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Artist Interview: Willian Murai
by Patrick Scalisi
Willian Murai Artworks
To say that Willian Murai has had an interesting journey to get where he is today is an understatement. The son of Japanese immigrants living in Brazil, Will was a fan of anime, manga and comic books growing up. While studying graphic design in college, he had the opportunity to work as a colorist for an American comic book publisher. That set him on the path toward illustration, and he has worked with publishing, advertising, Internet and gaming clients ever since.
Will began doing commissions for Wizards of the Coast during the Return to Ravnica block and quickly worked his way up toward several high-profile assignments.
With the release of Magic: Origins, the final MtG core set, Will was asked to do his first planeswalker: the young thief Kytheon who eventually becomes the planeswalker hero Gideon.
Kytheon, Hero of Akros
Art of MtG corresponded with Will via email to learn more about his new art for Magic: Origins and his other work for Wizards of the Coast.
Art of MtG: First of all, congratulations on getting your first Planeswalker assignment! Can you tell us a little about how the art for Kytheon/Gideon came about?
Gideon, Battle-Forged
Will: Thank you! It was a very gratifying experience to work on this assignment! Wizards pitched me the whole idea behind this new card, and I got really excited! It would overlap with some other MTG commissions, but I did everything I could to fit this extra work into my schedule. I would never, in a thousand years, let the opportunity to be part of this project pass!
Art of MtG: You also recently provided new artwork for the Modern Masters 2015 version of Vendilion Clique. What was the process like for creating this particular illustration?
Vendilion Clique
Will: It was amazing to receive this commission, but I was a little nervous to revisit one of the most iconic and beloved cards in Magic history. I did a bunch of preliminary sketches with different poses and compositions, exploring varied ideas before deciding which one would be the best. I ended up coming to the conclusion that I wanted to pay homage to the original card, to be respectful to the legacy and let my personality as an artist shine through.
By keeping a similar composition and overall visual elements, I used my painting style to reconstruct the scene, focusing my attention on the characters' redesign. Also, I wanted to emphasize their insect-like features using strong colors, a feature that I am known for.
I was really happy with the feedback I got at GP Las Vegas 2015! The tournament organizer used the illustration on the event playmat, and I got a lot of love and support from the crowd (which, by the way, endured very long lines to get their playmats signed! Seriously, thanks everybody who came by — you guys are awesome!)
By the way, the "selfie stick" reference was totally unintentional. Back when I was painting the card, selfie sticks weren't even a thing!
Art of MtG: During your time with Wizards of the Coast, you've actually been asked to re-imagine a number of cards: Brainstorm, Divination, Negate and Wrath of God among them. What are some of the challenges and opportunities in designing new art for a reprint?
Will: I like when Wizards decides to add flavor to the redesign description, like in Brainstorm, where we put an Izzet mage as the central character, or Divination and Wrath of God, which are placed in Theros. This makes the creative process much more fun.
Another advantage in revisiting cards is that I have the game mechanics available as an input during the conception process. In normal cases, the artists don't know how the card will work in the game beforehand, so having the chance to know the mechanics definitely helps the creative process.
And, of course, I can count on the awesome direction given from the creative team and the art directors. They put the artist on the path without constraining too much.
Each case is different. As an artist and also an admirer of the product, I always consider the legacy of the cards to help guide my decisions when I am on the drawing board.
Art of MtG: In going through your portfolio, a lot of your female characters are very va-va-voom sexy. But many are also very strong. I'm thinking about Boros Elite, Banisher Priest, even Aspect of Gorgon. How do you balance those two characteristics?
Aspect of Gorgon
Will: Everyone can see in my body of work that I have been hugely influenced by mid-20th century pin-up artists like Gil Elvgren, George Petty and Alberto Vargas. I like portraying sexy women, but when I am asked to paint badass women, I want to make sure that they are perceived this way. As an illustrator, one of my goals is to tell a story with imagery, which most of the time consists of prioritizing the elements that will enable the storytelling and eliminating everything that will create noise.
Art of MtG: You've worked with some of the biggest brands in both your native Brazil and elsewhere. What advice do you have for artists who are just starting to build their portfolios?
Will: I'd say: Find your passion and specialize in it. Be the best at it, and make sure everybody knows that you are creating amazing stuff! I believe that having a multi-disciplinary portfolio helps a lot, but there must be something clearly outstanding in your art. It could be creating monsters, human warriors, landscapes, cute bunnies or whatever!
Although I've been working on different projects and in different fields, one thing that never changed was my obsession in creating compelling characters. I've been investing a lot of my time in this craft and still enjoy the journey.
Art of MtG: What projects are you working on in the future?
Will: Mostly Magic of the Gathering and a really cool game project I'm working on that should be debuting soon! Stay tuned!
Dreadbringer Lampads
Art of Mtg: That sounds exciting! Where can people watch for news about the game?
Will: My website (willmurai.com) and Facebook page are the best places to check in.
Art of MtG: Finally, would you care to name 5-10 of your favorite Magic cards, either ones you've done or ones you admire?
Will: I have a bunch of cards that I like. No specific order of preference:
Time Walk and Ajani Steadfast, both by Chris Rahn. (I mean, who doesn't?)
Teysa, Envoy of Ghost, by Karla Ortiz. (She nailed everything in this one!)
Ephara's Enlighment, by Wesley Burt
Thassa, God of the Sea, by Jason Chan
Quickling, by Clint Cearley
And everything that Jim Murray, Paul Bonner and Jesper Ejsing paints!
And if I had to pick the favorites I've painted, those would be:
Prime Speaker Zegana
Ojutai's Command
I'd like to thank you for the opportunity to talk about my work here on Art of MtG.
Patrick Scalisi is a contributing writer to Art of MtG. After playing Magic: The Gathering as a child during the Fourth Edition era, he resumed again in the summer of 2012. He currently prefers red and white decks.
Recent MTG Artworks


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An artful duo
Roger's favorite carved Santa figure.
Roger Steinbach carved this mountain men scene.
Ann Steinbach shows her embroidered business card.
Roger Steinbach shows off an engraved powder horn made from a cow's horn.
Couple combines their love of art
Story by Phyllis Speidell
Photos by John H. Sheally II
An aura of creativity seems to shine around Ann and Roger Steinbach as they talk about the art pieces that fill their Suffolk home and their hearts.
For 55 years, the Steinbachs have each followed their own creative muse in wood carving and fine needlework but occasionally combine their talents in unique pieces.
It's all in the details — from tiny miniatures to full-size décor pieces and functional furniture, the detail in their work leans more toward fine art than arts and crafts. A small needlework casket — a dovetailed cherry chest with an impeccably detailed bargello needlepoint lid — is a classic example of their combined artistry.
They each came to their artistry along different paths.
For Roger, it all started in elementary school. During class, he carved pieces of chalk, swiped from the blackboard rail, with his fingernails, creating small figures, usually mummies. At home, he carefully placed the figures into empty matchboxes, coffin-like.
He honed his carving ability then. Now, he said, "they would send me to the school psychologist."
From chalk mummies he progressed, while still in school, to carving wooden pendants and gear shift knobs.
Considering his family tree, his love of wood and carving could be genetic. His father, George Steinbach, and uncle, George's brother, quit school to work in a papermill in Tomahawk, Wisconsin, where George occasionally paid his rent with his fine wood carvings.
In 1937, the Steinbach brothers were among the first papermakers recruited by the Camp family to work at their Franklin mill, producing kraft paper. Roger was 8 months old when his mother brought him, two sisters and a basket of kittens on the train from Tomahawk to join his father in Franklin, where Roger grew up.
Roger graduated from Franklin High School in 1955 and attended Admiral Farragut Academy, a prep school then in Toms River, New Jersey, before spending a year at North Carolina State studying paper and pulp technology. Realizing that he was not ready for college, he enlisted in the Navy in 1957. He later returned to North Carolina State for two years to study forestry before working in several different operations at the Franklin Mill.
Ann Steinbach's roots date back to Jamestown and colonial ancestors who settled in Isle of Wight. She graduated from Smithfield High School and, while she was in the Medical College of Virginia School of Nursing, taught herself a range of needlework styles. She was working at the VA Medical Center in Hampton when she met Roger on a blind date in March 1964.
Just four months later, Roger proposed with a hand-carved jewelry box.
"I saw that jewelry chest and said to myself, 'He's a keeper,'" Ann said.
They married in November 1964, and five years later, moved to their Suffolk home, where they raised their two daughters. Roger remained at the mill until he joined VDOT as an appraiser and estimator. Ann perfected her needlework skills at home before opening Ann's Cottage of Needlework on Holland Road in 1973. She also wrote and sold 17 cross stitch pattern books.
All along, Roger carved, and Ann stitched, took classes and garnered awards at a variety of craft and art showings. They even traveled to Denmark to study at the Royal Danish Academy of Fine Arts.
Their hearts remain, however, at their home, filled with pieces of their work, where their art remains an integral part of their lives.
Ann has narrowed her focus to samplers, and has created many, including a miniature version that acts as her calling card.
Years ago, Roger sat on the floor of their then-unfurnished living room to hand-carve the curved edging of an 18th-century Providence style tea table now fronting that room's sofa. He remembers carving the legs, one at a time, under a beach umbrella in Nags Head. From the project's scraps, he also created a tiny replica of the table — a combination he has repeated for many of his furniture pieces.
About a dozen years ago, Roger began narrowing his focus to miniatures, a perfect reflection of his love of detail — a trait he got, he said, from his father. Each year, he carves a unique Santa for Ann.
"I make Santas with an attitude, "he said. "Some seem to be saying, 'What, again?!' and others may be saying 'I have a headache.'"
His favorite miniature is his 1994 Santa in a canoe with a finely detailed steamer trunk. Hers is a standing Santa with a monkey on a ring.
Among his other miniatures are a palm-sized Kentucky black powder rifle modeled on the full-size, working Kentucky rifle he also built and numerous tiny replicas of the other chests and tables he has crafted over the years.
His miniature figures capture the spirit of an earlier time in figures of mountain men, hunters and wildlife. His days as a sailor show through in his fondness for scrimshaw, and he uses that same technique to replicate the engraved powder horns common to upper New York during the French and Indian Wars of the 1750s.
He carves his miniatures from Tupelo, linden or juniper wood. For his larger pieces, he prefers cherry or walnut.
"For me, carving is therapeutic," Roger said. "I get an urge to carve and then I have to focus, not think of other things, to avoid making mistakes."
What would he like to take on that he hasn't yet?
"I'd like to carve a large figure," he said. "With all the more details I could put into it."
More Suffolk Living
Ol' Saint Nick
The Somerton Friends Meeting
Family solves drainage issue with wildflower garden
Growing Sustainably – and Happily

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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Movie review: 'Nut Job' is a little nutty
By Ed Symkus
Jan 17, 2014 at 9:56 AM Jan 17, 2014 at 9:56 AM
There�s not going to be a lot to pick from at the Oscars this time around when it comes to the animated feature category. 2013 wasn�t exactly a banner year for animation. I did like �Frozen� but still feel that �The Wind Rises� was over-praised, and nothing else even interested me.
Alas, 2014 isn�t exactly getting off to a strong start. Made on the cheap in Korea, �The Nut Job� is actually quite a good-looking film, filled with pleasing colors and nicely detailed elements such as realistic hair and water, and there�s plenty of breakneck action going on to keep very young kids occupied.
But it falls short everywhere else. From the get-go, the suggestion that the film�s two central stories, about two simultaneous heists, would fit together into one neat whole doesn�t work. You�ve got your animals in the park, worried that, with fall coming on, there won�t be enough food to go around. As starvation is a possibility, a plan is put in action to steal a bunch of peanuts from a local nut shop. Then you�ve got the one about the owners of that �soon-to-open� nut shop, who are actually a bunch of crooks with a plan to break into a bank vault.
No matter how many times � the number is high � the two groups intersect and kind of interact, nothing makes them mesh, in mood or substance. This is a case of two completely different stories being passed off as one.
Yet that could still work in this relatively (and mercifully) short film, if only the characters were interesting and the acting was good.
Sorry, don�t get your hopes up. Most of the characters are just plain unappealing. And not one of these talented actors rises to the occasion, including Will Arnett as a self-centered squirrel, Brendan Fraser as an egotistic squirrel, Katherine Heigl as a sweet but tough squirrel, Liam Neeson as a less-than-benevolent raccoon, and Maya Rudolph as a moronic dog. There�s a good chance that these folks actually did phone in their performances.
What�s worse is that the film is loaded with gags that fall flat (though I did laugh once) and some irresponsible violence toward animals (one of them is repeatedly tortured by the sound of a dog whistle, which is supposedly OK, because a human is also tortured by it).
On top of that the film carries a half-baked, misguided message about what appears to be the extremely thin line between selfishness and heroism. Yet even that gets lost in its final minutes, when too many loose story ends are sloppily tied up in a confusing jumble of too many conclusions. I really couldn�t figure out was going on, and neither could the kids in the audience who, by the way, weren�t laughing. That�s never a good sign.
When this thing finally ends, audiences willing to stay a little longer will be �treated� to a CG version of Psy doing �Gangnam Style� over the end credits. I�m still scratching my head over that stale decision.
Ed Symkus covers movies for More Content Now.
Written by Lorne Cameron and Peter Lepeniotis; directed by Peter Lepeniotis
With voices of Will Arnett, Brendan Fraser, Katherine Heigl, Liam Neeson


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With USTT Tiny Tigers Taekwondo Program it is never too early to get your child started. But if you are not sure if your child is too young. Come on in with your child and get a complimentary readiness assessment. Our Master Instructor will go over several basic forms with your child while you observe.
USTT Children's Taekwondo Program is designed to help your child develop self-discipline, self-esteem, concentration, confidence, and respect that will be vital to succeed in life. The emphasis of USTT Children's Taekwondo Program is to improve their mental and physical strength and coordination. Research shows that children who practice Martial Arts demonstrate great improvement in school work, self-discipline, self-esteem and behavior. Now is the best time to get your child started!
USTT teens and adults programs are designed to bring out the very best in you. The benefits of learning Taekwondo are to boost physical conditioning and lose weight, enhance positive reinforcement and attitude, develop self-discipline, learn self-defense techniques, increase self-confidence, and relieve and control stress.


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NEED FOR WORLD MIGRANT POLICY January 19, 2020
Migrants from one country to another can be classified into two categories. One category is those who want to migrate to another country to seek greener pastures and better living conditions . They are largely those who do not have much love left for their motherland and are more self centred...
Year 2019: U.S. Courts Grant Asylum To 625 Nepalese, Stamps Denial in 245 Cases January 16, 2020
N24 Correspondent, NEW YORK: The U.S. immigration courts have accepted asylum petitions of 625 Nepalese nationals, while denying asylum to them in 245 cases in the year 2019. The approval figure for the Nepalese stands at 71.83 percent, while the disapproval figure stands at 28.17 percent for the..
122 Chinese nationals expelled, not allowed to enter Nepal for four years January 8, 2020
KATHMANDU: A total of 122 Chinese nationals come in Nepal on tourist visa but involving in illegal activities, have finally been expelled- not allowing to enter Nepal for four years. Immigration Officer at Immigration Department, Pavan Gupta, informed that the Chinese arrested for illegal..
'Food stamp' revocation decision turns beneficiaries wary ahead of April 1 deadline December 9, 2019
N24 Correspondent, PHILADELPHIA: Ramesh Rai (name changed) was a minor when he came to the U.S. with his parents under a refugee settlement program of the Bhutanese refugees. He and his family received the food assistance or the food stamps popularly known as the EBT (electronic benefits transfer)..
U.S. Embassy in Nepal excludes health insurance requirement for visa issuance December 2, 2019
KATHMANDU: The United States Embassy in Nepal has made it clear that a health insurance will no more be a requirement for the Nepalese citizens to get a visa for the U.S. and that this new arrangement is in accordance with a new ruling from a U.S. court of law. Speaking at a Town Hall meeting..
Elizabeth Warren says she's open to moratorium on deportations as part of immigration negotiations November 9, 2019
By Gregory Krieg and Leyla Santiago, (CNN): Sen. Elizabeth Warren said on Friday that she would consider placing a moratorium on deportations as a bargaining maneuver to pressure Congress into action on immigration reform. She was asked about the possibility during a forum in North Carolina hosted..
Temporary Protected Status extended for 6 countries including Nepal November 1, 2019
WASHINGTON: United State Department of Homeland Security (DHS) extending the validity of TPS-related documentation for beneficiaries under the Temporary Protected Status (TPS) designations for El Salvador, Haiti, Honduras, Nepal, Nicaragua and Sudan through Jan. 4, 2021. Friday's announcement..
Truth vs. Trump on Immigration October 24, 2019
Webster's Dictionary defines "emergency" as "a sudden, urgent, usually unexpected occurrence requiring immediate action." By that standard, US President Donald Trump's claim that the United States faces an immigration emergency is simply not credible. Immigrants have been coming to the..
Trump Administration Immigration Policy And Its Impact. An Analysis Of Canadian Job Market For Skill Immigration October 21, 2019
Donald Trump's rhetoric is primarily focused on immigration and there have been some notable shifts in the policy after he was elected. What are these changes and why are they important? How does this relate to immigration Canada? Read on to find out. Immigration Policy of Donald Trump One of..
A Medical Assessment of Trump's Asylum Policy October 5, 2019
In a stuffy attic-turned-office in Tijuana, Mexico, Juan (his name has been changed to protect his identity) described the harrowing events that drove him to flee his home in Guatemala, travel thousands of miles by foot, and request asylum in the United States. As emergency physicians at a Los..
US ban on asylum seekers disqualified most immigrants September 27, 2019
Elliot Spagat, Tijuana, Mexico, (AP): Julio Lopez and his family faced a decision when they reached the U.S. border to seek asylum: cross illegally or follow government instructions to stay in Mexico, even if it meant waiting for months. The Salvadoran family waited for their chance to make their..
Lawsuit Challenges End of Immigrant Medical Relief Program September 5, 2019
BY PHILIP MARCELO, BOSTON (AP): Civil rights groups sued President Donald Trump's administration Thursday over its decision to stop considering requests from immigrants seeking to remain in the country for medical treatment and other hardships. The American Civil Liberties Union of Massachusetts..
Crimes by Illegal Immigrants Widespread Across U.S.—Sanctuaries Shouldn't Shield Them September 4, 2019
The decision by a California appeals court Friday overturning the conviction of an illegal immigrant who shot and killed Kate Steinle in San Francisco in 2015 once again put the national spotlight on the serious problem of crimes committed by people in the U.S. illegally. The appeals court in San..
Closing the Refugee Education Gap August 30, 2019
Nowadays, making an investment – whether in shares, bonds, property, gold, lottery tickets, or the latest startup – is quick and easy. But when it comes to investments in people, the dividends are not always as clear, nor is the means by which one can measure the returns. One might be doubly..
Migrants, babies rescued at sea as survivors say six drowned August 28, 2019
ROME, (AFP): A charity ship rescued some 100 migrants in the Mediterranean Wednesday, including 22 small children who had survived their foundering dinghy being pummelled by a wave fellow occupants said drowned six people. Charity Mediterranea Saving Humans said the survivors were taken aboard the..


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package cz.ilasek.namedentities.main;

import java.io.FileInputStream;
import java.io.FileNotFoundException;
import java.io.IOException;
import java.io.UnsupportedEncodingException;

import org.slf4j.Logger;
import org.slf4j.LoggerFactory;
import org.xml.sax.SAXException;

import com.Ostermiller.util.CSVParser;

import cz.ilasek.namedentities.index.dao.redis.GenericRedisDao;
import cz.ilasek.namedentities.writer.WriterException;

public class CsvToRedis
{
    private static final Logger logger = LoggerFactory.getLogger(CsvToRedis.class);

    /**
     * Reads the two column CSV file skips first line and then stores each line in redis as key (1. column)
     * and value (2. column).
     * @param args
     * @throws UnsupportedEncodingException
     * @throws FileNotFoundException
     * @throws IOException
     * @throws SAXException
     * @throws WriterException
     */
    public static void main( String[] args ) throws UnsupportedEncodingException, FileNotFoundException, IOException, SAXException, WriterException
    {
        if (args.length != 3) {
            System.err.println("Usaage: java -jar csvToRedis.jar inputFile redisHost redisDatabase");
            logger.error("Usaage: java -jar csvToRedis.jar inputFile redisHost redisDatabase");
            return;
        }

        String file = args[0];
        String redisHost = args[1];
        int redisDatabase = new Integer(args[2]);

        GenericRedisDao redisDao = new GenericRedisDao(redisHost, redisDatabase);
        CSVParser fileReader = new CSVParser(new FileInputStream(file));
        String[] line = fileReader.getLine();

        logger.info("Indexing file " + file);
        int i = 0;
        while ((line = fileReader.getLine()) != null) {
            redisDao.set(line[0], line[1]);

            if ((++i % 50000) == 0) {
                logger.info("Indexed " + i + " records");
            }
        }

        logger.info("Closing connection to Redis");
        redisDao.close();
        logger.info("Connection closed");
        logger.info("DONE");
    }
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


I know i say it all the time but bleaching my hair all of the time really doesn't do it any good. I've been bleaching my hair all over for at least the last 8 years so I've managed to find out what does and doesn't work for me in that time frame. I've also found a few staples along the way that i could not do without.
For 'everyday' (but not everyday) hair washing my favourite shampoo and conditioners are always the L'Oreal Elvive range. There are so many to choose from depending what you want to achieve - glossy hair, repairing hair and even one especially made for coloured hair. Personally, i need all the repairing i can get. My hair can get very dry and although i minimise the amount of heat i use on it, it's still prone to looking damaged if I'm not careful.
One of my top two of this range are the L'Oreal Elvive Full Restore (5) Repairing Shampoo and Conditioner which are a godsend. The shampoo easily removes any build up of dirt and products in my hair without making it feel dry or stripped. The conditioner leaves my hair feeling very silky and soft and less damaged. I always leave the conditioner on for 5 minutes minimum concentrating on the mid-lengths and ends as this is where the most damage is. It also helps make my hair look shiny without looking greasy which can be a problem with some products designed to make it logo glossy. I would say, if you are someone with damaged hair whether it be heat damaged or colour damaged, add this into your haircare routine and you should see a difference pretty quickly with the overall quality of your hair!


Hey, guess what?? I got it, I'm finally here blogging!! Got my computer working right again. Thanks for you patience everyone.
Today was an industrious day, pun intended. We explored the blue-collar side of New York, tapping into the industrial history of the Brooklyn and Queens sections of the city and the restoration going on in these neighborhoods.
The day started with a pleasant surprise to be escorted along the waters of Gantry State Park by the designer himself, Thomas Balsley. He was instrumental in our assessment of the site and explained much of the history of the neighborhood, its function as a major import/export hub for the area, and how that history played into his company's vision for the park. I was especially taken by his explanation of William White's theories of human interaction and socialization. The way in which people interact, or not, is many times a result of their interaction with the landscape around them. The dog park example is relevant because it shows that people who would otherwise not be engaged with each other have now found a common interest and a social bond. The same can be said of the fishing pier or the playing fields. These common "grounds" bring residents out of their homes and into an interactive community setting. I am very excited to see what the next phase of the promontory hill will bring for neighborhood interaction.
I was very excited to see the Brooklyn Grange in action first hand. I had only seen it once before via Skype with the co-founder Anastasia during my studio this past January. We were designing a permaculture garden for an urban area of campus, Southwest Residential Area, which is all hardscape, and planters or planter beds would have to be used. We Skyped with the farm about urban food production, rooftop gardens, irrigation issues and much more. That day she took the computer out the door to show us the beehives and the rooftop was covered in snow and the wind was whipping! To see it active today with children learning about urban sustainability was much more inspiring. Although it is a costly endeavor, the Grange is proof that it can be done, and done well, serving the needs of the community and educating the next generation about urban renewal.
I found the Newtown Creek presentation today by Kate and Chunqi really professional and thorough. Great job! I am a big fan of the designer George Trakas. He created a waterfront and an island at the campus pond at UMass, as well as an intricate pier setting at Dia Beacon, one of the options for tomorrows self guided tours. I became a fan of his because of his passion, and I use the word strongly, to get people to reconnect with the water, not only visually or figuratively, but literally touching the water. I saw much of that same language today in the Newtown Creek Nature Walk, the steps leading right down into the water, the seating walls that step down to the very edge of the pier, and the cylinder steel "footings" that jut upward at strategic locations. Although this site was signature Trakas, I was not as enamored by it as his other work. The noisy and smelly setting from the garbage and reclamation all around the outer banks made the site unredeemable, at least until that is changed. It is not a place I would want to stay for any length of time.
My sound clips are from the Oko Farms and the Brooklyn traffic at the Flushing Street triangle (where the gas station is). They show a sharp contrast in the sounds of the city in that one is quiet and meditative blocking out the street noise just outside the fence, and the other is right in the middle of a busy intersection of three streets in the middle of the day. These sound clips remind us that aesthetics and artistry cannot be the driving force behind design, it must also be about how people experience the space. The sounds of the city play a crucial part in design decisions, whether to utilize and augment existing sounds, or block them out with strategic design.
your insight about trakas' other works helps to understand that design move at newtown!
congrats on being able to blog! these things always take a bit more time. it also took me a while too to figure out how to load sounds: mp4 files can' be uploaded directly to the website, they need to be converted to mp3 format first. then it's a piece of cake. apple has good instructions here. then on weebly there is a "sound" button just like text and images, so you can have the clip play while you're still reading the text.


Twenty years after the overthrow of apartheid, the massacre encapsulates many of the key contradictions of the so-called "nonracial" neoliberal order ushered in by Nelson Mandela and the African National Congress (ANC): The blatant and growing inequality where a new Black ruling class is driving accumulation through its Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) initiatives; the long-standing complicity of the ANC-aligned union federation, COSATU, and the South African Communist Party (SACP) in pushing this neoliberal agenda; and the leveraging, by international capital and its front-men of the new BEE elite, of the vast powers of the state, in ensuring that the fruits of neoliberalism remain in the hands of a tiny (now multiracial) minority. All of this was expressed, on a world stage, in Marikana.
A boom in the price of commodities, including raw materials like platinum, since the end of the global recession of 2008, has made huge profits for companies in extractive industries. The struggle in Marikana is part of a South African strike wave in the mines owned by Lonmin, Impala, Amplats, and others. In fact, the massacre at Lonmin led to a successful strike at the platinum mines in 2014, which in turn ushered in major wage increases and a further estrangement of the workers movement from the ANC alliance. Yet with the recent collapse in global commodities prices, the specter of mass layoffs haunts South Africa just as it does the rest of the BRICS2 (Anglo American alone intends to lay off 85,000 workers worldwide, many of them in South Africa. Platinum prices are at their lowest since the 2008 global recession, down by over 50 percent.) All of this underscores the centrality of these struggles in offering lessons for the class struggle across all of the BRICS.
But there is a specific South African historical resonance to this conjuncture that gave rise to the Marikana tragedy. The return of mass workers struggles like those in the mining sectors, together with the burgeoning student movement in which fee strikes, often framed as a struggle against the colonial settler legacy of South Africa, have recently won key victories.3 These harken back to the heights of the anti-apartheid movements of the late 1980s and early 1990s. As much as the ANC and its allies would like to claim ownership of the legacy of that history, it grew and developed—in important ways—independent of the ANC and SACP in exile. And its return—after more than two decades of disillusionment with the new, nonracial neoliberal order, cannot be a surprise to any who truly appreciate the decades of struggle and long-standing aspirations of the country's Black working class.
International solidarity with the burgeoning class struggle in South Africa will be all the more critical in the face of a widening global economic crisis. Activists now have a vital tool for the struggles ahead: the award-winning film Miners Shot Down (2014) directed by Rehad Desai.4 The film—a depiction of the events leading up to the Marikana massacre and its aftermath—powerfully captures the contradictions of capitalism in South Africa today in all of its brutality. In getting access to unprecedented material, the filmmakers expose the violence of the South African state and its irredeemable complicity with the new nonracial, post-apartheid capitalist order. At the same time, the film provides substantial footage of the strike's leaders, participants, and supporters, the human faces of not only the victims of murder—captured on film—but also active fighters in the working-class struggle that overthrew apartheid twenty years earlier and continues to this day.
In November 2015, Miners Shot Down was awarded an International Emmy for Best Documentary. In the lead up to the award ceremony, Desai along with Jim Nichol, attorney for the miners and their families, toured the United States with the film to build support for the campaign. Desai is also the director of three other documentaries, God is Rain (2012), Bhambatha: War of the Heads (2008), and Born Into Struggle (2004). Jim Nichol is a criminal defense lawyer based in London who specializes in cases involving the miscarriage of justice; these have included the Bridgewater Four case, the UK miners' strike of 1984–85, and the Northern Ireland Bloody Sunday inquiry. We spoke to them after a screening in New York City in October 2015.
Perhaps we can start with a timeline: The event itself, the filmmaking process, the subsequent investigation (known as the Farlam Commission), and where things are now.
Rehad Desai: A few days before the massacre, I was in Marikana looking into Black Economic Empowerment ("BEE") projects in the region, and I was just shocked—it was like a dystopia. All the guns and the army and the quality of the housing, it's just shocking to see.
So I wasn't actually there on the day of the massacre. But in the lead up I met a few of the strikers and felt duty-bound to get involved. Very quickly, we set up the support campaign and started raising money, two weeks after the commission started.5 The big argument that arose was whether we were going to participate or assist or boycott this commission and try to set up our own, [i.e.,] a civil society inquiry. And the arguments made by some of the lawyers like George Bizos—who was Nelson Mandela's lawyer—were, well, the commission has the power of subpoena, powers of civil society, powers that I will never have.
Were there people in the social movement who wanted to set up a people's tribunal of some sort?
Rehad: Yeah, that was the dominant view. You've got to realize who you're stacked up against. A few public interest NGOs, social movements, some of the workers and community members from Marikana, were up against the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM), the African National Congress, the Communist Party (SACP), and the trade union federation (COSATU).
Jim Nichol: You've got to ask yourself, why a commission? The commission is a mechanism for preventing the prosecution of police officers and exposing the state. We have to be crystal clear about that. When you look at the film, it's not rocket science to see that this is a huge murder scene, and that people should be arrested immediately and charged. If you were then to divert the whole thing into the commission—which is what they did—the first thing that happened was that the police inquiry stopped. It just stopped. Nobody is now being investigated for murder. The commission didn't investigate anybody.
Rehad: And nobody was willing to talk while the commission inquiry was on.
Jim: So now we're three years on, and those people who pulled the trigger, and those people who ordered the triggers to be pulled, the commission now suggests perhaps the police ought to inquire into it. But nothing is going to happen. I'm not saying there might not be an odd police officer prosecuted. So the idea of a commission, people think we're really going to expose what goes on here. On the contrary, it's a complete whitewash.
Despite the relatively high-profile lawyers on the side of the families?
Rehad: Oh, we got [the family members] involved, through the existing connections with the new Association of Mineworkers and Construction Workers Union (AMCU). Jim interviewed these people, he was able to get the families represented. But what makes this massacre different from any massacres that preceded it in South Africa was the contestation from the very beginning inside the commission on the narrative. As Jim said, these commissions are set up to deflect blame away from the state when the state is clearly found to have used excessive force against its people.
Because the campaign was very tied in with the community, the strikers, and AMCU, that really in many ways determined the narrative. But there was a tremendous amount of confusion given the weight of propaganda. In South Africa, a small minority of people, maybe 10–15 percent, saw the TV footage and were appalled and angered. But somehow, the majority, I think, particularly in the early days, thought the strikers must have done something wrong.
Jim, you did an interview with Amandla! magazine where you compare the silence surrounding this commission to other inquiries you've seen, like Northern Ireland, saying the silence in this case was much deeper.6 Can both of you speak about the stakes for the South African state in this particular case?
Jim: The stakes really go up, extraordinarily high, because it must have been clear to them that everything pointed to the government and its involvement. They knew because they were involved, but we could see this also because of all the traffic in telephone calls, emails, and the traffic in letters, orchestrated by Cyril Ramaphosa.7 Sometimes I say to myself, can this really be true? Like when a Lonmin executive wrote, "Bring to bear the might of the state." So they knew that they had to divert attention away from themselves, and nothing better than a commission! What I find astonishing is that there was no contemporaneous document placed before the commission that came from any person in the government. So we are meant to believe that no one made even a note over the few days of the incident. So when we talk about having a new commission, we know that these materials exist in great abundance.
In the UK and US the integration of, and complicity within, the ruling class between the state, including its armed wings, and the media, goes back decades and generations, whereas in South Africa it's a relatively new process, post-apartheid. Were there ways in which this dynamic was advantageous either to the filmmaking or to the process of investigation?
Rehad: A tremendous amount of substantive evidence points towards the mutual complicity and coordination between Lonmin, the state, the SAP, and the media. They weren't able to find the smoking gun, there was nothing conclusive. But in a more mature democracy, they would have made sure that at least those cameras, which captured the massacre, were taken out of the situation. There would have been security cordons. The arrogance of power and the lack of understanding of how this could damage it is incredible. I remember seeing the head of the NUM on TV calling for more and more paramilitary units to get there, claiming, "These strikers are hell-bent on anarchy and destruction, and we want boots on the ground." It wasn't really hidden. That's their public face, but what are they saying to one another? We know that they're all speaking to one another, the NUM speaking to Cyril Ramaphosa, Ramaphosa speaking to the police minister. It's the nexus of complicity.
Jim: It comes down to the police. Let me give you two examples of what happens with the police in terms of the disclosure that we get. So we get a bit of video footage that shows one of the miners calling for the killing of a police officer. Nobody takes him seriously. The next speaker appears to be Mathunjwa, who says, "We must respect what the comrade has said and agree with him." This is then used by their lawyers at the commission to show how Mathunjwa is endorsing the killing of police officers. But when we get hold of the stuff and do an analysis of the video footage, we see that the footage of Mathunjwa is actually from forty-two minutes before anybody else had spoken, before the alleged incitement. This is straight Joe Stalin erasing Trotsky out of the picture—right? That is just one example.
Another example is a very senior police officer who was in one of the armored trucks gives a statement saying that just before the killings the miners attacked his armored truck, and he had two bullet holes in the truck as proof. Six police officers inside that truck also gave supporting statements on the attack. The only problem is that we have video where we see the same truck two days before, the same number on this armored truck, the same registration number, on the plate… already with two bullet holes. It's a complete lie! There's loads of stuff like this! But this is the way in which the commission operates.
What was striking is that some of the language accusing the protesters and their supporters of being "anarchists" and "criminals and opportunists" mirror what you read on how the ANC in exile handled internal dissent, some of the ways in which the SACP historically talks about its opposition from the Left. Do you think there's something to that?
Rehad: Absolutely. For example, Jim himself, a legal advisor to Mathunjwa, raises the specter of foreign nationals.
Jim: They put my picture on television: "White foreign national seeking to undermine the economy." I mean the level to which these people go is extraordinary!
Rehad: People inside the DLF8 working in the united front are accused of "planning the armed overthrow of the government," according to "internal intelligence reports" that have come to light.
What is the status of the criminal charges that were brought against the miners themselves?
Rehad: We were upfront when we were contesting the state's version of events, i.e., that we have people who are locked up now who knew that something was very deeply wrong with what had happened. And, some of these people were inside of the ANC and inside the state. We were able to get the victims represented at the commission and, consistent with best international practice, to see that families of these mineworkers were able to see justice being done. There's a restorative aspect of the injustice movement supposedly underway because by the last three weeks, the Marikana support campaign, said, that's it! It's no longer about money. The widows must go to the commission, the family members must go. We quickly moved on this.
So then we had a nine-month campaign to get legal aid for the injured and the arrested, and those guys were working for nothing for nine months because the state was not willing to provide any assistance.
Jim: Well there are public defenders, but they wouldn't even give it to the people who had been shot!
Rehad: You've got to remember, there's over one hundred people who were shot and injured, and then another two hundred who were arrested, so they were representing three hundred people in the commission. Once the film was released, just over a year after the massacre, we showed the rough-cut versions at the special national congress of NUMSA,9 and it shifted the delegates. They gave hundreds of thousands of rand for the widows.
And it started to shift the narrative inside the media. Once we were able to make sense of these fragments of information and put it in a clear sort of story, our plan became clear. The national prosecution authority said that as soon as this commission was finished, it would be determined if these prosecutions against the miners would continue to stay on the books. Even though the commission had shown that there was no evidence that these mineworkers were attacking anybody, and that the commission refused to pursue the charges.
This is what the state does to strikers, to protesters, to the movement. Nobody is tried, nobody is convicted at the end of the day. But it kills the protests stone dead. So this is a method that they use. The fact that it gets out in public, they don't seem to care because shortly after the killing of the Marikana people, they killed three poor agricultural workers on strike in the Western Cape, within two months of Marikana. The state is into violence in quite a big way.
So what's the current status of the Marikana support campaign? What's the next step?
Rehad: There's this civil complaint taking place now. We had a push to see if we could get the state to settle these claims without going to court, because they will go on for years, there's hundreds and hundreds of these claims. And it seemed for a while that the state was going to do that, but they've withdrawn their offer. We're not sure why. We're going to have to stand with the families over the next few years. Of course the thrust of our campaign is for justice, which is to push for the prosecutions, to continue to put forward some of the evidence that didn't come before the commission or didn't get the attention it deserved while the commission was going on.
Jim: Julius Malema of the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), within a few days of the commission reporting, goes up to the Marikana police station and declares charges of murder against various police officers and Ramaphosa. Now I don't know where that goes, but tactically it got a lot of publicity. And I think the EFF are just about to lay civil charges against Ramaphosa for murder and the minister of police, along with the criminal claims for murder against Ramaphosa.
The likelihood of them getting through the national prosecuting authority, the way it's been hobbled and weakened, is not good. But that's what's been happening for some years, to protect so-called Black industrialists, Black tycoons, who've been economically empowered through their links to the state and have gotten their hands dirty. A lot of these deals become corrupted, South African President Jacob Zuma included. Criminal charges would be inconvenient, in standing in the way of the accumulation of capital of this class.
What is the importance to the state of the extractive industry, especially the value of the platinum industry, and how much does that aspect factor into the Marikana situation?
Jim: Whenever there's a strike, we see the government's support of the employers against the strikers. That's a sort of given really. Here was an international company that was at the back end of a recession, and it wasn't doing very well. It had done well until 2008, and it kept all the money and sent a lot of it overseas. They were desperate not to settle the strike, absolutely desperate. And they knew that a previous miner's strike at Impala Platinum in Rustenburg earlier that year had been successful after nine weeks of struggle despite people being killed. So the question facing the company was how they could win the dispute. So they had a real reason for wanting to break the miners.
Then you have the government itself. It already knew Impala had won their strike. It was terrified that throughout South Africa people would be demanding these extraordinary wage increases. Secondly, what would the extraordinary wage increases and the strikes do to international investor confidence in the extractive industries in particular? Then you have the third element, which was the National Union of Mineworkers, the biggest single union that had supported the ANC, through thick and thin, that was now losing membership in the platinum industry, like there was no tomorrow, to the new union on the block, AMCU. So when all three of those factors come together like that, the strength of what that they wanted makes a fist, which is much stronger than fingers. So there was a lot at stake for all of them. So that's why they went for it.
The people that get away with murder, by the way, are Lonmin. One day they may prosecute some middle-ranking policeman for something, but as for Lonmin? They have gotten away with murder. The tragic events of Marikana would not have occurred had it not been for the intransigence of Lonmin in protecting its profits and financial stability against the interest of poor miners and refusing to negotiate with them. They took this stance knowing that guns would be used by police officers in order to quell the strike and to arrest strikers.
Rehad: And who was the face of that? Cyril Ramaphosa! It's the attempt to legitimize a very rapacious capitalist system which is characterized by racial hierarchy in the labor force, and the ownership seeks to "deracialize." Supposedly you do it through the Black Economic Empowerment policy. But it is very clear after a while that ordinary people can say, "He is doing well, it's my turn next." But when your turn doesn't come, people start getting very impatient. That is what started happening around the end of 2010, 2011, with the rise of unofficial strikes and the real pressure of wages because of rising unemployment and food inflation. And I think even now the richest people in the country are getting worried about the credibility of the African National Congress given the rampant levels of corruption and the fact that there are a handful of Black people who are super rich. For instance, in 2007, 72 percent of the three hundred Black empowerment deals that were concluded—worth tens of billions of rand—were in the hands of four people, four Black people, the so-called Fab Four: Ramaphosa, Tokyo Sexwale,10 Saki Macozoma,11 and Patrice Motsepe.12 These people are rentiers, completely unproductive. Due to their political connections, they got their hands on discounted shares, held on to them for a year or two, and then began selling them off for a massive profit.
Today there is a lot of anxiety because of the volatility of the commodities market. These corporations are pretty shaken up right now.
Rehad: This is one of the most interesting things. Malema13 called for nationalization in 2010, 2011. He's got some closeness to Tokyo Sexwale. Some claim his call for nationalization is to bail out Black financial leaders who got into trouble because of the downward spiral of commodities prices. But because the dividends would be a lot less than what they're paying now, nationalization would serve their interests. It's a bailout for the tycoons. This is part of the problem. That is why NUMSA and SACP have refused to support the demands for nationalization. The question we must ask is: if you nationalize, who will actually take control?
I am for nationalization. Without a shadow of a doubt, I am for nationalization. But to win people to it, you have to be clear on what nationalization means, from our perspective. Now of course, we'd like to say nationalization means workers controlling power in the workplace, at the point of production, as part of a revolutionary process. We are for democratic control. We say we are for the seven-hour day. We also say that no miner can work in the mine for more than twenty years of their life because after that you probably have acquired serious health problems. We say that you can only work three weeks in four. We call for health care. We say that you get retraining after your twenty-year stint.
Rehad: Most importantly, the call for nationalization has to be without compensation for the mine owners. There will be a fight over that. The big challenge will be to bring the big battalions to fight tooth and nail. It poses the argument for workers control but it begins to gain some traction because you need mass struggle.
And what of Joseph Mathunjwa, the head of the new union, AMCU? What does he say?
Jim: He will not take on the issue of nationalization.
Rehad: It's very important he didn't sign this latest deal. The government, NUM, and the industry said, "Let's commit to dialogue and working together to save the mining industries," and then tens of thousands of retrenchments [firings] come. And the bosses turn around and say, "Well, the NUM signed a deal." NUM may claim to have never discussed retrenchments. But they had signed a memorandum of understanding.
Jim: For the miners themselves the AMCU is a union that fights, even though it puts down the Left at times. But what's also important is that there is now a substantial union of probably 160,000 or 170,000 miners, out of 500,000 miners working in total in the country. And AMCU is the majority of miners in platinum—that's important to understand. This is a union that is a beacon to South African workers, blue-collar, white-collar workers, they both look to it. Mathunjwa claims to be apolitical, which drives me to distraction, but there is a strength to that approach because people will say, "He isn't part of the old order, he refuses to be a part of the old order." I fear that he will be assassinated, as others have been. He drives his own car to try and prevent that.
But the important point is that AMCU is a beacon. Then you take the Marikana events, it propelled the split in COSATU to the left by NUMSA. Life is never going to be the same again in South Africa, never going to be the same again.
Rehad: It is quite formidable.
One of the critiques within the international left is of a kind of authoritarian strand within the Economic Freedom Fighters, in particular within the leadership. Can you comment on that?
Rehad: EFF is, firstly, a product of the crisis, a political and social crisis that is facing South Africa. The inability of the ANC to solve the national question or to tackle it or confront it in any meaningful manner is what leads Malema, primarily on his own, to raise the nationalization call and to call out Zuma on his crony capitalism and his family links with mining and so on. But the Black empowerment types hammer Malema and he gets pushed out of the ANC Youth League, expelled. Now there was a period—the carnivalesque period post-apartheid—where you get these Black tycoons saying, "What's wrong with being stinking rich?" People were coming out of government and going into big corporations and earning obscene amounts of money. Malema was part of that. There are people like that inside the ANC. At the moment people will say they only go for Malema because he is no longer in the ANC, that he is speaking truth to power.
You could argue there is a cult of personality being built around Malema, but if you look around the world—a media world, just to say—this is everywhere. Malema ruled the ANC Youth League with an iron fist. Now he is quite apologetic about that, quite open about that, saying that it was wrong, that the EFF is not the ANC Youth League, but obviously he brings with it some of those tendencies, that sort of centralist mindset. Supposedly it's democratic centralism, but it is often centralism without the democracy.
One can have problems with his leadership style, but I think the key thing is he's now giving clear expression to a generational revolt and hundreds of thousands of young people who are looking to him and joining his organization and are militant-minded because of his strength of personality. He is a fantastic speaker, he is one of the most able politicians on the South African political landscape, and he has articulated the people's needs and frustrations. People have gravitated to him.
Jim: What matters for us is how you engage with them. It's the same issue that confronts how we as socialists engage with the people who might be around Bernie Sanders, or Corbyn in the UK. Where people who are left of center are radicalizing and young people are moving towards them, our main focus has got to be: How do we engage with these people? For example, the question of nationalization is one issue, but the whole question of housing and jobs is really important. That's where we are, the interest and openness of people to socialist ideas is really important for us.
How much has Marikana and the rising combativeness within the workers' movement between 2012 and 2014 contributed to the general radicalization? How did the Marikana workers and the movement building of the family members impact the campaign and workers' struggles overall? And also the organizing against police brutality in South Africa. In the US this is of course a major issue with the rise of the Black Lives Matter movement.
Jim: The confidence of the families! I can tell you, they are wonderful to watch. They came from these villages which are round huts with straw tops and they hardly ever leave the village. They came to the commission and they were isolated, depressed, and they cried. But then you look at what happened over this period and they changed, they became stronger people, and they took the jobs of their husbands and the like. And they do great campaigning. Of course there are limits on the campaign in a sense. If we could tour them internationally, if we had funds, these family members would be there. They speak really well. The whole thing is changing.
I'll tell you one story, something that happened to me. I am also the lawyer for AMCU, as well as for the families. So the miners know me, from being a socialist and being around for many years like I've been. The idea of suddenly getting to be seventy years of age and addressing mass meetings, where the smallest mass meeting is 5,000 and the largest mass meeting is 35,000…at my age, it is staggering stuff. I speak at these types of things, sometimes with Mathunjwa, as a kind of warmup act before he comes on, and he is a class act, I tell you. So at one of these events, I'm thinking, "What am I going to say?" And so I decide to say that Marikana is known the world over, the injustice about Black miners shot down. And that it's not just in South Africa; that it's on the streets of Ferguson, Black people are being shot down by police officers. In Baltimore and Cleveland and in London, Black people shot down. So I say to the rally, "Things are changing because on the streets of Baltimore and other towns, Black people are rising up and saying, 'Black Lives Matter.' I repeated it, 'Black Lives Matter,'" and 20,000 people started shouting, "Black Lives Matter!" It was amazing, people making connections to Black Lives Matter. Connections are being made.
Rehad: Of the widows and the family members, and the injured and arrested, it's been critical that they remain in the forefront. What we have been doing for the last three years has been acting on their mandate, and trying not to make any big move without them. Now there's a campaign organizing independently of the Marikana support campaign to get the film screened on TV. And the widows turned up in numbers, to big public venues. That has been very important. In fact, their growing confidence and willingness to tell their stories has absolutely been a critical part of rooting and grounding the campaign and providing the human face to this massacre. Jim has been essential to this, making sure they were represented at the Commission.
What has been the international reception to the film?
Rehad: The film has been likened to Salt of the Earth and Harlan County USA, and there have been only a handful of documentaries that have been able to do that. Now, why has Miners Shot Down gotten traction, gotten the attention it has? I think that for many people, the inequality in South Africa sits uncomfortably. It's not just the varying degrees of poverty or whatever. It is highly unequal and people see it every day. They see the huge wealth. Forty-five percent of the population, the working population, are living on the poverty line, are working poor, earning under $300 a month. You have two people owning as much as the poorest 50 percent of the population. Working-class people aren't stupid. This is a general phenomenon. It is happening everywhere. We are seeing rising mass unemployment in large parts of Europe, and a rising opposition. It is clear for many people. The rising inequality is due to the rising power of the corporations, the hold of the corporations over our lives.
And so the film is a bit of a hit, a zeitgeist in that. You get lucky when your film resonates with a zeitgeist, so to speak. I think that is what the film has managed to do, but it's because people know, they know this story. They know this story of a working-class hero like Cyril Ramaphosa who has turned his back on his people, joined the big corporation, and gotten super rich, and that is what we see in many countries, the way people see it. But we also thought that the days where the state would come together with corporations and politicians and mow people down in a brute arrogant fashion was something we left behind us.
Rehad: Right, with the struggle for democracy here. Jim tells the story of his first political activity: it was in reaction to the Sharpeville massacre of 1960. After Sharpeville, millions upon millions of people became involved in the anti-apartheid campaign internationally over the years. And so to see what happened at Marikana, this is shocking for people.
People have wanted to do something. People want to stop the rot. They want to use the film in some way to change what is happening in South Africa, but also as a way to start a wider conversation of what is happening in the world.
And what about the reception in Britain, given that Lonmin is a British company? Can you speak to that?
Jim: What you need to know is that when it was first formed at the turn of the twentieth century, Lonmin was the London and Rhodesian Mining and Land Company. Lonmin was once a division of Lonrho PLC, whose former CEO was an executive named Tiny Rowland, who was single-handedly responsible for breaking the boycott of white Rhodesia.
Today, in the UK, we are starting a campaign focused on the Church of England, which has shares in the company. When they had the first shareholders meeting after the commission had finished, I went down with my suit and tie on with letters addressed to each shareholder, letters that I wrote as the attorney for the miners and their families. But of course the annual report for Lonmin PLC of 2014 does not disclose that their directors have been recommended for prosecution for murder by senior attorneys including George Bizos, the attorney to the late Nelson Mandela. And it was wonderful; a number of women came and they brought blown-up photographs, not of the people who died, but blown-up photos of the wives and mothers who had been left behind. Really beautiful stuff. They had a terrific picket outside the Lonmin meeting and were very effective. It was only women doing it. So the campaign against Lonmin continues.
Rehad: This idea was generated by our film in a way. I think the big breakthrough is that one of the institutional shareholders of Lonmin is the British public service union UNISON, and they made noises at that first shareholders meeting, and we have been able to use the film to generate more noise and heat around the issue. And now another major union, UNITE,14 has taken up the issue. They have passed important resolutions. They are on the campaign websites and the film website, they've encouraged union resolutions, and most of those resolutions that have been passed in the UK have often been followed by donations. So it's become a support campaign. It is slow, grinding work but important work, and it is a long campaign ahead of us.
The film's Web site is http://www.minersshotdown.co.za/.
The Marikana Commission of Inquiry was appointed by South African President Jacob Zuma. Its mandate was to investigate "matters of public, national and international concern arising out of the tragic incidents at the Lonmin Mine in Marikana," http://www.marikanacomm.org.za/.
NUM founder, former ANC secretary-general and widely considered the heir apparent to Mandela, now a multi-millionaire with a seat on the board of Lonmin.
The Democratic Left Front was formed as a nonsectarian and nonauthoritarian anticapitalist front in South Africa. It was formed from the Conference for a Democratic Left launched in 2008, at an event held in Johannesburg in January 2011. It has played a notable role in solidarity campaigns, most recently concerning the Marikana massacre.
National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa, a left-wing union formerly aligned with the ANC and the SACP, now independent and the leading force for the creation of a new, independent mass labor/socialist party.
Former ANC political prisoner, provincial premier, and government minister.
Former ANC political prisoner, member of parliament, and head of one of the largest national para-statals.
Julius Malema, former head of the ANC Youth League and now leader of the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), a left-populist political party.
A British and Irish trade union, formed on May 1, 2007, by the merger of Amicus and the Transport and General Workers' Union.


text:
Historical museums (11)
Science museums (10)
Printmakers (7)
Federal aid to the arts (6)
New York World's Fair (1939-1940) (4)
Smithsonian Institution (4)
Smithsonian Institution, Assistant Secretary for History and Art (4)
Abbott, Berenice (3)
Bertoia, Harry (3)
De Rivera, José Ruiz (3)
Electricity and Modern Physics, Division of, NMAH, SI. (3)
Federal Art Project (N.Y.) (3)
Afro-Peruvian (1)
Areyto (1)
Brokenshire, Norman (1)
Query: Federal Music Project (U.S.)
Allen Balcom Du Mont Collection
Du Mont, Allen B. (Allen Balcom), 1901-1965
While the collection is focused rather specifically on the development of television in America, including technical details, legal proceedings, marketing and advertisement, and manufacturing, it is also a rich source for the history of American advertising, work cultures, sales, and entertainment. There is also information about radio, mostly in p...
Hughie Lee-Smith papers
Lee-Smith, Hughie
AAA.leeshugh
The papers of painter and educator Hughie Lee-Smith measure 33.7 linear feet and 0.381 GB and date from circa 1890 to 2007, with the bulk of the material dating from 1931 to 1999. The collection documents Lee-Smith's career through biographical material, personal and professional correspondence, writings by Lee-Smith and others, personal business records, exhibition files, organization records, printed material, scrapbooks, photographs, a small amount of artwork, numerous interviews, and recordings for a documentary film on Lee-Smith. Also found are the papers of artist Rex Goreleigh, a friend of Lee-Smith.
Guide to the Beatrice Medicine papers
Medicine, Beatrice
1914, 1932-1949, 1952-2003 (bulk dates, 1945-2003).
28 Linear feet (65 document boxes, 1 box of oversize materials, 1 box of ephemera, 1 shoebox of index cards, 1 map drawer)
The Beatrice Medicine papers, 1913-2003 (bulk 1945-2003), document the professional life of Dr. Beatrice "Bea" Medicine (1923-2005), a member of the Standing Rock Sioux tribe, anthropologist, scholar, educator, and Native rights activist. The collection also contains material collected by or given to Medicine to further her research and activism interests. Medicine, whose Lakota name was Hinsha Waste Agli Win, or "Returns Victorious with a Red Horse Woman," focused her research on a variety of topics affecting the Native American community: 1) mental health, 2) women's issues, 3) bilingual education, 4) alcohol and drug use, 5) ethno-methodologies and research needs of Native Americans, and 6) Children and identity issues. The collection represents Medicine's work as an educator for universities and colleges in the United States and in Canada, for which she taught Native American Studies courses. Additionally, because of the large amount of research material and Medicine's correspondence with elected U.S. officials and Native American leaders, and records from Medicine's involvement in Native American organizations, the collection serves to represent issues affecting Native Americans during the second half of the 20th century, and reflects what Native American leaders and organizations did to navigate and mitigate those issues. Collection materials include correspondence; committee, conference, and teaching material; ephemera; manuscripts and poetry; maps; notes; periodicals; photographs; training material; and transcripts.
Pratt, Read Corporation Records
Nickse, Hugo
Johnson, Hanford
Comstock, Cheney and Co.
Pratt, Read and Company
84 Cubic feet (104 boxes, 28 oversize folders)
Records documenting Pratt, Read and Company; its early competitor and later partner, Comstock, Cheney and Company; and a number of predecessor, subsidiary and related companies. Other topics include the late 19th century African ivory trade and Pratt, Read's production of troop-carrying gliders during World War II.
Grant Records
Smithsonian Institution, Assistant Secretary for Public Service
3.5 cu. ft. (3 record storage boxes) (1 document box)
These records consist of files documenting grants by the Assistant Secretary for Public Service to Smithsonian offices for educational outreach programs among their constituents. Examples include a project sponsored by the American Indian Program to encourage Native American artists. The files include correspondence and memoranda, budgets, ...
The Garden Club of America collection
Garden Club of America
circa 1920-present
37,000 Slides (35mm slides)
33 Linear feet ((garden files))
3,000 lantern slides
AAG.GCA
This collection contains over 37,000 35mm slides, 3,000 glass lantern slides and garden files that may include descriptive information, photocopied articles (from journals, newspapers, or books), planting lists, correspondence, brochures, landscape plans and drawings. Garden files were compiled by Garden Club of America (GCA) members for most of the gardens included in the collection. Some gardens have been photographed over the course of several decades; others only have images from a single point in time. In addition to images of American gardens, there are glass lantern slides of the New York Flower Show (1941-1951) and trips that GCA members took to other countries, including Mexico (1937), Italy, Spain, Japan (1935), France (1936), England (1929), and Scotland. A number of the slides are copies of historic images from outside repositories including horticultural and historical societies or from horticultural books and publications. The GCA made a concerted effort in the mid-1980s to acquire these images in order to increase its documentation of American garden history. Because of copyright considerations, use of these particular images may be restricted.
Ralph Fabri papers
Fabri, Ralph, 1894-
circa 1870s-1975
AAA.fabrralp
The Ralph Fabri papers measure 26.0 linear feet and are dated circa 1870s-1975, with the bulk of the material dated 1918-1975. Biographical information, correspondence, subject files, writings, art work, financial records, miscellaneous records, scrapbooks, printed material, a videotape of Fabri in his studio, and photographs document the professional career and personal life of the painter, printmaker, commercial artist, writer, and teacher.


text:
DCS Top Young Problem Solvers
General News -	 February 27, 2014 February 27, 2014
DCS Students Compete for Title of 'Ireland's Top Young Problem Solver'
Talented decoders test their minds in All Ireland Linguistics Olympiad 2014
Dublin, Ireland – 12 clever problem solvers from Douglas Community School this week tested their minds against the world's toughest problems in language and logic during the qualifying round of the CNGL All-Ireland Linguistics Olympiad 2014. The contest challenges secondary school students to solve complex puzzles in unfamiliar languages. It aims to inspire students to pursue careers combining computing, linguistics and languages.
The students from DCS were among a record 2,700 students from 130 schools who competed in qualifying rounds of the competition at their schools this week. The top 100 decoders will go to participate in the national finals at Trinity College, Dublin in March. The winners there will win the opportunity to represent Ireland at the International Linguistics Olympiad in Beijing, China in July 2014.
The All Ireland Linguistics Olympiad (AILO) challenges students to engage in 'code-breaking' to unlock information in unfamiliar languages – be it decoding Swedish Metro maps, deciphering ancient Oriental scripts, or interpreting Aboriginal poetry. No prior knowledge of a second language is required; even the hardest problems require only reasoning skills, logic and patience.
"Not only did it provide me with some very stimulating puzzles, but socially I found it great and I also got the opportunity to represent my school and country at the International Olympiad" said fifth year DCS student, Daniel Herlihy who was on the national team which competed in Manchester last year.
AILO is run by the Science Foundation Ireland-funded CNGL Centre for Global Intelligent Content, which is hosted by Trinity College Dublin and Dublin City University. CNGL is a 58 million euro academia-industry research centre that adapts and personalises digital content to the needs of global users. Students who reach the national final of this year's contest will be tutored by experts from CNGL.
A recent study revealed that 94 per cent of employers consider the capacity to think critically, communicate clearly and solve complex problems to be vital in the 21st century global workforce. AILO aims to inspire the next generation of multilingual technology graduates, who possess a powerful combination of computing, language and skills.
For AILO competition updates, and to try out the puzzles for yourself, visit www.cngl.ie/ailo
Cian O Mahony
DCS CAN SAT CONQUERORS
DCS Cancer Awareness


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text:
"""Defused xml.sax.expatreader
"""
from __future__ import print_function, absolute_import

from xml.sax.expatreader import ExpatParser as _ExpatParser

from .common import (DTDForbidden, EntitiesForbidden,
                     ExternalReferenceForbidden)

__origin__ = "xml.sax.expatreader"

class DefusedExpatParser(_ExpatParser):
    """Defused SAX driver for the pyexpat C module."""

    def __init__(self, namespaceHandling=0, bufsize=2 ** 16 - 20,
                 forbid_dtd=False, forbid_entities=True,
                 forbid_external=True):
        _ExpatParser.__init__(self, namespaceHandling, bufsize)
        self.forbid_dtd = forbid_dtd
        self.forbid_entities = forbid_entities
        self.forbid_external = forbid_external

    def defused_start_doctype_decl(self, name, sysid, pubid,
                                   has_internal_subset):
        raise DTDForbidden(name, sysid, pubid)

    def defused_entity_decl(self, name, is_parameter_entity, value, base,
                            sysid, pubid, notation_name):
        raise EntitiesForbidden(name, value, base, sysid, pubid, notation_name)

    def defused_unparsed_entity_decl(self, name, base, sysid, pubid,
                                     notation_name):
        # expat 1.2
        raise EntitiesForbidden(name, None, base, sysid, pubid, notation_name)

    def defused_external_entity_ref_handler(self, context, base, sysid,
                                            pubid):
        raise ExternalReferenceForbidden(context, base, sysid, pubid)

    def reset(self):
        _ExpatParser.reset(self)
        parser = self._parser
        if self.forbid_dtd:
            parser.StartDoctypeDeclHandler = self.defused_start_doctype_decl
        if self.forbid_entities:
            parser.EntityDeclHandler = self.defused_entity_decl
            parser.UnparsedEntityDeclHandler = self.defused_unparsed_entity_decl
        if self.forbid_external:
            parser.ExternalEntityRefHandler = self.defused_external_entity_ref_handler

def create_parser(*args, **kwargs):
    return DefusedExpatParser(*args, **kwargs)


text:
Q: Checking for an Internet connection before executing a page refresh I know this question has been discussed many times but there does not seem to be a universal working answer.
I have a web page that displays data which is continually updated and I need to work out how I can prevent the web page from refreshing if there is no internet connection.
I have tried many different approaches but without exception, went I disable my internet connection, browsers displays
Firefox: Server not found
Chrome: There is no internet connection
IE: You're not connected to the internet

I have looked into various browser plug-ins but none of them work.
I have taken a look at navigator.onLine but even using this browsers still display their own not connected pages. I have looked at using some sort of AJAX call without any success.
I do not need to worry about who is using which browser because this script is going to run on a known device configured to a known specification.
Is there a full proof method of preventing a page refresh until there is a connection?
loadDoc("example.com/comms_true.png", myFunction1);
function loadDoc(url, cFunction) {
var xhttp;
xhttp=new XMLHttpRequest();
xhttp.onreadystatechange = function() {
if (this.readyState == 4 && this.status == 200) {
cFunction(this);
setTimeout(function() {
location.reload();
}, 30000);
} else {
}
};
xhttp.open("GET", url, true);
xhttp.send();
}

function myFunction1(xhttp) {
setTimeout, 30000;
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
Leon Worden Index
SCVTV.com
Local Television
for Santa Clarita
SCV History In Pictures
SCV Historical Society
Old Town Newhall
Mentryville
SCV 4th of July
COINage Magazine
Contact Leon
ACCG
OHNS
CSNA (state)
Fingerprints in the water agency election
By Leon Worden
ell, here we are again. Election time. If it's autumn in an even year, that can mean only one thing in Santa Clarita: water wars.
It's like clockwork. Every time there's a Castaic Lake Water Agency board election on the horizon, the pages of your local paper are filled with rumors and misinformation from the opposition candidates. It happened two years ago, the last time there was a CLWA election, and it's happening again this year.
In 1996 the word was that the CLWA board directors weren't really committed to letting the city build a nice, new Central Park on their property. As I think we all now know, the CLWA board directors were and are VERY committed to letting the city build a nice, new Central Park on their property. The only party throwing a monkey wrench into the plan at this late date seems to be the city.
This year the Central Park is again an issue, and not just because the city apparently stalled on building it for six months while it "explored alternatives." This year the issue is a story about water connection fees that appeared in local papers last week — a non-issue that one of the water board challengers, a gadfly named Ed Dunn, tried to fabricate into an issue.
It's the same Ed Dunn whom voters kicked off the Newhall County Water board a year ago for failing to improve the quality of water in Newhall or drive down the price in Castaic or Pinetree — things that really ARE issues.
Curiously, our city manager's fingerprints were all over both fabricated stories. In 1996 the false rumors about the CLWA directors balking over the Central Park came from City Hall. This season, Dunn told a Signal reporter that the city manager supplied him with figures in preparation for taking his bogus "story" to the papers. Sorta makes you wonder if the city manager's office doesn't have an agenda of its own when it comes to who controls water in this valley.
It would make sense. The city has tried — and may be trying again — to purchase the Santa Clarita Water Co., one of the SCV's four water retailers. Putting opposition candidates on the CLWA board couldn't hurt the city's efforts to seize control of our water.
Of course, it could simply be a personal problem. The animosity between Caravalho and CLWA General Manager Bob Sagehorn is no great secret. It was Sagehorn and the current directors of the Castaic Lake Water Agency, after all, who stymied the city's plan to create an illegal redevelopment agency that would have cost other public entities, and ultimately taxpayers, $1.1 billion-with-a-B over 30 years.
To me, that weighs darned heavily on the side of the current CLWA directors.
I understand lawmakers in Sacramento still use Santa Clarita's attempted $1.1 billion redevelopment scheme as a prime example of how redevelopment can go wrong.
Who are these CLWA directors? They're a bunch of people who just care about water. Go figure. They really don't give a damn about politics. Which makes it tough sometimes. It explains why you don't see them writing a lot of letters to the editor to counteract the absurdities you're accustomed to reading in the editorial pages. They're just doing their thing.
And in case there's any confusion, their thing isn't to build roads through parks, or give away tax dollars to other public agencies, or control growth. The job of a CLWA director is to provide an ample supply of high-quality water at a reasonable cost.
Richard Balcerzak, Donald Froelich and Randall Pfiester have been doing that for the last four years. They'd like your approval to keep doing it. Peter Kavounas looks promising, too. He's running for the only vacant CLWA seat this year.
You'll see two of these names on your ballot. Chances are, you've never heard of them. And that's OK. At least remember their names until Nov. 3. Write them down if you have to.
Leon Worden is The Signal's special sections editor.
©1999 LEON WORDEN — ALL RIGHTS RESERVED