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DealBook|McDonald's China Operations to Be Sold to Locally Led Consortium
https://nyti.ms/2i95EA2
DealBook Business and Policy
McDonald's China Operations to Be Sold to Locally Led Consortium
A McDonald's in Yichang, China. McDonald's operates and franchises more than 2,400 restaurants in mainland China and more than 240 in Hong Kong.Credit...Imaginechina, via Associated Press
By Amie Tsang and Sui-Lee Wee
HONG KONG — McDonald's said on Monday that it would sell its businesses in mainland China and Hong Kong for $2.08 billion to Citic, a state-owned conglomerate, and the Carlyle Group, a private equity firm.
The deal gives Citic and Carlyle franchise rights for 20 years. Citic and its investment arm, Citic Capital, will have a controlling stake of 52 percent, while Carlyle will take 28 percent. McDonald's will retain the remaining fifth of the company.
"China and Hong Kong represent an enormous growth opportunity for McDonald's," Steve Easterbrook, McDonald's chief executive, said in a news release. "This new partnership will combine one of the world's most powerful brands and our unparalleled quality standards with partners who have an unmatched understanding of the local markets."
Mr. Easterbrook, who took over in 2015 and set about turning the company around, has seen it regain its financial footing recently, although growth has slowed.
The turnaround plan announced involved making 95 percent of its restaurants franchises, including more than 1,750 in China and Hong Kong. McDonald's operates and franchises more than 2,400 restaurants in mainland China and more than 240 in Hong Kong.
McDonald's opted for a franchise deal to save on investing and modernizing stores itself, according to Ben Cavender, a senior analyst at China Market Research, a consultancy based in Shanghai.
"At the end of the day they can make more money," Mr. Cavender said before the announcement. "They can be more profitable if they are asset light and make money off franchise fees and leave the heavy lifting to somebody else."
The consortium said it planned to focus on opening new restaurants in third- and fourth-tier cities. For Citic, the investment was seen as a way to tap into rising disposable incomes in China. Chang Zhenming, the chairman of Citic, said the deal was a "strategic opportunity for Citic to invest in the expanding Chinese consumer sector."
If McDonald's moved into smaller cities, there could be opportunities for growth, said Joel Silverstein, president of the consultancy East West Hospitality Group.
"McDonald's definitely has much more developmental potential ahead of it compared to Yum," Mr. Silverstein said ahead of the announcement, referring to the fast food group that owns KFC and Pizza Hut. "KFC has gone into Tier 3 or 4 cities, where McDonald's hasn't expanded nearly to that extent yet."
In the 1990s, Chinese consumers flocked to Western fast-food chains, drawn to them by their clean bathrooms and air-conditioning — a novelty in China at that time. But since then, restaurants like McDonald's and KFC have struggled against increasing competition from a boom in quick-service Chinese restaurant chains and a shift toward healthier eating.
Yum split off its Chinese operations into a separate company in 2015, after falling sales and food safety issues. It has struggled to keep up with changing customer tastes and competition from both local and international players.
Still, there was concern about how McDonald's could expand and retain customers.
Chinese people are not "great burger eaters to the extent that they like fast food chicken," Mr. Cavender at China Market Research said.

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Dickson local making strides with Andy Roddick Foundation
Andy Simmons
jasimmons@gannett.com
While the Harper family is getting ready for the annual Match Point Tennis program in a couple of weeks in Dickson, their son is helping make a difference with one of America's most prolific former tennis players.
Wyatt Harper Jr. is the chief financial officer of the Andy Roddick Foundation, helping the foundation when it comes to financial strategy.
After graduating from Dickson County and playing tennis at Sewanee, he moved to Austin, Texas to work in investment banking while giving tennis lessons on the side. He was able to join forces with Roddick doing what he loved.
"Tennis is a very small world. I knew he had lived here, was retired and interested in starting a nonprofit organization. Just by luck, I was giving tennis lessons to the new CEO, Richard Tagle. I got to talking to him, and got in the door that way." said Harper Jr.
Now he's been working with Roddick for a couple of years now, and has nothing but praise for the former American tennis star.
"He's the most professional person I've been around in my career," said Harper Jr.
"Just in the way he conducts himself. He's on time, asks the right questions and is very aware of what's going on. The kids love him when we go to summer camps. I couldn't ask for a better leader."
But now that Roddick has hung up his racquet in the professional ranks, his attention is on his foundation that he's built up.
A statement on their website writes "The Andy Roddick Foundation works to transform this time into hours of opportunity, and high-quality out-of-school time programs can have a positive and lasting effect on students by keeping them safe, engaged, and active."
"We're helping hundreds of kids in the poorest of parts in Austin," said Harper Jr.
It shouldn't be a surprise to any that this the path Harper Jr. is now walking due to his ties with Match Point Tennis.
The focus of the tennis program is to get kids in Dickson and the Dickson County area involved in tennis when school's out, hoping to mold them into the next great player and as well as helping keep them active, similarly to what is trying to be accomplished at the Andy Roddick Foundation.
"I think Match Point does a good job with youth developement," said Harper Jr.
"What we're trying to do at Match Point is to provide similar opportunities for kids to build character, have fun, and be on a path to be successful in whatever they choose to pursue."
The afterschool program is slated to start September 8th and run every Thursday during the month, with Harper Jr. making a return to the Dickson area to help out. He's hoping he can bring a special guest.
"I've joked around with (Roddick) and tried to plant the seed," said Harper Jr.
Reach Andy Simmons on Twitter @AndyDHTN


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Missouri prison harassment reports spur call for review
UncategorizedBy News December 8, 2016 Leave a comment
JEFFERSON CITY, Mo. (AP) – Missouri's Republican House Speaker Todd Richardson is calling for an investigation of the state Department of Corrections after reports of widespread workplace harassment. The St. Louis Post-Dispatch (http://bit.ly/2h7tw7F ) on Wednesday reported Richardson says he won't tolerate what he said appears to be a culture of sexual harassment. The alternative…
8 people indicted for smash-and-grab at Missouri Saks store
ST. LOUIS (AP) – Eight Chicago residents have been indicted by a federal grand jury for the smash-and-grab crime at a Saks Fifth Avenue in suburban St. Louis. The U.S. Attorney's office in St. Louis on Wednesday announced the indictments. All eight suspects are in their 20's. Illinois State Police say they are also under…
Rauner asks Democrats for budget proposal, delays meeting
SPRINGFIELD, Ill. (AP) – Republican Gov. Bruce Rauner says he wants Democratic leaders to present him a budget proposal to end an 18-month stalemate before meeting again for another round of negotiations. Rauner made the announcement Wednesday a day before a planned meeting with legislative leaders, which he canceled. The Chicago Sun-Times reports (http://bit.ly/2h4CnUX )…
Police called after man uses axe in altercation
( KTRs) Authorities are investigating a call for an assault that involved an axe. Police were called to a residence in the 4800 block of Maffitt, just after midnight, Wednesday. When they arrived that victim told officers that he had got into an altercation with his neighbor, who then produced an axe and struck the…
University of Missouri receives diversity recommendations
COLUMBIA, Mo. (AP) – A task forces says the University of Missouri system should emphasize diversity in its recruiting and hiring practices, while also finding ways to fund those practices to make them sustainable. A 21-page report by the UM System Diversity, Equity and Inclusion task force issued Wednesday made specific recommendations to improve diversity…
St. Louis city seeks $40 million in tax credits for MLS stadium
Around TownBy News December 7, 2016 Leave a comment
(KTRS) – St. Louis City leaders are asking for $40 million in tax credits to help finance a Major League Soccer stadium. This is on top of the $80 million that city voters will decide on in April. The new tax credit request will be presented to the state Development Finance Board in Jefferson City Thursday.…
Illinois manufacturers criticize Exelon law
PORT BYRON, Ill. (AP) – The Illinois Manufacturers' Association says Gov. Bruce Rauner weakened Illinois' job prospects by signing a nuclear-energy subsidy. Rauner signed the law Wednesday creating a plan to allow Exelon Corp. to keep two unprofitable nuclear plants open with $235 million a year from ratepayers. But he says it will save consumers…
Auditor Galloway: $7,000 in possible fraud by former collector
HARTVILLE, Mo. (AP) – The state auditor says an audit shows new possible fraud by a former county collector who recently pleaded guilty to forgery. Missouri State Auditor Nicole Galloway said Wednesday in a release that the audit shows "new inappropriate and potentially fraudulent activities" by former Wright County Collector Cynthia Cottengim. Cottengim resigned in…
City officials: Congress shortchanging NYC on Trump security
NationalBy News December 7, 2016 Leave a comment
NEW YORK (AP) – New York City's mayor and other Democratic officials say Congress is coming up far too short in proposing to reimburse the city $7 million for protecting Trump Tower. It's a fifth of what New York requested. Mayor Bill de Blasio said Wednesday that New York City taxpayers "should not be on…
Texas eyes immunizations as more kids file exemptions
AUSTIN, Texas (AP) – Texas could host the nation's next major fight over stricter requirements for immunizations as its rates of schoolchildren who refuse to get shots for non-medical reasons rises. The number of Texas kindergarten through 12th grade students who reported filing conscientious exemptions for at least one immunization last school year increased 19-fold…
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26, Charter House, Claremont Road, Surbiton, Greater London, KT6 4RD
Phone IconIcon set Phone 020 3369 4311
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Our well-respected team of estate agents at the Surbiton office have a wealth of local experience and can assist with any aspect of your property transaction, also covering sales and lettings in our Kingston office and the surrounding areas of Berrylands, Long Ditton, Thames Ditton, Tolworth, North Kingston, Kingston Hill, Norbiton, Ham, New Malden and Worcester Park.
Why move to Surbiton?
Surbiton is an affluent riverside town in the Royal Borough of Kingston upon Thames with much to offer those looking to set down roots in Greater London. Commuters are well served by fantastic road links and speedy train services to the centre of town, while families flock here for the exceptional schools, green space and host of daily amenities. The thriving town centre has many wonderful shops and restaurants, as well as a strong community spirit that you would not find in the capital.
Previously part of the historic county of Surrey, Surbiton has been part of Greater London since 1965. It was originally known as Kingston-upon-Railway when the train line first arrived in 1838 but later became Surbiton to distinguish it from the Kingston railway line which opened in 1869. It is possibly best known as the setting for the 1970s BBC sitcom 'The Good Life' about a couple trying to live sustainably in the suburbs by growing vegetables and rearing animals.
Architecture and property
Properties in Surbiton are diverse, ranging from Georgian townhouses to purpose-built 1950s maisonettes and period conversions. A large proportion of the town's architectural landscape is made up of detached and semi-detached family homes, whether Victorian cottages in Seething Wells or 1930s pre-war houses in Berrylands.
Shopping and amenities
Surbiton's bustling town centre has a great range of shops and amenities, including independent clothing boutiques, cafes, a library and several gyms, including specialist fitness centres offering everything from boxing to pilates. The town's community spirit is enhanced by an award-winning farmers' market held monthly on Maple Road that provides an opportunity to support local business and pick up high-quality fresh produce.
Most of Surbiton's diverse eateries are conveniently clustered around the train station, with further options on the main thoroughfares of Maple Road and Ewell Road. There is a wealth of choice with many world cuisines represented, from classic cooking at The French Table to delicious curries at the Agra Tandoori and Japanese dishes at popular chain restaurant Kokoro. Residents can head to one of the town's riverside pubs for a tipple or to nearby Kingston for a night at the cinema or theatre.
Leafy Surbiton has a good selection of outdoors space to explore, including Victoria Recreation Ground with its play area and Hogsmill Nature Reserve which has an array of walking and cycling trails. More extensive green space can be found nearby in the form of the landscaped grounds of Hampton Court Palace, the beautiful tree-lined avenues of royal Bushy Park and the 2,500-acre Richmond Park, the largest of the Royal Parks, where families will enjoy spotting the deer and exploring the playgrounds.
A first-rate schooling system is one of the main draws for families, with Surbiton well served by both state and independent schools. For younger children there are Maple Infants, St Matthew's Primary, Lime Tree Primary and Christ Church CofE. Hollyfield is a mixed secondary school and sixth form, while Tolworth School caters to girls and Southborough High School boys from secondary age through to sixth form. The many respected independent schools in the area include Surbiton High School, Surbiton High Girls' and Boys' Preparatory Schools, and Shrewsbury House.
Surbiton is situated in Zone 6 and its striking Art Deco train station has overground services to the transport hub of London Waterloo in around 25 minutes, connecting commuters to the rest of the city. The M3 and A3 are nearby giving easy access to the M25 and the wider national motorway network. Frequent fliers benefit from the town's close proximity to Heathrow Airport less than 9 miles away which provides a gateway to domestic and international travel.
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text:
Serge ter Braake, Antske Fokkens, R.G.H. Sluijter, Thierry Declerck, Eveline Wandl-Vogt
Huygens ING - Digital Data Management
Biographical Data in a Digital World 2015
Proceedings of the First Conference on Biographical Data in a Digital World 2015, Amsterdam, The Netherlands, April 9, 2015.
CEUR-WS.org
ter Braake, S., Fokkens, A., Sluijter, R. G. H., Declerck, T., & Wandl-Vogt, E. (2015). Introduction. In Biographical Data in a Digital World 2015: Proceedings of the First Conference on Biographical Data in a Digital World 2015, Amsterdam, The Netherlands, April 9, 2015. (Vol. 1399, pp. 0-0). CEUR-WS.org.
ter Braake, Serge ; Fokkens, Antske ; Sluijter, R.G.H. ; Declerck, Thierry ; Wandl-Vogt, Eveline. / Introduction. Biographical Data in a Digital World 2015: Proceedings of the First Conference on Biographical Data in a Digital World 2015, Amsterdam, The Netherlands, April 9, 2015.. Vol. 1399 CEUR-WS.org, 2015. pp. 0-0
@inbook{b30e13c1f8ac420aabab2c21f5f0043a,
title = "Introduction",
author = "{ter Braake}, Serge and Antske Fokkens and R.G.H. Sluijter and Thierry Declerck and Eveline Wandl-Vogt",
booktitle = "Biographical Data in a Digital World 2015",
publisher = "CEUR-WS.org",
ter Braake, S, Fokkens, A, Sluijter, RGH, Declerck, T & Wandl-Vogt, E 2015, Introduction. in Biographical Data in a Digital World 2015: Proceedings of the First Conference on Biographical Data in a Digital World 2015, Amsterdam, The Netherlands, April 9, 2015.. vol. 1399, CEUR-WS.org, pp. 0-0.
Introduction. / ter Braake, Serge; Fokkens, Antske; Sluijter, R.G.H.; Declerck, Thierry; Wandl-Vogt, Eveline.
Biographical Data in a Digital World 2015: Proceedings of the First Conference on Biographical Data in a Digital World 2015, Amsterdam, The Netherlands, April 9, 2015.. Vol. 1399 CEUR-WS.org, 2015. p. 0-0.
AU - ter Braake, Serge
AU - Fokkens, Antske
AU - Sluijter, R.G.H.
AU - Declerck, Thierry
AU - Wandl-Vogt, Eveline
BT - Biographical Data in a Digital World 2015
PB - CEUR-WS.org
ter Braake S, Fokkens A, Sluijter RGH, Declerck T, Wandl-Vogt E. Introduction. In Biographical Data in a Digital World 2015: Proceedings of the First Conference on Biographical Data in a Digital World 2015, Amsterdam, The Netherlands, April 9, 2015.. Vol. 1399. CEUR-WS.org. 2015. p. 0-0


text:
Clement previews Hawthorns trip
Manager looks ahead to West Brom test
Paul Clement says the Royals are going to have to be at their best to bring points back with them from West Bromwich Albion this weekend.
"I'm very pleased to stay" - Méïté
Darren Moore's side are currently the top scorers in the Championship - with six more goals than any other team - and are lurking just a point off the top of the table.
After a disappointing result against Queens Park Rangers in midweek, Clement says his squad will have to be on their game at the weekend to gain more Championship points.
"It's another tough game, so we'll have to play a lot better than we did on Tuesday night if we're going to get any kind of a result up there," the Reading manager said.
"We went to a very difficult place last weekend and nearly came away with all three points, so we've got a bit of rebuilding to do but we'll certainly be ready for the kick-off on Saturday.
"There's no need for any big motivational talk for this one, the players have to be absolutely concentrated. In some of the biggest tests we've had this season, we've been at our best.
"West Brom were top going into the fixtures on Tuesday, they score a lot of goals and for me they're a Premier League quality team, with a lot of good players and a dangerous front two.
"They have a lot of confidence, a good stadium, it's a big test. We're going to have to play really well to get a good result."
Saturday 6th October, 3pm (The Hawthorns)
West Bromwich Albion vs Reading on 06 Oct 18


I have been wanting to do a post on Scripture journaling for awhile now — but it never seemed like a "good" time. But, with the hymn study I am doing with my younger siblings, I figured it would be a right time to post about it now.
Several years ago — we're talking back in 2010 — Mom woke us up with a strangely interesting statement: "I think we're Mormons." It was one of those years when we older girls were getting older (of course), and the younger children were starting lessons, and it was getting harder and harder to incorporate the unit study type lessons we had always done into the school day with so many various ages.
One thing we were all amazed by was the dedication of the Mormons to study their Bibles and the Book of Mormon. And it was truly studying — not simply reading a portion in the morning and the evening and calling it done. The studies we looked at posed deep and interesting questions. The amount of time that was dedicated was immense, much more than most Christians dedicate. And they would do fun things to help them remember what they learned — things like scripture journaling.
So what is Scripture journaling? Or, as my Mom phrases it "Scripture-Scraps"? It is simply a way to journal what you have learned throughout Scripture. Whether word studies, topical studies, parables, verses, even catechism…..it is a way to creatively express what you are learning without writing a report on it. We have used scrap booking supplies — papers, stamps, stickers, embellishments — pictures, quotes from books, word art printables, and a myriad of other things.
I asked the girls if I could take pictures of their journals and share some of them with you all, so you could have a visual of what I am talking about. I must say, I have never sat down to look through them. Though not as personal as a writing journal, they are personal. I was awed to see what the Lord had been teaching each of the girls as I flipped through and snapped pictures.
Some of us decorated the outside of our journals to make them unique and special — they are only plain sketch books which we bought at Hobby Lobby years ago.
As you look through the pictures remember that we were all much younger in the beginning of the books — Respectively I was 14, and the next three were 12, 11, and 8. These weren't something Mom went through to correct spelling, punctuation, grammar, etc. She would check to see that we had done it, and left it at that.
AND — since this is the last installment of the hymn study for this go-round, we are celebrating with a giveaway.
I've often used a journal as part of my Bible study, but not in this way (I just write). I really like this idea, though. I'm not particularly artistic or crafty, but I can see myself getting into this. Thanks for sharing the idea!
Thank you for posting! I am looking forward to reading future posts.
Thank you for sharing — it is something I need to work on, too =) It is nice to know that I am not alone in that struggle!!


text:
All posts tagged Pope Pius IX
This is a long book. It takes McPherson about 280 pages before he gets to the outbreak of hostilities, just to paint in the complicated political, economic, legal and social background to the American Civil War. This build-up section is absolutely fascinating, giving insights into a number of deep and enduring aspects of American history and culture.
I had no idea that freelance forces raised in the southern states repeatedly tried to invade and capture Cuba (this was after President Polk offered Spain $100 million for it and Spain haughtily refused). The so-called 'Ostend Manifesto' of 1854 declared that Cuba was as vital for American interests as any of the other American states. Invasion attempts were led by Narciso Lopez among others. Cuba was attractive because it had a slave population of some 500,000 i.e. annexing it to America would create a) another slave state, thus giving the existing slave states more political clout, b) add a big new territory in which slaves could be bought and sold i.e. where slave traders could make a profit.
And Nicaragua. In 1855 adventurer and mercenary leader William Walker managed to get himself appointed head of the Nicaraguan army, from where he usurped the presidency, ruling as President of Nicaragua for a year, 1856-57, before being defeated in battle by an alliance of other Central American states. (Walker had previously 'conquered' La Paz, the capital of sparsely populated Baja California, with a force of 43 men, and concocted various plans to seize territory from Mexico. McPherson's book conveys a wonderful sense of this era of bandits, adventurers, filibusters and mercenaries.)
Plenty of southern ideologists thought that, blocked by the free states in the north, their destiny was to seize and conquer all the nations surrounding the Gulf of Mexico (Mexico, all of Central America, all the Caribbean islands), institute slavery in all of them, and corner the market in all the world's coffee, sugar, cotton and other tropical goods, establish a new slave empire.
What an epic vision!
The various invasion attempts reinforced Latin American countries' suspicion of America's boundless arrogance and her thinly veiled ambitions to control the entire hemisphere, which lasts to this day.
Reviving the slave trade
Many southerners wanted to renew the slave trade, and some went as far as commissioning private ships to go buy Africans and ferry them back to America e.g. Charles Lamar, although Lamar was arrested (and released) and no sizeable trade was, in the end, established.
The Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854
In McPherson's opinion the Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854 was 'the most important single event pushing the nation towards civil war (p.121).
The territories of Kansas and Nebraska needed to be defined and organised. The process was led by Senator Stephen Douglas. He needed senate support. A key block of southerners made it clear they wouldn't support the bill unless Douglas allowed slavery in the new states. To be precise, unless he repealed the ban on slavery north of 36° 30' which had a been a central part of successive compromises with the slave states since 1820.
Douglas inserted such a repeal into the Kansas-Nebraska Act and the bill's supporters then forced a meeting with President Pierce (1853-57) during which they threatened him: 'Endorse repeal or lose the south'.
Pierce caved in, the act passed and caused a storm of protest. McPherson details the process by which the Kansas-Nebraska Act precipitated the collapse of the Whig party, whose northern and southern wings increasingly struggled to find common ground. From the ashes arose a variety of anti-slavery parties, which eventually crystallised into a new, entirely northern, Republican party.
Nativism
Immigration quadrupled after the great potato blight in Ireland of the mid-1840s. Immigration in the first five years of the 1850s was five times higher than a decade earlier. Most of the immigrants were Catholic Irish fleeing the famine or Germans fleeing the failed revolutions of 1848. They tended to be poor peasant labourers who crammed into urban tenements, driving up crime, squalor, disease and drunkenness.
Pope Pius IX (1846-78) helped stoke anti-Catholic feeling among liberals and the American Protestant establishment by making the Catholic Church a beacon for reactionary beliefs – declaring the doctrine of papal infallibility and publishing a Syllabus of Errors which forbade Catholics from praising or practicing liberalism, socialism, public education, women's rights and so on. American Catholic archbishop Hughes published an inflammatory book declaring that Protestantism was declining and would soon be replaced by Catholicism in America.
Unsurprisingly, in reaction, spokesman arose for a movement called 'nativism', which promoted the Protestant virtues of sobriety and hard work. There were riots and fights in cities between nativist mobs and Catholic groups.
Nativism overlapped with a growing temperance movement, which sought to close down bars and ban hard liquor – an anticipation of the Prohibition of the 1920s.
Secret societies grew up dedicated to keeping America Protestant by organising their members to only vote for Protestant candidates. There may have been up to a million members of these societies who were told that, if anyone asked about the name or membership of their local branch, they were to say 'I know nothing'. As a result they became known as the 'Know-nothings', and in the few years up to the Civil War knownothingness became a sort of political craze.
The Catholic Irish also tended to be strongly against blacks, with whom they competed for the roughest labouring jobs at the bottom of the social hierarchy. It was the Irish vote which played a key part in preventing blacks from being given equal voting rights in New York, in 1846. One journalist summarised the conflict as:
freedom, temperance and Protestantism against slavery, rum and Catholicism (p.137)
The trigger for civil war was the election of Abraham Lincoln as president on 6 November 1860. The less well-known of the two candidates for the Republican party, it wasn't so much him personally, as the sweeping triumph of the essentially northern antislavery Republican party running on a platform of opposing the spread of slavery to any more U.S. states, which prompted southern slave states to finally carry out the acts of secession they'd been threatening every time there was a political clash or controversy for the previous decade or more. (For example, South Carolina had threatened to secede in 1850 over the issue of California's statehood).
Indeed, it was South Carolina which first seceded from the United States as a result of a political convention called within days of Lincoln's election, the official secession declared on December 20, 1860. South Carolina was quickly followed by Mississippi (January 9, 1861), Florida (January 10, 1861), Alabama (January 11, 1861), Georgia (January 19, 1861), Louisiana (January 26, 1861), Texas (February 1, 1861), Virginia (April 17, 1861), Arkansas (May 6, 1861), North Carolina (May 20, 1861), and Tennessee (seceded June 8, 1861).
The seceding states joined together to form the Confederate States of America (CSA). In April 1861 President Lincoln made a speech saying the seceded states did not form a separate country, and that he would take steps to protect Union property and assets in the so-called Confederate states.
Almost immediately a flashpoint arose at Fort Sumter built on a sandbar at the entrance to the harbour of Charleston, capital of South Carolina. Reports that the Union navy was planning to resupply the small Union garrison in the (unfinished) fort prompted the South Carolina militia to make a pre-emptive strike and bombard the Fort into surrender on April 12, 1861. These were the first shots fired in the Civil War and Lincoln had been astute in managing to ensure it was a rebel state who fired them.
A political war
It was a political war. From start to finish the aims of both sides were political – broadly speaking the survival of their respective political, economic and social systems (one based on slave labour, one not) i.e. it was not a war fought about land or conquest.
Although it quickly escalated (or degenerated) into a total war, mobilising the resources of both sides, and leading to terrible casualties, the political aspect of the struggle was always pre-eminent.
Neither side was monolithic. There were moderates in the south, there were even unionists in the upper southern states, to whom Lincoln held out the possibility of negotiation and reconciliation. Similarly, not all northerners were in favour of total war, and one plank of southern rhetoric was to reach out to northern 'constitutionalists' by emphasising that the southern states' cause was a logical consequence of the American Constitution's concern for each state's individual autonomy. They were merely fighting for their rights under the Constitution to govern by their own laws.
Whose rights came first – the states or the Union as a whole? Who ruled – the central or the states governments? This had proved a thorny problem for the drafters of the Constitution back in the 1780s and was, at least to begin with, the core issue of the war. It's certainly the one Abraham Lincoln focused on in his early speeches, which assert that you simply can't have a government if large parts of the country threaten to secede every time laws are passed which they disagree with.
We must settle this question now: whether in a free government the minority have the right to break up the government whenever they choose.
But the south didn't think it was a matter of this or that law – they thought the Republicans' stated aim of stopping slavery from spreading and, in time, forcing it to wither and die, represented an existential threat their entire economic and cultural existence. As the South's reluctant president, Jefferson Davis, said, the Confederate states had been forced:
to take up arms to vindicate the political rights, the freedom, equality, and state sovereignty which were the heritage purchased by the blood of our revolutionary sires.
Length and complexity
This is why the first 300 pages of McPherson's book are so important. They need to paint a really thorough picture of the confused and contradictory political scene right across American society in the decades preceding the conflict:
explaining the arguments over slavery which tore both the pre-war Whig Party and that Democrat Party apart
explaining the rise of the new antislavery Republican party; describing the importance of nativist and racist movements in the north (not only anti-Catholic and anti-Irish but also anti-negro)
describing in detail the sequence of political crises which flared up over the admission of each new state to the union, the blizzard of arguments on both sides about whether each the new state should be slave or free
and detailing the complicated compromises which just about papered over the cracks for decades until the election of Lincoln.
And you need a good grasp of the kaleidoscopic and shifting complexity of American political scene in these years to understand why Lincoln took the decisions he did; for example why he appointed to his first cabinet several of his major political rivals – even from other parties – in order to build the widest coalition.
Why he appointed a soldier from the rival Democrat party George B. McClellan as head of the army on the Potomac, and stuck with him even though he failed to press the North's military and logistical advantage.
Similarly, why Lincoln delayed so long before declaring the Emancipation of the Slaves – namely that he had to keep onside as many as possible of the Democrat (i.e. slave-friendly) politicians in the north who had continued attending the Union Congress and Senate, and avoid offending opinion in the border states of Missouri and Kansas.
The American Civil War really is a classic example of the old saying that war is politics by other means as, throughout the conflict, both leaders, Lincoln and Davis, had to manage and negotiate unending squabbles on their own sides about the war's goals and strategies. McPherson notes how both leaders at various points felt like quitting in exasperation – and how both sides found their war aims changing and evolving as political feeling changed, and as the value of various alliances also changed in importance.
Meanwhile, as in any war, some men discovered that they liked killing.
You need the background and build-up in order to understand why the border states between north and south (for example, Missouri and Virginia) found themselves torn apart by opposing political movements and descending into their own mini civil wars, which generated gangs of raiders and freelancers beholden to neither side, degenerating into tit-for-tat bloodbaths.
One of Quantrill's Raiders, the best-known of the pro-Confederate partisan guerrillas (or bushwhackers) who fought in the American Civil War. Their leader was William Quantrill and they included Jesse and Frank James (pp.292 and 303)
It takes some time to explain why such a large, rich, bustling, vibrant nation managed to tear itself to pieces and descend, in many places, into violent anarchy. Battle Cry of Freedom is a very long book because it needs to be – but it never ceases to be completely absorbing and continually illuminating.
Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era on Amazon
Tagged 1987, 36° 30', Abraham Lincoln, Alabama, America, American Civil War, Arkansas, Baja California, Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era, book, bushwhackers, Catholics, Charles Lamar, Charleston, Confederate, Cuba, Democrat Party, Florida, Fort Sumter, Frank James, Georgia, history, Irish, James M. McPherson, Jesse James, Know-nothings, La Paz, Louisiana, Mexico, Mississippi, Narciso Lopez, nativism, Nicaragua, North Carolina, Pope Pius IX, Potato Famine, President Pierce, President Polk, Prohibition, Quantrill's Raiders, Senator Stephen Douglas, slavery, South Carolina, Spain, Syllabus of Errors, temperance, Tennessee, Texas, the American Civil War, the Confederate States of America, the Kansas-Nebraska Act, the Ostend Manifesto, the South, Virginia, Whig Party, William Quantrill, William Walker
https://astrofella.wordpress.com/2018/08/19/battle-cry-of-freedom-the-civil-war-era-3-james-m-mcpherson/
1848: Year of Revolution by Mike Rapport (2008)
1848 became known as 'the year of revolutions' and 'the springtime of nations' because there was political turmoil, fighting and unrest right across Europe, resulting in ministries and monarchies being toppled and new nation states proclaimed.
The underlying causes were agricultural, economic and demographic.
1. Agricultural failure
From 1845 onwards grain harvests across Europe were poor, and this was exacerbated when the fallback crop, potatoes, were hit by a destructive blight or fungal infection which turned them to mush in the soil. The result of the potato blight in Ireland is estimated to have been one and a half million deaths, but right across Europe peasants and small farmers starved, often to death. Hence the grim nickname for the decade as a whole, 'the Hungry Forties'.
2. Economic downturn
This all coincided with an economic downturn resulting from industrial overproduction, particularly in the textile industry. Textile workers and artisans were thrown out of work in all Europe's industrialised areas – the north of England, the industrial regions of Belgium, Paris and south-east France, the Rhineland of Germany, around Vienna and in western Bohemia.
3. Population boom
Hunger and unemployment impacted a population which had undergone a significant increase since the end of the Napoleonic Wars in 1815. Countryside and cities alike had seen a population explosion.
The surplus of population was across all classes: it's easy to see how an excess of many mouths to feed in a countryside hit by bad harvests, or in towns hit by economic depression, would result in misery and unrest. A bit more subtle was the impact of rising population on the middle classes: there just weren't enough nice professional jobs to go round. Everyone wanted to be a doctor or lawyer or to secure a comfortable sinecure in the labyrinthine bureaucracies of the autocracies – but there just weren't enough vacant positions. And so this created a surplus of disaffected, well-educated, middle-class young men who found roles to play in the new liberal and radical political movements.
If the surplus poor provided the cannon fodder in the streets, the surplus professional men provided the disaffected theoreticians and politicians of liberal reform and nationalism.
Inadequate response
As usual, the politicians in charge across Europe didn't fully understand the scale of the poverty and distress they were dealing with and chose the time-honoured method of trying to repress all and any expressions of protest by main force.
Rapport's book describes massacres in cities all across Europe as the garrisons were called out and soldiers shot on marching protesters in capital cities from Paris to Prague. This had an inevitable radicalising effect on the protesting masses who set up barricades and called on more of their fellow workers-urban poor to join them, and so on in a vicious circle.
However, these three underlying problems (population, hunger, slump) and the repressive response by all the authorities to almost any kind of protest, did not lead to one unified political movement of reform in each country. Instead the most important fact to grasp is that the opposition was split into different camps which, at the moments of severe crisis formed uneasy coalitions, but as events developed, tended to fall apart and even come to oppose each other.
There were at least three quite distinct strands of political opposition in 1848.
1. Liberalism
Of the big five states in 1840s Europe – Britain, France, Prussia, Austria and Russia – only France and Britain had anything remotely like a 'democracy', and even in these countries the number of people allowed to vote was pitifully small – 170,000 of the richest men in France, representing just 0.5% of the population, compared to the 800,000 who were enfranchised by the 1832 Reform Act in Britain (allowing about one in five adult British men the vote).
Despite the small electorates, both Britain and France at least had well-established traditions of 'civil society', meaning newspapers, magazines, universities, debating clubs and societies, the theatre, opera and a variety of other spaces where views could be aired and debated.
This was drastically untrue of the three other big powers – Prussia, Austria and Russia had no parliaments and no democracies. They were reactionary autocracies, ruled by hereditary rulers who chose ministers merely to advise them and to carry out their wishes, these moustachioed old reactionaries being Czar Nicholas I of Russia, Emperor Franz Joseph of Austria and Frederick William IV of Prussia.
Therefore, while liberals in Britain merely wanted to expand the franchise a bit, and even the radicals were only calling for complete manhood suffrage (encapsulated in 'the Great Charter' which gave the movement of 'Chartism' its name and whose collection and presentation to Parliament amounted to the main political event of the year in Britain) and whereas in France liberals wanted to see expansion of the suffrage and the removal of repressive elements of the regime (censorship) – in the three autocracies, liberals were fighting to create even a basic public space for discussion, and a basic level of democracy, in highly censored and repressive societies.
In other words, the situation and potential for reform in these two types of nation were profoundly different.
But to summarise, what marked out liberals across the continent is that they wanted constitutional and legal change, effected through what the Italians called the lotta legale, a legal battle (p.43).
2. Nationalism
Sometimes overlapping with liberal demands, but basically different in ambition, were the continent's nationalists. Italy and Germany are the obvious examples: both were geographical areas within which the population mostly spoke the same language, but they were, in 1848, divided into complex patchworks of individual states.
In 1806 Napoleon had abolished the 1,000 year-old Holy Roman Empire, creating a host of new statelets, kingdoms, duchies and so on. Some thirty-nine of these were formed into the German Confederation. The German states were a peculiar mix of sovereign empires, kingdoms, electorates, grand duchies, duchies, principalities and free cities. The German Confederation was dominated by the largest two states, Prussia in the North and the Austrian Empire in the south.
Italy was arguably even more divided, with the two northern states of Lombardy and Piedmont under Austrian rule, the central Papal States under control of the Pope, while the south (the kingdom of Sicily and Naples) was ruled by a bourbon king, with other petty monarchies ruling states like Tuscany and Savoy.
1848 was a big year for the famous Italian nationalists, Garibaldi and Mazzini, who attempted to stir up their countrymen to throw off foreign rule and establish a unified Italian state. It is an indication of how dire Italy's fragmentation was, that the nationalists initially looked to a new and apparently more liberal pope to help them – Pope Pius IX – the papacy usually being seen as the seat of reaction and anti-nationalism (although the story of 1848 in Italy is partly the story of how Pope Pius ended up rejecting the liberal revolution and calling for foreign powers to invade and overthrow the liberal government which had been set up in Rome.)
So 1848 was a big year for nationalists in Italy and the German states who hoped to unite all their separate states into one unified nation. Far less familiar to me were the nationalist struggles further east:
the struggle of Polish nationalists to assert their nationhood – after 1815 Poland had been partitioned into three, with the parts ruled by Prussia, Russia and Austria
as well as a host of more obscure nationalist struggles east of Vienna – for example:
the struggle of Magyar nationalists – the Hungarians – to throw off the yoke of German-speaking Vienna
the Czechs also, attempted to throw off Austrian rule
or the struggle of Ukrainian nationalists to throw off the domination of their land by rich Polish landowners
Many of these movements adopted a title with the word 'young' in it, hence Young Italy, Young Germany, Young Hungary, Young Ireland, and so on.
Map of Europe in 1848. Note the size of the Austrian Empire in blue, but also the deep penetration into Europe of the Ottoman Empire (Source: Age of the Sage)
Rapport shows how nationalists in almost all the countries of Europe wanted their lands and peoples to be unified under new, autochthonous rulers.
N.B. It is important to emphasise the limits of the 1848 revolutions and violence. There were no revolutions in Britain, the Netherlands, Sweden-Norway, in Spain or Portugal or in Russia. The Springtime of Nations most affected France, Germany, Italy and the Austrian Empire.
3. Socialism
After liberalism and nationalism, the third great issue was the 'social question'. While the rich and the upper-middle class seemed to be reaping the benefits from the early phases of the industrial revolution – from the spread of factory techniques for manufacturing textiles, the construction of a network of railways which helped transport raw materials and finished goods and so on – a huge number of rural peasants, small traders, and the urban working class were living in barely imaginable squalor and starving.
The paradox of starvation in the midst of plenty had prompted a variety of theoretical and economic analyses as well as utopian visions of how to reform society to ensure no-one would starve. These had become more prominent during the 1830s. It was in 1832 that the word 'socialism' was first coined as an umbrella term for radical proposals to overhaul society to ensure fairness and to abolish the shocking poverty and squalor which so many bourgeois writers noted as they travelled across the continent.
So 'socialist' ways of thinking had had decades to evolve and gain traction. Rapport makes the interesting point that by 1848 Europe had its first generation of professional revolutionaries.
The great French Revolution of 1789 had propelled men of often middling ability and provincial origin into high profile positions which they were completely unprepared for. By contrast, 1848 was a golden opportunity for men who had devoted their lives to revolutionary writing and agitating, such as Louis-August Blanqui and Armand Barbès.
(As Gareth Stedman Jones makes clear in his marvellous biography of Karl Marx, Marx himself was notorious to the authorities as a professional subversive, and his newspaper, the Neue Rheinische Zeitung became the bestselling radical journal in Germany, but he had little impact on the actual course of events.)
The various flavours of socialists were united in not just wanting to tinker with constitutions, not wanting to add a few hundred thousand more middle-class men to the franchise (as the liberals wanted) – nor were they distracted by complex negotiations among the rulers of all the petty states of Italy or Germany (like the nationalists were).
Instead the socialists were united in a desire to effect a comprehensive and sweeping reform of all elements of society and the economy in order to create a classless utopia. For example, by nationalising all land and factories, by abolishing all titles and ranks and – at their most extreme – abolishing private property itself, in order to create a society of complete equality.
A crisis of modernisation
Rapport sums up thus: The revolution and collapse of the conservative order in 1848 was a crisis of modernization, in that European economies and societies were changing fast, in size and economic and social requirements, but doing so in states and political cultures which had failed to keep pace and which, given the reactionary mindsets of their rulers and aristocracy, were dead set against any kind of reform or change. Something had to give.
Rapport tells the story of the tumultuous events which swept the continent with great enthusiasm and clarity. He gives us pen portraits of key reformer such as the nationalists Mazzini and Garibaldi and the socialist Blanqui, and of arch conservatives like Klemens Metternich, Chancellor of Austria, the young Bismarck of Prussia, and the sneering Guizot, unpopular premiere of France.
This is a great cast to start with but quite quickly the reader is overwhelmed with hundreds more names of radicals, republicans, liberals, reactionaries, conservatives and monarchists, ordinary workers and emperors – Rapport clearly and effectively presenting a cast of hundreds of named individuals who played parts large and small during this tumultuous year.
The first and decisive event of the year was the overthrow of King Louis Philippe in France and his replacement by a hastily cobbled-together Second Republic, in February 1848. This was a genuine revolution, and in what many took to be Europe's most important nation, so news of it spread like wildfire across the continent, emboldening radicals in Italy, Austria, Prussia and further east.
Rapport describes events with a keen eye for telling details and the key, often accidental incidents, which could transform angry hunger marchers into an revolutionary mob. For example, the outraged citizen of Milan who knocked a cigar out of the mouth of a preening Austrian officer, sparking a street fight which escalated into a 'tobacco riot', prompting the city's Austrian governor to call out the troops who then proceeded to fire on the mob, killing six and wounding fifty Italian 'patriot and martyrs'. That is how revolutions start.
There is a vast amount to tell, as Rapport describes not only the turmoil on the streets, but the complex constitutional and political manoeuvrings of regimes from Denmark in the north to Sicily in the south, from Ireland in the west to Hungary, Ukraine and Poland in the east. I didn't know so much happened in this one year. I didn't know, for example, that in the Berlin revolution, in March, one day of epic street fighting between liberal reformers, backed by the population against the king's army, resulted in 800 dead!
Fierce fighting at the Alexanderplatz barricade in Berlin on the night of 18-19 March 1848
It was eye-opening to be told in such detail about the scale of the violence across the continent.
I knew that the 'June Days' in Paris, when General Cavaignac was tasked with using the army to regain control of all the parts of the city where revolutionary barricades had been set up, resulted in vast bloodshed, with some 10,000 killed or injured. But I didn't know that when Austrian Imperial troops retook Vienna from the liberal-radical National Guard in the last week of October 1848, the use of cannon in urban streets contributed to the death toll of 2,000 (p.287).
There were not only soldiers-versus-workers battles, but plenty of more traditional fighting between actual armies, such as the battle between the forces of the king of Piedmont and Austrian forces in north Italy leading to the decisive Austrian victory at Custozza on 25 July 1848.
But it was the scale of the urban fighting which surprised and shocked me.
In another example, for a few months from April 1848 the island of Sicily declared its independence from the bourbon king of Naples who had previously ruled it. However, the king sent an army by ship which landed at Messina, subjecting the city to a sustained bombardment and then street by street fighting, which eventually left over two thirds of the city in smouldering ruins (p.260).
The social, political but also ethnic tensions between native Czech republicans and their overlord Austrian masters, erupted into six days of violent street fighting in Prague, June 12-17, during which Austrian General Windischgrätz first of all cleared the barricades before withdrawing his troops to the city walls and pounding Prague with a sustained artillery bombardment. Inevitably, scores of innocent lives were lost in the wreckage and destruction (p.235).
So much fighting, So much destruction. So many deaths.
Well, new to me:
1. The problem of nationalism The new ideology of nationalism turned out to contain an insoluble paradox at its core: large ethnically homogenous populations were encouraged to agitate for their own nation, but what about the minorities who lived within their borders? Could they be allowed their national freedom without undermining the geographical and cultural 'integrity' of the larger entity?
Thus the Hungarian nationalists had barely broken with their Austrian rulers before they found themselves having to deal with minority populations like Romanians, Serbs, Croats and others who lived within the borders the Hungarians claimed for their new state. Should they be granted their own independence? No. The Hungarians not only rejected these pleas for independence, but went to war with their minorities to quell them. And in doing so, split and distracted their armies, arguably contributing to their eventual defeat by Austria.
Meanwhile, Polish nationalists were dead set on asserting Polish independence, but in Galicia quickly found themselves the subject of attacks from the Ruthenian minority, long subjugated by Polish landowners, and who claimed allegiance to a state which they wanted to call Ukraine. Like the Hungarians, the Poles were having none of it.
Thus nationalism spawned mini-nationalisms, sub-nationalisms, and ethnic and cultural conflicts which began to look more like civil wars than struggles for 'independence'.
As a result, two broad trends emerged:
1. The chauvinism of big nations Nationalists from the larger nations developed an angry rhetoric castigating these troublesome little minorities as culturally less advanced. Rapport quotes German nationalists who criticised the Slavic minorities for their alleged racial and cultural inferiority – a rhetoric which was to have a long career in Germany, leading eventually to the Nazis and their Hunger Plan to starve and enslave the Slavic peoples.
2. Austro-Slavism In response to the breakaway aspirations of Hungary, the Hapsburg (Austrian) monarchy developed a strategy of Austro-Slavism. This was to appeal directly to the many minorities within the empire, and within Hungarian territory in particular, and guarantee them more protection within the multicultural Austro-Hungarian Empire than they would receive in one of the new, ethnically pure, nationalist states. 'Stay within our multicultural empire and you will be better off than under repressive monoglot Hungarian rule.'
Thus when representatives of the Slovaks asked the new Hungarian Parliament (which had been created in March 1848 as a concession from Vienna) to allow the teaching of the Slovak language and the flying of the Slovak flag in Slovak regions within the new Hungary, the Hungarians vehemently refused. They accused the nationalists of 'Pan-Slavic nationalism' and of wanting to undermine the integrity of the new Magyar (i.e. Hungarian) state. Not surprisingly when, later in the year, open war broke out between Austria and Hungary, many Slovak nationalists sided with Austria, having made the simple calculation that they were likely to have more religious, racial and linguistic freedom under the Austrian Empire than under the repressively nationalistic Hungarians.
3. The threshold principle of nationalism The threshold principle is an attempt to solve the Nationalism Paradox. It states that a people only 'deserves' or 'qualifies' to have a state of its own if it has the size and strength to maintain and protect it. Surprisingly, Friederich Engels, the extreme radical and patron of Karl Marx, espoused the threshold principle when it came to the smaller nationalities in and around Germany. Being German himself he, naturally enough, thought that Germany ought to be unified into a nation. But the Czechs, Slovaks and other 'lesser' peoples who lived within the borders of this new Germany, Engels thought they didn't deserve to be nations because they didn't come up to 'German' standards of culture and political maturity. (Explained on page 181).
This was just one of the problems, paradoxes and contradictions which the supposedly simple notion of 'nationalism' contained within itself and which made it so difficult to apply on the ground.
Nonetheless, 1848 marks the moment when nationalism clearly emerges as a major force in European history – and at the same time reveals the contradictions, and the dark undercurrents latent within it, which have dominated European politics right down to this day.
4. Grossdeutsch or Kleindeutsch? Uniting the 39 states of Germany sounds like a straightforward enough ambition, but at its core was a Big Dilemma: should the new state include or exclude Austria? The problem was that while the Austrian component of the Austrian Empire spoke German and considered themselves culturally linked to the rest of Germany, the Hapsburg monarchy which ruled Austria had also inherited a patchwork of territories all across Europe (not least all of Hungary with its minorities, and the northern states of Italy): should those obviously non-Germanic part of the Austrian empire be incorporated into Germany? Or would Austria have to abandon its empire in order to be incorporated into the new Germany?
Exponents of a Grossdeutsch (Big Germany) option thought it ridiculous to exclude Austria with its millions of German-speakers; of course Austria should be included. But that would mean tearing the Austro-Hungarian empire in half because obviously you couldn't include millions of Hungarians, Romanians and so on inside a 'German' state (the Kleindeutsch, or Little Germany, position).
Or could you? This latter thought gave rise to a third position, the Mitteleuropäisch solution, under which all of the German states would be incorporated into a super-Austria, to create a German-speaking empire which would stretch from the Baltic in the north to the Mediterranean in the south, a bulwark against Latins in the west and south, and the Slavic peoples to the east and south-east, promoting German culture, language and way of life across the continent, by force if necessary. (pp.298-300)
Comical and hypothetical though this may all sound, it would prove to be at the centre of world history for the next century. It was the 'German Problem' which lay behind the seismic Franco-Prussian War, the catastrophic First World War, and the global disaster of the Second World War.
The European Economic Community, established by the Treaty of Rome in 1957, at bottom was an attempt to settle the 'German Problem' i.e. to tie the German and French economies so intricately together that there could never again be war between the two of them.
Some people think the 'German Problem' was only really settled with the reunification of the two Germanies in 1990, but others think it still lives on in the disparity between the rich industrial West and the mostly agricultural and impoverished East.
And the question of German identity, of who is or isn't Germany, has been revived by Angel Merkel's over-enthusiastic acceptance of a million refugees in 2017, which has led to the widespread popularity of far right political parties in Germany for the first time since the Second World War.
All of which tends to suggest that the virus of nationalism, unleashed in 1848, can never really be cured.
It takes four hundred pages dense with fact and anecdote to convey the confused turmoil of the year 1848, but Rapport had already spelled out the overall results in the opening pages.
Although all the protesters hated the reactionary regimes, they couldn't agree what to replace them with. More specifically, the liberals and socialists who initially found themselves on the same barricades calling for the overthrow of this or that 'tyrant' – once the overthrow had been achieved or, more usually, a liberal constitution conceded by this or that petty monarch – at this point these temporarily allied forces realised that they held almost diametrically opposed intentions.
The liberals wanted to hold onto all their property and rights and merely to gain a little more power, a little more say for themselves in the way things were run; whereas the socialists wanted to sweep the bourgeois liberals out of the way, along with the monarchy, the aristocracy, the church and all the other tools of oppression.
It was this fundamentally divided nature of the forces of 'change' which meant that, as events worked their course, the forces of Reaction found it possible to divide and reconquer their opponents. Almost everywhere, when push came to shove, middle-class liberals ended up throwing in their lot with the chastened autocracies, thus tipping the balance of power against the genuine revolutionaries.
The high hopes of 1848 almost everywhere gave way to the resurgence of the autocracies and the restoration of reactionary regimes or the imposition of old repression in new clothes. Nowhere more ironically than in France where the overthrown monarchy of Louis Philippe gave way to the deeply divided Second Republic which staggered on for three chaotic years before being put out of its misery when the canny Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte – who had gotten himself elected president right at the end of 1848 – carried out the coup which brought him to power as a new Emperor, Napoleon III, in 1851.
Rapport's account also makes clear that the violence and turmoil wasn't limited to 1848 – it continued well into 1849:
in Germany where the newly established 'national' parliament was forced to flee to Frankfurt and, when the Prussian king felt strong enough to surround and close it, its suppression sparked a second wave of uprisings, barricades, vicious street fighting and harsh reprisals in cities all across Germany e.g. Dresden where Richard Wagner took part in the insurrection, whose violent suppression left over 250 dead and 400 wounded.
and in Italy where the republics of Rome and Venice were besieged and only conquered after prolonged bombardment and bloodshed. (It is a real quirk of history that the Roman republic was besieged and conquered by French troops, ordered there by 'President' Napoleon. Why? Because the French didn't want the approaching Austrians to take control of Rome and, therefore, of the Papacy. Ancient national and dynastic rivalries everywhere trumped high-minded but weak liberal or republican ideals.)
More than anywhere else it was in Hungary that the struggle for independence escalated into full-scale war (with Austria) which dragged on for several years. By the end, some 50,000 soldiers on both sides had lost their lives. When the Austrians finally reconquered Hungary, they quashed its independent parliament, repealed its declaration of rights, reimposed Austrian law and language and Hungary remained under martial law until 1854.
The Hungarian revolt led to the establishment of an independent parliament in 1849 which seceded from the Austrian Empire. Unfortunately, this was crushed later in the year by a combination of the Austrian army which invaded from the west, allied with Russian forces which invaded from the East. The parliament was overthrown, Hungary's leaders were arrested, tried and executed, and the country sank into sullen acquiescence in the Austro-Hungarian Empire which lasted until 1918, when it finally achieved independence.
None of the 'nations' whose nationalists were lobbying for them to be created ended up coming into existence: both Italy and Germany remained patchwork quilts of petty states, albeit some of them reorganised and with new constitutions. Italy had to wait till 1860, Germany until 1871, to achieve full unification.
Polish nationalism completely failed; Poland didn't become an independent nation state until 1918.
Same with the Czechs. They only gained nationhood, as Czechoslovakia, in 1918 (only to be invaded by the Nazis 20 years later).
Only in France was the old order decisively overthrown with the abolition of the monarchy. But this, ironically, was only to give rise to a new, more modern form of autocracy, in the shape of Napoleon III's 'empire'.
It is one among many virtues of Rapport's book that he explains more clearly than any other account I've read the nature of Napoleon's widespread appeal to the broad French population, and the succession of lucky chances which brought him to the throne. Karl Marx dismissed Napoleon III as an empty puppet who made himself all things to all men, not quite grasping that this is precisely what democracy amounts to – persuading a wide variety of people and constituencies that you are the solution to their problems.
Everywhere else the European Revolution of 1848 failed. It would be decades, in some cases a century or more, before all the ideas proclaimed by liberals came into force, ideas such as freedom of expression and assembly, the abolition of the death penalty (1965 in Britain), of corporal punishment and censorship (Britain's theatre censorship was only abolished in 1968), the emancipation of minorities and the extension of the franchise to all men and women (in the UK it was only in 1928 that all men and women over the age of 21 were allowed a vote – 80 years after 1848).
Order over anarchy
The political and economic situation had certainly got bad enough for a constellation of forces – and for hundreds of thousands of alienated urban poor – to mobilise and threaten their rulers. But none of the reformers who inherited these situations could command the majority needed to rule effectively or implement their plans before the Counter-Revolution began to fight back.
The failure of the French Second Republic, in particular, made clear a fundamental principle of advanced societies. that the general population prefers an able dictatorship to the uncertainty and chaos of 'revolution'.
(This is also the great lesson of the wave of anarchy which swept across Europe after the Great War, described in by Robert Gerwarth's powerful book, The Vanquished: Why the First World War Failed to End 1917-1923.)
Again and again, in different countries, Rapport repeats the lesson that people prefer order and security, albeit with restricted political rights, to the 'promise' of a greater 'freedom', which in practice seems to result in anarchy and fighting in the streets.
People prefer Order and Security to Uncertainty and Fear.
When faced with a choice between holding onto their new political liberties or conserving their lives, their property and their communities against 'anarchy' or 'communism', most people chose to sacrifice their freedom for the sake of security. (p.191)
A simple lesson which professional revolutionaries from Blanqui to our own time seem unable to understand. It is not that people are against equality. If asked most people of course say they are in favour of 'equality'. It's that most people, in countries across Europe for the past 170 years, have time and time again shown themselves to be against the anarchy which violent movements claiming to fight for equality so often actually bring in their train.
I get a little irritated by readers and commentators who say things like, 'the issues in the book turn out to be surprisingly modern, issues like freedom of speech, constitutional and legal reform, the identity of nations and their populations'.
Rapport himself does it, commenting that many German states expressed 'startlingly modern-sounding anxieties' (p.337) in response to the Frankfurt Parliament's publication of its Grundrechte or Bill of Basic Rights, in December 1848.
This is looking down the telescope the wrong way. All these themes and issues aren't 'surprisingly relevant to today'. What phrases like that really express is that, we are still struggling with the same issues, problems and challenges – economic, social and cultural – which have dogged Europe for over 200 years.
The past isn't surprisingly 'relevant'. It is the world we live in that is – despite all the superficial changes of clothes and cars and techno-gadgets – surprisingly unchanged. We are still struggling with the problems our parents, grandparents, great-grandparents and their parents and grandparents, failed to solve.
If you're of the tendency who think that handfuls of people living a hundred or two hundred years ago – early socialists or feminists or freethinkers – were 'prophets' and 'surprisingly relevant' it's because this way of thinking tends to suggest that we standing tip-toe on the brink of solving them.
I, on the contrary, take a much more pessimistic view, which is that this or that thinker wasn't a startlingly far-sighted visionary, simply that they could see and express problems and issues which over the past two hundred years we have completely failed to solve.
When so many better people than us, in more propitious circumstances, have failed, over decades, sometimes centuries, to solve deep structural issues such as protecting the environment, or how to organise states so as to satisfy everyone's racial and ethnic wishes, or how to establish absolute and complete equality between the sexes – what gives anyone the confidence that we can solve them today?
All the evidence, in front of the faces of anyone who reads deeply and widely in history, is that these are problems intrinsic to the human condition which can never be solved, only ameliorated, or fudged, or tinkered with, in different ways by different generations.
1848: Year of Revolution on Amazon
The Revolutions of 1848 Wikipedia article
BBC In Our Time programme about the 1848 revolutions
Karl Marx: Greatness and Illusion by Gareth Stedman Jones (2016)
Surveys from Exile 1848-1863 by Karl Marx
The Vanquished: Why the First World War Failed to End 1917-1923 by Robert Gerwarth (2016)
by Simon on May 8, 2018 • Permalink
Posted in Books, European History, History
Tagged 1832 Reform Act, 1848, 1848: Year of Revolution, 2008, Armand Barbès, Austria and Russia, Austro-Slavism, Battle of Custozza, Belgium, Bismarck, Britain, Czar Nicholas I, Czechoslovakia, Dresden, Emperor Franz Joseph, Europe, European History, France, Frederick William IV, Galicia, Garibaldi, General Cavaignac, General Windischgrätz, Germany, Grossdeutsch, Grundrechte, Guizot, Hapsburg, history, Holy Roman Empire, Hungary, Italy, Karl Marx, King Louis Philippe, Kleindeutsch, liberalism, Lombardy, lotta legale, Louis-August Blanqui, Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte, Magyar, Marx, Mazzini, Messina, Metternich, Mike Rapport, Milan, Mitteleuropäisch, Napoleon, Napoleon III, nationalism, Pan-Slavic Conference, Paris, Piedmont, Poland, Pope Pius IX, Portugal, Prague, Prussia, Rhineland, Richard Wagner, Robert Gerwarth, Russia, Savoy, socialism, Spain, Sweden-Norway, the French Revolution, the German Confederation, the Hungry Forties, the June Days, the kingdom of Sicily and Naples, the Netherlands, the Ottoman Empire, the Papal States, the Second Republic, tobacco riot, Tuscany, Ukraine, Vienna, Young Germany, Young Hungary, Young Ireland, Young Italy
Posted by Simon on May 8, 2018
https://astrofella.wordpress.com/2018/05/08/1848-year-of-revolution-mike-rapport/


text:
David Smith peut désigner :
 David Eugene Smith (1860-1944), mathématicien, éducateur et éditeur américain ;
 David Smith (1872-1930), réalisateur anglais ;
 David Smith (1880-1945), tireur sportif sud-africain ;
 David Smith (1906-1965), sculpteur américain, membre du mouvement expressionniste abstrait ;
 David Smith (1925-2014), marin américain ;
 David Smith (1930-2018), botaniste britannique ;
 David W. Smith (1932-), professeur canadien ;
 David Smith (1963-), homme politique canadien ;
 David Lee Smith (1963-), acteur américain ;
 David Smith (1985-), joueur américain de volley-ball ;
 David Smith (1986-), joueur de rugby à XV néo-zélandais ;
  (1988-), joueur de rugby à XV sud-africain ;
 David Smith (1991-), athlète (sauteur en hauteur) britannique ;
 David Smith (1992-), athlète (sauteur en hauteur) portoricain.
 David Smith, homme politique canadien en Ontario (Toronto)

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


1st s. of Simon Kelway, merchant, of Cullompton by his w. Joan. m. (1) bef. 1580, 1s.; (2) 1598, Edith, wid. of John Anthony; (3) Mary. suc. fa. 1569.
The Devon Kelways were related to the Courtenays, Drakes, Grenvilles and Wadhams. Other branches of the family lived in Dorset and Gloucestershire. Kelway himself was probably grandson of John Kelloway, merchant of the staple at Calais. From his will it appears that he was a physician or surgeon. He inherited the rectory and parsonage of Cullompton from his father, and with it a quarrel with Sir John More, who had at one time owned the property. In 1586 Kelway sold the rectory for £1,000, remaining, however, patron of the living certainly until 1601. By the time of his return to Parliament, Kelway was living at Dawlish, and it is not easy to account for his being chosen at Totnes. Possibly he owed it to his 'honourable good friend, Sir William Courtenay I', to whom, in the will he made in February 1623, he left his armour, a case of pistols and his 'Spanish pike'. He asked to be buried at Dawlish, and left £10 to the church at Cullompton. He made provision for a former servant, John Thomas, a surgeon, who was then serving William Every, the purchaser of the rectory in 1586. Kelway left John Thomas half his 'instruments, waters, compositions and drugs', bequeathing the remainder, together with his books on physic and surgery, to his son Francis. The will was proved in June 1623.
Devon N. and Q. x. 321; Bristol and Glos. Arch. Soc. Trans. xxi. 315, 317-18; Exeter dioc. reg. act bk. 1555-64, f. 42; Cal. Proc. Chanc. Q. Eliz. ii. 246; PRO Lists and Indexes, vii. 231; Oliver, Eccles. Antiq. i. 115; Roberts thesis; PCC 22 Sheffelde, 63 Swann.


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text:
What's Current: Not a single woman present for American maternity legislation discussion
by Jess Martin
Image via Twitter
Consortium of white dudes discuss maternity leave. Notably absent: anyone who would be impacted by this decision.
Not sure how to use a tampon? Ask a man! Women share their most irritating experiences of mansplaining.
Why liberal feminism is not just empty, it may also be coercive. Alicen Grey outlines the logical fallacies behind insisting that everyone and anyone is a "feminist."
Woman stabbed to death by her ex after being sent back to the residence where she was abused, accompanied by a female police officer.
Trudeau's "equality-based" budget: Too heavy on the identity-politics issues?
Jess Martin is a public relations professional, an aspiring writer, and an assistant editor at Feminist Current. She prefers to write about feminist topics, disability, or environmental issues, but could be persuaded to broaden her horizons in exchange for payment and/or food. In her spare time Jess can be found knitting, gardening, or lying in the fetal position, mulling over political theory that no one in their right mind cares about.
What's Current: Nancy Pelosi says Republican changes to health care would make 'being a woman a pre-existing condition'
What's Current: Two girls banned from boarding United Airlines flight for wearing leggings
Jess Martin March 24, 2017


text:
Home Automotive News Ford Mustang Earns World's Best-Selling Sports Car Title
Ford Mustang Earns World's Best-Selling Sports Car Title
Dearborn, MI — April 22, 2020
As retail automobile sales are returning with online shopping and remote deliveries, Ford Motor Company recently announced the Ford Mustang can now celebrate two global sales crowns. Earning the world's best-selling sports car and its fifth straight best-selling sports coupe title.
Ford's constant investment in more Mustang performance offerings is fueling its momentum, making it the best-selling sports car in the world last year.
Since sixth-generation Mustang global exports began in 2015, through December 2019, Ford has sold 633,000 Mustangs in 146 countries around the world.
2020 Shelby Mustang GT500
Top Sports Car in America
Mustang is also America's best-selling sports car of the last 50 years.
"We're proud of our growing Mustang stable and performance variants," said Jim Farley, chief operating officer, Ford Motor Company. "From Sweden to Shanghai, more and more driving enthusiasts are enjoying the feeling of freedom and the American open road in these new Mustangs. We are honored to serve our owners, enthusiasts, and fans for 56 years and counting."
Fueled by its greatest-ever performance lineup, Mustang sold 102,090 units, according to the most recent new vehicle registration data from IHS Markit, making it the best-selling sports car in the world in 2019. During this period, Mustang sales in Germany increased 33 percent, in Poland sales rose by nearly 50 percent, and in France, they nearly doubled.
The year 2019 also marks the fifth consecutive year that Mustang was the best-selling sports coupe in the world. Sports coupes, as defined by IHS Markit, include two-door and convertible models.
Greatest-Ever Mustang Performance Lineup
In addition to continually adding personalization and technology options, Ford keeps up the Mustang momentum with the nameplate's greatest-ever performance lineup.
With up to 12 enthusiast models available globally, Ford offers customers a new golden age of Mustang performance. These Mustang variants include EcoBoost® and GT models each with two Performance Pack options, Mustang BULLITT, Mustang Shelby® GT350 and available Handling Pack, Shelby GT350R, plus Shelby GT500 with Handling Pack and Carbon Fiber Track Pack options.
Heritage Edition Package available on 2020 Mustang Shelby GT350 and GT350R models features a unique throwback livery with Wimbledon White paint and Guardsman Blue side and over-the-top racing stripes
Lasco Ford of Fenton has a large number of Ford Mustangs in stock and ready for remote delivery. Shop online at www.lascoford.com/
Ford Motor Company is a global company based in Dearborn, Michigan. The company designs, manufactures, markets, and services a full line of Ford cars, trucks, SUVs, electrified vehicles, and Lincoln luxury vehicles, provides financial services through Ford Motor Credit Company, and is pursuing leadership positions in electrification, autonomous vehicles, and mobility solutions. Ford employs approximately 190,000 people worldwide. For more information regarding Ford, its products, and Ford Motor Credit Company, please visit corporate.ford.com.
lasco ford
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First Look, The 2020 Ford Explorer
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text:
Q: to start timer in angular js when an input is given when the user select an item from the select form input only, then timer should start. Don't know how to trigger it.
I am using the timer module from http://siddii.github.io/angular-timer/. I'm able to stop timer. How to start it again?
<\timer interval="1000">
    {{hours}} hours,
    {{minutes}} minutes,
    {{seconds}} seconds {{millis}}
<\timer/>

A: Reading the documentation may help.
So in your Controller:
angular.module('MyApp', ['timer'])
    .controller('MyAppController', ['$scope', function ($scope) {
        $scope.timerRunning = true;
        $scope.startTimer = function (){
            $scope.$broadcast('timer-start');
            $scope.timerRunning = true;
        };
        $scope.stopTimer = function (){
            $scope.$broadcast('timer-stop');
            $scope.timerRunning = false;
        };
        $scope.$on('timer-stopped', function (event, data){
            console.log('Timer Stopped - data = ', data);
        });
    }]);

Your view:
<select ng-options="thing in things" ng-change="startTimer()">
  {{thing}}
</select>
<timer/>

Again, all this in in the docs.
Hope it helps.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


Portable Edius system for Same Day Edits?
Project settings for SD canon xha1 24f???
How to vigneete /and do burn dissolve?
HDV codec in demo version of Edius Pro?
HD not supported in Edius 5 demo?
Edius NX for HDV with adobe after effect CS3 ?


All City offices are closed over the Easter Holiday weekend which means the compost will not be open on 04/20/19.
9:00 am - 1:00 pm.
It will also be open April 29, 2019 and May 1, 2019 from 5:15 pm - 7:30 pm. This site is supervised so please be aware of the times listed. Opening is contingent on the weather and road conditions at the site. Please check our website prior to coming. Open ONLY to Harrisburg residents: You MUST provide a utility bill showing proof of address to utilize the compost site. If you don't have a copy of your water bill you may request one at City Hall during regular business hours.
Weather Permitting: If it is raining or has rained within the past 24 hours the site most likely will be closed. The road leading back to the site gets very muddy and the likelihood of vehicles getting stuck is high) Check the city website for updates on closures.
Most licensed waste haulers within Harrisburg offer yard waste disposal. Additionally, Mueller Pallets located just outside of Harrisburg near Exit 73 offers free disposal of branches and other used wood products.
Lincoln County Transfer Station: https://www.lincolncountysd.org/Page.cfm/Departments/148/Transfer-Station Lincoln County Transfer Station located just east of Worthing at Exit 64.
© 2019 City of Harrisburg. All Rights Reserved.


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