films in general. Two issues are important to comment upon.
First, the matter of space, since in this article I purposely roam across different places and spaces, considering scholarship from any part of Africa. This continental focus is in part the result of recent scholarly publications from different parts of Africa. More broadly, it emanates from the need to excavate findings specifically about Africa. This continent of over fifty countries is largely absent from scholarly histories of cinema, although there has been pioneering scholarship on some regions and there is a growing body of continuing research.
Second, the wide-ranging excavation I have accomplished for this article, including anecdotal instances as well as in-depth studies, focuses specifically on the western genre. My interest in doing so first arose in my research on cinema-going in District Six, Cape Town, where I had access to life histories of former residents, in which more than seventy percent of residents referred to the cinema or cinema-going experiences. Some of these oral histories make reference to westerns or gangster films and their assimilation into everyday life in District Six.8 The western (and gangster) genre has struck me as a fertile space for ongoing research into cinema-going and its cultural effects, evident in cinema-goers' emulation of cinema-inspired clothing styles and fashions, as well as behaviours, and moreover to understand these within the wider historical and socio-political contexts of South Africa.
The research for this article exposed more evidence of the effects of westerns and gangsters than I had expected and perforce I chose to focus on westerns, in part because the western genre predates the gangster genre. This was a wise choice as the segue from western-inspired styles and behaviours to those emulating gangster films is blurred in many instances. While western-inspired dress codes for example are the explicit or implicit shared fashion style of a group, its behaviours might emulate the gangland predilections for power and authority outside of the law. The 'outlaw' figure first produced in the western, is later also produced in the gangster film, a figure that has been a key influence on African audiences under colonialism and apartheid.9
The choice of a genre for historical research, and particularly the western, could provide a solution to some of the problems that comparative research raises, especially where there is not yet enough research on a specific region. Much depends on available archival resources as well as options for innovative research methods, including oral histories or extant life histories that might reveal references to the cinema or cinema-going. Burns elaborates some of the problems with the potential for comparing the British West Indies with other regions (in this issue) and concludes that more research 'will need to be done before it can be usefully compared to other regions.' He does however offer some ways in which comparisons could be made between the British West Indies and South Africa. Daniela Treveri Gennari, Lies Van de Vijver and Pierluigi Ercole discuss the challenges of 'cross-national research' (in this issue), which are pertinent also to research ventures in Africa. Matched equivalences of data will not be available to researchers of African audiences without bespoke, funded research projects such as those developed in Europe. This does not have to mean however, that no comparisons can be made.
In the next section I identify some recent scholarship as well as some earlier examples that expose how films in the western genre have shaped social and cultural identities in different parts of Africa.
Scholarship on cowboys in Africa
In Reel Pleasures: Cinema Audiences and Entrepreneurs in Twentieth-Century Urban Tanzania (2018), Laura Fair discusses the influence of the cowboy figure in Tanzania. This raises important matters vis-à-vis the influence of Hollywood and American westerns that, she suggests, were 'outgunned in Tanzania by their Italian counterparts.'10 The Italian star, Giuliano Gemma, popularised through Italian westerns, was favoured in the 1960s and 1970s. He topped the bill in Fair's surveys as the 'most frequently named Western actor.'11 Lee Van Kleef and Clint Eastwood were 'household names' but this was down to their roles in Sergio Leone's Italian westerns.12 In terms of the effects of the popularity of Italian westerns, the film My Name is Pecos (1967), in which Giuliano Gemma plays the role of Pecos, spawned a generation of young men who wore bell-bottomed 'Pecos pants.' Fair provides a sense of the political context of this period too, both in terms of the reasons behind adoption of the 'Pecos pants' and the exceptionally harsh consequences for some who wore them and who were arrested, convicted and sent away for re-education and hard labour.13
In Tropical Cowboys: Westerns, Violence, and Masculinity in Kinshasa (2016), Ch. Didier Gondola focuses on the Bills in Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). These were gangs of young men, and sometimes women, who modelled themselves on Buffalo Bill in his cowboy films of the 1950s, emulating his attire of checked shirt, necktie, hat and pointed shoes. Gondola locates the rise of Billism in Kinshasa in the historical context of what was known as the Belgian Congo before its independence in 1960, and the imbrications of the figure of Buffalo Bill within it. He asserts that historically the popularity of this 'properly mythic cowboy-frontiersman hero' was driven less through his exploits on the frontier and more so through his stage acts that included re-enactments of his screen persona.14 Cody took these acts all over the USA and Europe before his death in 1917. His ability to blur reality with fiction – 'Cody the man, Buffalo Bill the hero' - was apparently key to his legendary status and his embodiment of masculinity.15
The missionaries who were 'ubiquitous' in Kinshasa, would themselves have witnessed the Buffalo Bill shows and films in their early years in Belgium.16 These missionaries, Gondola suggests, may have even perceived similarities between King Leopold II and Buffalo Bill, seeing him as a kind of 'tropical' Buffalo Bill, 'the embodiment of colonial masculinity, selflessly opening terra nullius to civilization, erecting symbols of modernity where stultified tribes had once languished, and showering the wretched natives with Europe's cultural largesse.'17 It was through missionaries that the Buffalo Bill character was introduced to 'Congolese youth.'18 By the late 1940s 'Africans from all walks of life were exposed to film.'19
Young audiences, Gondola contends, 'parlayed their vision of the Far West from the screen into the street,' creating what he calls 'a unique hybrid blend.'20 This idea provides an excellent descriptor not only for the case of Kinshasa's Bills but for other exemplars where African audiences appropriated the figure of the cowboy (and/or gangster) and shaped its local rendition through adopting behaviours and fashion styles in the same way as the Bills 'conflated the Hollywood version of the drifting cowboy with local elements of manhood and fashioned township gangs after frontier posses.'21
In Angola, 'cowboiadas' or American westerns and Asian kung-fu films that 'played mostly at the few cinemas in black neighborhoods' were, Marissa Moorman reports, most popular in the 1950s to the 1970s.22 Moorman's ambitious article 'think[s] the relationship between cinema and the nation' through a discussion focusing on the history of cinema in Angola and the production of revolutionary films in Angola primarily focused on Sambizanga (1972).23 This combination of histories is exceptionally fruitful and opens up a range of important issues. Citing interviews with local interlocutors, including a 'prominent nationalist figure,' Mário Pinto de Andrade, Moorman identifies a key issue that proffers a valuable means of framing some of the deeper questions that the appropriation of the cowboy figure raises. This is the matter of audience identification, which she considers through a discussion of Ella Shohat and Robert Stam's (1994) reflections on the ambivalent, 'fissured colonial spectator.' In Moorman's reading of Shohat and Stam's scholarship, point-of-view conventions in both colonial films and westerns push this spectator to identify with 'imperial agents' and a 'colonialist perspective.' Shohat and Stam maintain, for example, that point-of-view conventions prevent identification with 'the Indians' in films of the western genre.
Trailer of the film La Belle at the Movies (Cecilia Zoppelletto, 2016) that documents some of the history of cinema in Kinshasa, including the rise of Billism.
Moorman cites the comments of her Angolan interlocutor, de Andrade, whose political standing might otherwise suggest that he would not identify with the cowboy figure, thus revealing the complexity of audience identifications not only with the western genre but also more generally with 'American cinema'. He comments, for example, on how he looked up to his brother and cousins and what he calls their 'cosmopolitan dress': '[t]his imaginary of American cinema was reflected in the way they dressed, in their suits, in the way in which they wore their mustaches - in the design of the mustache one could see the presence of the American actor, the white actor.'24
Examples in other parts of Africa, where the figure of the cowboy has been appropriated include Nigeria in the 1930s. P.E.H. Hair reports that the 'Cowboy society' spread from Lagos to Kano as the two were connected by rail. 'Just as Lagos fashions and Lagos newspapers came up the railway to Kano,' Hair confirms, 'so did the Cowboy society.' It was characterised by typical modes of dress that included a red or green shirt, black trousers, shoes and stockings.25 It 'came' also to Enugu in the early 1940s and the Ebe village in 1948, where in Enugu cowboys sported black trousers, black shirt, shoes, stockings and a 'soldier's hat that was worn by the Nigeria Regiment.' This, Hair suggests, 'resemble[d] a sombrero.' The 'armament' part of the outfit was a gun in the belt that was 'either a toy gun firing explosive caps, or a wooden model of a gun carved in the village.'26
In East Africa, the Beni dance incorporated cowboy features as exemplified in festivities that took place in Lamu in the 1950s. Terence Ranger quotes a report of the District Commissioner, where he observes that 'many of the costumes were cowboys (as could be expected),' underscoring the popularity of the cowboy.27 Not only was this popularity signified in the cowboy gear itself, but it also pointed to its source in the figure of the cowboy in the cinema. In the mid-1950s, Ranger reports, sailors and boatmen in Faza village, north of Lamu, emulated what they had learned from seeing the Beni in Lamu, and paraded in three lines, including a (rear) line where they wore 'black trousers, red shirts, and khaki hats, like cowboys.'28 The appropriation of the cowboy figure in Africa, his behaviours and his accoutrements, is not always nor necessarily linked directly to personal experiences of 'going' to the cinema in some of the reports of how the cowboy was represented in personal or group behaviour and style. But it nevertheless 'speaks to' the influence of the cinema, however much it was filtered through the experiences of others, or through time and different parts of different regions. Moreover, the assimilation of the cowboy, as we see in the East African example that Ranger reports, is sometimes filtered through another cultural form, such as the Beni dance, that in itself incorporates complex elements, including music, and expounds meanings related to its colonial contexts.
The study of cinema history in Southern Africa has elicited perhaps more scholarship on the popularity of the cowboy figure than any other region. These historians include Charles Ambler, James Burns and Glenn Reynolds, whose scholarship focuses on mineworkers and cinema circuits in mining compounds in Southern Africa from the 1920s. Ambler's scholarship shows how thousands of mine workers in Northern Rhodesia (Zambia) were watching Hollywood films by the 1930s as part of the screening programme of films put on by mining companies. Burns's book-length study, Flickering Shadows: Cinema and Identity in Colonial Zimbabwe (2002), provides a detailed view of African audiences in the colonial period in Southern Rhodesia (Zimbabwe). Reynolds's Colonial Cinema in Africa: Origins, Images, Audiences (2015), dedicates a chapter to a discussion of the cowboy figure, 'recast[ing]' African audiences of the western genre, particularly mineworkers as 'active agents in constructing new forms of subjectivity.'29 Each of these studies references the tendency amongst these audiences to use the name 'Jack' or a local variation (for example, 'Jeke' in Northern Rhodesia) for the cowboy hero. In her earlier study, Gutsche had already described the 'affection' on the mines for 'the mythical cowboy called "Jack" (no matter what his real name) and his always successful deeds of daring.'30 Hortense Powdermaker, had also identified the same response in her anthropological study of African audiences in Northern Rhodesia in the 1950s. In Copper Town: Changing Africa, she describes audiences' responses to the 'cowboy film': '... men, women, and children rose to their feet in excitement, bending forward and flexing their muscles with each blow the cowboys gave. The shouting could be heard several miles away.' Comments such as 'Hmmm, Jack is very clever, he can fight them all' and 'Yes, this is the kind of Jack we want' pepper the responses.31 Her explanation for these audiences' enjoyment of the western is the release of 'pent up aggressions' and the shared pleasure in a crowd of a thousand or more brought together by the outdoor screenings organised in the mining compounds.32
In South Africa, these screenings were first organised under the auspices of the Chamber of Mines primarily via the work of the American missionary Rev Ray Phillips who took up film as a means of intervening into the social fabric of mineworkers' urban experience and thereby 'moralising' their leisure time. Starting in the early 1920s, he worked with the Chamber of Mines in South Africa to screen films to migrant workers housed in mining compounds and established the Mines Compound Cinema Circuit. Hollywood films were distributed primarily through the distribution company, African Films Trust (AFT). Its owner, the entrepreneur I.W. Schlesinger, had established a vertically-integrated organisation from 1913, across production, exhibition and distribution. AFT distributed the films that Phillips screened on the mines. But Schlesinger's reach was much wider and AFT had an extensive distribution circuit that stretched to other parts of Africa, including Southern and Northern Rhodesia, where African workers on the copper mines saw the same films.33
The history of screenings for mineworkers raises two important issues that stretch beyond the present discussion but are nevertheless important to note. First, in Southern African territories missionaries and mine officials were concerned as to the effects of the cinema on African audiences particularly with regard to scenes of violence, romance and the representation of white women on screen. Phillips initially established a form of censorship through both the selection of films and cutting the films themselves. 'Every foot of these films,' he commented, 'is censored by us.'34 These early means of censorship became more elaborate and in South Africa, following the promulgation of the Entertainments (Censorship) Act, 1931 and the establishment of the Union Board of Film Censors, all films had to be approved 'for exhibition to natives.' There were similar moves in other parts of the region. Not only are there useful comparisons to be made within the Southern African region, but it would be valuable to extend inter-regional research, in order to map the histories and forms of censorship measures following the coming of cinema across a wider proportion of African countries and regions.
The second issue to note is that of the reception of films. Most of the examples I have presented in this article make reference to questions of reception. Africans' film literacy became a major focus that led to several investigations, experiments, and forms of colonial film production specifically for African audiences. These include the conclusions that William Sellers, a health official in Nigeria in the 1920s, who was later to become the first director of the British Colonial Film Unit in 1939, published as 'Films for Primitive People.'35 Other experiments include the Bantu Educational Kinema Experiment (BEKE) established in 1935, following an enquiry into 'the effect of the Copper Mines of central Africa upon native society and the work of the Christian missions' under the auspices of the International Missionary Council and led by the missionary, John Merle Davis. One of the BEKE's aims was to restrict the circulation of commercial films and it was therefore in a sense, as Burns proposes, a form of 'proactive censorship.' 36 Investigations into African audiences' reception of film through circuits and networks of missionaries, mining officials, colonial officials and others such as anthropologists, also provide fertile ground for comparative research and scholarship. While scholars have achieved some exemplary, foundational work on the experiments I have cited, less has been done between different African regions, particularly across former colonial boundaries.
Three conclusions arise from this discussion. First, the western genre and its exhibition across Africa has had a major impact on the formation of identities on the continent. This suggests that there is mileage to be gained in a focus on this genre specifically, but it suggests further that the same could be true of other genres. The gangster genre for example, is clearly indicated as one that would be important to focus on, especially since there are overlaps between the western and the gangster genres in relation to the sociology of gangs themselves, including their names, clothing styles and behaviours. The influence of each of these genres in the production of 'outlaw' characters in different socio-political contexts across different parts of Africa could potentially open up new cinematic histories on genre. Apart from anything else, questions of gender and the production of masculinities would be crucial to examine.
Second, there is a strong case to be made for identifying where the cinematic cowboy was, and possibly still is, historically appropriated in different parts of Africa. Each instance I have identified reveals the local particularities of identities forged on the basis of the genre's influence and transformed into 'hybridised' renditions, without losing their referentiality to the source from which they derive. Further research across Africa would be fruitful and would add to the growing archive of material on the western and its impact in Africa.
Some of the case studies I have excavated suggest that adopting a regional purview of the influence of the western could be useful. This may not always be as simple as it seems. In the case of Southern Africa, this is already indicated in relation to historical connections, such as the means of distribution and exhibition across the region being largely in the hands of a single provider, the Schlesinger Organisation. Also, economic ties, particularly on the basis of the movement of migrant workers across Southern Africa, many of whom comprised audiences of westerns in the mining compounds in which they were housed, suggest there is comparative value in considering this region as a whole. Burns, in particular, has shown how a wider contextual purview can be useful, in that he followed up his first book on colonial Zimbabwe with a second book that examined audiences across the British Empire. Similarly the recent volume, The Western in the Global South (2015), takes the 'global south' as an umbrella for a range of case studies specifically on the western genre. These framings extend beyond the national and the regional and thus open up new perspectives across broader fields beyond the African continent, while maintaining some form of connection between different instances. A pan-African purview could equally provide such a wider framing.
Third, the study of instances where the western has influenced the construction of identities raises crucial questions about method since in each instance that I have cited, scholars adopt different methods to greater or lesser extents. This in part reflects the disciplines in which they are trained but also reflects the circumstances of the research itself. The incorporation of survey materials, oral histories and interviews, produces particularly enlightening accounts. Fair's scholarship on Tanzania is an excellent exemplar, where the combination of many personal accounts with 'official' records and 'uncollected holdings' provides a 'lived' sense of the multiple experiences of the cinema from which to build a history. Gondola's and Moorman's interviews represent further important examples. Access to accounts of personal experience is not always a simple matter and the costs of creating these can be high. It is worth noting that there are oral history collections that could be researched further for memories of cinema and its influence.
The initial forays this article makes into researching the influence of the cinematic cowboy on African audiences suggest that this focus has the potential to create new histories that can extend comparative, interdisciplinary approaches to show how African audiences appropriated cinematic identities based on the western genre to their own ends. What those ends were or became is the stuff that future research, comparative or otherwise, will hopefully elaborate.
With grateful thanks to Thunnis van Oort and Jessica Whitehead. Special thanks to Emma Sandon.
1The four cowboys, apart from Glover, are played by filmmakers Elia Suleiman and Zeka Laplaine; Jean-Henri Roger, professor, director and actor who died in 2012; and Ferdinand Batsimba, theatre and film writer and director. Batsimba directed a short film entitled African Western (1992). For a further discussion of Death in Timbuktu, see Dayna Oscherwitz, "In the Crossfire: Africa, Cinema, and Violence in Abderrahmane Sissako's Bamako (2006)," in The Western in the Global South, ed. MaryEllen Higgins, Rita Keresztesi and Dayna Oscherwitz (Oxon and New York: Routledge, 2015), 81–95. For a discussion of Bamako, other films and the western, see Tsitsi Jaji, "Cassava Westerns: Theorizing the Pleasures of Playing the Outlaw in Africa", in The Western in the Global South, 24–41. On the use of colour in Bamako see Jacqueline Maingard, "Screening Africa in Colour: Abderrahmane Sissako's Bamako," Screen 51, no. 4 (2010), 397–403. See also Jacqueline Maingard, "African Cinema and Bamako (2006): Notes on Epistemology and Film Theory," Critical African Studies 5, no. 2 (2013), 103–113.
2"Abderrahmane Sissako's Film Lesson," 6 March 2003, http://africultures.com/abderrahmane-sissakos-film-lesson-5671/?utm_source=newsletter&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=476.
3The figure of the cinematic cowboy and/or references to the western genre are represented in other African films including Mustapha Alassane's short western, Le retour d'un aventurier (1966), Djibril Diop Mambety's Hyénes (1992) and Ousmane Sembène's Xala (1972).
4Standard and Diggers News, 6 April 1895, quoted in Thelma Gutsche, The History and Social Significance of Motion Pictures in South Africa (Cape Town: Howard Timmins, 1972), 8, no 10.
5Gutsche, Motion Pictures in South Africa, ibid.
6Ibid., 9.
7See Daniel Biltereyst and Philippe Meers, "New Cinema History and the Comparative Mode: Reflections on Comparing Historical Cinema Cultures," Alphaville: Journal of Film and Screen Media 11 (2016), 13–32, especially 20–25, where the authors tabulate and discuss their four modes of comparison.
8See Bill Nasson, "'She Preferred Living in a Cave with Harry the Snake-catcher': Towards an Oral History of Popular Leisure and Class Expression in District Six, Cape Town, c.1920–1950," in Holding Their Ground: Class, Locality and Culture in 19th and 20th Century South Africa, ed. Phil Bonner, Isabel Hofmeyr and Deborah James (Johannesburg: Ravan Press and Witwatersrand University Press), 285–309; and Jacqueline Maingard, "Cinemagoing in District Six, Cape Town, 1920s to 1960s: History, Politics, Memory," Memory Studies 10, no. 1 (2017), 17–34.
9See Jaji, "Cassava Westerns," for a discussion of the 'outlaw' figure in films and literature.
10Laura Fair, Reel Pleasures: Cinema Audiences and Entrepreneurs in Twentieth-Century Urban Tanzania (Athens: Ohio University Press, 2018), 145.
11Fair, Reel Pleasures, 167.
12Ibid., 145.
13Ibid., 169–170. Like Fair, James Burton notes the removal of youth from the cities: "one of the early acts of the 'responsible' TANU-dominated [Tanganyika African National Union] government, installed in late 1959, was to introduce schemes aimed at removing un- and under-employed Africans from the capital," see James Burton, "Urchins, Loafers and the Cult of the Cowboy: Urbanization and Delinquency in Dar es Salaam, 1919–61," Journal of African History 42 (2001), 215. See also James Brennan, "Democratizing Cinema and Censorship in Tanzania, 1920–1980," The International Journal of African Historical Studies, 38, no. 3 (2005), 481–511, especially 506–509 on the censoring of commercial films and opinions on 'cowboy' films.
14Ch. Didier Gondola, Tropical Cowboys: Westerns, Violence, and Masculinity in Kinshasa (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2016), 74.
15Gondola, Tropical Cowboys, 76.
16Ibid., 79.
19Ibid., 59. Also see 59–64, for historical detail of African audiences' access to screenings in cinemas.
21Ibid. The photographer Jean Depara took photographs of Bills, including some of female Bills, that can be seen at: https://edition.cnn.com/2015/12/08/africa/gallery/kinshasa-cowboys-bills/index.html; and https://www.boumbang.com/jean-depara/. Cecilia Zoppelletto's film La Belle at the Movies (2015) documents some of the history of cinema in Kinshasa ('La Belle') including the rise of Billism. The trailer can be seen and the film purchased for streaming at: https://vimeo.com/ondemand/labelleatthemovies.
22Marissa Moorman, "Of Westerns, Women, and War: Re-Situating Angolan Cinema and the Nation," Research in African Literatures 32, no. 3 (2001), 104.
23Moorman, "Of Westerns, Women, and War," 103.
25P.E.H. Hair, "The Cowboys: A Nigerian Acculturative Institution (Ca. 1950)," History in Africa, 28 (2001), 89.
26Hair, "The Cowboys," 84.
27Terence Ranger, Dance and Society in Eastern Africa, 1890–1970: The Beni Ngoma (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1975), 145.
28Ranger, Dance and Society, 146.
29Glenn Reynolds, Colonial Cinema in Africa: Origins, Images, Audiences (Jefferson, North Carolina: McFarland and Company, Inc., 2015), 129.
30Gutsche, Motion Pictures in South Africa, 379 n.60.
31Hortense Powdermaker, Coppertown: Changing Africa, The Human Situation on the Rhodesian Copperbelt (New York and Evanston: Harper and Row, 1962), 258.
32Powdermaker, Coppertown, 261.
33See James Burns, "The Western in Colonial Southern Africa," in The Western in the Global South, 11–23, for a useful overview of the western in the Southern African region. Further useful references to the adoption of cowboy-related names and accoutrements in South Africa include comments on the abaqhafi in Natal in Absolom Vilakazi, Zulu Transformations (Pietermaritzburg: University of Natal Press, 1962), 76–78; and the autobiographical memoirs in Es'kia Mphahlele, Down 2nd Avenue (London: Pan Macmillan, 2004 [1959]). See also Clive Glaser, Bo-Tsotsi: The Youth Gangs of Soweto, 1935–1976 (Oxford: James Currey, 2000).
34Ray Phillips, The Bantu are Coming: Phases of South Africa's Race Relations (London: Student Christian Movement, 1930), 151. See also Jacqueline Maingard, South African National Cinema (London and New York: Routledge, 2007), 71.
35William Sellers, "Films for Primitive Peoples," Documentary News Letter 2, no. 9 (September 1941), 173–174.
36James Burns, Flickering Shadows: Cinema and Identity in Colonial Zimbabwe (Athens: Ohio University Press, 2002), 27. See the 'BEKE' entry on the website of the 'Colonial Film: Moving Images of the British Empire' research project, which includes a comprehensive list of relevant publications including Rosaleen Smyth (1979) and Glenn Reynolds (2009), http://www.colonialfilm.org.uk/production-company/bekefilm. See also Tom Rice, Films for the Colonies: Cinema and the Preservation of the British Empire, (Oakland, California: University of California Press, 2019), 35–43; and Aboubakar Sanogo, "Colonialism, Visuality and the Cinema: Revisiting the Bantu Educational Kinema Experiment," in ed. Lee Grieveson and Colin MacCabe, Empire and Film (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011), 227–246.
Maingard, J., 2020. The Cinematic Cowboy in Africa: Identities and the Western Genre. TMG Journal for Media History, 23(1-2), pp.1–16. DOI: http://doi.org/10.18146/tmg.796
Maingard J. The Cinematic Cowboy in Africa: Identities and the Western Genre. TMG Journal for Media History. 2020;23(1-2):1–6. DOI: http://doi.org/10.18146/tmg.796
Maingard, J. (2020). The Cinematic Cowboy in Africa: Identities and the Western Genre. TMG Journal for Media History, 23(1-2), 1–16. DOI: http://doi.org/10.18146/tmg.796
1. Maingard J. The Cinematic Cowboy in Africa: Identities and the Western Genre. TMG Journal for Media History. 2020;23(1-2):1-16. DOI: http://doi.org/10.18146/tmg.796
Maingard J, 'The Cinematic Cowboy in Africa: Identities and the Western Genre' (2020) 23 TMG Journal for Media History 1 DOI: http://doi.org/10.18146/tmg.796
Maingard, Jacqueline. 2020. "The Cinematic Cowboy in Africa: Identities and the Western Genre". TMG Journal for Media History 23 (1-2): 1–16. DOI: http://doi.org/10.18146/tmg.796
Maingard, Jacqueline. "The Cinematic Cowboy in Africa: Identities and the Western Genre". TMG Journal for Media History 23, no. 1–2 (2020): 1–16. DOI: http://doi.org/10.18146/tmg.796
Maingard, J. "The Cinematic Cowboy in Africa: Identities and the Western Genre". TMG Journal for Media History, vol. 23, no. 1-2, 2020, pp. 1–6. DOI: http://doi.org/10.18146/tmg.796


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Tempt Me at Twilight (The Hathaways #3) - Page 74/99
"Tea?" she heard Amelia ask.
Poppy responded with a distracted nod.
After the tea was poured, they both reached for tarts, using their fingers to cradle the heavy strips of pastry, biting carefully. Tart lemon, sugar syrup, the pie crust velvety and crumbly. It was one of the tastes of their childhood. Poppy washed it down with a sip of hot milky tea.
"Things that remind me of our parents," Poppy said absently, "and that lovely cottage in Primrose Place . . . they always make me feel better. Like eating these tarts. And flower-print curtains. And reading Aesop's fables."
"The smell of Apothecary's Roses," Amelia reminisced. "Watching the rain fall from the thatched eaves. And remember when Leo caught fireflies in jars, and we tried to use them as candlelight for supper?"
Poppy smiled. "I remember never being able to find the cake pan, because Beatrix was forever making it into a bed for her pets."
Amelia gave an unladylike snort of laughter. "What about the time one of the chickens was so frightened by the neighbor's dog, it lost all its feathers? And Bea got Mother to knit a little sweater for it."
Poppy spluttered in her tea. "I was mortified. Everyone in the village came to see our bald chicken strutting around in a sweater."
"As far as I know," Amelia said with a grin, "Leo's never eaten poultry since. He says he can't have something for dinner if there's a chance it once wore clothes."
Poppy sighed. "I never realized how wonderful our childhood was. I wanted us to be ordinary, so people wouldn't refer to us as 'those peculiar Hathaways." She licked a tacky spot of syrup from a fingertip, and glanced ruefully at Amelia. "We're never going to be ordinary, are we?"
"No, dear. Although, I must confess, I've never fully understood your desire for an ordinary life. To me, the word implies dullness."
"To me, it means safety. Knowing what to expect. There have been so many terrible surprises for us, Amelia . . . Mother and Father dying, and the scarlet fever, and the house burning . . ."
"And you believe you would have been safe with Mr. Bayning?" Amelia asked gently.
"I thought so." Poppy shook her head in bemusement. "I was so certain that I would be content with him. But in retrospect, I can't help thinking . . . Michael didn't fight for me, did he? Harry said something to him on the morning of our wedding, right in front of me . . . 'She was yours, if you'd wanted her, but I wanted her more.' And even though I hated what Harry had done . . . part of me liked it that Harry didn't think of me as being beneath him."
Drawing her feet up onto the settee, Amelia regarded her with fond concern. "I suppose you know already that the family can't let you go back with Harry until we're satisfied that he will be kind to you."
"But he has been," Poppy said. And she told Amelia about the day when she had sprained her ankle, and Harry had taken care of her. "He was thoughtful and gentle and . . . well, loving. And if that was a glimpse of who Harry really is, I . . ." She stopped and traced the edge of her teacup, staring intently into the empty bowl of it. "Leo said something to me on the way here, that I had to decide whether or not to forgive Harry for the way our marriage started. I think I must, Amelia. For my own sake as well as Harry's."
"To err is human," Amelia said, "to forgive, absolutely galling. But yes, I think it's a good idea."
"The problem is, that Harry—the one who took care of me that day—doesn't surface nearly often enough. He keeps himself ridiculously busy, and he meddles with everyone and everything in that blasted hotel to avoid having to think about anything personal. If I could get him away from the Rutledge, to some quiet, peaceful place, and just . . ."
"Keep him in bed for a week?" Amelia suggested, her eyes twinkling.
Glancing at her sister in surprise, Poppy flushed and tried to stifle a laugh.
"It might do wonders for your marriage," Amelia continued. "It's lovely to talk to your husband after you've been to bed together. They just lie there feeling grateful and say yes to everything."
"I wonder if I could convince Harry to stay here with me for a few days," Poppy mused. "Is the gamekeeper's cottage in the woods still empty?"
"Yes, but the caretaker's house is much nicer, and at a more convenient distance from the house."
"I wish . . ." Poppy hesitated. "But it would be impossible. Harry would never agree to stay away from the hotel so long."
"Make it a condition of your returning to London with him," Amelia suggested. "Seduce him. For heaven's sake, Poppy, it's not that difficult."
"I don't know anything about it," Poppy protested.
"Yes, you do. Seduction is merely encouraging a man to do something he already wants to do."
Poppy gave her a bemused glance. "I don't understand why you're giving me this advice now, when you were so against the marriage in the first place."
"Well, now that you're married, there's not much anyone can do except try to make the best of it." A thoughtful pause. "Sometimes when you're making the best of a situation, it turns out far better than you could have hoped for."
"Only you," Poppy said, "could make seducing a man sound like the most pragmatic option."
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A Ruthless Proposition
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Whitney, My Love (Westmoreland Saga #2)
A Kingdom of Dreams (Westmoreland Saga #1)
Mine Till Midnight (The Hathaways #1)
Married By Morning (The Hathaways #4)
Mystery Man (Dream Man #1)
Tempt Me at Twilight (The Hathaways #3)
Always and Forever, Lara Jean (To All the Boys I've Loved Before #3)
Blood Fury (Black Dagger Legacy #3)
Blood Vow (Black Dagger Legacy #2)
Blood Kiss (Black Dagger Legacy #1)
The Boy Who Sneaks in My Bedroom Window
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