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HP Compaq ML 6300 Pro - i3 3220 running on CPU graphics. The mainboard only offers VGA and DisplayPort. I plan to use only the DP connection.
However, the installation was already tricky, since I could get the BIOS screen only on the VGA output. No options in the very limited BIOS to adress that, I can only switch off CPU graphics altogether in case I install a dedicated graphics card. Which I am not planning to do.
Installed Antergos from the Live ISO and went for KDE. It worked somehow in this weird DH setup, but when I couldn't find any possibility to move the startmenu/bottom panel from the VGA screen to the DP screen, I gave up. Disabling the VGA output in KDE settings only switched that screen off, the start menu remained there, which rendered the setup completely unusable. KDE still is not fit for everyday use, It appears.
Installed the trusted XFCE, which gave me better setup options to assign elements to the connected screens.
But still: Every time I reboot I see the BIOS/POST screen appear on my 27" DP screen, then the console startup, but when the login agent takes over, the DP screen goes dark and switches off. No input signal. The only way of signing in to XFCE or KDE is to attach the old VGA screen, reboot (!) and then get a login offer on the legacy screen. And only there. The 27" DP stays dark until XFCE is up and running, only then can I remove the VGA and switch it off in the settings.


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Q: Inbound Email handler and to get only latest mail I am writing an Inbound Email Apex Handler.
My situation is that whenever we get a reply from a client through email to salesforce, I only want to parse through the mail that was sent now and not the complete email thread.
Any idea, how I can do that?
@AjayGupta , I tried this string and it is not working  -

Checking third timeOn Fri, Aug 21, 2015 at 12:03 AM, kaushik ray wrote:> Checking again.>> On Thu, Aug 20, 2015 at 11:59 PM, kaushik ray > wrote:>>> Hi Support,>>>> Thanks for this.>>>> I had a very good experience using the product. I was able to use it with>> out any issues.>>>> Thanks,>> Ray>>>> On Thu, Aug 20, 2015 at 11:55 PM, Salesforce Developer <>> abc@gmail.com> wrote:>>>>> Hello,>>>>>> How are you. I hope you are doing good.>>>>>> I just wanted to get a feedback about your past one month of usage.>>>>>> Do let me know how I can help.>>>>>> Thanks,>>> Support>>>>>>>>> _____________________________________________________________________>>> Powered by salesforce.com>>> http://www.salesforce.com/>>>>>>>>>

Update 2
I tried this mail, but still was not able to get correct result

Mail 2 :: Hello you still like my product.!!!
  Thanks def
  On Sun, Aug 23, 2015 at 1:16 AM, kaushik ray
  wrote:Hello nice meeting you again. Mail 1Thanks,abcThanks,Ray

A: I have written a custom logic to solve this problem for you(@ray) by spliting the response into parts using regular expression \\w{2} \\w{3}, \\w{3} \\d{2}, \\d{4} at \\d{1,2}:\\d{2} [PA]M, .*:, please check and try to execute this in your sandbox to test it:
String parseResponse(String message){
    List<String> splitResult = message.split('\\w{2} \\w{3}, \\w{3} \\d{2}, \\d{4} at \\d{1,2}:\\d{2} [PA]M, .*:');
    if(splitResult.size()>=2){
        return splitResult[0];
    }
   return message;
}

Call this method and pass the email.plainTextBody as parameter to parseResponse() private method as declared above in your Inbound Email Apex Class and received response will contain only current message not trailed complete email.
Let me know in case of any other help!!

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


GLOVIA G2's Cash Management accounting software module offers extensive tools for manufacturing companies to manage multiple bank accounts efficiently, including electronic fund transfer and bank reconciliation. The manufacturing ERP software module distinguishes itself through its powerful Cash Forecasting engine, which enables the user to analyze cash inflows and outflows for any time period and currency by applying selected forecasting methods. The Cash Management accounting management module is a focused hub in the GLOVIA G2 ERP software suite, providing a comprehensive view of cash-related transactions throughout the system.
How much capital do you need to raise to support your expansion?
Can you afford to offer extended payment terms to your most important customer?
If you hired two temporary collection clerks, would the improved cash inflow allow you to buy critical equipment sooner?
If your vendor offered you better terms, would you purchase more?
If everybody paid you on time and you paid everybody on time, what will your bank balances be next month?
Cash Forecasting tools in GLOVIA G2's Cash Management accounting software module provide you with timely, accurate answers to all your cash management questions and empowers you to effectively and efficiently manage your other bottom line – your cash.
This enables the user to perform timely interactions and complete analyses through a rich feature set.
Contact FUJITSU GLOVIA to learn more about implementing our GLOVIA G2's Cash Management accounting software module at your manufacturing company.


Harrington Starr is currently seeking a Support Engineer to work for a small but highly successful trading systems integrator in their Shanghai office. Our client have a particular focus around MetaTrader product, which is implemented on to client site, as well as producing and making software. This role will involve being part of an electric and highly motivated team that are committed to technology.


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Dasheen Plant Could Be The Root Of Caribbean Development
Dasheen is among a family of root crops or "ground provisions" grown on the islands of the English-speaking Caribbean, dating back to the early 16th century. Also known as taro, blue food and kalo, historians say that the crop arrived to the Caribbean aboard Trans-Atlantic slave ships, along with African food culture and agro-ecological knowledge.
Stories are told of African slaves foraging for the large, elephant ear leaves of the dasheen plant to make a stew called callaloo or in cassava fufu, a popular West African staple. Steeped in the trials of a colonial past, dasheen is one of a handful of crops that made their way into diets as a product of resourcefulness and making do with little.
Given its historical roots, the starchy tuber has not traditionally been associated with fine dining. Nor has it typically received any degree of noteworthy acclaim, despite its influence on local culture, and substantive nutritional, environmental and economic value.
But with the advent of more conscious eating patterns, the trendiness of farm to fork dining and an upsurge in demand for authentic culinary experiences and indigenous foods, the tuber has been experiencing a global resurgence.
Callaloo, the national dish of Trinidad & Tobago and Dominica, has become the most common recipe associated with dasheen leaves, and is enjoyed throughout the region and around the world. Introduced to a global audience in the 1980's, as one of Dr Heathcliff Huxtable's favourite foods in The Cosby Show, callaloo is thought to be an adaptation of a West African stew called palaver or palaya sauce and is traditionally served with a protein such as crab, salt fish or oxtail.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
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'); for (var i = 0; i < maxpost; i++) { var entry = json.feed.entry[i]; var posttitle = entry.title.$t; var pcm; var posturl; var cate =''; for (var e=0; e < json.feed.entry[i].category.length;e++) { cate =''+json.feed.entry[i].category[e].term+'';	} if (i == json.feed.entry.length) break; for (var k = 0; k < entry.link.length; k++) { if (entry.link[k].rel == 'alternate') { posturl = entry.link[k].href; break; } } for (var k = 0; k < entry.link.length; k++) { if (entry.link[k].rel == 'replies' && entry.link[k].type == 'text/html') { pcm = entry.link[k].title.split(" ")[0]; break; } } if ("content" in entry) { var postcontent = entry.content.$t;} else if ("summary" in entry) { var postcontent = entry.summary.$t;} else var postcontent = ""; postdate = entry.published.$t; if(j>imgr.length-1) j=0; img[i] = imgr[j]; s = postcontent	; a = s.indexOf("('+pcm+' '+text+')' : ''; var month = [1,2,3,4,5,6,7,8,9,10,11,12]; var month2 = ["Jan","Feb","Mar","Apr","May","Jun","Jul","Aug","Sep","Oct","Nov","Dec"]; var day = postdate.split("-")[2].substring(0,2); var m = postdate.split("-")[1]; var y = postdate.split("-")[0]; for(var u2=0;u2
LightShot
Thinking about Philosophy
Moral Philosophy Questions - Take the Test!
Do you divert the trolley?
Most people interested in ethics philosophy are aware of the Trolley Problem that is pretty much the go-to question and analogy for thinking about morality in terms of objectivism and relativism - or more precisely, utilitarianism.
If you haven't heard of the trolley case before, you can click here to check it out. (Yes, yes, it's a Wikipedia article but it's just as good for a brief overview of the case than any other article!)
Or if you'd like a quick, simple summary of the trolley problem, here it is:
Basically, there is a runaway trolley heading towards 5 people on the railway who have no way of escaping. You are standing in front of a switch that, if pressed, will divert the train onto another track where 1 person is unable to escape. The trolley will either kill 5 people or 1 person depending on which direction it goes. Is diverting the trolley the more ethical thing to do?
If you say yes, you've likely answered from a utilitarian perspective in that the act of diverting the trolley in order to minimise negative consequences is the moral thing to do.
A few years ago, I asked the question in a poll and as expected, most people answered that they would divert the trolley to kill 1 person and save 5 people. Unfortunately, the polls have been closed (and the live results wiped) for a few years now, but you can check out the results by clicking here.
Now, there are many variants to this trolley problem including the fat man and the fat villain. I use these cases as get-to-know-you-more-in-depth questions when I make new friends and become more interested in the way they perceive the world and the many situations that arise in life. While I might seem like the most boring person ever, the trolley problem really is a great way to find out more about a person.
So, what do you think you'll do?
You can explore this case a little deeper by answering a series of questions here: Should You Kill the Fat Man?.
I'd love to know your results and opinions so please share in the comments below!
Hilarious Short Story on Religion, Sexuality and Mystery
A college class was told they had to write a short story in as few words as possible. The instructions were that the story had to contain the following three things:
1. Religion
2. Sexuality
3. Mystery.
And the only short story that received an A+ in the entire class...?
Mystery Solved: How Ouija Boards Really Work
Damn you, BBC Future, for ruining one of the few "unbelievable stories" I have from my past to tell people when conversations die out!
When I was 15, my friends and I decided one Saturday night that we would give the Ouija board thing a go. We cut out a rectangle from a box lying around in the garage and wrote the alphabet on it with a black marker like the ones we found on Google. We got a shot glass from the parents' alcohol cabinet, turned the lights off, and we were all set. We "didn't want to trap the spirits in the room" so we left the door open (ha!).
I didn't have high expectations. I always enjoyed good stories and spirituality was just that to me - a good story. So when the shot glass started moving and turning, it was just unbelievable and I couldn't believe my eyes. My friends and I looked around the room in panic and accused each other of moving the glass. The innocent and shocked looks on their faces were enough, though, to believe that it wasn't any of us; It was the doing of a spirit among us, in the same room, so keen to tell us its name, birth date, and its story.
If I remember correctly, the name of the "spirit" was Isaac something. He was born in the early 1900s and I think he said the cause of his death was murder (gasp!). This information was all my groups of friends talked about for a few weeks. Of course, I always kept my cool and tried to think of a scientific explanation.... No! I was totally fooled, too! More like I was the worst one out of all of us...
I can't say the experience has turned my world and my beliefs upside down. I always had doubts in the back of my mind and never fully believed that a spirit was moving the shot glass. Although it wasn't enough for me to change my beliefs, it did soften my attitudes towards spirituality, though. It went from "pffft, ok, yeah, whatever" to "pfft, ok, yeah, maybe..."
Nevertheless, it became my go-to topic to discuss whenever conversations turned to topics like spirituality, ghosts, and even religion. Nobody in my social circles ever told me it wasn't real, though. After reading Tom Stafford's article on BBC Future discussing the scientific phenomena that explain the whole mystery behind Ouija boards, though, I'm wondering whether my friends are as gullible as me or were just too polite to tell me that this exciting story of mine was in fact all based on lies..
Below is the article that explains the science behind Ouija boards.
How the Ouija Board Really Moves
By Tom Stafford, 30 July 2013
Ouija board cups and dowsing wands – just two examples of mystical items that seem to move of their own accord, when they are really being moved by the people holding them. The only mystery is not one of a connection to the spirit world, but of why we can make movements and yet not realise that we're making them.
The phenomenon is called the ideomotor effect and you can witness it yourself if you hang a small weight like a button or a ring from a string (ideally more than a foot long). Hold the end of the string with your arm out in front of you, so the weight hangs down freely. Try to hold your arm completely still. The weight will start to swing clockwise or anticlockwise in small circles. Do not start this motion yourself. Instead, just ask yourself a question – any question – and say that the weight will swing clockwise to answer "Yes" and anticlockwise for "No". Hold this thought in mind, and soon, even though you are trying not to make any motion, the weight will start to swing in answer to your question.
Magic? Only the ordinary everyday magic of consciousness. There's no supernatural force at work, just tiny movements you are making without realising. The string allows these movements to be exaggerated, the inertia of the weight allows them to be conserved and built on until they form a regular swinging motion. The effect is known as Chevreul's Pendulum, after the 19th Century French scientist who investigated it.
What is happening with Chevreul's Pendulum is that you are witnessing a movement (of the weight) without "owning" that movement as being caused by you. The same basic phenomenon underlies dowsing – where small movements of the hands cause the dowsing wand to swing wildly – or the Ouija board, where multiple people hold a cup and it seems to move of its own accord to answer questions by spelling out letters.
This effect also underlies the sad case of "facilitated communication", a fad whereby carers believed they could help severely disabled children communicate by guiding their fingers around a keyboard. Research showed that the carers – completely innocently – were typing the messages themselves, rather than interpreting movements from their charges.
The interesting thing about the phenomenon is what it says about the mind. That we can make movements that we don't realise we're making suggests that we shouldn't be so confident in our other judgements about what movements we think are ours. Sure enough, in the right circumstances, you can get people to believe they have caused things that actually come from a completely independent source (something which shouldn't surprise anyone who has reflected on the madness of people who claim that it only started raining because they forget an umbrella).
You can read what this means for the nature of our minds inThe Illusion of Conscious Will by psychologist Daniel Wegner, who sadly died last month. Wegner argued that our normal sense of owning an action is an illusion, or – if you will – a construction. The mental processes which directly control our movements are not connected to the same processes which figure out what caused what, he claimed.
The situation is not that of a mental command-and-control structure like a disciplined army; whereby a general issues orders to the troops, they carry out the order and the general gets back a report saying "Sir! We did it. The right hand is moving into action!". The situation is more akin to an organised collective, claims Wegner: the general can issue orders, and watch what happens, but he's never sure exactly what caused what. Instead, just like with other people, our consciousness (the general in this metaphor) has to apply some principles to figure out when a movement is one we've made.
One of these principles is that cause has to be consistent with effect. If you think "I'll move my hand" and your hand moves, you're likely to automatically get the feeling that the movement was one you made. The principle is broken when the thought is different from the effect, such as with Chevreul's Pendulum. If you think "I'm not moving my hand", you are less inclined to connect any small movements you make with such large visual effects.
This maybe explains why kids can shout "It wasn't me!" after breaking something in plain sight. They thought to themselves "I'll just give this a little push", and when it falls off the table and breaks it doesn't feel like something they did.
Life is Absurd - Relativity, Absurdity, Time and Space
While browsing the internet, I came across an article on time, space, relativity, meaning and absurdity, and was so taken by it that I wanted to share the piece with you all. The writer, Rivka Weinberg, discusses the complex subjects mentioned above in a way that just makes sense.
Why Life is Absurd
by Rivka Weinberg
A Consideration of Time, Space, Relativity, Meaning and Absurdity (Yep, All of It)
I. Relativity
DZIGAN: Professor Einstein said, "In the world, there is time. And just as there is time, there is another thing: space. Space and time, time and space. And these two things," he said, "are relative."
Do you know what "relative" means?
SHUMACHER: Sigh. Nu? The point? Continue.
DZIGAN: There is no person these days who doesn't know what "relative" means. I will explain it to you with an analogy and soon you will also know. Relativity is like this: If you have seven hairs on your head, it's very few but if you have seen hairs in your milk, it's very many.
To continue reading, click here to be redirected to the original article on The New York Times!
Rivka Weinberg is an associate professor of philosophy at Scripps College, in Claremont, Calif. She is the author of a book on procreative ethics, "The Risk of a Lifetime," forthcoming from Oxford University Press.
Person-First Language vs Identity-First Language (Survey)
In my last post, I asked everyone to get involved in a survey about language (You're still welcome to do the survey before reading this!). Well... I lied a little bit. Actually, it WAS about language, but not in the way it sounds; Not about spelling and grammar and syntax. It was about what is known as 'person-first language'.
Although not many people might have heard of the term, it is pretty self-explanatory once you hear it. It is a form of the use of our language that puts the 'person' before an 'identity' in order to emphasise the individuality of people with disabilities.
Instead of saying "X is blind", you might say "X has a visual impairment"; And instead of "Y is schizophrenic", you'd say "Y has schizophrenia".
This is opposite to what is called the 'identity-first language', that puts the identity before the person in language, e.g. "Z is disabled".
In my survey, I used terms like "an autistic boy", "a victim of stroke", "the disabled children", and even "normal children". Advocates of person-first language urge for the use of terms that treat individuals as anyone else, without diminishing their individuality, character, or abilities as people. So, aside from actually putting the 'person' before the disability in a sentence (i.e. a person with disability), person-first language advocates seek to educate people to stop using terms that seem to weaken the person (e.g., "victim") or to alienate them (e.g., "abnormal").
Person-first language, at first glance, seems like a more respectful way of referring to those with disabilities, and indeed, a lot of government and medical institutions advocate for its use. But as with anything else, it's not that easy.
Identity-First Language
Some disability communities actually prefer identity-first language because they celebrate their disability as a part of their identity, and there is no shame to it whatsoever. Some consider person-first language as having the opposite effect to what it's advocating as well. For example, by putting the disability after the person, and thus structuring the sentence to mean that "a person just happens to have ...", it can be seen as treating the disability as something negative, something to be avoided. That is, if having a disability is nothing to be ashamed of, there should be no need to tip toe around the word, as if it's a negative thing to say.
Also, some people consider identity-first language to be more accurate. Someone who is disabled isn't disabled by their physicality, but more so by society. For example, if a person in a wheelchair cannot access a building that doesn't have a ramp, that person is disabled by the architecture of the building, not by their own physical functions. In this respect, saying "X is disabled" would be accurate.
Our Survey
The survey I asked for your involvement in was quite interesting. Although there weren't enough responses to actually analyse the data, most people didn't seem to recognise the identity-first or person-first language being used. However, most, if not everyone, picked up on the word "normal" and suggested a replacement word. Which is actually great, because while person-first and identity-first language advocates have conflicting views regarding the order of words and what it means to say "disabled" and so on, I think it should go without saying that ableist terms such as "normal/abnormal" are not an acceptable way to refer to anybody.
There is no right or wrong here regarding person- or identity-first language, though, at least in my opinion. Most researchers, academics, and disability communities suggest that we should just ask the person what they prefer, if we don't know what kind of language to use. That sounds respectful enough, but doesn't that simultaneously alienate them, as if they need a special term to be referred to by, for they'll be so offended otherwise? Perhaps I'm going a bit too far.
I'm probably just going to use my judgment when talking or referring to people with disabilities, and depending on the situation and the person I'm speaking to, my language would have to change slightly, just because it never hurts to be considerate.
I'm curious what you think, though. As a person with or without disabilities, which (person-first or identity-first) do you prefer?
Survey - Get Involved!
I'm currently interested in a certain topic regarding language that I'm looking to get other people involved in.
Don't worry, this survey will NOT go towards anything and your answers are completely anonymous. It won't be published anywhere or used for any kind of academic research. It's purely for my own curiosity, and I'll share the results and the objectives of the survey once I get some responses!
Please take 2-3 minutes to take this survey :)
powered by FluidSurveys
Philographics - Big Ideas in Simple Shapes
Genis Carreras, a graphic designer based in Barcelona, offers an easy way of organising philosophical ideas on his website. Philographics is a series of posters that explain big ideas in simple shapes along with simple statements describing the ideas.
The Philographics really are a great way to get a grasp of some of the complex philosophical disciplines, and an even greater way to explain the ideas to people who are not familiar with philosophy. Take a look by clicking this link and enjoy!
Which Religion Cares the Most about the Homeless?
This is funny.
But it really speaks loudly about the way some people approach religion and their beliefs.
But hey.
The man is smart.
Click here for source
Unfairness in Sex Offender Registries: Theories by Zizek and Durkheim
Criminologists often contend that there are inequalities in criminal policies stemming from theoretical traditions, and one approach to understanding and potentially reducing the inequalities is to seek out theoretical alternatives (Braithwaite 1992). With this in mind, this essay discusses the unfairness apparent in policies of sex offender registry adopted by many nations.
Sex offender registries exist in various forms in a number of countries including Australia, Canada, South Korea, the United Kingdom, and the United States (Newburn 2010, p.551). Established under the perception that sex offenders are highly likely to re-offend after release from prison (Yoder 2011, p.30), the registries aim to regulate previously convicted sex offenders by requiring them to keep authorities up to date on their identifying details either for a period of time or indefinitely. With the intentions to facilitate law enforcement and to protect the public (Salerno et al. 2010), the registries aimed to effectively reduce recidivism and deter would-be offenders from committing crimes (Powell et al. 2014). In the US and South Korea, notification laws - designed to inform the public about known offenders in the community to assist taking protective measures (Powell et al. 2014; Vess et al. 2013; Zgoba et al. 2008) - allow access of offenders' information to the public (Shin and Lee 2005; Tewksbury 2006). In other nations such as Australia, Canada and the UK, only selected law enforcement agencies have access to such information (Newburn 2010).
Since the initial appearance of registration laws in the 1940s in the US, many criminologists have vocalised concern about the discriminatory concept of the offender registries, their over-inclusiveness, ineffectiveness and negative consequences (Meiners 2009; Prescott 2012; Yoder 2011). Yet, support for the implementation and accessibility of the registries remains high across the world (Chui, Cheng and Yoke-chan Ong 2015; Craun and Simmons 2012, p.2-3).
This essay contends that sex offender registration laws are inherently and consequentially unfair. Drawing on theories by Zizek and Durkheim, this paper considers the rationale for the persistence of inequality and public support surrounding sex offender registration laws. It suggests that the registries are fundamentally punitive, motivated by a false sense of security and justice. It concludes by suggesting a need for the shift towards a policy that operates on empirical evidence rather than emotional and symbolic responses.
Click for image source
A lack of fairness is evident in both the concept and practical application of the registries. There is unfairness inherent in the very concept of the registry stemming from a seemingly utilitarian attitude from which standpoint "the most important thing [is to] keep our children safe [instead of giving] these offenders more protection" (said by Social Development Minister Anne Tolley in New Zealand; Jones 2015). The registration laws effectively embrace the dehumanisation of the registered by reinforcing the perception of offenders as the dangerous 'other' and removing their right to privacy and protection of the State.
Inequality also persists in the foundation and application of the registries. Contrary to common misconceptions, most child sex offenders know their victims (Hynes 2013, p.6; Richards 2011, p.2-3) and sex offender recidivism generally tends to be lower than that of other offenders (Powell et al. 2014, p.256; Tewksbury 2006, p.2). There is also no compelling evidence suggesting registries have contributed to a reduction in sex crime or recidivism (Shackley et al. 2013, p.553; Yoder 2011, p.30), and notification laws in the US are even considered to increase recidivism due to the lack of motivation in offenders to remain crime-free (Prescott and Rockoff 2011, p.165; Prescott 2012, p.50). Yet, the registries are still widely supported by the public and giving rise to cruder forms like juvenile sex offender registries, effectively 'branding' children for life (Parker 2014, p.193; Shackley et al. 2013).
The consequences of such blatant dismissal of opposing evidence can be devastating with restrictions placed upon the offenders regarding housing, employment, and even parenting (Meiners 2009), resulting in offenders experiencing social exclusion, including harassment and homelessness (Jeglic, Mercado and Levenson 2011). With stakes as high as the livelihoods of a considerable segment of the population, the prevalent support for the registry and the inequalities persisting in its transnational expansion seemingly requires closer examinations for comprehension of the current status quo and consideration for better alternatives. The next sections will do so with reference to Zizek and Durkheim.
Without significant evidence, sex offender registration laws seemingly operate as a function of mere moral comfort; a relief from a culture of fear fuelled by imaginary yet perceived threats of "stranger danger". Employing Zizek's interpretations of the social and political world, the registries and their public support demonstrate the interworking of subjective and objective violence. Subjective violence is the perceivable violence shown on the streets (e.g., sex offences against women and children), whereas objective violence is inherent to, and invisible in, the normal state of things (Zizek 2008, p.2). It is suggested that the focus on subjective violence diverts attention from actual sources of trouble to allow not only the unintentional support of objective violence but active participation in it (p.9). The registries, in this regard, comprise of two modes of objective violence: 'symbolic violence embodied in language', and systemic violence embedded in economic and political systems (p.1).
The registration laws are symbolically violent through government, public and media discourse. The construction of sex offenders as the dangerous 'other' is manifested in a sense of dismissal, undermining the inequalities experienced by offenders with the sentiment that 'it is not unreasonable to keep a register of where people are' (by Anne Tolley; Jones 2015). Barbarising representations of sex offenders also invade formal and informal discussions through dehumanising terminologies and false accusations of their inability to be rehabilitated. Such discussions can lead to views that child sex offenders are 'of a subhuman category [and] the least rehabilitatable [sic]' (as said by one parliamentarian in South Australia; Bressington 2010). The violence embodied in this discourse produces the public's indifference to the consequences of the registries, and unwarranted fear of "the stranger" - what Zizek frames 'the fake sense of urgency' and 'a hypocritical sentiment of moral outrage' (Zizek 2008, p.5).
According to Zizek, the exploitation of this sense of urgency underlies the systemic violence (p.5-6). The urgency demands security, and although the value of the latter is as unfounded as the former in the case of sex offender registries, it nevertheless provides comfort to the fearful justice seekers at the cost of the rights of offenders. And through these interdependent mechanisms of symbolic and systemic violence, a segment of a population can be systemically discriminated against and dehumanised, seemingly with no substantial public contest. However, it is far too simplistic to assign to lawmakers the agency that, in the face of public outrage, purposefully overlooks the indisputable inequality in the registries. Instead, Zizek points to the 'purely 'objective', systemic, anonymous' violence fundamental to capitalism and its concealed authoritarianism which, in its pursuit of profitability, sufficiently creates and neglects marginalised and disposable individuals (p.11-12). Indeed, studies (see Meiners 2009; Worley and Worley 2013) have linked the expansion of sex offender registries to the expansion, privatisation and profitability of the 'prison industrial complex' (PIC). In this respect, the contribution of the registries to creating fear in the public is understood with regards to the legitimation of the surveillance and incarceration, the two driving forces of the PIC (Meiners 2009, p.31-52).
It is not as straightforward, however, as ascribing to the public the role of an accidental supporter of the sex offender registration laws, simply mistaken and manipulated by the capitalist evil. Drawing on Durkheim's analyses of social order, support for the registries is simultaneously driven by mechanisms of punishment. In the Durkheimian perspective, the legal codes of a society symbolically reflect common values held by the average citizen. In this view, punishment is a moral and emotive process which produces social solidarity by reaffirming collective morality, the 'collective conscience' (Garland 1991, p.122). The primary objective of the penal law, according to Durkheim, is not to deter and regulate criminals. Instead, it functions as a public reminder; a ritual expression of the collective conscience (Page 2004, p.360).
The offender registration laws can then be examined in terms of a mode of social punishment, echoing and incorporating the general population's consensus on holding sacred the innocence of children and protection of women, and the resulting contempt for anyone who threatens them, including those who already served time for their sins. The unfairness of the registries is unperceived or willingly ignored from the standpoint of 'collective moral outrage and a passionate desire for vengeance' (Garland 1991, p.122). The abundant evidence discrediting the effectiveness of the registries and challenging the general endorsement of myths about sex offenders is also irrelevant. Viewed as a symbolic segregation of the law abiding citizen and the 'other', the offender registries primarily aim to shame and socially ostracise by reaffirming social values (Ferrandino 2012, p.393), rather than to rehabilitate offenders.
The transition from the punitive pre-modern penal systems to the more liberal, rehabilitation- and rights-focused systems of late modernity, likewise, would not deter the emergence of such punitive policies as the registration laws. In Durkheim's view, the transition does not reflect a shift in the functions of punishment; it simply demonstrates a change in the collective conscience that increasingly values the human life, including that of criminals (Garland 1991, p.123-4; 2001, p.95-101). That is, although in a less severe and more restricted form, the objectives of punishment remain unchanged.
Still, discriminatory laws targeting only particular groups seem out of place in societies that embrace difference. But perhaps it is this very pluralistic personality of modern society that provides the platform on which the physically merciful yet psychologically unforgiving forms of punishment can thrive. Durkheim suggested that complex and more advanced societies need efficient social organisation (Durkheim 1969; Garland 2001, p.100-101). In the absence of such, the collective though silenced frustration in response to the seemingly non-existent collective conscience of pluralistic societies is directed towards the violators of the few remaining, surely universal, values. And thus support for stricter crime control and segregation of particular groups can be vocalised, giving rise to meaner forms of punishment as in the case of the offender registries (p.102).
Tying together Zizek's and Durkheim's theories, the support and prompt disregard for the apparent inequalities created by sex offender registries are indicative of the violence and instability that persist in modern society. We may be too quick to accept the symbolic and systemic violence that dismantle our fellow citizens for their downfall satisfies our desire to crush those who dare to step out of line even in such forgiving and diverse times as now. However, reactionary penal systems don't work, and especially so in capitalist societies (Garland 2001). And if one can indeed look at the rituals of punishment to infer how advanced a society is (Durkheim 1969), then it can only be hoped that policies such as sex offender registries will be left out of the assessment altogether.
To conclude, this essay explored the inequalities apparent in sex offender registration laws. Applying the criminological frameworks of Zizek and Durkheim in terms of the functions of violence and punishment, it analysed the ongoing public support for the registries that prevails even when challenged by lack of rational and scientific evidence. This paper maintains that the sex offender registration policies do not work, demonstrated in their apparent failure to achieve its aims of public safety and decreased offender recidivism. And when considering the interdependent dynamics of language, social order, crime control and the penal codes of society in search of a possible policy reform, it is not clear which direction the reform should take. The registration laws are irrational in that their reactionary form is all but positive and yet continues to thrive; but at the same time rational in that their emergence was seemingly inevitable in the logical order of the social changes in the last few decades and the underlying violence within them. Thus, a shift in approach to a more coherent and humane handling of sex offenders from the current punitive one requires the overcoming of the historical social frameworks that have shaped modern penal paradigms and even our very own instincts that push for vengeful control of the dangerous 'other'. While arriving at the ideal system which 'balance[s] protecting [the public] with offender privacy, rehabilitation, and social reintegration' (Newburn 2010, p.549) seems far-fetched, there is some guidance: do nothing. When stuck at a crossroad like the current dilemma of rights of all versus comforting punishment, the 'only truly 'practical' thing to do is to resist the temptation to engage immediately and to 'wait and see' by means of a patient, critical analysis' (Zizek 2008, p.6). This solution is far from perfect, but potential changes in a positive direction may be anticipated with a focus on empirical evidence and a recognition of the legitimate concerns from social academics.
Braithwaite, J. (1992). Reducing the crime problem: A not so dismal criminology. Australian & New Zealand Journal of Criminology, 25(1), pp.1-10.
Bressington, A. (2010). Hansard: Criminal Law (Sentencing) (Mandatory Imprisonment of Child Sex Offenders) Amendment Bill. Adelaide: Legislative Council of South Australia.
Chui, W., Cheng, K. and Yoke-chan Ong, R. (2015). Attitudes of the Hong Kong Chinese public towards sex offending policies: The role of stereotypical views of sex offenders. Punishment & Society, 17(1), pp.94-113.
Craun, S. and Simmons, C. (2012). Taking a seat at the table: Sexual assault survivors' views of sex offender registries. Victims & Offenders, 7(3), pp.312-326.
Durkheim, E. (1969). Types of law in relation to social solidarity. In: V. Aubert, ed., Sociology of Law. Penguin, pp.17-29.
Ferrandino, J. (2012). Beyond the perception and the obvious: What sex offender registries really tell us and why. Social Work in Public Health, 27(4), pp.392-407.
Garland, D. (1991). Sociological perspectives on punishment. Crime and Justice, 14, pp.115-165.
Garland, D. (2001). Social change and social order in late modernity. In The Culture of Control: Crime and Social Order in Contemporary Society. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, pp.75-102.
Hynes, K. (2013). The cost of fear: An analysis of sex offender registration, community notification, and civil commitment laws in the United States and the United Kingdom. Penn State Journal of Law & International Affairs, 2(2), pp.351-379.
Jeglic, E., Mercado, C. and Levenson, J. (2011). The prevalence and correlates of depression and hopelessness among sex offenders subject to community notification and residence restriction legislation. American Journal of Criminal Justice, 37(1), pp.46-59.
Jones, N. (2015). Government plans child sex offender register. New Zealand Herald. Viewed 27 August 2015, .
Meiners, E. (2009). Never innocent: Feminist trouble with sex offender registries and protection in a prison nation. Meridians: feminism, race, transnationalism, 9(2), pp.31-62.
Newburn, K. (2010). The prospect of an international sex offender registry: Why an international system modeled after United States sex offender laws is not an effective solution to stop child sexual abuse. Wisconsin International Law Journal, 28(3), pp.547-583.
Page, J. (2004). Eliminating the enemy: The import of denying prisoners access to higher education in Clinton's America. Punishment & Society, 6(4), pp.357-378.
Parker, S. (2014). Branded for life: The unconstitutionality of mandatory and lifetime juvenile sex offender registration and notification. Virginia Journal of Social Policy & the Law, 21(1), pp.167-205.
Powell, M., Day, A., Benson, M., Vess, J. and Graffam, J. (2014). Police officers' perceptions of interviewing offenders on sex offender registries. International Journal of Police Science & Management, 16(4), pp.255-266.
Prescott, J. (2012). Do sex offender registries make us less safe?. Regulation, 35(2), pp.48-55.
Prescott, J. and Rockoff, J. (2011). Do sex offender registration and notification laws affect criminal behavior?. Journal of Law and Economics, 54, pp.161-206.
Richards, K. (2011). Misperceptions about child sex offenders. Trends & Issues in Crime and Criminal Justice, Australian Institute of Criminology, (429), pp.1-8.
Salerno, J., Najdowski, C., Stevenson, M., Wiley, T., Bottoms, B., Vaca Jr., R. and Pimentel, P. (2010). Psychological mechanisms underlying support for juvenile sex offender registry laws: Prototypes, moral outrage, and perceived threat. Behavioral Sciences and the Law, 28(1), pp.58-83.
Shackley, M., Weiner, C., Day, A. and Willis, G. (2013). Assessment of public attitudes towards sex offenders in an Australian population. Psychology, Crime & Law, 20(6), pp.553-572.
Shin, J. and Lee, Y. (2005). Korean version of the notification policy on sexual offenders: Did it enhance public awareness of sexual crimes against minors?. International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology, 49(4), pp.376-391.
Tewksbury, R. (2006). Sex offender registries as a tool for public safety: Views from registered offenders. Western Criminology Review, 7(1), pp.1-8.
Vess, J., Day, A., Powell, M. and Graffam, J. (2011). International sex offender registration laws: Research and evaluation issues based on a review of current scientific literature. Police Practice and Research, 15(4), pp.322-335.
Worley, R. and Worley, V. (2013). The sex offender next door: Deconstructing the United States' obsession with sex offender registries in an age of neoliberalism. International Review of Law, Computers & Technology, 27(3), pp.335-344.
Yoder, S. (2011). Life on the list: State sex-offender registries were created to protect the public, but there's no evidence that they do--instead they are creating a second set of victims. The American Prospect, (4), pp.29-32.
Zgoba, K., Witt, P., Dalessandro, M. and Veysey, B. (2008). Megan's Law: Assessing the practical and monetary efficacy. U.S. Department of Justice, pp.1-44.
Žižek, S. (2008). Violence: Six Sideways Reflections. New York: Picador, pp.1-13.
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Every story must have a beginning. A place for us to begin our journey together. A place to learn something about someone new in the world's we construct together. Do you take the blue or red pill? We will see. I only ask that you keep an open mind as you continue your travels. If there is darkness in these characters we will find it. If there is redemption and hope within them we will expose it. So we can both learn something.
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10 Best Places To Go For Entertainment In Ottawa
by Nikki Tootoonchian
Nikki Tootoonchian
Nikki Tootoonchian is a young, vibrant, and creative woman who…
As a Ottawa citizen for 7 months, it's safe to say that I have adapted to the beauty and the fun entertainment in Ottawa. Here is Ottawa from my viewpoint- things to see, things to do, things to eat… hope this inspires reader's to visit Ottawa or if you are planning to move, see what you can explore!
Check out my Instagram page, (nikkipotter_) for the pictures featured in this article. Check out the sight seeing and fun times I have living here in Ottawa, Ontario!
1. National Gallery of Canada
In one of the most beautifully crafted architecture I've ever seen, is the National Gallery of Canada. Not only do they showcase many sort of art galleries, aspiring photographs, and preserved art pieces… but they also include a whole cultural scene, with many respects to the Indigenous community. With spacious areas and a lot to see, a great place to absorb some peace… through the beauty of the artistic value, incorporated into the paintings on the walls and the art pieces set up.
https://www.instagram.com/p/BSkGTbnjOng/?taken-by=nikkipotter_
2. Rideau Canal
One of the most famous activities in Ottawa, is the beauty of the Rideau Canal. Not only is the Rideau Canal a UNESCO World Heritage Site, but it is also open to all for winter activities, including skating in the scenic beauty of the icey canal. The skateway extends almost 8 kilometres, as you can pass by it through the streets of Ottawa. Also, access to the skate way free! With heated huts, BeaverTails pastry shack, and the beauty of Canadian nature along the ice.
3. Parliament Hill
One of the most famous structural buildings in Canada, Parliament Hill is located in downtown Ottawa amongst the busy streets. It is considered the political and cultural heart of the city. The Parliament Buildings, with their unique architecture, host the biggest celebrations in the country, including Canada Day, Christmas Lights, and fireworks for New Years (which I have seen this past New Years, truly a sight to see). Free tour guides are also available.
https://www.instagram.com/p/BEAJrNUFef3/
4. Ottawa Little Theatre
With it's classic red seats and carpets, Ottawa Little Theatre is the longest running community theatre in Canada. When you walk in, you can see vintage posters from past performances hanging in it's small yet perfectly cozy building. It's importance in the arts is culturally significant, as the plays, performances, and shows put on in the theatre were all unique and special in their own way.
https://www.instagram.com/p/BRAJtHWj3g4/
5. Casino's
Casino du Lac-Leamy Getaway, is personally one of the biggest Casino's I have ever been to. With more than 1,800 slot machines, the Casino is only a short distance from downtown Ottawa, and includes a ton of games, poker, roulette and more. It is also the stadium that hosts many famous concerts and shows, with dining options available.
6. Canadian Tire Centre
Fan of sports? Fan of famous Canadian Hockey teams? This is the place for you! With tons of concerts, sport games, shows taking place at the Canadian Tire Centre, there are a lot of Canadian sport teams, musicians, and artists to catch while you visit.
https://www.instagram.com/p/BPrDXWHgWh6/
7. Outdoor Activities
With many historic sights, the beautiful Gatineau Park is not only a sight to see but also a great piece of history, including the first arrival of European settlers and industrial activity. Not only parks, but also Hog's back park includes waterfalls that connect to the river right next to it. There are other waterfalls in the city, including Rideau Falls. From the Ottawa River, you can travel along, by boat to catch a close glimpse of the falls.
https://www.instagram.com/p/BL-ELxyhSIr/
8. National Cultural Attractions
Amongst the National Gallery of Canada, there are many more museums to check out. The most popular one's include the Canadian Museum of History, Bytown Museum, Canada Science and Technology Museum, Library and Archives of Canada and my favourite, the Canadian Museum of Nature. These museums devote themselves to science, nature, Canadian history, and technology.
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9. Shopping/Dining
The shopping scene in Ottawa is large, including stores, boutiques, malls and souvenir shops. Downtown shopping includes unique boutiques and craft shops, especially from the Byward Market and the Downtown Rideau district. There are also cultural parts of downtown, including Chinatown and Little Italy that offer many shops and restaurants.
https://www.instagram.com/p/BSMmUtADLjZ/
10. Festivals
One of the best parts of being in Ottawa, are the constant festivals that are featured year-round as we celebrate specific aspects of our community and culture, including the arts (Ottawa Little Theatre) and music (jazz festival!). Ever heard of WinterLude? One of the biggest and best celebrations, it includes many festivities such as mazes, obstacles, races… and festivals that include concerts and art performances as well. No matter what the cause of the celebration, it's always a great time to have fun!
https://www.instagram.com/p/BOtdRxrgYkk/
What is your favorite places to go for entertainment in Ottawa? Share in the comments below!
Featured image source: oneyoungworld.com
Best Places To Go entertainment Ottawa Ottawa - Events Ottawa - Nightlife Places To Go Things To Do things you need to do if you are visiting ottawa for the first time
Nikki Tootoonchian is a young, vibrant, and creative woman who is currently after her English major at Carleton University. She is an avid fan of writing including poetry, script and story writing, and lyrics. Her influences include Charles Simic, Edgar Allan Poe, and Lewis Caroll. She spends her spare time playing the drums, watching horror films, and reading Alice's Adventures in Wonderland. She aspires to become a more serious writer and to encourage others to pursue the arts in the near future.
Nikki Tootoonchian January 29, 2023
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You are here: Home › Evolution › News › Rapid evolution tied to environmental change
Rapid evolution tied to environmental change
By Will Parker on April 9, 2013 in Evolution, News
Environmental change can drive hard-wired evolutionary changes in animal species in a matter of generations, report ecologists from Ume� University and the University of Leeds. The new findings, which overturn the common assumption that evolution occurs very slowly, could shed light in areas such as the management of fisheries, where human actions can result in major changes to an entire population's environment.
Although previous research has implied a link between short-term changes in animal species' physical characteristics and evolution, the new work is the first to prove a causal relationship between rapid genetic evolution and animal population dynamics in a controlled experimental setting.
The researchers worked with soil mites that were collected from the wild and then raised in 18 glass tubes. Forty percent of adult mites were removed every week from six of the glass tubes. A similar proportion of juveniles were removed each week in a further six tubes, while no "harvesting" was conducted in the remaining third of the tubes.
"We saw significant evolutionary changes relatively quickly. The age of maturity of the mites in the tubes doubled over about 15 generations, because they were competing in a different way than they would in the wild. Removing the adults caused them to remain as juveniles even longer because the genetics were responding to the high chance that they were going to die as soon as they matured. When they did eventually mature, they were so enormous they could lay all of their eggs very quickly," reports lead author Tom Cameron, based at Ume� University.
Cameron explains the initial change in the mites' environment – from the wild into the laboratory – had a disastrous effect on the population, putting the mites on an extinction trajectory. However, in every population, including those subjected to the removal of adults or juveniles, the trajectory switched after only five generations of evolution and the population sizes began to increase.
The researchers found that the laboratory environment was selecting for those mites that grew more slowly. Under the competitive conditions in the tubes, the slow growing mites were more fertile when they matured, meaning they could have more babies.
"The genetic evolution that resulted in an investment in egg production at the expense of individual growth rates led to population growth, rescuing the populations from extinction. This is evolutionary rescue in action and suggests that rapid evolution can help populations respond to rapid environmental change," Cameron said.
Short-term ecological responses to the environment – for instance, a reduction in the size of adults because of a lack of food – and hard-wired evolutionary changes were separated by placing mites from different treatments into a similar environment for several generations and seeing whether differences persisted.
"The traditional idea would be that if you put animals in a new environment they stay basically the same but the way they grow changes because of variables like the amount of food. However, our study proves that the evolutionary effect – the change in the underlying biology in response to the environment – can happen at the same time as the ecological response. Ecology and evolution are intertwined," said co-researcher Tim Benton, from the University of Leeds.
Unpicking evolutionary change from ecological responses is particularly important in areas such as the management of fisheries, where human decisions can result in major changes to an entire population's environment and life histories. The size at which cod in the North Sea mature is about half that of 50 years ago and this change has been linked to a collapse in the cod population because adult fish today are less fertile than their ancestors.
"The big debate has been over whether this is an evolutionary response to the way they are fished or whether this is, for instance, just the amount of food in the sea having a short-term ecological effect. Our study underlined that evolution can happen on a short timescale and even small 1 to 2 percent evolutionary changes in the underlying biology caused by your harvesting strategy can have major consequences on population growth and yields. You can't just try to bring the environment back to what it was before and expect everything to return to normal," Benton concluded.
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text:
Niederzissen est une municipalité allemande située dans le land de Rhénanie-Palatinat et l'arrondissement d'Ahrweiler.

Monuments historiques
 Cimetière juif de Niederzissen

Source

Commune en Rhénanie-Palatinat

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


This workshop is part of our MOCAA project which is a MITACS project.
Organizing committee: Mark Giesbrecht (Waterloo), Marc Moreno Maza (Western), Michael Monagan (Simon Fraser).
Local organizing committee: Cheryl and Yuzhen Xie.
Sponsorship from MITACS is gratefully acknowledged.


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In the summer months, when the white slopes become lush green pastures once more, an extensive paradise for hiking, biking and rock climbing opens up in the holiday region of Mayrhofen in the Zillertal for your holiday.
A light hike around the leisure trail across the Ahornplateau, or through the side valleys. Families, recreation sports fans and alpine specialists can find the right distance and difficulty along the 200 kilometres of well-constructed hiking paths: they can find idyllic hikes on romantic paths to alpine single- and multi-day tours over the Berliner Höhenweg or the new Peter Habeler route - there are many opportunities to experience the unique landscape of the rear Zillertal. The Zillertal Alps Nature Park is particularly stimulating, with its secluded lakes, lush meadows and beautiful mountain scenery. It extends from 1,000 metres to 3,509 metres on the Hochfeiler, and offers 379 square kilometres of countless hiking and round trips. The Action Mountain Penken also offers a wide variety of opportunities: During hiking tours one can gaze bikers on single trails, climbers on rocks, and paragliders high over Mayrhofen.
The Mayrhofen-Hippach holiday region is a true Eldorado for bikers: Over 800 kilometres of biking paths throughout the Zillertal, of which over 20 designated bike routes, from easy and medium pleasure tours along beautiful scenic paths to demanding trails.
Climbing in Zillertal has a long tradition. First-class boulder and climbing areas such as Sundergrund or the eternal hunting grounds, as well as five climbing routes with varying degrees of difficulty lure climbers and ferratists during snow-free times on the granite rocks. Everyone, from beginner to hard mover, can find the right wall to climb.
Should you require assistance with booking your luxury apartment or help with the services offered, please contact us, we are happy to assist wherever we can!
The price lists of the serviced luxury apartments "Postresidence" in the Zillertal can be downloaded here.
You have questions, we have the answers. Our FAQ's will help you answer the most common questions.
Where is the Postresidence located?
The Postresidence is located in Mayrhofen, opposite the grocery store "Billa" and only a few yards from the centre of Mayrhofen. The Google maps pin will show you the exact location.
How do I travel to Mayrhofen?


At the very beginning of a recent video about an abandoned villa, we see a road sign. It's actually a trail marker. It says innesto. If you look up innesto in the dictionary, it gives "graft." "Graft" doesn't seem to have much to do with hiking. But that's the beauty of it. You can't really make a connection in the dictionary, but if we think about plants, where we traditionally use the word "graft," we have a main stem or trunk to which we attach a new plant. To find the "graft" point of trail number "01," percorri (you travel) 0.7 kilometers.
Note that Italians use a virgola (comma) instead of a decimal point and they sayvirgola rather than "point." Zero virgola sette (zero point seven).
Innesto is used when a bypass or secondary road has been connected to a main road. It signals the beginning of that road, the point at which it has been grafted. We might also use the word "junction."
If you plan a road trip in Italy, another indication you will see on your percorso (route) is diramazione. In fact, between Pisa and Lucca, there is a very old road called Strada statale12 (state road 12) or SS 12, but there is also a new road. It's called SS12 dir. or SS12 racc.Let's look at these abbreviations.
Dir. is an abbreviation for diramazione. If we look at plants again, we have ramo, the word for "branch." So a diramazione is a branching off from the main road. It's similar to innesto, but innesto refers to the point of attachment. Diramazione refers to the new road in general.
If you don't read the signs carefully, you can easily end up on la strada sbagliata (the wrong road).
Finally, if you travel to Rome by car, you'll see signs for the G.R.A., which stands for Grande Raccordo Anulare (big ring linking road). As you can see on the map below, it's a big ring road or beltway around the city of Rome, that connects all the roads running towards and away from Rome.
Racc. is the abbreviation for raccordo, which means "link" or "junction."