What is the relationship between the body of thought and action known as "community development" and contemporary urban land use planning?
It's best if we start with some definitions. One of the most prominent thinkers in the community development field, John McKnight, defines community as "the space where citizens prevail." By this, he means areas of life where citizens get together to solve their own problems, rather than relying on experts or legislators. Community development, by definition, is the process of strengthening that capacity for self-help.
Now, by John McKnight's definition, community development would not be limited to neighbourhoods. It could also apply to 12-step programs, even to groups that associate for some common purpose over the Internet. But most people who write about and practice community development assume a spatial context. If it does not involve a neighbourhood, village or settlement, then it is usually assumed to have a certain shared space as a focal point for activity, as with cultural centres for so-called "minority" groups or resource centres for drug users or the homeless.
McKnight strongly contrasts community development with social work or social services. Community development focuses on people's assets or strengths, not on their weaknesses or disabilities. It involves economically empowering members of the defined community, not the care providers; and it strengthens local leadership and capacity, not people's dependence on outside "experts."
So, what does this have to do with urban land use planning? First we need to define land use planning in an urban context. A simple straightforward definition is that it involves regulating and arranging the structure and functions of urban land and the built environment in cities. This includes, but is not limited to, the buildings, open space, roads and sidewalks (and other components of a transportation system), and the infrastructural services that enable people to meet their needs and organize their lives in an urban context.
Of course, this definition conceals a multitude of sins since planners have different conceptions of what this would involve, but let's put that to the side for the moment. Traditionally, urban land use planners have not seen themselves as having much to do with community development. They have seen themselves as experts, as specialists who help arrange the built form of the city so as to enable it to function as efficiently as possible, whatever that might mean.
However, this has not always been so. When planning was first conceived of as a specific practice around the turn of the last century, and after it was, at least in the minds of some such as Patrick Geddes and Lewis Mumford, seen as intimately bound up with empowering local communities to take control of their lives and destinies. This emphasis on a community development component began to re-appear in planning (though it was not accepted by all planners) in the mid-to-late 1960s, when it became evident that planning activity was not serving the needs of all members of society equally and was in fact, in some cases, helping to perpetrate very real injustices.
Today, at the beginning of the 21st century, there are a number of areas where the concerns of planning and community development necessarily overlap. One involves the relationship between the global and the regional or local. As many commentators have noted, we live in a rapidly globalizing world where economic actors particularly, transnational corporations take the whole world as their stage, and consequently are no longer as dependent on, or as rooted in, specific jurisdictions as they used to be.
The more we are consumed by the idea of turning our particular city into a World-Class City like Los Angeles or New York, the more we lose touch with our local traditions. And the more we focus on integrating our local economies into the global economy, the more we lose control over how our communities will develop. In the race to become globally competitive, valuable resources are being diverted away from meeting community needs.
This has two consequences: local politicians may be prepared to sacrifice the needs of local interest groups or communities in order to attract growth and investment though one could argue that this has always been the case. But it also means that, with the bulk of investment coming from outside, cities are in danger of losing their distinctive characteristics. For instance, when a corporation such as Wal-Mart or McDonald's opens a branch operation in my city, they are not trying to enhance what is unique about it, they are looking to replicate a successful formula that is relatively the same the world over.
With economic globalization comes cultural globalization, aided by the instantaneous transfer of images and information by means of television, cinema, Internet, and other media, and the less-instantaneous transfer of people through immigration. This can lead to pop-cultural trends that tend to overwhelm local specificity. An example is the tendency towards subdivisions that are largely identical in various parts of the world, or the tendency to build California-style condos or Manhattan-style apartments in the rainforest environment of Vancouver.
This issue brings a community development perspective into land use planning either because specific communities find themselves on the chopping block as cities try to attract international investment, or because community groups find themselves fighting to defend local culture and "sense of place" against what they perceive as an encroaching global monoculture.
But there is another dimension to it, which has been addressed by Leonie Sandercock and others. As our cities become more multicultural through immigration, planning becomes a less straightforward activity. As Vancouver city councillor, Gordon Price, puts it: "Community planning becomes tricky when we have so many communities." Not only must planners ensure that planning information, and opportunities to participate, are made available to non-English speakers, they must also begin to accommodate different cultural attitudes about the uses of urban space, and learn to mediate between different groups when their values come into conflict.
One example which I have personally researched is the so-called "monster house" phenomenon, whereby opulent new mansions were being built in some cases, supposedly in accord with feng shui principles and were experienced as an affront in formerly Anglo-dominated neighbourhoods where there was a carefully cultivated landscape image of neo-Tudor houses and English gardens. It finally took a community development process to bring the factions together to work out a solution.
A second issue that brings the two together is closely related. It has to do with the tendency, in a capitalist society, for economic values to predominate over other values. Because of their subordination, at the end of the day, to the decision-making authority of local and regional councils, planners often find themselves in a position of serving the needs of the development community, or at the very least reacting primarily to its agenda.
This is either because local politicians are sympathetic to the needs and interests of developers (in some cases, they are financed by them), and/or because urban land is a private commodity and thus tends to be valued and invested in relative to its capacity to generate revenue. In this context, the main initiators of land use change and development tend to be private sector investors. They are the engine of change, the motive force of growth, and planners have little choice but to try to steer that force in one direction or another. Thus, they are put in a reactive position, attempting to extract non-economic gains and amenities in what is largely an economic game.
Ordinary people see the environment as real and particular places cities, wildlands, countryside.... Experts, by contrast, see with the fractured vision of specialists.
The personal or experiential knowledge of "non-experts" of people living in communities can often be an important corrective, or supplement, to expert knowledge, because they are the ones who live with the results of planners' decisions and plans. They know about traffic volumes on neighbourhood streets. They know how fast the traffic is going, whether it is a safe environment for pedestrians, what noise levels are like, and so on. Thus, their knowledge can be brought to bear to ensure that cities work better for people, and not just for cars or investors.
A fourth, and final, issue concerning the overlap between planning and community development involves the issue of urban sustainability, and how we're going to achieve it. While we will have to rely on a variety of tools, very few commentators on the subject think we will be successful unless we can actively engage the majority of the populace in supporting its objectives. This means not only supporting actions by governments and corporations that go against past ways of doing things, but also trying to incorporate changed practices into our own lives.
In essence, this involves two things: finding ways to make sustainability a community development movement, and building on existing "seeds of sustainability" that are emerging in communities spontaneously, such as community gardens and stream stewardship. The key in both instances may lie in grafting the concepts of sustainability onto felt and pressing needs in the community, an orientation has long been central to the practice of CD.
With regard to sustainability, there is no area of theory and practice so important as the arena of land use planning. It is how we use land especially in an urban context that determines the size of our "ecological footprint": the amount of resources we use, the effects we have on local and global life support systems, and the amount of wastes and pollution generated.
Empowered communities can either be a great boon for sustainability fighting for livability and ecologically sustainable development practices or they can be irate defenders of the status quo. Where I live, so-called NIMBY, or "Not In My Back Yard," groups can often be seen defending low-density single-family neighbour-hoods, which are highly dependent on automobiles, against land use intensification (accommodating more people per acre) and greater enhancement of public transit systems. Unless people living in these neighbourhoods change their outlook, it will be very difficult to change the way we build cities, or to get people out of their cars and on to public transit.
What I have suggested so far is that community development is relevant to planning in four distinct ways. It provides a potential bulwark against cities being redeveloped by international capital in ways that compromise social justice and local and regional identity. It provides a corrective against placing too much emphasis, in land use and development activity, on economic values to the detriment of other values. It provides a vehicle for fusing the personal and experiential knowledge of citizens and residents with the more abstract knowledge of the planners and engineers. And it provides a means for communities to get serious about sustainability, and to begin to insist that its principles be applied to the way we build our cities and live in them.
I'm now going to turn to some examples which illustrate these interconnections, and which illustrate key principles of community development thinking. Two of them are from my own city, Vancouver; one is from Brazil; and one is a movement which is not specifically based in any one place.
The first example from Vancouver is the residential community of Strathcona, often referred to as Vancouver's "first neighbourhood." It illustrates well how community development is affected by the attitudes and actions of planners, and how, in turn, communities can force a change in the theory and practice of planning.
Strathcona began developing as workers' housing around the Hastings saw mill in the late nineteenth century and gradually spread south of the mill. By the time the new Strathcona school addition was built in 1915, the school was being referred to as the "League of Nations" because of the large number of languages spoken by its children. Before World War II, Japanese Canadians were the dominant ethnicity, but that community was dispersed and put in internment camps during the war, and the Chinese gradually emerged as the most populous group, especially as Strathcona directly abuts the city's Chinatown.
In the mid-to-late 1950s, Vancouver's planners and politicians began to import the U.S. doctrine of "urban renewal." The urban renewal doctrine said that slums represented diseased urban tissue that could not be healed. In fact, it was seen as contagious and would spread by contact with other neighbourhoods. The only solution was to remove the inhabitants, demolish the slums, and install the residents in new and sanitized housing projects where they could learn a more upright way of life.
There was no question that Strathcona, in the post-war years, was a bit run-down, but people loved their community and most owned their own houses. Part of the problem is the neighbourhood was sandwiched in between industry and a city dump, so bankers were reluctant to extend loans for people to fix up their houses. Moreover, being populated by immigrants, the neighbourhood was stigmatized by the city administration and little effort was made to upgrade services.
Despite the vibrancy of the community, the planners and politicians most of whom were Anglo-Canadian began to designate Strathcona as a slum, partly no doubt because, given their class and ethnic biases, it didn't look like their vision of what a neighbourhood should be. Armed with federal money, they began to make plans to demolish the entire neighbourhood and replace it with "projects."
Before being stopped in their tracks, the planners and politicians succeeded in demolishing sixteen square blocks and replacing them with concrete high-rise and low-rise housing. They offered residents of the condemned blocks a pittance for their houses, pitted neighbour against neighbour, and threatened the holdouts with expropriation.
Finally, in the mid-60s, the residents (most of whom did not speak English or did not speak it well) formed a community association and took their cause to any politician who would listen, at the federal, provincial and municipal levels. And, at last, they were successful. The razing of blocks was stopped and, based on a pilot project developed by the residents themselves, the federal government launched a new program to help communities throughout Canada called the Neighbourhood Improvement Program (NIP).
This program represented a complete about-face in planning policy. Rather than seeing run-down neighbourhoods (and their residents) as beyond redemption, it started from the premise that people want to live in decent neighbourhoods and have the will and the skills to make them better. All they need is a little help. The NIP program provided a combination of grants and loans to residents so that they could repair and re-paint their homes, and provided money to municipalities to replace aging infra-structure. So, as John McKnight would say, rather than focusing exclusively on the problems of the neighbourhood, the NIP program focused on opportunities.
I might add, as a footnote, that the capacity for organizational and political action evinced by Strathcona and Chinatown's residents was tested a couple of years later when politicians tried a run a freeway through the very same neighbourhood in order that outlying suburbs could be directly connected to the city centre. The community also defeated that proposal, and the controversy resulted in the mayor and council being turned out in the next municipal election.
The next example I will give is also from Vancouver, and involves a neighbourhood that used to be called "Skid Row." It sits between Strathcona and the current central business district. Comprised of many historic commercial buildings, and hotels that have been converted into single-room-occupancy (SRO) rooming houses, it is home to the poorest population in Canada.
At one time, most of the residents were workers in the province's resource industries, either unemployed or retired and overwhelmingly male but nowadays most residents are on welfare, and many have drug or alcohol problems. The district has the highest rate of drug addiction and HIV infection in the nation, and is seen by social workers and policy makers with some justification as a nearly hopeless case.
Nonetheless, in this seemingly not very fertile soil there has emerged one of the most interesting community development movements in Canada in the last century. One of its leaders, for many years, was an ex-longshoreman by the name of Jim Green who took over the helm of an organization called the Downtown Eastside Residents' Association (or DERA for short).
In classic John McKnight fashion, Green did not view the residents as merely embodying needs or social problems; he focused on their assets. And, by taking this view, he helped them accomplish extraordinary things. Taking advantage of the fact that many of them had a background in the labour movement, he tapped into their militance and capacity for solidarity. Despite the fact that most did not have phones, and access to the SROs was restricted to outsiders, he found ways to take advantage of their compact living circumstances, and the fact that many of them congregated in the pubs during the day. Not only was Green able to assist the residents in achieving numerous victories, but the confidence that people developed in their own abilities led many of them to turn their lives around on a personal level.
Under his leadership, a number of "firsts" were achieved. The Downtown Eastside became the first place in Canada to have social housing projects managed by the residents them-selves. The neighbourhood now has a community development bank, residents run their own community centre in a historic building that was formerly a City Hall, there are job training programs, and residents are able to take humanities courses at a local university. All of these things the politicians had said, at one time or another, were "impossible" for a group of people that society has attached very little value to.
The Downtown Eastside is facing new challenges these days as gentrification fuelled in part by Pacific Rim investment and immigration moves in on three sides. There is also pressure to convert the SRO hotels into instruments of the tourist trade be it chain hotels or low-end backpacker hostels. There are many, no doubt, who see the residents of the area as riff-raff sitting on top of very valuable real estate, who would just as soon see them dispersed or "disappeared." One of the challenges of land use planners is how to balance the needs of this group, to have a safe place to congregate and to have access to a minimum level of affordable housing and social services, against the needs of the city to continue to evolve economically and physically.
The third example I want to give is that of Curitiba, Brazil which has been described as the world's premier "eco-city." The initiative to transform Curitiba into a "green city" began in the early 1970s with then-mayor, Jaime Lerner. Lerner was a bold visionary who helped draft a plan whereby new residential growth (in higher-density buildings) was streamlined along major thoroughfares that were to be served by remarkably efficient articulated buses. These buses, which are supplemented by feeder routes, service 80% of Curitiba's population every day. Furthermore, Lerner overcame the objections of a downtown business community to create a pedestrian mall which has become a thorough-going social and economic success.
But in addition to fostering a more ecologically efficient urban form and adding trees and extensive green space, Curitiba has also fostered a number of innovations that have been of assistance to the city's poorer residents. In addition to giving people who bring bags of garbage to city way stations free bus tokens or bags of groceries, the city has provided architects free of charge to the city's slum dwellers so that they can properly design and build their own houses, and has laid out lots with proper municipal services for people to build on. Residents are given deeds to these lots along with trees to plant.
The city also has an extensive free day care program, employment and activity programs for local street kids, and job corps opportunities for single mothers and unemployed high schoolers. Old buses are turned into community college facilities and distributed throughout poor neighbourhoods, and there are circulating toy workshops where children learn to make things out of recyclable materials.
What's interesting about Curitiba is that the city administration has sought to give the city's poor a stake in a more ecologically sustainable city, and it has also offered assistance in a way that doesn't compromise their autonomy. One of McKnight's big beefs about the way most social assistance is handled is that little of it is given as direct aid. Much of it ends up in salaries and support for social workers and administrators, and what is given to the needy is usually subject to all sorts of complex rules and regulations.
One of McKnight's models of enlightened aid is the GI Bill, which enabled returned servicemen to avail themselves of the education or training of their choice, and to buy their own housing without any interfererence from Uncle Sam. The social programs in Curitiba work in a similar fashion. They provide direct, unmediated assistance: groceries for garbage, architectural advice for owner-built homes.
The fourth and last example I want to use is the healthy communities/ healthy cities movement. This movement was launched by the World Health Organization in 1986, and spread to Canada later in the decade largely through the influence of Dr. Trevor Hancock where it became a federally and provincially funded program for a number of years.
The basic premise of the movement, which has been led by public health workers and others, is that the determinants of an individual's health are not strictly private i.e. determined by what a person eats, or whether they get enough exercise. A person's health is also affected by the quality of their environment, both bio-physically and socially; by the degree to which they are integrated into the community; by the degree to which they feel economically advantaged or disadvantaged relative to other people, and by how much control they exercise over their lives.
A healthy community, by definition then, is one that provides access for its residents to these various components. Whether a community is ecologically vibrant and healthy, is socially convivial, and promotes opportunity for all is greatly affected by land use planning decisions. Too often, in the past, planners have seen their responsibilities as ending with providing roads to get people to work, ensuring that new housing is available, and not having noxious industrial uses next to residential neighbourhoods.
But this kind of limited thinking is arguably what gave us urban sprawl, with endless subdivisions, strip development, and destination malls, and there is mounting evidence that these types of physical configurations do not make for a healthy community. As Graham Haughton and Colin Hunter have noted, planning policies have the effect of changing the internal structure and functioning of cities, and this is an important factor in improving or degrading the social fabric of the city.
This message of the healthy communities movement that the health of individuals is partly determined by the wealth of connections they have to the rest of their environment, biophysical and social ties in well with the theory and experience of community development. John McKnight, in his writings, gives example after of example of people who, under other circumstances, might have been institutionalized for their disability or "problem" who instead become valued members of a community, where they are recognized for their unique "gifts."
The key to successful community development, then, is to acknowledge and provide scope for people's gifts and talents, and for their ability to address their own problems with the resources at hand. Outside resources may be needed as well, but these will play a supplementary role. The key instead lies in retaining, and building up, local "social capital" defined by Robert Putnam, and others, as the features of social organization, such as networks, norms, and social trust that facilitate coordination and cooperation for mutual benefit.
Having reviewed some of the interfaces between community development and land use planning, and given some examples, I would like to now close off by exploring some of the points I started with in the context of a planning case that I have been associated with for a number of years. The case involves a 50 acre parcel of largely derelict industrial land on the shores of False Creek, an ocean inlet in Vancouver fairly close to the Central Business District. The rest of the shore of False Creek which at one time was all industrial has been redeveloped for housing and mixed use development. Only this one parcel known as Southeast False Creek remains.
Several years ago, the City of Vancouver began planning for its redevelopment, and got itself talked into considering the parcel as the site for creating a model sustainable community, one that could perhaps be emulated in other parts of the region. It illustrates, however imperfectly, the points I made at the outset about how a community development perspective is relevant to planning, and indeed needs to be incorporated if planning is to aid in the creation of a more healthy and sustainable community life.
To date, no sod has been turned, but a policy statement has gone through numerous iterations and been accepted by Council, and an official development plan is in the works. The site, and the aspirations that different groups have for it, illustrates well the challenges facing planners and communities.
The north shore of the creek, which at one time belonged to the province and was host to an international exposition, was purchased by an international financier and the land redeveloped as high-end condos mainly for the recent well-to-do immigrant market. Thus, the north shore of the Creek illustrates the forces of economic and cultural globalization alluded to earlier.
Moreover, the effect of this redevelopment has been to further marginalize poor people and their access to affordable housing. The aim of Expo '86, which preceded the redevelopment, was largely one of attracting international investment. Consequently, the vast majority of the site was razed, removing virtually all traces of the Creek's distinctive industrial legacy. What sits there now point towers and expanses of green grass could just as easily be in Dallas or Battery Park. There is nothing particularly "Vancouver" about them.
So, the challenge in Southeast False Creek is to create a new community that interacts with the forces of economic and cultural globalization in a positive way for instance, by creating a model that may have relevance in other parts of the Pacific Rim and that does not turn its back on the people who are in danger of being left behind by an overheated housing market. Currently, the city has a policy in place to reserve 20% of the land in new mega-projects for social housing and many have argued that, given the housing crisis in the city, the percentage should actually be considerably higher.
This is an example of upholding non-economic values, and this is not the only area where it comes up. Another instance is when a hired development consultant concluded that Southeast False Creek, which is owned by the city, could more profitably be developed for high-tech industrial uses than for housing. However, Council rejected that option in favour of building needed housing close to the city centre.
Another area where values clash is in the proposed density. Twenty-five years ago, the city developed another parcel it owned South False Creek through a consultative process with the public that resulted in medium-density ground-oriented housing. That community has proven very successful, boasting a strong sense of place and community. Anecdotal and other evidence suggests that this form of housing does more to foster a sense of community than high rises do, but because of the land values involved the city clearly sees that option as out of the question today, which represents a triumph of the economic values over non-economic ones.
In terms of my third point the fusion of personal with processed knowledge there have been attempts to involve the public in the planning of Southeast False Creek, but most of the participants to date have been activists and design professionals who know more about sustainable development than do the city's planners and engineers. It is a case where there has perhaps been more expertise outside City Hall than inside. Nonetheless, the blending of different perspectives has resulted in a richer and more comprehensive mix to draw on than if the planners had been flying solo.
With regard to the fourth point that people need to "buy into" sustainability for it to work there has been some recognition of this in the planning thus far. The city at the urging of activists has committed itself to the formation of a stewardship committee, which will involve future residents and interested parties in guiding and imple-menting the development process, to ensure it lives up to its stated ideals, and so that residents will be stewards of the community, and not simply consumers of housing.
Providing vehicles for community decision-making and self-governance.
Planners, by virtue of the influence they have on the configuration of the built environment and its social composition, have an enormous role and responsibility for the state of our communities. Trevor Hancock has described this in terms of the "soft infrastructure" of the city in contrast with the more traditional "hard infrastructure" that planners have typically dealt with. He defines soft infrastructure as consisting of both the formal and informal activities and services that sustain community life.
In the concept of social balance and social mix and their role in the development of community structures.
The myth that there is a "physical" environment independent of the "social" environment must be put to rest once and for all; they are bound together by a thousand visible and invisible threads.


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Q: Counting how many times football teams have won using a nested list I need to write a function that looks at a nested list with two teams and their game score respectively. The list contains multiple matches and I want the output to be a nested list with all the team names and how many games they won. The list looks like this:
L = [['Patriots', 'Giants', '3', '1'], ['Steelers', 'Patriots', '1', 2'], ['Giants', 'Steelers', '3', '5']]

So in the above list the first two elements are the team names and the third and fourth elements are the points they score in the match. However, the list is much larger than this and there are a lot more teams. The output would look something like this:
finalList = [['Patriots', 2], ['Giants', 0], ['Steelers', 1]]

because the Patriots won two games, Giants won zero games and Steelers won one game.
I've tried the following code but it doesn't work and I'm stuck.
def gamesWon():
    for i in L:
        count = 0
        if i[2]>i[3]:
            count += 1
            i.append(count)

A: You can use a defaultdict:
from collections import defaultdict
# initialize the result as a defaultdict with default value of 0
result = defaultdict(lambda : 0)

for t1,t2,s1,s2 in L:
    if int(s1) > int(s2):
        result[t1] += 1
    elif int(s2) > int(s1):
        result[t2] += 1

result
# defaultdict(<function __main__.<lambda>>, {'Patriots': 2, 'Steelers': 1})

Note that even though in the result, teams with zero score are missing, but if you call result[team], it gives you zero.

A: You can use defaultdict
from collections import defaultdict

L = [['Patriots', 'Giants', '3', '1'], ['Steelers', 'Patriots', '1', '2'], ['Giants', 'Steelers', '3', '5']]

D = defaultdict(int)

for match in L:
    team1, team2, score1, score2 = match
    D[team1] # make sure the team exist in the dict even if it never wins a match
    D[team2] # make sure the team exist in the dict even if it never wins a match
    if int(score1) > int(score2):
        D[team1] += 1
    if int(score2) > int(score1):
        D[team2] += 1

You can then convert D to a list easily if you absolutely need...

A: Alternatively, you can use a Counter, which is dict-like:
import collections as ct

L = [
    ['Patriots', 'Giants', '3', '1'],
    ['Steelers', 'Patriots', '1', '2'],
    ['Giants', 'Steelers', '3', '5'],
    ['Giants', 'Patriots', '1', '1']                       # tie
]

def count_wins(games):
    """Return a counter of team wins, given a list of games."""
    c = ct.Counter()
    for team1, team2, s1, s2 in games:
        c[team1] += 0
        c[team2] += 0
        if int(s1) == int(s2):
            continue
        elif int(s1) > int(s2):
            c[team1] += 1
        else:
            c[team2] += 1
    return c

season = count_wins(L)
season
# Counter({'Giants': 0, 'Patriots': 2, 'Steelers': 1})

The latter code gives a default of zero increments for new entries and handles ties:
L_tie = [['Cowboys', 'Packers', '3', '3']]
game = count_wins(L_tie)
game
# Counter({'Cowboys': 0, 'Packers': 0})

Counters have some useful methods for finding the top teams:
season.most_common(2)
# [('Patriots', 2), ('Steelers', 1)]

Counters are flexible.  You can update Counters easily:
season.update(game)
season
# Counter({'Cowboys': 0, 'Giants': 0, 'Packers': 0, 'Patriots': 2, 'Steelers': 1})

You can also add (subtract and perform set operations with) other Counters:
L_last = [['49ers', 'Raiders', '7', '10'], ['Packers', 'Patriots', '3', '7']]
last_season = count_wins(L_last)
season + last_season
# Counter({'Patriots': 3, 'Raiders': 1, 'Steelers': 1})

UPDATE: See also this related answer for a Counter/generator expression variant.

A: ll = [['Patriots', 'Giants', '3', '1'], ['Steelers', 'Patriots', '1', '2'], ['Giants', 'Steelers', '3', '5']]

teamStatus = {}

for l in ll:
  team1,team2,team1_score,team2_score = l
  if team1 not in teamStatus:
      teamStatus[team1] = 0
  if team2 not in teamStatus:
      teamStatus[team2] = 0

  if int(team1_score) > int(team2_score):
    teamStatus[team1] += 1
  else:
    teamStatus[team2] += 1

print(teamStatus)

RESULT
{'Patriots': 2, 'Giants': 0, 'Steelers': 1}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


Create for lease signs for the business you are leasing!
Welcome to Pull Sign, the shop signs source site that allows you to create and print for lease signs instantly. Select a standard sign title such as For Sale or type your own title such as for sale by owner. Choose Red, Blue, Black or White color for the title and the sign background or print a Black and White sign if your printer does not print color. Make as many professional looking business signs as you need using your own printer. Type contact and item information below the title instead of hand writing it, so it can be read from a distance. Add to your lease sign a directional arrow to help guide the sign viewers to the desired space for rent if needed. Increase your real estate signs size by printing them on 2, 4 or even 9 pages.
Although you create a paper sign, you can easily protect it against the elements. Whenever possible post it with its face over a glass surface such as a house you are leasing window, a commercial building glass door or wrap and seal it with a clear food plastic wrap before placing it.
In order to create your for lease sign in an efficient and quick manner, click on the buttons on the wooden direction sign structure on the page left in an order according to their number from left to right and top to bottom. Each button controls several states of a specific feature such as Title Headline and Background Color. For example, cycling the Background color button rotates the background color between Red, White, Blue, or Black states. It is a good idea to press each button several times until the whole cycle has been played in order to review all the states available. The state the sign was in before the button was pressed will reappear once you have cycled all the states.
Printing multiple page store signage.
You can create large yard signs by printing them on multiple pages instead of one. For example, you can create an attention grabbing 4 page signs. Multiple page sign has a greater visual impact, but requires taping or gluing together the separate pages the sign is printed on. Cycle this button to select your sign size. The size selected is shown on this button once you have selected it.
Press this button to create a tear off stub page that can be attached to the bottom of your printed lease template. Adding a stub tear off page to your outdoor signs can greatly increase the response to your commercial signs, as it allow potential property buyers retain the relevant information the sign is advertising.
Edit in the form two lines the information that you want to appear in the tear off stubs. When you finish typing a Yes/No applet will appear asking you whether you want the tear off stub page to be printed along once you print the office signs. If you choose Yes the stub tear off page will be printed when you press the print button, along with the sign that you have configured. If you want to change your choice at any point after you are done with the Tear Off stub button, press it again and the Yes/No applet will reappear and allow you to select a different choice. You can also edit the stub text at that point.
Before placing the printed Tear off Stub page, separate the individual stubs by cutting with a scissor their perforated edges. You can attach the tear off stub page either directly to the poster or to the support area where it is attached to using scotch tape or plastic glue. In either case place the tear off stub page in a way that one row of tear off information stubs fully appears beneath the sign.
In case you choose to print a multiple page store signs using the size sign button and a tear off stub page, pullsign automatically prints the right number of tear off stub pages to cover the whole bottom edge of the enlarged sign .
Cycle this button to select your sign outline color. Ink Save Mode allows you to make a colorful professional looking company signs while saving on cartridge ink. The savings occurs because the printer applies color only to an outline around the sign instead of covering the entire background with color. Ink Save Mode is your best choice if you use a small inkjet printer. Due to short use life and low cartridge tank ink storage capacity especially if the cartridge ink tanks are not full or nearly full a small home printer may not be able to execute coloring the whole background properly or run out of ink before completing a full background Printing job.


The course actively engages students in a wide variety of genres of music, opening up new opportunities for their enjoyment of the subject. It gives them the skills to develop as a well-rounded musician in the three disciplines of performing, composing and appraising. The A level music course encourages students to develop as independent thinkers and reflect on the processes associated with the subject. Students will be able to gain an experience of performing to larger audiences and will be able to work closely with our music technician to create recordings of their performances in our own studio. The course also gives them the opportunity to work with professional musicians and ensembles which in turn may give them valuable connections which they may pursue when they have finished their studies.
Essential Entry Requirements: Standard Sixth Form requirements, to include grade 5 or above in GCSE Music.
Preferred Entry Requirements: Grade 6 or above in GCSE Music, and basic keyboard skills.
This unit requires students to perform one or more pieces as part of a recital. They can play an instrument or sing a solo either as part of an ensemble or as a soloist. The performance could also include some improvisation or the realisation of music using music technology. We pay for an accompanist for this exam and give our students an opportunity to rehearse with them prior to examination. Students will also have a chance to record their performance in our studio should they wish. Grade 5 ABRSM standard or above is desirable but not essential.
This unit requires students to compose two compositions. One must be linked to a brief set by the exam board and this composition carries 40 marks of this component. The total time of the two compositions must be a minimum of 6 minutes.
They will also be required to answer questions on unheard music from these areas of study. Students will get their own copy of the CD for the exam over which they will have complete control.
Twynham School runs a music scholarship program which enables gifted and talented students to have free instrumental tuition on an 'endangered' orchestral instrument. The scheme has been running for three years and it has enabled students to perform with a variety of ensembles including the Bournemouth Symphony Orchestra.
We would expect prospective applicants of the program to be studying music at Twynham and to be of an ABRSM Grade 6 or equivalent on the instrument for which they are applying. The scholarship means that students will receive free music tuition in school, for one year, which will be renewable annually depending on their Attitude to Learning grades and their progress with their instrument. The tuition will be ten 30 minute lessons per term.


In the 80's of Nineteenth century, Western Union was repeatedly tried capture by the railroad tycoon Jay Gould. He worked with Alexander Graham Bell, inventor of the first phone. One of the common kinds of money transfer is a transfer via the international system of Western Union. Western Union offers one of the easiest ways for families and friends to send money and stay connected almost anywhere in the world. In the 1910-1920 years. Western Union is actively engaged in researching, innovating in the field of data transmission. Thanks to cooperation with Western Union the Associated Press at the end of the XIX century took almost monopolistic position in the U.S. market news. Leaving the idea of expansion into Europe, Western Union took up the expansion of services in the U.S. market. Payment systems are one of basic elements of infrastructure of e-commerce.


This itinerary is valid for departures from 01 January 2018 to 30 September 2019.
This itinerary is valid for departures from 01 Jan 2018 to 30 Sep 2019.
There are currently no scheduled departures on our New Zealand North Island Explorer (ex Christchurch) trip. If you are interested in other trips in the region visit one of the links below.


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Press Releases | 1 Dec 2021
Research jointly led by HKUST and HKBU Unlock Biogeographical Secrets of Deep-sea Limpets Laying Foundation for Biodiversity Conservation and Environmental Management
(This article was originally published on EurekAlert! on December 1, 2021)
Researchers from The Hong Kong University of Science and Technology (HKUST) and Hong Kong Baptist University (HKBU) have decoded for the first time the demographic history, genetic structure, and population connectivity of a deep-sea limpet widely distributed in vent and seep ecosystems in the Northwest Pacific. This study not only enhances our knowledge of the historical population divergence and contemporary gene flow of deep-sea organisms under the intricate interactions amongst local habitats, seafloor topography, and ocean currents, but also serves as a scientific basis for better conservation of marine biodiversity and more effective environmental management.
The discoveries of deep-sea hydrothermal vents in the late 1970s and hydrocarbon seeps in the early 1980s have significantly changed our understanding of how life has evolved on Earth. Unlike shallow-water ecosystems that are mainly driven by photosynthesis, deep-sea vent and seep ecosystems – characterized by darkness, high pressure, and often high concentrations of toxic substances - are primarily supported by chemosynthesis. Distributed in tectonically active areas and along continental margins, these ecosystems form "life oasis" in the deep ocean and harbor a diverse amount of creatures. Neighboring vent fields and seep areas are usually separated by tens to hundreds of kilometers. Nonetheless, a number of species have been found thriving in both habitats, raising intriguing questions on how their populations achieve connectivity between widely separated habitats and whether differences in habitat types facilitate intraspecific divergence.
Now, a research team led by Prof. QIAN Peiyuan, Head and Chair Professor of HKUST's Department of Ocean Science and Prof. QIU Jianwen, Professor of HKBU's Department of Biology, has collaborated with marine scientists from Ocean University of China and Japan Agency for Marine-Earth Science and Technology (JAMSTEC) to study the demographic history, genetic structure, and population connectivity of a deep-sea limpet widely distributed in vent and seep ecosystems in the Northwest Pacific.
With the application of population genomics analyses, the team for the first time unveiled four distinct habitat-linked genetic groups of deep-sea limpets in the Northwest Pacific - one in vent and three in seep ecosystems. Demographic analyses further revealed how the limpets' migration events have contributed to the formation of these four genetic groups. Historically, the deep-sea limpet has diversified into two seep genetic groups, with the first seep genetic group inhabiting the shallower seep area in the Kuroshima Knoll. A few limpet larvae from which then invaded into the Okinawa Trough possibly along with the historical shifting of the Kuroshio Current, adapted to the vent habitats within the trough region, and eventually formed the Okinawa Trough vent genetic group. Meanwhile, the second seep genetic group inhabiting the deeper seep areas recently diverged into two distinct seep genetic groups in the Jiaolong Ridge of the South China Sea and the Sagami Bay. Such a pattern of genetic divergence may have been associated with the barrier effect of the Luzon Strait and the reduced methane supply of the Jiaolong Ridge seep in the South China Sea over the last two thousand years.
The team has also analyzed the physical ocean modeling data to illustrate the potential roles of seafloor topography and ocean currents in shaping the genetic connectivity, contemporary migration, and local hybridization of the deep-sea limpets. Particularly, numerical particle release experiments demonstrated that water transport between the Okinawa Trough and the open Northwest Pacific was topographically constrained (especially at and below 800 m depth), which helps to explain the high level of population connectivity and genetic homogeneity of limpet populations that colonize the vent fields in the Okinawa Trough. Numerical particle release experiments also inferred that transport of the North Pacific Intermediate Water may have facilitated the contemporary dispersal of a few limpet larvae from the Sagami Bay seep into the Okinawa Trough vents, and thereafter accounted for the hybridization between individuals belonging to these two genetic groups.
This study has enhanced our knowledge of the historical population divergence and contemporary gene flow of deep-sea organisms inhabiting hydrothermal vents and hydrocarbon seeps under the intricate interactions amongst local habitats, seafloor topography, and ocean currents. "Population connectivity is a critical criterion in assessing the biodiversity conservation value of any particular habitat as stipulated by Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD), International Maritime Organization (IMO) and other United Nations (UN) agencies, along with various international organizations. Therefore, we anticipate the results of this study will deepen our understanding of the demographical mechanisms and population connectivity of deep-sea organisms, lay a foundation for the conservation of marine biodiversity and sustainable utilization of marine resources, and pave the way for the establishment of regional environmental management plans as well as the designation of marine protected areas in global ocean," said Prof. QIAN, also David von Hansemann Professor of Science.
The research findings were recently published in the international academic journal Molecular Biology and Evolution.
Prof. QIAN Peiyuan, Head and Chair Professor of HKUST's Department of Ocean Science (second left) and Prof. QIU Jianwen, Professor of HKBU's Department of Biology (second right), along with their team members Prof. WANG Yan (first left), Assistant Professor and Dr. XU Ting, Postdoctoral Fellow of HKUST's Department of Ocean Science (first right).
A deep-sea limpet vent population in the Okinawa Trough. These limpets usually attach to the mussel shells as indicated by the white arrows.
Sampling hydrocarbon seeps (blue dots) and hydrothermal vents (yellow dots) of deep-sea limpets in the Northwest Pacific. 1-3: three seep areas in the Jiaolong Ridge of the South China Sea, the Kuroshima Knoll, and the Sagami Bay, respectively; 4-7: four vent fields in the Okinawa Trough. Inset: a representative photograph showing the morphology of the studied deep-sea limpet (scale bar = 1 cm).
From the same category...
Press Releases | 9 Sep 2021
HKUST and PolyU researchers develop an in-vitro vesicle formation assay to reveal mechanistic insights into the secretory pathway
News | 19 Aug 2021
HKUST researchers develop a photo-rechargeable lead-free perovskite lithium-ion battery that generates energy and stores battery on a single device
Press Releases | 18 Aug 2021
HKUST Researchers Unveil a Non-classical Nucleation Process That Enhances Ice Formation on Surfaces
HKUST Scientists Develop Genome-editing Strategy for Potential Alzheimer's Disease Therapy
Press Releases | 27 Jul 2021
HKUST Researchers Unlock Genomic Secrets of Gutless Deep-sea Tubeworm
News | 28 Jun 2021
HKUST Scientists Develop Simple Blood Test for Early Detection of Alzheimer's Disease
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Research and Innovation | 28 Jun 2021
Research and Innovation | 8 Jun 2021
HKUST-Beijing Tiantan Hospital Researchers Discover a New Cause for the Cerebral Cavernous Malformation
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text:
Vitanje (Občina Vitanje) este o comună din Slovenia, cu o populație de 2.317 locuitori (2002).

Localități
Brezen, Hudinja, Ljubnica, Paka, Spodnji Dolič, Stenica, Vitanje, Vitanjsko Skomarje

Legături externe
 Biroul de statistică al Sloveniei

Vitanje

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


When Charlie Simmons arrived at the allotments Hester was not impressed. He was average, average height, light brown hair, brown eyes, medium build and kept to himself. He wore a pair of old jeans and a sweat shirt with Billabong written across it. Perhaps he was Australian she thought. Others, seeing Charlie's pale complexion, muttered about 'care in the community' and made sure to lock their sheds.
Hester was in her forties now and beginning to bloom. In her youth she had been gangly, awkward and too tall. As the dutiful only child of elderly parents opportunities to meet people her own age had been few. Now her parents were dead she made a living teaching piano and, on a whim, had taken an allotment where she found she had green fingers. As time passed she relaxed, put on a little weight and had quietly become a good looking woman with the misfortune that there was no one to tell her.
'Lime' Hester said nodding at the slabs of newly turned earth on Charlie's adjacent plot.
Charlie had been day dreaming and 'lime' had been like a prompt in a word association test – he didn't want to think about them – and Orson Welles as Harry Lime had popped into his head.
Charlie shrugged 'is that so?' he said and walked back to his shed scraping the clay from his spade with piece of twig.
Hester sighed. She was resigned to people keeping her at arm's length fearing, it seemed, that this shy woman might attach herself to them and become an embarrassment. She began to water her prize pumpkin. Tom Bowers called it Jabba because of its squat, enormous bulk and Hester had taken to using the name – 'time for another drink Jabba' she would say uncoiling the hose.
A couple of days later Hester noticed Charlie's patch covered with a white powder. He was sitting outside his shed smoking. Hester caught a smell of herbs in the air and thought at least he was avoiding nicotine which was a good thing. His plot looked tidy with a shed and a small polytunnel where something was growing but she could not tell what.
'Thanks for the lime suggestion.' Hester gave a jump as she found Charlie at her shoulder. 'I looked it up and you were right about how good it is on clay.' Hester decided that though it was a rather backhanded compliment she would accept it gracefully.
'Blimey, I didn't realise how big that thing had got.' Charlie said, looking at the pumpkin.
'Two days to the show and Jabba's in good shape' she said. Charlie grinned and Hester thought it was the first time she had seen him smile. He seemed quite mellow.
Charlie patted the vegetable and said 'you'd better win Jabba or she might strangle you with that hosepipe' and went back to his shed. He was surprised to find himself smiling. He hadn't done much of that recently, post-traumatic stress disorder they said. Him! A soldier, capable, experienced, rock steady, a bit of a joker. But he began to sleep badly, shout at waitresses who forgot the sugar, stopped playing football and withdrew into himself. The allotment was the resettlement team's idea and Charlie went along with it just to keep them happy. But he found he enjoyed the physical work. Turning the heavy soil, watching the scrubby waste turn into glossy ridges.
He was glad he'd made an effort to thank Hester. God knows she wasn't his type. But that pumpkin was something else. Jabba, he smiled again, he'd have to see this bunch try and shift it.
So he came early the next day. But too late. Jabba was gone. And Charlie's carefully turned plot was a mass of tyre tracks and churned mud. He saw Hester standing near her shed.
Hester turned and Charlie saw she was on her cell phone.
'A pumpkin!' she snapped into the phone. There was a pause whilst the other person took this in. Something was said and Hester responded testily.
Hester kicked at a loose stone 'I feel so bloody helpless' she said, dipping into her limited vocabulary of swear words.
Charlie could see Hester was itching to do something. He felt his spirits rise in a way he hadn't experienced for months, even years.
'OK. Climb down.' Hester stepped into Charlie's cupped hands and he lowered her to the ground.
'Right.' Hester said 'I'll be here at twelve.' And she would. Charlie in action felt like someone she could trust – even though she knew he'd just given her a bunch of cannabis leaves.
Charlie's business was repairing old military vehicles. At just before midnight he was driving the one thing he had that could shift Jabba. It was seven feet wide, six foot high, fifteen feet long and left hand drive. All of which were reasons why Charlie's count of broken wing mirrors was approaching double figures. Before tonight he'd only ever driven a Humvee around a yard – this was much more fun. He parked in the lane beside Barry's garden. There was a hedge of scrubby hawthorn on one side giving onto a field and beyond that some houses. Low cloud reflected light from the town.
A figure on a bike came bouncing down the lane, zipped past him, and stopped a few yards beyond the Humvee. 'My mother's old bike' said Hester panting 'dodgy brakes but goes fine. My God, what's this?' She stared at the Humvee.
'A bit spiny! You could plant these round Dartmoor and do away with the walls.' He went on muttering, adding considerably to Hester's range of terms of abuse as he used a crowbar to lever the hasp screws from the wood and the gate swung open.
Charlie's experience of reversing a Humvee was nil and the manoeuvre took out a swathe of hedging opposite the gate and one of the gate posts. Then it ploughed deep furrows across the garden towards Jabba.
'I've brought a can of spinach' said Charlie. It took Hester a moment for this to sink in. Then she grinned. She was beginning to like Charlie as well as trust him.
'I'll leave it to you then Popeye' she said.
Hester was almost finished when a light went on at the back of the house. 'Oh bugger' she said, making Charlie feel she was definitely getting into the swing of things. She hurried to find the final hole and clattered over the pail of water feeding Jabba.
'Who's that?' Barry appeared at the back of the house peering into the gloom, his eyes blinded by the outside light.
Charlie started the winch and Jabba began to move. But the pumpkin was slightly behind the greenhouse and as it edged forward it dragged against the corner post, strained for a moment then slowly and majestically swept it aside and rode up a ramp onto the truck leaving a trail of broken glass and shattered wood.
'Stop or I'll shoot.' Barry said, venturing closer. Charlie didn't think he'd use the gun, even if it worked. Having it was one thing, using it against real people twenty feet away was something else. In any case Hester went on the offensive..
Barry hesitated. 'Where's that bloody dog. Captain!' he yelled 'Captain! Come here.' The dog walked out of the darkness and stood in front of Barry. It seemed bemused. 'Get them!' shouted Barry waving at the intruders. The dog looked up and then gushed a stream of brown and yellow vomit over Barry's legs and feet. 'Oh God!' he said and stepped back, catching his foot on the broken greenhouse frame and sitting down abruptly on shards of glass. A howl of pain echoed across the garden followed by a deafening boom as he dropped the gun and a barrel of shot blew out most of the remaining greenhouse panes. As Barry struggled to rise, pulling at bits of glass and splinters of wood, his pants snagged on the broken frame and did not rise with him. Charlie switched on the truck's rear spotlight revealing Barry's great belly swaying over pipe cleaner legs.
'My God, I think Jabba's got competition' said Charlie.
Barry, swearing, searched for his gun. Lights had come on in several nearby houses. 'Time to go' said Charlie. Hester thought the Humvee removed the other gatepost as they left but she didn't look back.
Charlie felt himself submerge under a wave of contentment.
A bit old-fashioned, I'd say, but a pleasant read.
It seems to lack something: a plot twist, a surprise, maybe.
It's a bit too one-dimensional.
Also, you could do quite a lot more with the two characters, I thought.
Hoping these comments are some help.
A few comments as I read through your story and then a general observation or two at the end.
He was average, average height, light brown hair, brown eyes, medium build and kept to himself.
I don't think you need to tell the reader that Charlie was average because you show that, at least in the eyes of Hester, that he is so. So this sentence could read; "He was of average height, and he had light brown hair, brown hair, brown eyes and was of medium build. He kept to himself."
Presumably she is still just as tall. You might say "In her youth she had been self-conscious about being tall and she was gangly and awkward."
This is a very interesting association but you do not show how it comes about or make anything more of it later in the story. I thought that somehow the link would be through the title of the movie - The Third Man.
he was driving the one thing he had that could shift Jabba.
Could you name the vehicle rather than referring to it as a "thing?" Always best to be concrete.
Fred, I really enjoyed your story. It is whimsical and suspenseful. The characters are well-drawn. I don't think you need to revise it very much.
Unable to believe the weight of the pumpkin here, I googled it up and have to admit defeat.
2032 pounds, or around one hundred and forty - five stone, is the world record. Jabba is a mere infant.
The conversation sounds a bit stilted, with too many 'he said''s and 'she said's, and putting 'the end' at the end is, well - a touch like the entire plot and style...unsophisticated???
I read this from the very top right down to the end and I mean literally 'the end' and that's saying something. I really liked the setting, I liked the dialog and I liked the build up to the climax. Unfortunately there was, for me, no climax. It fizzled out into farce and nothingness but that can always be changed.
Something I have a problem with is the way it looks. It's too klunky looking and makes it difficult to read . What I mean is that there is not enough white space. An empty line between each of the characters dialog makes it easier to read and follow. I used to be a computer programmer and was advised by a colleauge that I should hold my printed code up at a distance and admire the form of the print. If it looked right then the coding was right, he said. Absolute rubbish advice but I did have nice looking code ... and lots of bugs. Also, the use of the single apostrophe for quotes - I duuno.
No matter - I found it amusing and the characters were real in my bonce and it rattled along well for the most part. Pretty good.


The Edgefield County Water & Sewer Authority is a body corporate and politic and a Special Purpose District of the state of South Carolina which was created pursuant to the provisions of Act 571 and Joint Resolutions of South Carolina General Assembly, Regular Session of 1967 as amended by Act No. 1192 of the Acts and Joint Resolutions of the South Carolina General Assembly, regular sessions of 1970 (together, the "Act) whereby the Authority is given the function to acquire, construct and operate a waterworks and sewer system within its service area which consists of all of Edgefield County and a small area in the southwestern corner of Aiken County bordered on the eastern right-of-way of U.S. Highway 25 and on the south by the southern right-of-way of Interstate 20. Under various agreements, Edgefield County Water & Sewer Authority has allowed other water providers to serve certain small areas within its service area. Similar agreements are in place that allow Edgefield County Water & Sewer Authority to serve customers located outside the borders of its assigned service area.
The Authority's only raw water source is the Savannah River. The raw water intake is located approximately one mile south of the Water Treatment Plant on Delaughter Drive in North Augusta, S.C. The intake is on the eastern side of the river, just downstream of the Steven's Creek Dam and upstream of the Augusta City Lock and Dam. Currently the Edgefield County Water & Sewer Authority is permitted a withdrawal of 11.0 MGD by the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers. An Inter-Basin Transfer permit issued by DHEC's Bureau of Water states that Edgefield County Water & Sewer Authority is authorized to withdraw a maximum of 11.0 MGD from the Upper Savannah River basin for use and transfer to the Lower Savannah River basin and the Edisto River basin. The Inter-Basin transfer permit is valid through July 1, 2025. Currently all of the water withdrawn from the Savannah River by the Authority ultimately remains in the Savannah River basin, with the exception of wastewater that is treated at the Authority's Johnston Wastewater Treatment Plant.
The Authority's Water Treatment Plant was originally built in 1974 with a 4.4 MGD permit capacity and was upgraded in 2010 to an 8.85 MGD permit capacity.
The State Primary Drinking Water Regulations set standards for the operation and maintenance of public water systems. As part of these standards, public water systems are required to plan for the expansion of the water plant and prepare a preliminary engineering report for submittal to SCDHEC when peak monthly demand exceed 80% of the water plant's reliable capacity. When peak monthly demand exceeds 90% of the water plant's reliable capacity, public water systems are required to submit plans and specifications for the expansion of the water plant along with an application for a permit to construct to the SCDHEC. Over the last several years the Authority and its consulting engineers have reviewed population trends, and water usage projections have been developed through the year 2015.
Pursuant to the Act, a seven (7) member Board of Directors governs the Authority. Each Board Member serves a term of six (6) years. Members are appointed by the Governor.
The Authority is managed by the Administrator who in turn is responsible to the Board of Directors. The Authority currently has forty three (43) full time employees.
Edgefield County Water & Sewer Authority receives No Direct funds from taxes. The Authority's operations are funded entirely by water and sewer revenues.


Welcome, people, and get ready for yet another tutorial! In celebration of the winter season, we're going to make a game like Winter Bells, in ActionScript 3.0. Let us begin, shall we?
I've tried to comment the code as best as I can. Hopefully, you can decipher this code. There is one final thing to do in order to make this code to work, however. In the eFrame() function, run the mainJump() function. Now, if you test the game, you're character should be able to jump!!!


Deer hate 'talk radio,' love organic gardens, and vote Green!
A reader was lamenting his problems with deer eating his garden produce, but said he thought he had found just the ticket for a deterrent.It's a motion-activated device you connect to your garden hose so that that when set off it squirts the deer with water.
But, if it becomes a problem, there are a couple of things you can do.
Foremost, build a tall fence. That's the only surefire method.
But, in our little corner of the universe at ShooFly Farm, we've found that deer hate talk radio.
When we had a problem with deer eating too much, we tried putting a battery operated radio out there. Symphonic music seems to have no effect. They may even have liked it. They didn't seem to like rock music much. But talk radio really kept them away.
Of course, it could be the political viewpoints that explain this phenomenon. I imagine a deer, if given the chance, would pull the voting lever for more wildlife preserves and cleaner air and water with their little hooves.
Some of them might even be more radical, intent on passing local zoning laws requiring all gardens to be organic, thus pesticide-free and purely tasty, and ban tall fences around them.
Yes, I'm sure, deer, if given the chance, would vote Green!
But I suspect it's probably the radio set low, not blasting, giving an erratic modulation of human voices that scares them away.
I'm told that if a barber will allow you to take swept hair cuttings from the shop's floor to sprinkle around the garden, that will do the trick, too.
But, for me, I'll stick with talk radio! For the deer, anyway.
Reader feedback: A reader reports that following organic methods, his turnips from last fall reseeded themselves in his corn field where they were kept cool in the stalks' shade. He has the best of both worlds: Summer corn and fresh turnip greens!
Sizzling summer reading: For more reasons to grow your own tomatoes specifically, and all veggies generally, read this summer's hottest food book: Tomatoland by Barry Estabrook (Andrews McMeel, 2011, $19.99).
It's subtitle explains why: How Modern Industrial Agriculture Destroyed Our Most Alluring Fruit.
•The truly frightening working conditions that are endured, including documented cases of actual slavery of farm workers, making a compelling case for better laws, more enforcement and implementing fair food practices.
For anyone interested in our food system, Estabrook's book ranks right up there with Fast Food Nation, Fair Food and the Omnivore's Dilemma for insightful, relevant food reporting.


text:
Will and would for "has the capacity to"
Source (Longman's English Grammar, 20th Edition 2003)
page No 247
I've read in Longman English grammar.pdf that will and would can suggest 'has the capacity to' and would is more tentative than will-
For examples:
That container will/won't hold a gallon. (definite)
That container would/wouldn't hold a gallon. (tentative)
In what kind of context the second example sentence fits best ?
How the second sentence with 'would' expresses tentativeness ?
Can't we just say "That container doesn't hold a gallon or That container holds a gallon without using will or would ?
will-would
yubraj
yubrajyubraj
Did you use your dictionary to learn what the adjective tentative means? – P. E. Dant Reinstate Monica Nov 17 '16 at 4:37
I'm not sure "would" can be used in the way you describe, because it implies a hypothetical, "If [A] happens, then [B] would be true."
That container would hold a gallon (if you put a gallon in it).
I don't think this is more tentative (yes, meaning "expressing uncertainty") than "will". It just implies that there's some hypothetical component to the sentence. Consider these examples:
Donald Trump will not be a great president.
Donald Trump would not be a great president.
Whatever you may believe about the man, at this point in time the second sentence doesn't work because his presidency is no longer hypothetical. It would have been fine to say anytime up to November 9th, with the implied hypothetical "if he becomes president".
Meanwhile, before November 9th, you could have said the first sentence if you really believed he was going to become president -- i.e., that it wasn't a hypothetical. But both are equally certain about him being a bad president.
Of course, you could also say "Donald Trump is a bad president" -- but that's kind of silly since he's not president yet. Ask me again after January 20th, and I might be certain.
There are of course many ways to express uncertainty:
That container might hold a gallon
That container would possibly hold a gallon.
That container should hold a gallon.
Donald Trump will likely be a bad president.
AndrewAndrew
@Andraw It's not me Who described would in the way it is in the question but Longmanenglish grammar.pdf, Is it wrong description of the book? – yubraj Nov 17 '16 at 11:23
@yubrajsharma I don't want to say someone else's lesson is wrong, but I can't think of any example to verify using would in a tentative manner (other than what is implied by the hypothetical). I'll think on it some more. – Andrew Nov 17 '16 at 14:50
Not the answer you're looking for? Browse other questions tagged will-would or ask your own question.
participle with different subjects
"Water will boil at 100°C" and "The vine wouldn't grow"
difference between "would" and "will"
What's the differences between "Will" and "Would" as present tense?
Soon everything would / will
Are "Will" and "Would " interchangeable?
Will and would difference


text:
Lucy Dougan: The Guardians
Posted on 1 May 2015 by Martin Duwell
Artarmon: Giramondo, 2015, 76pp.
Lucy Dougan's new book seems structured in a way that is designed to recall her previous Giramondo book, White Clay. That collection began with a letter from a friend that was clearly designed to alert us to the sort of angled perceptions that are at the base of her poetry when it speaks of "working quietly at the edges" and it concluded with a poem about a treasured letter from her sister "carried . . . for sixteen years". The Guardians begins with a poem about the vertical chain of genetic history – one of the book's obsessions – and concludes not with a letter from her sister but with a drawing from her the subject of which is the author herself. Both letter and drawing seem to be messages from another world. They come from the far side of the world but they come from a member of the poet's genetic community. "A Picture from Julia" seems a message that relates to the poet's illness, an ordeal which is the subject of a number of poems in the third section: "Now I need your Spring / as I never did when it was simply mine". It's a winter portrait but it looks to spring, something which Dougan expresses in an uncharacteristically "high" mode with perhaps a suggestion of Thomas's "A Refusal to Mourn" or "After the Funeral":
If anyone should take this green off me
I will summon the harpies,
set all of Campania alight;
and not rest
until the white button daisies return
and your feet make
a path through the thaw.
Most of Dougan's poems do not have this elevated tone and, in the case of The Guardians, though every poem is built around personal experience it never seems to be a confessional book seeing the experiences of the self as the sine qua non of poetry. Even when the experiences are as traumatic as cancer surgery there is nothing of the melodramatic in their treatment, nothing of the "poetic diary of one woman's journey through pain". There is something distinctive about this poet's attitudes to life and the way life and an individual poem are related that makes her look towards framing perspectives both to shape the poems and speak of the meaning of experience. Take the first of the poems about cancer, a poem which provides the book's title:
I could not bear the empyrean capped,
not after living so long under the ground.
You were away
when I found the lump.
You came back with a wooden duck
and a black toy dog.
In the thick of it
the duck would come to live
with the small plastic shepherd
and the stone our daughter found out in the river -
its shape sat safe in my hands.
The piggy bank was another gift.
My friend said put a coin in it a day
and smash it when you need to buy the dress
for your daughter's wedding.
But the dog – the dog was quite something.
Being stuffed, it said nothing.
In a dream it sat quietly by our own living dog
and she looked at me straight out of her old eyes and said
Go on – it's OK to pick it up.
Admittedly the first two lines seem odd and what I take to be their meaning – "After having finally got to the stage (in life or, more likely, in poetry) where I could more fully express myself, finding I had a potentially fatal illness was especially unbearable" – doesn't really account for the strange vocabulary: "empyrean", "capped". But the movement of the poem is away from the conventional "How do I feel about this?" towards a listing of the homely totemic animals which begin to assemble. The mysterious animal world which these little creatures stand for is an important part of the framing perspectives of the poems of this book which often recount how wild animals, especially dogs and foxes, stand at the hinge of different realities. But the structure of the poem is striking as well. It begins with the body, quickly moves to models, then to a model designed to look to the future but, unknowingly, highlighting that that future suddenly has to be questioned. Finally the poem, rather than conventionally bringing us back to the pressing issues of the flesh, moves into dream and imagined dog-speech. The constant rejection of the conventional in favour of the more interestingly enlightening perspective is matched in the unpredictable but rather satisfying shape of the poem.
"The Guardians" comes from the third section of the book devoted, fittingly, to the body. The first section focusses on what might be thought of as historical and genetic history. One of the major changes of perspective that happens in our lives happens at the moment when we go from seeing ourselves as self-contained experiencing objects (an illusion bizarrely fostered not only by genre fiction but even so-called "serious" fiction) to expressions of a long genetic history. It seems, superficially, restricting because it suggests some kind of determinism but it is, in actuality, liberating: we are part of a community structured vertically in time as well as one made up out of contemporary lovers, friends and neighbours. Having a slightly unusual genetic history (the poems of the earlier book, White Clay, establish Dougan as one of those people whose familial father is not her genetic father and she thus finds herself with an exotic "other" family in Naples, the subject of a number of interesting poems) must mean that you are more sensitive to the complexities of genes than most of us.
One of the images of genetic history is the vertically suspended chain and the book's first poem is a version of this. It begins memorably by a poetic sleight of hand – "This is the house of her childhood. / It's not standing anymore." – which one could expand out into a tract of explicatory material about the status of reality in a poem, the opposition between remembered experience and the "real", and so on. In the poem a trunk is dragged out from under the room in which the girl sleeps. In it, amongst other initially disappointing bric-a-brac (the value of objects can derive from their historical and familial context), is a linen face mask which both mother and daughter put on. But the mask was made by the mother's grandmother:
That night she wondered
if there were more rooms
beneath the room under her bed.
How deep did they go down;
and if each of her mother's mothers
stretching right back
had left a fearful face there
for her to try on?
When I first read this I worried about that word "fearful" but I think, on rereading it, that it exploits the ambiguity of the word ("fear-inducing" or "fear-expressing"?) deliberately though it never explains why the girl and her ancestresses should have fearful expressions.
Other poems in this first section explore genetic heritage or, as the last says, the vision of "genetics sparking magnetically / along the lines." "Wayside" begins "My body wants / the long way back / just to find lost land" and deals with the desire to discover "the uncertain map / of family trees". The central image though is not of a rigidly mapped line of descent but of randomly sown seeds sprouting in unexpected places after having been sown by some medieval farmer "jaunty in a book of days". At the end of the poem we meet her "nipote" – the son of her half-sister – whose vision of familial descent is not so much seeds as fireworks:
And of my nipote,
a love child too,
who took me aside
and mimed at fireworks
with hands and eyes,
his fingers sprays.
We're like this, you see,
all kaboom and splutter -
who knows where we'll fall . . .
What the body had wanted was "the dark of a city / when paths were lit / by shrines, by love . . ."
Running alongside these poems about genetic pathways are those which stress, if not so much the sideways vision of working from the edges, then at least the blurring of borders that this can produce. When her sister and the poet walk either side of a garden bed at the Villa Bruno in Naples, "we step outside all drawn rings". And in "The Mice" a childhood site once more is revisited and the author finds:
a man sitting
on a fold-out chair
just at the edge
of where it used to be wild
he seemed to be doing an imitation
of a man sitting in the sun
the place was lost on him.
The second section, begun with a quotation from Geoff Dyer's book on Tarkovsky's Stalker, is about places and one of the poems, "The Old House", makes a kind of connection with the first poem in the book in that it is about a girl revisiting a childhood home. This time the home still exists but has a new, welcoming but slightly sexually sinister owner. Significantly it is the girl's dog, acting on scent-memory, which runs into the house first. In this sense the dog is not only more attuned to the paths of history but perhaps acts as a symbol of one of his human counterpart's buried senses (there is a very significant dog who inhabits the zone in Stalker). But the dog is only one of the inhabitants of these spaces: the first poem of this section begins by describing an impossibly small attic hotel room in London but finishes with the jetlagged poet hearing the arrival of doves which coo "their own flight histories". Louise Bourgeois' giant spider introduces an exhibition at the Tate Modern and a visit to Kensal Green in search of Wilkie Collins' grave discovers a fox, perfectly at home in the cemetery. Significantly, the poet follows the fox "in the hope that he will / show me what he knows / about the dead". The poem of this group which stays most with me, though, is "The Foxes", perhaps because it is less explanatory than the other poems and simply presents a visitation. Arriving back in London
We stood at the deep sash window
and beneath us
two foxes stared up.
Their gaze was not territorial
or neutral but simply there
as the grass was there, the trees
were there, and the cold summer furniture.
They did not hide their boredom
and crossed back over
into another evening.
But we stayed for a while
as if their candour held us to the spot
until lights started up
- those other unknown lives -
in the flats across.
There is, I suppose, only so much that even a poet can say about such visitations but you have to be able intuitively to understand them even before you can see them properly. Certainly foxes, rather than dogs and doves, seem the best symbols of this weird otherness of the animal world because, whenever I have seen one, I've been struck by the way they simply appear – as though they had always been there – and the way they go about their business, not looking at you, as though they didn't see you whereas you know perfectly well that they know you are there and that they knew you were there before you knew that they were there! At any rate, they're a wonderful introduction to the animal otherworld.
As I've said, the final section is made up of poems about the body and more than half of these "deal with" – a very equivocal cliched phrase – the experience of cancer. The last of these describes a "covert pilgrimage" to the ruins of St Catherine's abbey in Dorsetshire, perhaps analogous to the nearby East Coker. Other experiences of the body focus on the way in which an experience can open a door. A poem about needlework – the labour (or art) of repair by hand – finishes with a memory of her mother's Home Economics class; paintings bought by her father remind her that advice by the gallery owner about how to prepare instant coffee is something she has mysteriously taken into her own living practices; a poem about her daughter's dance school modulates from a poem about dancing's bump and grind to a poem about menarche and menopause, though without the Greek-based technical language – "the year that you start bleeding / and I stop"; and the second-last poem, "Dearest", which seems a simple piece inspired perhaps by Mr Darcy's declaration to Elizabeth, is actually a complex meditation about the way a single word can open "the door / to another century".
At all levels Dougan reveals herself as a more challenging and more profound poet than the apparently simple personal tone of her poems may suggest. I think it might have taken her some while to reach this complex unassuming clarity – Memory Shell, her first book, clearly isn't sure what moulds to pour pressing personal experience into and White Clay alternates between first and third person poems. The Guardians is made up of poems that always seem to be looking at the world – both outer and inner – anew and though this is an ability we want from poetry – which is, after all, the most successful destroyer of cliche – it's rarer than you would think. A measure of the consistency with which the poems of The Guardians achieves this is the shock caused by a momentary lapse. In a poem called "Kenwood House" poet and partner find themselves looking at a stack of Jacobean portraits:
I ask you if we bumped into Donne
or Shakespeare or their wives
(especially their wives
I would want to meet)
could we all make sense . . .
This seems like a mere conventional contemporary piety to me. Though it's true that a cultural historian interested in provincial England at the end of the Elizabethan period might get more out of Anne Hathaway than out of her husband, it's hard to credit that a poet – of all people – would actually prefer to speak to Shakespeare's wife when the writer himself was available!
This entry was posted in Reviews and tagged Lucy Dougan, Memory Shell, The Guardians, White Clay by Martin Duwell. Bookmark the permalink.


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