We had an excellent session Thursday night with the artist Paul Pfeiffer. He provocatively challenged our thinking on many contemporary art issues: what is cultural identity in shared media space? what is the art context for work that tries to isolate itself from the mass culture? is isolation from the mass culture even possible and, if so, is the art gallery the best place to hide? and what about all of those hippy-dippy theories of blurring art and life into one fluid signature-style event? is that the clear path to ideological victory?
Artists are in the business of disruption and defamiliarization. They take what commerce has made common and slice into its false consciousness so as to awaken in us a desire to see the world anew. The thing I love most about hanging out with different artists is that they show me different aspects of my own thinking that I did not realize was there.
The Situationists, who are making a roaring comeback (see the Artforum article here), were all over this. For them, a psychogeographical drift was best performed in collaboration with other artist-philosophers, where the "krew" would aimlessly wander the urban environment so as to see what effects it might have on their thinking, their art-making, their ability to intersubjectively jam with shared source material via creative acts of détournemont.
One question that artists keep bumping up against involves how to maintain a fluid Life Style Practice. That is, how do you develop survival strategies for maintaining and enhancing your ongoing artistic and philosophical practice so that you can continue making art and living the life you want to lead?
The strategies are multiple and hybridized. I guess it's obvious by now that not everyone can or will follow the same path. Buzzwords like "style," "hyperimprovisation," "developing your schtick," "going meta with the data," etc., are just pointers to a more complex cluster of parallel processes that need to be experienced to even begin to put yourself in a position to survive as an artist.
Another buzzword that keeps coming up: defamiliarize. To defamiliarize is to "make strange." Paul's images do that in a beautiful way. You can see why some in the art world would find them precious, and that's partly what gives them their market value in this screwy art world economy. And then there is the fact that many of his works are just fascinating to look at and experience. Experiential value. Priceless.
Will the "open source net art free love information sharing" religion defeat the "object-oriented limited edition gallery work of art" religion? Each team has been pilfering talent from both ends and what was once a clear division of style and substance is now starting to become blurry. Marketized media manipulation seems to be having its desired effect on the contemporary scene. What are the odds for victory? Whose victory? Vegas says "open source lifestyle" by 7 1/2.
But that's a mighty big spread and I just may put my money on the Situationist dreamers whose poetic athleticism will enable them to build their own fields of action to readily lose themselves in.
In fact, artists and athletes have a lot in common. They are both at their best when performing unconsciously in the field of action and are able to develop an intuitive sense of measure to deliver themselves in.
And you - Dear Reader - which team are you on? At what point do you switch sides? Two sides of the same coin? Coin of the art realm?
Tell me - Dear Reader - where's your team spirit?
The last couple of posts have referred to the word hyperimprovisational. I borrow the term from a book by Roger Dean, although my use is somewhat different than his. Basically, if we think of improvisation in relation to jazz, comedy, or even sports, we often find the subjective performer jamming with other musicians, the audience, or even the other team. A lot of the improv is focused on "losing sight of oneself" as they sync up with the spontaneous flow of their energy routine and become what I would call a pseudonymous Other. You are literally no longer yourself, or at least not the cognitive "I" that rationalized their way through life earlier that day. What happens is, you go out of your mind, but in a good way. Think of it as an hallucinatory cloudburst where the imaginative energy just pours right of you. The question is: what precipitates such creative action in the field of composition? I hope to address this in a future post.
Something similar happens with live VJ performance, and perhaps DJs can relate to this as well. What makes the improvisation "hyper" is the way the performer jams in front of a live audience with the new media technology right at their fingertips. When I am VJing, I am jamming with both the audience and the environment, and every gig has its own look and feel. But having said that, it's my bodily give and take with my laptop that keeps me living / playing on the edge of my experience. As I attempt to remix all of my digital video source material (DVSM) in a live context, the laptop (hardware and VJ software) sometimes seems to have a "mind of its own" - and when I am pushing its processing power to its ultimate limit, it occasionally starts freaking out on me and trying to compensate for lost time. That's when it starts doing totally unexpected, beautiful things with my DVSM. It's almost like I have to push IT to the edge with me just to get it behaving like the wild, hallucinatory machine I need it to be, one that keeps churning out nonstop images that reflect my own memories, dreams, and cinematic imaginings. Keep in mind, since the DVSM is primarily composed of my auteur-generated scenes, ones that I have captured on my international VJ tours and that include all kinds of foreign landscapes, close-ups of unknown objects, defamailiarized body parts, and neon-inflected color field planes that make the work feel like a video painting, these images that I jam with are very intimately connected to my own Life Style Practice. These images are alive (with the sound of music).
I call them bio-images. While I am touring, they continuously fill my head as I sleep, drift through the urban environment, and think about the way things "look" on the screen as I edit my DVSM for the next upcoming gig. This means that when my laptop freaks out on me during a live performance, I have to keep responding to it because we (the machine and I) are live, and sometimes I am seeing things I never thought possible (that's what a good improv partner will do for you). Once the jam hits full throttle and both players are seemingly at the point of no return (i.e. about to crash), there's only one thing left for me to do: feed it more data so that I can filter it all through my own customized artist plug-ins. That is, push it further.
And by the way, I don't see the writing in this post as theory per se, but as a kind of digital poetics. VJ writing.
The new issue of Fibreculture is out. The issue is devoted to the theme "Distributed Aesthetics" and an excerpt from my long essay "Portrait of the VJ" is included in this excellent peer-reviewed publication. FC highlights some of the sharpest minds in Australia and beyond and this, their seventh issue, is a real mind-bender. There are other essays by Geert Lovink and Anna Munster, Simon Biggs, Keith Armstrong, and others.
In my contribution, I try to use the hyperimprovisational techniques I employ in my VJ sets to spontaneously create an artist's theory of hactivism and provocation, while "keeping it real" (or "unreal" as the case may be). Some of the lucky victims of my sampling include Allen Ginsberg, Allan Kaprow, Ron Sukenick, Vilem Flusser, Paul Miller (aka DJ Spooky), Steve Shaviro, William Burroughs, and many others.
About the name of this blog, i.e. Professor VJ.
It's meant to defamiliarize both terms (Professor & VJ) in that I am using VJ practice and performance as a gateway to investigating new artist theories and fictions, and am using my writing practice and theoretical research agenda to innovate creative ways to infiltrate club and festival culture, museum culture, and even pop culture (through video iPod, mobile phone cinema, etc). You might say that being a Professorial Remixologist blurs it all into one fluid Life Style Practice.
to represent video performance artists who create live visuals on all kinds of music.
A VJ (video/visual jockey) is not an MTV personality.
A VJ is not a net artist.
A VJ is not a visual DJ.
A VJ is not susceptible to computer crashes (i.e. believes in the power of positive thinking).
1) JT Leroy, like James Frey after him (her), fictionalizes an already phony portrayal of himself (herself) but at least calls it fiction. JT's public persona is a man supposedly cross-dressing as a woman.
Basically, what we are finding out this month in the world of publishing, is that things are not always as they appear. People make themselves up and it feels like Real Life. Writers invent alternative personas and then begin "identifying" themselves with their creations. Peel away the layers of meta-invention and what you get is - what? A totally made up life story? So what. Isn't that what we all do anyway? The degree to which unreality seeps into a more conditioned, bureaucratic reality, differs among the individuals who "reinvent" themselves. Think of Madonna. Billy Idol. Or even Hillary Clinton.
"For her, it's very personal," he said. "It's not a hoax. It's a part of her."
Why is it ethically important to tell the truth in a work of art?
As Celine once said: "Life itself is a fiction, and biography is something you invent afterwards."
Think about it: if our creative "property" can be infinitely reproduced and instantaneously distributed all over the planet without noticeable cost, without our knowledge, without its even leaving our possession (it's still on the publicly-accessible server, right?), why would we want to put up firewalls to protect it? Of course, one question that immediately comes to mind as we go forth into the techno-jungle mix of wild web growth and savage pla(y)giaristic practice, is what sort of advantages would there be in protecting ones work from all of the potential interactive participants? The most obvious answer is so that the artists responsible for creating the work can get paid for it. If everything is given away for free, then how are we going to get paid for the work we do with our minds? And, if we can't get paid, what will assure the continued creation and distribution of such work?
But what about "free love information sharing" in the idealized gift economy? Too hippy-dippy for you? Well, the 21st century net art punks get it too.
And, btw, is Google doing us a favor by keeping our supposedly "private" search records out of the hands of the Fed? I think so, but others say it may raise the question of censorship from another angle.
There are deeper strata of truth in cinema, and there is such a thing as poetic, ecstatic truth. It is mysterious and elusive, and can be reached only through fabrication and imagination and stylization.
Update: I was once on a panel with Hakim Bey and about seven other people. Somehow the conversation steered toward a discussion of copyright. I was on the left side of the long panel table, Bey was far right. I thought for sure we would be in agreement about the need for more copyleft practice, and mentioned his anti-copyright notice on the Autonomedia publication of TAZ. But he surprised me by saying he was reconsidering it all. I never found out what he eventually concluded, but I was glad he let TAZ go out into the world unencumbered.
Free Speech, Privacy, and the War Over 'Metadata'?
According to surveys by TeleGeography Inc., nearly all voice and data traffic to and from the United States now travels by fiber-optic cable. About one-third of that volume is in transit from one foreign country to another, traversing U.S. networks along its route. The traffic passes through cable landing stations, where undersea communications lines meet the East and West coasts; warehouse-size gateways where competing international carriers join their networks; and major Internet hubs known as metropolitan area ethernets.
Until Bush secretly changed the rules, the government could not tap into access points on U.S. soil without a warrant to collect the "contents" of any communication "to or from a person in the United States." But the FISA law was silent on calls and e-mails that began and ended abroad.
Even for U.S. communications, the law was less than clear about whether the NSA could harvest information about that communication that was not part of its "contents."
"We debated a lot of issues involving the 'metadata,' " one government lawyer said. Valuable for analyzing calling patterns, the metadata for telephone calls identify their origin, destination, duration and time. E-mail headers carry much the same information, along with the numeric address of each network switch through which a message has passed.
But then there is the narrative mythology. That is, why are they doing this when they know they cannot analyze all of the data? As Wendy Chun says in "Control and Freedom: Power and Paranoia in the Age of Fiber Optics"
This myth also screens the impossibility of storing, accessing, and analyzing everything. [...] These paranoid narratives of total surveillance (control as freedom) and total freedom (freedom as control) are the poles of control-freedom, and are symptomatic of a larger shift in power relations from the rubric of discipline and liberty to that of control and freedom.


Kendo UI, a division of Telerik, has announced results from its new Global Developer Survey in which more than 5,000 developers, CIOs and technology executives weighed in on HTML5, actual adoption versus hype, and platform preferences.
Findings reveal new developer priorities in building apps, trends evolving in the Native vs. HTML5 debate, and preferences for existing and emerging mobile platforms. Survey results show HTML5 beating out Native SDKs as the preferred choice for developers across the board, regardless of company size. New HTML5-centric platforms Windows 8 and Chrome OS are capturing developer interest in 2013, while BlackBerry 10 and Tizen OS struggle to find favor.
° Fifty percent of those surveyed developed a variety of apps in 2012 using HTML5, and 9 out of 10 plan to use HTML5 in 2013.
° Developers ranked BlackBerry and Apple iOS as the more difficult platforms to work with for app development.
° Windows 8 and Android win out with developers for ease-of-use, with Windows 8 being favored over Android for ease-of-use by almost 2:1.
° Thirty-nine percent of Native app builders spend time re-developing the same app/feature for multiple platforms instead of innovating new apps or new features.
Windows 8 (66%) and Chrome OS (47%) are the most interesting new operating systems; BlackBerry 10 (13%) and Tizen OS (8%) are the least popular among survey respondents.
° Eighty-seven percent use HTML5 to build desktop websites/web apps, followed by mobile websites (53%).


In 2013 Aruba Ports Authority N.V. announced that they were ready to begin Aruba's US $62 million dollar project to Design, Build, Finance, Maintain, Operate, and Transfer the Multi-Cargo Sea Terminal at Barcadera.
The contract was awarded to the local stevedoring company Aruba Stevedoring Company (ASTEC) NV. The project will be implemented as a Public Private Partnership (PPP) under the Landlord Model. The concessionaire will be responsible for the investments in terminal infrastructure, labor, and operational activities.


Ghōr (Pashto: غور, (Persian: غور), also spelled Ghowr or Ghur, is one of the thirty-four provinces of Afghanistan. It is in central Afghanistan, towards the northwest. The capital of Ghor is Chaghcharan.
About 635,302 people live in Ghor Province.
The current governor of Ghor is Sayyed Mohammad Eqbal Munib.
↑ "Afghanistan at GeoHive". GeoHive.com. Retrieved 1 December 2017.
↑ 2.0 2.1 "B. Demography and Population of Ghor Province" (PDF). United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan and Afghanistan Statistical Yearbook 2006, Central Statistics Office. Afghanistan's Ministry of Rural Rehabilitation and Development. Retrieved 2011-01-12.
This page was last changed on 5 February 2018, at 23:58.


text:
This was the first edition of the tournament.

Robin Montgomery won the title, defeating Urszula Radwańska in the final, 7–6(8–6), 7–5.

Seeds

Draw

Finals

Top half

Bottom half

References

External Links
Main Draw

Calgary National Bank Challenger - Singles

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
Rio Ferdinand tells Manchester United star Marcus Rashford what he can learn from Tammy Abraham
Man Utd player Marcus Rashford has scored 16 goals already this season and is impressing with his performances.
Elliott JacksonNorthern Network Desk Writer
Marcus Rashford of Manchester United celebrates
Former Manchester United defender Rio Ferdinand has explained the key skill Marcus Rashford should learn from Tammy Abraham to score more goals.
The Chelsea striker grabbed his 13th Chelsea of the season against Lille as they qualified for the last 16 of the Champions League.
The Englishman was once again on target with a predatory finish inside the six-yard box, a trait he has mastered throughout his young career.
Whilst Abraham is enjoying a purple patch, the same can be said for Rashford, who has 16 goals for the club and country this term, including 13 in his last 14 matches.
The two play entirely different roles in their perspective sides, with Abraham playing as a traditional number nine, whilst Rashford's best performances have come from wide left.
Man Utd have Paul Pogba decision to make
The six seconds where Manchester United beat the Pep Guardiola press
However, former Manchester United star Ferdinand believes that the Englishman could score even more goals if, like Abraham, he can find a way of spending more time in between the width of the goalposts.
"He's going to score a tremendous amount of goals because he wants to be in between the sticks," Ferdinand told BT Sport.
"He ants to be in the centre of the goal to score goals. He's someone that's hungry and has a desire to score goals. This is a very good finish, it's very clean and clinical.
"What I love about Tammy (Abraham) his first thought, his first instinct is get me in there (behind) to hurt the opposition. It doesn't materialise, he doesn't sulk, he doesn't switch off.
Manchester United defender Luke Shaw mocks Romelu Lukaku over Inter Milan Champions League exit
Three ways Diogo Dalot can revive Manchester United career
"This is the area he dreams about (six-yard box), that's where he wants to be. He makes it look like an easy finish but it's not an easy finish.
"Some people maybe shout about Rashford but if Rashford got in that position more he would score 7,8 goals a season more. This kid (Abraham), that's all he wants to do, it's an element of his game that doesn't need working on.
"He's scored goals at every level and he's brought it into the first team."
Harry MaguireManchester United told to keep Harry Maguire out of side after defensive improvementsThe Manchester United captain could be set to make his return to the starting line-up this weekend against West Ham.
Manchester United FCDavid Moyes' side have been boosted by the return of one of their most influential stars for this weekend's clash, while another could be back from AFCON.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


When Will The 2019 Honda Insight Be Available In Canada? – when will the 2019 honda insight be available in canada, . Contrary to most hybrid models, the Insight works without having a transmission. Rather, power changes the front side rims with an engine handle system that oversees the engine and the electric engines.
The 2019 Insight is offered in LX, EX, and Touring trims. Honda claims the new model is "positioned and costed involving Civic and Accord in Honda's passenger car selection." However, it's valued very much nearer to the Accord, but it really starts about exactly where we'd anticipate it to. All models have the Honda Sensing safety package. This package of driver-aid features involves lane keeping assist, road departure mitigation, adaptive cruise control, automatic emergency braking, and traffic signal acknowledgement. A rearview camera system is also common.
What Will The when will the 2019 honda insight be available in canada Changes Look Like?
Once we seen, 2019 Honda Expertise at the time validated on looking at travelling a car with safeguarded bumpers though not located factors of points of interest and shape; we may perhaps seem to be in genuinely reasonably ultimate appearance attached to this car.
2019 Honda Insight Prototype First Look: Trunk Sale – Motor Trend Canada | When Will The 2019 Honda Insight Be Available In Canada?
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Driving the 2019 Honda Insight is a 1.5-liter four-cylinder gasoline engine with 107 horsepower and 99 pound-feet of torque. When coupled with one of the two electric engines that work well with the engine, complete system performance is 151 hp and 197 lb-ft of torque. A secondly motor acts as a electrical generator that abilities the electric propulsion motor, recharges the 60-kilowatt lithium-ion battery pack, or equally. This model can make an EPA-predicted 55 mpg city, 49 mpg highway, and 52 mpg put together, which are fantastic phone numbers for a compact hybrid.
We never have a release date but for the 2019 Honda Insight, as Honda has not yet supplied nearly anything conclusive. Our speculate will be a past due summertime release with getting going on via July and August, but that is not started on anything at all other than confidence and encounter.
How Much Is when will the 2019 honda insight be available in canada Price?
Costs information and facts is not even readily available, and it is been also long because Honda got an Insight model in showrooms to try a quote. But, it is risk-free to imagine that this will not be considerably more costly than the Toyota Prius and the Hyundai Ioniq. With the two listed from $23,475 and $22,200, correspondingly, the Honda Insight must retrieve below $25,000 prior to rewards and alternatives.
Mocha. When Will The 2019 Honda Insight Be Available In Canada?


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text:
published: true
title: Move Semantic
tags: c++
---
## [Why user-defined move-constructor disables the implicit copy-constructor?](https://stackoverflow.com/q/11255027/51386)
 If you declare move members (which legacy C++ code can't do), then we're going to assume that the default copy members are likely to do the wrong thing. Opt-in (with =default) if you want them. Or write them yourself. Otherwise they are implicitly deleted.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


When I answered Spinner's call, I found myself looking down a clean Ottawa thoroughfare under a darkening sky. We were moving at a walking pace, and occasionally I saw a green gloved hand wave back at a passing pedestrian or motorist. If Spinner's headgear was electronic, it made sense it would include an outward-facing cam for team coordination.
"This is Delphic," I sent.
I started to type a response, but I stopped when I realized the image was moving toward the building very rapidly. At first I thought Spinner might be zooming in on the sniper's vantage, but shaky angle and changing perspective quickly confirmed that he was running at a startling pace.
Traffic was fortunately clear as Spinner moved into the road and then lifted off the ground. The building dropped below and rushed directly underneath and I heard a soft curse over the line. The next noise was a loud thud, and it was hard to tell if the shuddering visual that followed was the super or the building.
"My… ah… my aim was off," came Spinner's panting admission. "I meant to grab onto the edge but I overshot." He took in the gravel surface and swept his gaze carefully across the while roof. After a couple of minutes, he looked off toward the north and raised a hand.
"Can we follow?" I asked.
"Yeah," he boasted. "Each trail is unique to a super – I can always tell a super that I've seen before." The camera view was across the tops of many buildings in the creeping dusk. "When the team –" he cut himself off as another voice, or a tinny echo of one, cut across the channel.
"That is my position, affirmative." His tone was louder, clear and crisp in the cold air.
"We have an active pursuit heading south on West Fourth Street," continued the voice. "Five suspects on foot." The image was moving rapidly again; this time it looked like Spinner was moving to the edge of the roof to drop down from it. I could see very little as he made his abbreviated climb.
"Supers?" I heard Spinner ask, and immediately after, the line went dead.
I was already centering myself to View when an invitation came in for Delphic to join the OST operations channels. I knew from my work earlier in the day that they used a very similar system to the US super teams, and within only a couple of minutes I had video feeds for three deployed supers, as well as a team map with an approximate location for the suspects. They had last been seen heading south on Fourth Street, and unless they doubled back, they would encounter Spinner approaching from the south several minutes before either of Carcajou or Fray (a third of the way across town in a police van, sirens wailing), could get there.
"Just the one super, though, right?" Spinner's voice was no clearer than before but he was no longer making any effort to stay quiet; a heavy puff came over the line intermittently as he strained to move at speed.
While Spinner had ran north down the sidewalk, I noticed that no cars or people had passed him heading south. The reason was clear as soon as he rounded a bend in the road and his camera showed, still three blocks away, a group of five figures running rapidly toward him. Behind the fugitives, on both sides of the street, were the bulks of cars tossed onto their sides or laying on their tops. Several vehicle bodies blended with smashed or shattered store fronts, and no people were visible anywhere other than the suspects themselves.
Since I had not been expecting to work directly with a super team during the investigation, I had not looked into the details of Canada's somewhat notorious "no kill" policy. I had read that it was one of the ways they justified using supers at all: that a skilled super team could bring down criminals without killing or crippling them, and with less danger to themselves than the constabulary would face.
"Acknowleged," was Spinner's answer. He had stopped while still two blocks away and seemed to be studying the people approaching him. All five were dressed the same in heavy black winter clothes with black ski masks over their faces. A man with a large sack over his back kept pace with an empty-handed woman ahead of the other three men.
As Spinner continued his gradual advance, the man and woman designated as supers were in heated discussion. Spinner reached the intersection. The man with the gun – the one other than the woman not holding a loot bag – stepped up beside the other two and pointed his weapon at the costumed hero.
I didn't want to miss what was happening, but at the same time I wasn't providing any value watching the interaction in the present. I brought my View up at the roof and quickly moved north and east to get my eyes on the suspects while at the same time rewinding to where I could hopefully get more illuminating data.
As the thieves came into sight and I let time run normally, I saw the woman confronting a blockade of three police cruisers as another pulled up from a side street. Five uniformed officers stood among the cruisers with weapons drawn.
I moved my View in closer on the five. The two in front – the woman and the man with by far the largest bag, those Spinner had pointed to as having powers – were more than a head shorter than the other three and seemed older as well, the worn stance and movements of someone with too many years riding their bones. Rays of pale blue shot out from the woman's outstretched hands to the cruiser forming the middle of the blockade. As the cops cleared away from this car, it slid forward and then off to the side where the fourth car was braking to a halt.
One door was already open on the side vehicle as the woman aligned her captured car between herself and the new arrival, but the door closed without ejecting any human passengers in response to the super's power use. A pulse of bright blue came out of both her hands and ran down the rays; the car slid rapidly across the street toward the other and collided hard with it.
Even as the cars collided, the group of five were on the move toward the empty space in the middle of the blockade, which the police had (wisely) abandoned. Putting out both arms again, the woman stood for a few heartbeats as another set of rays hit the vehicle on her side and a pulse came out half a second later, sending the cruiser end-over-end away and towards the curb. A minute later, the other leader put his free hand against the remaining car and shoved hard to the side; it slid fifteen feet away.
I really wanted to know where these two came from and what was in those bags, but the little I had seen might allow me to provide at least some advice only if the encounter wasn't already over – plus, just then, three gunshots echoed over the open channel. I dropped my View.
While I was under, the scene had not been static. Spinner was looking out from behind a parked car while the gun guy and the beam woman had spread and were both aiming in his direction. The other three, the ones carrying bags, had doubled back north to, based on the angle they were running, turn east down a sidestreet.
I heard a loud expletive from Spinner as he suddenly dropped to the ground and rolled under the car. A flash of blue illuminated the dark underside for an instant as the civilian sedan was blasted up and behind the supine super. As it left he was already moving to a crouch and up, spinning sideways as he launched forward and then springing back just after. The camera angle changed rapidly and seemingly randomly as he moved.
It was nauseating to watch. After checking to see that the other supers were still three more minutes out, I dove back under, pushing my View to the present and the new vantage as quickly as I was able.
He wasn't much easier to follow from a third-person vantage. He mostly stayed low to the ground, twisting and sprinting in different directions, spinning and ducking at odd angles. He occasionally made a sudden back flip or forward leap but always into some spring or roll that set him in a different direction.
Three blue bursts had passed harmlessly into the ground as the woman tried to track him, and one had hit another parked car pushing it off the road. None had hit Spinner.
"Hold on man, we're almost there!" That voice reverberated over the channel at surprising volume; Carcajou was ready to fight.
Spinner didn't respond, but HQ did. "Based on the suspect's power range, we will be dropping you half a klick north on Fourth Street to reinforce Spinner." The voices seemed surreal, being so removed from the intense battle in front of my sight.
"Who's this?" Carcajou's voice came across as more of a bellow than a roar this time.
I thought for a minute about what I had seen the woman do with the vehicles, and the undamaged street.
There was rumble-filled moan over the line… it was Carcajou and he didn't sound happy. "What does HE do then?!" There was no confusion about who "HE" was.
"Delphic?" One word from HQ, and then silence on the channel. Apparently my intel (read: "guess") was as good as a plan now.
"Yep." An immediate response with no hesitation.
But by the time the synthetic voice said the word "enough," Spinner had launched himself off the street curb closest to the woman and opposite the gunman. His visor cam got a clear shot of her hard eyes and savage grimace as the intense blue light pulsed out from her hands, and Spinner's forward momentum reduced noticeably but not nearly enough.
Even at sub-second windows, Spinner's acrobatics were remarkable. His launch had been slightly off-center and with sufficient torque to allow him to brush past the woman's shoulder and land an axe kick solidly in her back. She went face-down with an audible "thump" and didn't try to get back up.
Spinner landed, crouched according to the camera angle, and looked up at the gunman. He waited.
The gunman dropped his weapon and hit his knees.
A few blocks away, a small woman in a red and orange jumpsuit stepped out of a van and into chaos. Watching from her cam, and Carcajou's just behind her, I could see a lone figure in black pounding repeatedly on an already battered cruiser, then shoving the vehicle out of the way to get at the men behind. Occasional gunfire rang out even as the cops backed away from their vehicles.
At the heroes' feet were the bloody forms of the other two men, and it wasn't hard to see what had happened. The men had confronted the blockade, banking on an apparently bulletproof super to drive the cops away like last time. The cops had eventually opened fire – and while the leader was bulletproof, the other two were not. What might have started out with some semblance of a plan was now just a violent rush in blind anger.
Fray turned back to Carcajou for only a second, long enough to say, "I got the target, you help the civvies." She wore an orange mask over her nose and mouth with oversized teeth painted over it; the top half of her face was visible under a hood. Fray had bulky gloves that extended up her forearms and several pieces of equipment hung from a utility belt and netting on her back.
Carcajou's camera showed him kneeling to examine one of the two injured suspects while Fray moved forward quickly and, depressing a button on one wrist, shot taser leads directly into the attacking man's back. He gave a shout of pain as electricity discharged, and he whirled around on his new attacker. Fray continued to advance, launching a set of taser leads from her other wrist which immediately began pumping the man with further volts.
The super was starting to look unsteady on his feet, but he charged forward, with arms out to grab Fray. She danced backward and grabbed each of his wrists in one of her hands. As soon as both hands were touching the man, there was a blue glow at both points of contact; the man tensed up, spasming, his eyes glazed. After several seconds, Fray let the man go and he fell limply to the ground.
Carcajou had produced some medical bandaging from somewhere and was competently wrapping up bullet wounds to reduce blood loss. Now that the violence was over, police approached to assist the first aid efforts and take custody of the criminals. A similar bustle was ramping up at Spinner's location, and the supers stayed at each scene long enough to make sure the thieves with powers were adequately restrained.
It was at Spinner's site where the news crews first arrived. The woman had awakened by this time but didn't seem inclined to give the police any more trouble. Spinner had directed that her arms be tightly bound behind her back. Removing her mask revealed a wrinkled face, dark and dangerous eyes set within deep copper skin. She glared at everything with naked contempt.
When the woman saw the first news crew approach, the camera recording the upended cars and smashed storefronts along the road, she stepped towards them; her police attendants stayed alongside but made no attempt to stop her. Spinner hung back. I suspected he was as interested as anyone else to hear what she had to say.
The reporter asked, "Who are you?" but the woman didn't respond. She was crying now, although her eyes were still no less hard or hateful.
A second news crew arrived at the same time that a police wagon pulled up, and both took footage of Spinner helping uniformed police load the two bound figures into the back of the vehicle. Two microphones were thrust in his face as he turned away from the van.
"17 News Ottawa. What happened here?" The second crew seemed happy to let the first reporter ask the questions.
"Yeah no, I'm visiting from out of town. Spinner, New England Super Team. Boston." Although I was still watching through Spinner's own camera, I was certain his smile was at full brightness.
I was not expecting to get any public acknowledgement, as I was seldom mentioned by other supers in front of the press. I felt an upwelling of pride; it was nice to be acknowledged, despite the possible ramifications of more exposure.
"Gotta go!" The super didn't take any time for pleasantries. The motion of the camera suggested an abrupt pivot and all-out sprint with an impressively superhuman jump across the nearby intersection.
Checking the other scene, three ambulances had been called and three figures were loaded in on gurneys. I saw Fray climb in with the super, restrained with reinforced metal bands across his limbs and torso, while Carcajou climbed back up into the police wagon to be taken back to HQ.
From Carcajou's camera, I saw all three of the EMT vehicles leave the scene. Only two ran their sirens.
It didn't take long for me to confirm that, yes, of the two men who went down with bullet wounds, only one survived. I took a little more time to see what they had been up to. The five of them had broken into a lab facility associated with the University of Ottawa and emptied a bunch of specimen cases. They had loaded all of the bones and tools they could find into their bags.
I believed that woman, whatever her name was. These were clearly First Nations people trying to reclaim what they saw as their own. I didn't see any greed or bloodlust in what they had done: just a desire to have those bones back, to set them to rest where they belonged.
But whatever their motives, they had put people's lives in danger, even shot at Spinner. They would surely go to jail for a long time. For the two supers, it was likely to be the rest of their lives. I couldn't deny this was justice, but it didn't feel like there was any clear good in it, either.
The whole debacle was an unexpected and exhausting ending to a long day. I confirmed the timing on my electrical repair jobs for the next morning and went upstairs to make myself a late dinner.


Herb Wesson, the current LA City Council president (and former Speaker of the California State Assembly), forgot the adage always tell the truth because it's the easiest thing to remember.
This much we know. Herb Wesson lied repeatedly about where he lived. He voted where he should not have voted, went out of his way to do so, may have illegally run for office where he did not reside, and he did it for personal gain. And many if not most of these lies may have been committed under the penalty of perjury.
We already know that Wesson is inclined to mislead the public about his recently exposed financial and housing problems. In the LA Times' August 17 follow-up to my August 9 CityWatch article, Wesson (through his media flack) falsely stated that his personal problems date back to the 2007 purchase of his current home, which cost $759,999. As subsequently exposed, Wesson's problems date back to the 1980s. And that house cost 25% more than he said: $950,000, according to public records, a pointless lie unless it was done to protect a bruised ego.
So on to Wesson's purposeful lies.
Wesson had three curious real estate transactions on the same day, November 24, 1993. On that Wednesday, he and his wife Fabian purchased a $425,000 house in Ladera Heights, an unincorporated section of Los Angeles County. The Wessons also defaulted on their then-residence in Culver City which sold that day at a tremendous loss to them. They purchased it in the late 1980s for $153,000, sold it for just $60,000 (a 61% loss) and the buyer walked away with a hefty payday a little more than a year later after selling it for $168,500 (a 180% profit).
Exactly how the Wessons defaulted on a mortgage on the same day they bought a house that cost 700% more is anyone's guess and might be revealed on their loan documents. But only the District Attorney or FBI can access those records, and they should.
What matters just as much is who bought that Culver City house, and Wesson's ongoing relationship to that address from that date in 1993 all the way to June 14, 2005 when his voter registration changed, because Wesson continued to certify under penalty of perjury that the Culver City house was his legal residence during that entire time. This span encompasses his six years in the California Assembly, including two as its Speaker. If anyone in the state is familiar with the nuances of voting districts, it is the Speaker, and there is zero chance that Wesson did not know he was voting where he did not live, and that doing so is a crime.
If Wesson were to claim that he sold the Culver City house but remained there as a tenant, it would mean that he lived apart from his wife and young sons for those 11 years, 6 months and 21 days when his voter registration changed on June 14, 2005.
But if Wesson were to make such a claim, he would be lying again.
The Wesson who committed perjury was not Fabian. It was Herb.
On Wesson's subsequent voter registration affidavit, signed by him June 2, 2005 (made official on June 14,) in the section where he stated his previous address, Herb Wesson asserted that his previous address was the house they bought in Ladera Heights on that date in 1993….an address at which he never registered to vote. In writing that, Wesson confirmed that he falsely and deliberately continued to vote using the Culver City address that he sold 11½ years earlier.
Unless you believe that the Speaker of the California Assembly did not know he was voting using an address that was different than that to which his wife was registered, he broke the law each and every election in which he voted.
Wesson also utilized a post office box in Culver City during his campaign for the Assembly. What the District Attorney and FBI may want to explore is what is the physical address listed on the USPS box card for it because putting false information there would be a big federal problem, as well.
None of these residency shenanigans come as a surprise. Wesson's former colleagues, California Assemblyman Roderick Wright, LA City Councilmember Richard Alarcon and his former bosses LA County Supervisor Yvonne Burke and LA City Councilmember Nate Holden all found themselves in varying degrees of hot water and/or legal jeopardy for allegedly living outside of the area each represented.
And this was not the only time Wesson played a curious shell game with his residency.
In 2005 when LA City Councilmember Martin Ludlow shockingly left that job after only two years into his first term (and soon thereafter became a felon) Wesson needed to quickly establish residency within the City of Los Angeles and its Council District 10.
And did he ever scramble….
Daniel Guss, MBA, is a writer who contributes to CityWatch, Huffington Post and KFI AM-640. He blogs on humane issues at http://ericgarcetti.blogspot.com/ . Follow him on Twitter @TheGussReport. Views he expresses here are not necessarily those of CityWatch.


The South Federation of Trade Unions strongly has always warned that a failure to pursue a revolutionary agenda will lead to chaos and things falling apart.
President Mugabe massacred 20 000 people in Matabeleland in 1983 and, just like the ANC government who mowed down 34 mineworkers in 2012, Mugabe faced no consequences for mass murder. Mugabe has brutally suppressed workers, crushed and divided the ZCTU to the point that it is irrelevant today, the same as COSATU which was divided by the ANC factions.
SADC too has blood in its hands. They, under the leadership of our own Thabo Mbeki, abetted the stealing of democracy in 2008 when Mugabe lost the election but was helped to stay in power. A government of national unity in terms completely in favour of Mugabe was installed. Today regrettably the SADC and South Africa in particular lacks credibility and cannot be trusted by those who remember their role in the stealing of elections in 2008.
Although at the moment it falls short of a coup, the army's actions last night have already led to the seizure of the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation and forced its staff to leave at gunpoint. It is a blatant attack on democratic rights and is clearly not motivated by anything but factional fighting within the ruing class and ruling party ZanuPF.
The army actions are not intending to save Zimbabweans from the total collapse of their economy and political system but are meant to reinforce a faction that too has played a critical role in sending millions of Zimbabweans out of their country as economic refugees.
The move followed a media conference at which General Constantino Chiwenga condemned President Mugabe's sacking of Vice-President Emmerson Mnangagwa last week: "We must remind those behind the current treacherous shenanigans that when it comes to matters of protecting our revolution, the military will not hesitate to step in".
He seemed to be referring to the increasingly open efforts of Grace Mugabe - who is widely believed to be wanting to replace her 93-year-old husband when he dies - to elevate her public position and publicly undermine her opponents - one of whom is Mnangagwa.
SAFTU is highly critical of Mugabe who betrayed the people who won their independence from British imperialism in 1980. He turned from a revolutionary militant and political leader into a president who implemented the Structural Adjustment Programmes of the IMF and World Bank.
When those neoliberal policies led to economic decline and failed to rescue the people from poverty. Mugabe did an about-turn, at least in words, and pursued a program of seizing white-owned farms, 70 percent of which remained in the hands of 4,000 large-scale, mostly white owners.
He also started resisting the implementation of IMF plans, which had some initial success, but left the basic structure of the country unchanged. The working class became disillusioned. The ZCTU refused to endorse Zanu-PF in the 1990 elections and in 1996 there was a militant two week-long strike by government workers, which ended up winning important concessions from the government.
In order to survive through this ongoing crisis, Mugabe has degenerated into a brutal and corrupt dictator, who has rigged elections, attacked human rights and created a kleptocracy, like the one developing apace in South Africa. This has led to splits in ZanuPF, which just like that on the ANC are not over policy differences but in the fight to sort out the eating queue.
Also as in the ANC both factions claim demagogically to the 'protecting the revolution', while each is pursuing increasingly counter-revolutionary, pro-capitalist strategies. Much as we oppose the Mugabe regime, we are under no illusions that at the military or the Mnangagwa faction have any better solutions to the economic crisis.
Mnangagwa, according to intelligence documents reviewed by Reuters this year, has been planning to revitalise the economy by bringing back thousands of white farmers kicked off their land nearly two decades ago and patching up relations with the the World Bank and IMF.
'The Crocodile' Mnangagwa butchered opponents of Mugabe for so long and now he is crying because that he is victim of the same thing. He is the Blade Nzimande of Zimbabwe.
SAFTU will strongly opposes any military coup, which will only compound the already insufferable poverty and hardship for the poor, with even more ruthless attacks on human rights and civil liberties than those already imposed by Mugabe's regime.
General Chiwenga is certainly no democrat. He is on record as saying that, as a public servant he is partisan, and that he and his military colleagues would not recognise the opposition party, the MDC, if it wins an election and would not salute its leader Morgan Tsvangirai if he became president.
The army generals are not concerned with improving the lives of the people, but only engaging in a factional battle for resources and power, for which the workers and the poor will pay an even higher price than they are now if the military take over.
The only way to remove Mugabe is by mass action from the workers and civil society, in elections but also in the streets and workplaces, given that elections have been rigged to ensure that ZanuPF remains in power. Only then can this potentially rich country recover and build a better life for all Zimbabweans.


text:
Manuel Kuttin (* 17. Dezember 1993 in Spittal an der Drau) ist ein österreichischer Fußballtorwart.

Karriere
Kuttin begann seine Karriere beim SV Stockenboi. 2001 wechselte er zur SG Drautal, 2004 kehrte er nach Stockenboi zurück. Zur Saison 2005/06 wechselte er zum SV Rothenturn. Zur Saison 2007/08 wechselte er in die Akademie des Grazer AK, nach einer Spielzeit beim GAK wechselte er zur Saison 2008/09 in die Akademie des FK Austria Wien. Im April 2009 wechselte er weiter in die Akademie des FC Admira Wacker Mödling.

Im Mai 2010 debütierte er gegen den SC-ESV Parndorf 1919 für die Amateure der Admira in der Regionalliga. In der Saison 2009/10 kam er zu vier Regionalligaeinsätzen für Admira II. In der Saison 2010/11 kam er zu sieben Einsätzen für die Amateure. Im April 2012 stand er gegen die SV Mattersburg erstmals im Kader der Profis. In der Saison 2011/12 absolvierte er 15 Regionalligaspiele, für die Profis kam er nicht zum Einsatz. In der Saison 2012/13 kam er zu acht Regionalligaeinsätzen, bei den Profis blieb er weiterhin ohne Einsatz.

Im Oktober 2013 gab er schließlich sein Debüt in der Bundesliga, als er am 13. Spieltag der Saison 2013/14 gegen den SK Sturm Graz in der Startelf stand. Fortan war Kuttin Stammtorwart der Niederösterreicher und kam bis Saisonende zu 22 Bundesligaeinsätzen. Seinen Stammplatz verlor er allerdings zur Saison 2014/15 wieder, zunächst an Andreas Leitner, später an den im November 2014 verpflichteten Jörg Siebenhandl. Allerdings wurde Kuttin nach Siebenhandls Verpflichtung zweiter Tormann, und nicht der vorherige Einsertormann Leitner. In der Saison 2014/15 kam er zu acht Bundesligaeinsätzen. In der Saison 2015/16 verbrachte er die gesamte Spielzeit als Zweier hinter Siebenhandl und absolvierte ein Spiel in der Liga und drei gegen Amateurklubs im Cup. Im Juli 2016 wechselte Siebenhandl nach Deutschland, woraufhin Kuttin wieder zum Einsergoalie aufstieg. Nach mäßigen Leistungen wurde er aber schon im September 2016 von Andreas Leitner abgelöst, an dem er nie wieder vorbeikommen sollte. In der Saison 2016/17 absolvierte er acht Bundesligaspiele, in der Saison 2017/18 fünf. In der Saison 2018/19 blieb er gar ohne Einsatz.

Nach der Saison 2018/19 verließ er die Admira schließlich nach über zehn Jahren und wechselte zum Ligakonkurrenten Wolfsberger AC, bei dem er einen bis Juni 2020 laufenden Vertrag erhielt. Beim WAC war er von Anfang an als zweiter Tormann hinter Alexander Kofler vorgesehen. Für den Europa-League-Teilnehmer kam er in seiner ersten Saison zu vier Bundesligaeinsätzen, ein Debüt in der UEFA Europa League blieb ihm verwehrt. Im Mai 2020 wurde sein auslaufenden Vertrag in Wolfsberg bis Juni 2021 verlängert. Nach der Saison 2021/22 verließ er den WAC nach insgesamt 23 Bundesligaeinsätzen.

Nach mehreren Monaten ohne Klub wechselte er Ende September 2022 in die Schweiz zum Grasshopper Club Zürich. Bei GCZ kam er aber als Ersatztormann von Justin Hammel nie zum Einsatz. Nach seinem Vertragsende verließ er die Zürcher im Jänner 2023 wieder.

Persönliches
Kuttin ist der Neffe des ehemaligen Skispringers Heinz Kuttin.

Weblinks

Einzelnachweise

Fußballtorhüter (FC Admira Wacker Mödling)
Fußballtorhüter (Wolfsberger AC)
Fußballtorhüter (Grasshopper Club Zürich)
Österreicher
Geboren 1993
Mann


The Children's Choirs of the church consist of the students of Zion Lutheran School. These choirs of school are the Kindergarten, 1st, and 2nd Grade Choir; the 3rd and 4th Grade Choir; the 5th and 6th Grade Choir; and the 7th and 8th Grade Choir. Beginning in Grade 3, all students are instructed in singing, playing an instrument (recorder and band), and music reading. The Children's Choirs sing several times each semester for Sunday Morning Worship and occasional evening Hymn Festivals and Concerts.
6th, 7th, and 8th Grade Students of the school are given the opportunity to play in one of the two student handbell choirs, which rehearse after school. The student handbell choirs play when the 6th, 7th, and 8th grade choirs sing for worship and concerts.
For the 2017-2018 Children's Choir Schedule, click here.


When you had your kid or youngsters your life changed from being centered around yourself to all of a sudden considering how for your entire life decisions would affect the children. That is the manner in which it ought to be. What is in the tyke's best advantage ought to dependably be a parent's best need particularly while thinking about separation. The principal thing you should know is our ill-disposed lawful framework isn't youngster centered or family neighborly. The enthusiastic and money related value you pay when you each contract isolate separate from legal advisors is higher than you would now be able to envision.
Before I turned into a separation lawyer I was a specialized curriculum instructor. My Masters is in Special Education, concentrating on instructing seriously sincerely bothered kids, so I went to the law with a ground-breaking inclination to act just to the greatest advantage of the youngsters. The second vital certainty to know is the means by which agreeable such a large number of separation legal counselors are in spending their customer's school subsidize rather than rapidly and monetarily helping the couple to arrange a reasonable arrangement. Following 8 long stretches of prosecution and seeing the aggregate money related and enthusiastic demolition of an excessive number of families I pledged to never again take ill-disposed separations and to do just separation intervention. In the accompanying 3 years, in the wake of working with more than 150 couples with 100% achievement rate, I am persuaded that separation intervention ought to be the arrangement of first resort for 85% of the couples who are mulling over separation. So the third thing you have to know is there is a choice to separate from court, intercession.
It is less demanding to manage a circumstance when essential data is as of now known. In the 8 network property states (Arizona, California, Idaho, Louisiana, Nevada, New Mexico, Texas, Washington and Wisconsin) property division is quite clear. What at any point was completely claimed before marriage or gotten by blessing or legacy is separate property that goes to the life partner who possesses it. On the off chance that it was somewhat paid for utilizing wages or pay earned amid the marriage, the "network" gains an enthusiasm for it that can be figured. Division of property in network property states is one of the most effortless issues to manage in light of the fact that it is so obvious. Be that as it may, shouldn't something be said about the other 42 states? These states utilize an evenhanded circulation framework to partition conjugal property. Each state has its own particular decides that can be determined preceding beginning the separation procedure. So there is some vulnerability in non network property states yet an accomplished legal counselor/middle person by and large comprehends what the court will do by and large and can be a profitable manual for couples who are new to the laws. The fourth thing to remember is that there is no reason for battling about property division. You can ensure your co-child rearing relationship and wind up with more property on the off chance that you partition everything the way an unbiased outsider (go between) recommends.
In disputed separation cases, youngster care and appearance issues can be the most combative and passionate. In the event that the guardians can consent to a care course of action, which they in the end do in 90% of care cases, they can maintain a strategic distance from court through and through. For what reason should a couple hold up until the point that they are on the courthouse ventures to make an arrangement? Just 10% of guardianship cases are disputed. A couple could simply look for the administrations of a tyke specialist to inform them rather regarding going to court. The courts commonly apply a "best enthusiasm of the tyke" standard in figuring out who ought to get essential guardianship. Wouldn't simply the guardians be in the best position to choose how their kids ought to be raised? At the point when two or three cooperates in intercession they are responsible for the ultimate result, not legal advisors or judges. At the point when the couple has an aim to adequately co-parent by continually keeping the best enthusiasm of the youngster principal in their psyche, they will create a significantly more fulfilling result than if an answer is forced upon them from above. Youngster care issues are the most improper issues to be chosen inside an ill-disposed framework. The win/lose diversion that is played in court dependably results in strain between the guardians. Not exclusively will this strain contrarily influence the wellbeing and joy of the guardians yet the kids will be gotten amidst a fight, dodging verbal and passionate shots as they fly over their heads. The ill-disposed framework does not secure the co-child rearing relationship of guardians and ought to be stayed away from if at all conceivable. A sincerely defenseless customer in the hands of an "energetic backer" who is more worried about advancing themselves than in helping their customer is an unsafe blend. The exact opposite thing to remember is that maintaining a strategic distance from separate from lawyers and court ought to be the #1 need on the off chance that you need to secure your wellbeing, soul, co-child rearing relationship and wallet.


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Unshared Sacrifice
Who's Hurt, Who's Helped, and What's Spared Under the Emerging House Budget Reconciliation Plan
| By Isaac Shapiro and Sharon Parrott
The eight House Committees charged with making cuts in a wide range of mandatory (or "entitlement") programs under this year's budget process have all completed their work. The reconciliation proposals from each committee will be joined into a single bill and will be considered on the House floor next week. The House budget reconciliation bill has been defended as necessary to reduce the deficit and offset hurricane-related costs (though as explained below, neither claim is accurate). Yet the House proposals do not reflect an approach of shared sacrifice, particularly when viewed as part of an overall budget reconciliation process that also facilitates the adoption of more tax cuts.
Even though poverty, food insecurity, and the number of people lacking health insurance have all been rising, the House bills would ask low-income families to shoulder a large share of the budget-cutting burden, leaving them with less access to needed health care and basic food aid. Children would receive less of the child support they are owed, and many poor individuals with disabilities would have to wait longer to receive the back payments to which they are entitled.
While cutting programs that benefit low-income families and individuals, the House reconciliation proposals shy away from some sensible program cuts that are opposed by powerful lobbying interests, such as Medicare managed care companies. In addition, the House reconciliation proposals would not call for any sacrifice in the form of scaling back the benefits of tax cuts enacted in the last four years, whose benefits overwhelmingly have gone to higher-income taxpayers.
In fact, rather than asking those high-income households to share in the sacrifice, the House is planning to pass a new round of tax cuts under the same fast-track reconciliation process being used to push through the program cuts. These tax cuts, a substantial portion of which are expected to go to high-income households, would further exacerbate income inequality, which is already exceptionally large and growing. And because the new tax cuts would cost more money than the budget cuts would save, the budget cuts would in effect be used not to reduce the deficit or pay hurricane-related costs, but rather to help pay for the new tax cuts.
Who's Hurt
The House budget reconciliation bill calls for significant sacrifices from low-income families and individuals, including:
Low-Income food stamp recipients: According to the Congressional Budget Office, the proposals approved by the House Agriculture Committee would deny food stamps — the nation's most important anti-hunger tool — to nearly 300,000 low-income individuals through two provisions that would cut the program by a total of $844 million over the next five years.
The bill would deny food stamps to 225,000 individuals in working families whose savings are just above food stamp eligibility limits or whose income is just above the income limits before housing and work expenses are taken into account, but below the limits after those expenses are taken into account.
The bill would deny food stamps to 70,000 legal immigrants who have been in the United States between five and seven years, including immigrants who work in low-wage jobs and need food stamps to make ends meet. The new restrictions apply only to adults, but immigrant and U.S. citizen children whose parents lose food stamps as a result of this provision would be affected as well, since the entire household would be less able to purchase adequate food. Some of those affected would be elderly immigrants.
Low-income Medicaid beneficiaries, including children, pregnant women, the elderly, and people with disabilities. The reconciliation proposals approved by the House Energy and Commerce Committee include significant cuts to Medicaid, with a substantial portion — $30 billion over the next ten years (estimate based on CBO data) — coming from allowing states to impose new costs on low-income Medicaid beneficiaries for health care services and needed medications and to restrict the health care services Medicaid covers.
Children would be especially affected: the Energy and Commerce proposal would roll back federal benefits and cost sharing standards for about six million children who rely on Medicaid for their health care.[1] Under the bill, states would be permitted to
For the first time, charge premiums for children to participate in Medicaid and require copayments for children's doctor's visits, hospital stays, lab work, and other health care services that are not considered preventive care. Premiums and copayments could be applied to children under age six with income above 133 percent of the poverty line and children age six to 18 with income just above the poverty line. (The poverty line for a family of three is just $1,341 per month.) This is a significant change from current law, which exempts children from copayments and bars premiums for nearly all categories of Medicaid beneficiaries (including children). Under the House bill, the only restriction on these fees is an overall cap that limits total premiums and copayments (including those that apply to prescription drugs) to five percent of the family's annual income. Because the cap is based on annual income, Medicaid beneficiaries could be forced to pay much more than five percent of their monthly income for health care. Children in families unable to pay these fees could be denied needed care.
Impose new copayments for prescription drugs for children. The House proposal would allow states to charge all children — including those with incomes below the poverty line — for drugs not on a state's "preferred" drug list. Also, children with incomes just above the poverty level (or above 133 percent of the poverty level for younger children) could face copayments even for preferred drugs. The House proposal also increases the maximum level at which prescription drug copayments can be set. Under the proposal, these fees will rise much faster than the income of low-income families.
Restrict the health care services available to children with incomes just above the poverty line.[2] These children would no longer have protections under the Early and Periodic Screening, Diagnosis and Treatment (EPSDT) provisions of the current Medicaid rules, which guarantee that children receive the medical services they need. As a result, states would be allowed to terminate or severely limit coverage for a wide range of services and medical devices, such as mental health services, eyeglasses, hearing aids, and other therapeutic services.
Low-income parents, the elderly, and people with disabilities also could be asked to pay premiums and higher copayments for health care and prescription drugs and could see the health care services covered by Medicaid reduced. Some of the increased costs and restricted benefit packages could affect people with incomes well below the poverty line. Many poor adults — including those with disabilities — could face increased copayments for doctor's visits and prescription drugs. Again, these fees are slated to rise faster than these individuals' incomes. Also, states would have new flexibility to limit the health care services covered by Medicaid for most non-institutionalized adult beneficiaries.
These cuts are likely to restrict access to needed care. Research consistently shows that when low-income Medicaid beneficiaries are required to pay premiums out of their limited budgets to participate in the program, many are unable to pay and lose coverage entirely. Research also shows that even modest copayments for health care services and medications lead a significant number of people to go without needed health services and drugs.
Children owed child support from non-custodial parents. The reconciliation proposals approved by the House Ways and Means Committee would cut funding for child support enforcement efforts by $5 billion over the next five years. The Congressional Budget Office projects that while states will replace a portion of the lost federal funds with their own funds, this federal funding reduction would lead states to cut back their efforts to enforce non-custodial parents' child support obligations. CBO estimates that as a result of these cuts, $7.9 billion in child support payments over the next five years — and $24 billion over the next ten years — that would have been collected in the absence of these cuts will now go uncollected.
Collecting child support is often most difficult (and thus most expensive) in the cases of low-income children because their non-custodial parents are more likely to have unstable employment and low incomes. Thus, as states scale back enforcement efforts, there is a strong risk that states will devote less effort to difficult (and costly) cases and, therefore, that low-income children could bear the brunt of the cutbacks and receive much less of the support they are owed.
Poor individuals with disabilities. The House Ways and Means proposals would require people who are owed back benefits from the Supplemental Security Income (SSI) program — the program that provides basic income assistance to poor elderly individuals and poor people with disabilities — to wait up to an additional year to receive all of the benefits they are owed.
SSI recipients often are owed back benefits that accrue while they wait for the Social Security Administration to determine whether they meet SSI's stringent disability standard, which can take many months in some cases. The House bill would require SSI recipients who are owed more than three months of back benefits to receive them in installments, rather than a single lump sum that would enable them to pay bills that accrued while they were waiting for SSA to process their application. (Under current law, only recipients owed more than 12 months in back benefits are required to receive them in installments.)
Children in low-income working families who need child care assistance. Many children in low-income working families would lose access to child care assistance under the House Ways and Means reconciliation package. The House bill reauthorizes the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) block grant, significantly increasing the number of TANF-assisted parents that states must place in welfare-to-work programs. Yet to meet these new requirements — which CBO has previously estimated would cost states $8.3 billion over five years — the bill gives states fewer resources than prior versions of House TANF reauthorization bills, and less child care funding than is needed just to keep pace with inflation..
Because of inadequate child care funding under the House bill, states would need to divert existing child care resources away from low-income working families in order to cover the cost of providing child care to the increased numbers of TANF recipients participating in welfare-to-work programs. As a result, an estimated 330,000 fewer children in low-income working families not receiving TANF income assistance would receive child care assistance in 2010 than in 2004. [3]
Foster children living with grandparents and other relatives. The House Ways and Means proposal would eliminate federally funded foster care benefits for children who do not meet the foster care eligibility criteria based on their biological parents' circumstances, but who do meet those criteria based on the circumstances of the relatives with whom they now reside. In some cases, grandparents and other relatives would receive TANF benefits on behalf of these children instead of foster care benefits (which are significantly higher). In other cases, states may continue to provide the full foster care benefit, but would have to fund those benefits entirely with state resources, forcing them either to increase state spending or reduce other benefits and services to abused and neglected children and troubled families.
The House reconciliation proposals also include cuts that do not directly affect low-income families, including elimination of the so-called "Byrd Amendment" (related to fees collected from trade dumping disputes) and cuts in student loans. Yet when the full array of cuts is considered, it is clear that low-income families are being asked to shoulder a large share of the cuts.
It is interesting to note that the House reconciliation proposals would undermine two of the broadly shared goals of welfare reform — encouraging and supporting work and requiring both parents to take financial responsibility for their children. Under the House proposals, the food stamp changes would cut 225,000 individuals in working households with children from the program; an estimated 330,000 children in low-income working families would lose child care assistance due to the inadequate funding levels; CBO projects that 90 percent of the child support that goes uncollected because of the cuts in funding for enforcement efforts would have gone to families not receiving TANF income assistance; and the children most likely to face increased fees in Medicaid are those in low-income working families.
The Senate reconciliation proposals, in contrast, do not include any cuts to the food stamp, child support enforcement, SSI, or foster care programs. The Senate proposals do include Medicaid cuts, but the Senate achieves most of the savings by reducing the prices Medicaid pays for prescription drugs. The Senate does not achieve any savings by imposing premiums or increased copayments on low-income Medicaid beneficiaries or by reducing the health care services covered by the Medicaid program.[4]
What's Spared
While the House proposals would force low-income families — a politically weak constituency — to shoulder significant cuts, the House has shied away from some other cuts that represent sound policy but affect politically powerful constituents.
Health care is a prime example. As noted, many of the House proposals to achieve savings in Medicaid would reduce low-income Americans' access to needed health care and shift more of the cost of health care to low-income children, parents, seniors, and people with disabilities. The Senate Finance Committee took a much different approach: it avoided changes that harm Medicaid beneficiaries and instead took on powerful lobbying interests such as managed care providers and drug companies.[JS3] To minimize its Medicaid cuts, for example, the Senate Finance Committee obtained savings by reducing overpayments to Medicare managed care plans, as recommended by the non-partisan Medicare Payment Advisory Commission (MedPAC). These provisions are not in the House bill.
While both the House and Senate achieve savings by reducing the amount the Medicaid program pays for prescription drugs, the Senate approach is more comprehensive and achieves greater savings — while the House achieves $2.2 billion in savings in this area, the Senate achieves $6.3 billion. The House proposals do not achieve greater savings in part because the Energy and Commerce Committee did not include a provision to increase the rebates that pharmaceutical companies pay to Medicaid for prescription drugs provided to Medicaid beneficiaries — the Senate proposal includes a rebate increase. The is broad consensus among governors that the Medicaid program is not getting the best price possible for prescription drugs from drug companies because these rebates are set too low, but the pharmaceutical industry has been staunchly opposed to this cost reduction measure.
On the tax side, neither the House nor the Senate appears willing to ask for even a modicum of sacrifice from upper-income households, which have received generous tax cuts in recent years. The Urban Institute-Brookings Institution Tax Policy Center reports that households with incomes of over $1 million are receiving tax cuts this year from the 2001 and 2003 tax-cut legislation that on average total $103,000 a year.
In addition, neither chamber appears willing to reconsider two costly tax cuts that will exclusively benefit high-income households and that will start taking effect on January 1, 2006.[5] The Urban Institute-Brookings Institution Tax Policy Center reports that nearly all (97 percent) of the benefits from these tax cuts will go to the four percent of households that have incomes of more than $200,000. The Tax Policy Center also found that when these two tax cuts are fully in effect, 54 percent of their benefits will go to households with income of over $1 million a year, which will receive $19,200 each year on average from these two measures alone.
The costs of these two new tax cuts will be substantial, totaling $27 billion over the next five years — more than enough to replace the savings the House achieves through cuts in low-income programs. The cost of these two tax cuts also will grow over time. Assuming they are extended beyond 2010, their cost will be $146 billion over the first ten years they are in full effect (2010 through 2019). When the added interest payments on the debt are taken into account, the total cost rises to nearly $200 billion over that ten-year period.
Who's Helped
Not only have the House and Senate spared already enacted tax cuts from any reduction, but over the next several weeks both chambers plan to consider tax reconciliation legislation that allows for $70 billion in new tax cuts between fiscal years 2006 and 2010. A large portion of the benefits of these tax cuts will flow to upper-income households and to businesses. Thus, many high-income households, rather than contributing their fair share to deficit reduction or to offsetting the costs resulting from the hurricanes, will actually receive more resources as a result of the budget process. Most notably:
The tax-cut packages are expected to extend capital gains and dividend tax cuts (which expire in 2008) through 2010. This would cost about $21 billion — more than the House's cuts to Medicaid, child support, and food stamps combined. According to the Tax Policy Center, in 2005 more than half (53 percent) of the benefits of the capital gains and dividend tax cuts will flow to the 0.2 percent of households with incomes over $1 million, while three-quarters of the benefits will go to households with incomes over $200,000 and 90 percent of the benefits will go to households with incomes over $100,000.
Both chambers are also poised to extend Alternative Minimum Tax relief, which will expire at the end of 2005. This AMT relief includes setting higher exemption levels and allowing taxpayers to claim personal credits under the AMT; a one-year extension would cost about $30 billion. According to the Tax Policy Center, 83 percent of the benefits of AMT relief in 2005 will go to those with incomes between $100,000 and $500,000, and about 30 percent of AMT relief will go to those with incomes between $200,000 and $500,000. While there is legitimate concern about certain middle-class households being subject to higher taxes under the AMT, that problem could be addressed outside of the reconciliation process and paid for by eliminating abusive tax shelters or closing other tax loopholes.
House Budget Priorities Especially Skewed in Light of Recent Economic Trends
Congressional budget priorities are especially misdirected when recent economic trends are taken into account. Poverty has risen considerably since 2001. The number of people in poverty increased from 32.9 million in 2001 to 37 million in 2004, while the poverty rate climbed from 11.7 percent in 2001 to 12.7 percent in 2004.
Indeed, poverty increased from 2003 to 2004 even though 2004 represented the third full year of the economic recovery. This continued rise in poverty is not typical for a recovery period. In no other downturn over the past 45 years did poverty increase between the second and third full years of the recovery.
Recent years have also been marked by growing food insecurity and declining health care coverage. The U.S. Department of Agriculture just released information showing that there were 38.2 million individuals lived in households that experienced food insecurity in 2004, a significant increase from the 2003 level. A household is considered "food insecure" if, at some time during the year, it was uncertain of having, or unable to acquire, enough food because of a lack of resources.
In August, the government released data showing that the number of people lacking health insurance reached an all-time high in 2004, as 45.8 million Americans were uninsured. One in six people — 15.7 percent — lacked health coverage (this percent is not statistically different from the 15.6 percent level in 2003).
Income inequality is also on the rise. Recently released Internal Revenue Service data show that income disparities grew substantially from 2002 to 2003. After adjusting for inflation, the after-tax income of the one percent of tax filers with the highest incomes shot up in 2003 by an average of nearly $49,000 per household, while the after-tax incomes of the bottom 75 percent of tax filers fell on average. The IRS data are especially important because they provide the first full snapshot of trends since 2002 at the very top of the income spectrum. Also, less-complete data from the Census Bureau (as well as other information) suggest that income disparities have widened further since 2003.
Income disparities were already at near-record levels before this latest increase. Income inequality in 2002 was wider than in all but six years (1988 and 1997-2001) since the middle of the 1930s. This conclusion is based in part on Congressional Budget Office data for the 1979-2002 period, which are summarized in Figure 1.[6] During this period, average after-tax incomes more than doubled for the top one percent of the population, rose relatively modestly for the middle fifth of the population, and rose just 5 percent for the lowest-income fifth of the population.
Rather than helping to mitigate these trends, the House approach would cut programs for low-income families while shielding high-income households from reductions in their tax cuts and granting still more tax cuts to many of these same households. The net effects of this approach would be to harm low-income households and widen further the gulf between high-income households and other Americans.
Additional Information on the House Reconciliation Proposals
The following reports provide more in-depth analysis of the House reconciliation proposals and of the other issues raised by this paper:
House Agriculture Committee Reconciliation Package Targets Food Stamp Program for Cuts, Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, October 27, 2005:
Child Support, Child Care, SSI, Foster Care
Ways and Means Reconciliation Proposal Targets Key Low-Income Programs, Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, October 25, 2005.
Ways and Means Committee Proposes Deep Cuts in Child Support, Center for Law and Social Policy (includes state-by-state data on the child support funding cuts and the projected loss in child support collections), October 27, 2005.
Energy and Commerce "Chairman's Mark" Imposes New Costs on Low-Income Medicaid Beneficiaries, Center on Budget and Policy Priorities.
(revision to this report will be completed when the Committee completes action on its bill)
Health Opportunity Accounts for Low-In come Medicaid Beneficiaries: A Risky Approach, Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, October 27, 2005:
Cost-Sharing Provisions in the Energy and Commerce Medicaid Proposal: Key Issues for Children and Families
, Georgetown University Health Policy Institute Center for Children and Families, October 26, 2005.
Differences that Make a Difference: Comparing Medicaid and the State Children's Health Insurance Program Federal Benefits Standards
, Georgetown University Health Policy Institute Center for Children and Families, October 2005. (summary: https://www.cbpp.org/10-25-05health3-sum.pdf)
Getting Serious About Deficits? Calls to Offset Hurricane Spending Miss the Point; Balanced Set of First Steps Toward Fiscal Discipline Needed, Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, October 6, 2005.
New IRS Data Show Income Inequality Is Again on the Rise, Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, October 17, 2005.
Economic Recovery Failed to Benefit Much of the Population in 2004, Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, August 30, 2005.
[1] Estimate by Jocelyn Guyer and Cindy Mann, "Cost-Sharing Provisions in "Cost-Sharing Provisions in the Energy and Commerce Medicaid Package: Key Issues for Children and Families," Georgetown University Health Policy Institute Center for Children and Families, October 27, 2005, www.ccf.georgetown.edu/pdfs/costsharing1005pdf.
[2] Benefits could be restricted for children under age six with income above 133 percent of the poverty line and children age 6 to 18 with income above the poverty line.
[3] The bill includes $500 million in additional child care funding over the next five years as compared to the CBO baseline which assumes that the child care block grant will be frozen-funded. Earlier versions of the House TANF reauthorization bill — including the version that twice passed the full House — included $1 billion in additional child care. This level also is less than is needed just to ensure that child care funding kept pace with inflation.
[4] Both the House and Senate achieve savings by modifying the "asset transfer" rules in the Medicaid program. The changes are intended to ensure that elderly individuals do not shield their assets so that the Medicaid program pays for their long term care instead of relying on their own resources. While some tightening of asset transfer policies is warranted, some of the changes that the House has proposed could have the unintended effect of penalizing people who make relatively small gifts or donations while they are still healthy and without any intention of doing so to qualify for Medicaid. The Senate Finance proposals relating to asset transfer offer a much more careful, well-targeted approach to preventing abuses in this area without denying coverage to innocent people who need long-term care.
[5] One of the two new tax cuts repeals a provision of the tax code under which the personal exemption is phased out for people at high income levels. The other repeals a tax-code provision under which limits are placed on the total amount of itemized deductions that taxpayers with high incomes may claim. Both of these tax-code provisions were signed into law by President Bush's father as part of the landmark, bipartisan deficit-reduction law of 1990.
[6] This conclusion is reached by viewing the CBO data in conjunction with data from a ground-breaking historical analysis of income distribution trends published in a leading economics journal. See Thomas Pickety and Emmanuel Saez, "Income Inequality in the United States, 1913-1998," Quarterly Journal of Economics, 118, 2003. Their tables have been updated through 2002 at http://emlab.berkeley.edu/users/saez/
Isaac Shapiro
Child Poverty Falls to Record Low, Comprehensive Measure Shows Stronger Government Policies Account for Long-Term Improvement
Trump Budget Gets Two-Thirds of Its Cuts From Programs for Low- and Moderate-Income People
Census Data Show Robust Progress Across the Board in 2016 in Income, Poverty, and Health Coverage
Sharon Parrott
Important Investments, Significant Disappointments in Year-End Legislation
In Pandemic's Second Year, Government Policies Helped Drive Child Poverty Rate to a Record Low, Cut Uninsured Rate, New Census Data Show
Inflation Reduction Act Takes Important Steps Forward and Should Be Enacted


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Rita Ora Back In Recording Studio In Los Angeles Working On Album Two
The 'Radioactive' star is recording for her brand new album at present.
Rita Ora has confirmed she is back in the recording studio working on her new album, after flying back out to Los Angeles this week.
The 'R.I.P.' singer has been steadily working on the follow-up to her 2012 debut 'ORA' for the past year, and revealed she is once again in the studio this week.
"#LA #Studio X @adidasoriginals #ritabotsuniform," Rita tweeted yesterday (13th January) alongside a picture of her with her feet up against a mixer deck in the studio.
Back in December Rita confirmed it was "nearly time" to reveal official details about her second studio album.
Rita Ora is widely rumoured to be planning to move in with boyfriend Calvin Harris in Los Angeles sometime soon, while she has also been cast in a supporting role in the upcoming film adaptation of Fifty Shades Of Grey.
Latest Rita Ora News
See more Latest Rita Ora News
Rita Ora's Complete Dating History - From Taika Waititi to A$AP Rocky
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How Old Is Rita Ora And What Is Her Net Worth? Everything You Need To Know About The Pop Star
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Siganus unimaculatus är en fiskart som först beskrevs av Barton Warren Evermann och Seale, 1907.  Siganus unimaculatus ingår i släktet Siganus och familjen Siganidae. Inga underarter finns listade i Catalogue of Life.

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unimaculatus


I'll never forget the look on my little girls face as the hawk flew down to the falconers glove. It was amazing. Thank you so much for a fantastic day out.
Set against the backdrop of our wonderful rolling parkland, there can be few more exciting and dramatic experiences than to watch beautiful birds of prey swooping from the sky to collect treats from our expert falconer.
Jim Brown brings a variety of stunning birds to the hall to demonstrate different hunting techniques and flying styles. He'll explain the vast diversity of species and their individual habits and characteristics.
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Birds will fly in the morning for schools and pre booked groups and special demonstrations can be arranged for corporate clients and weddings.
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text:
Redhill courts face closure as government targets £200 million in savings
Redhill Magistrates' Court is one of 19 courts - described as "under-used" and "poor quality" - facing possible closures
Rob Grant
Redhill Magistrates' Court
Redhill Magistrates' Court faces the axe as the government seeks to make £200 million of savings in a major overhaul.
Courts Minister Shailesh Vara announced on Thursday (July 16) that the venue on Hatchlands Road, along with 18 others, faced closure because they were "underused and poor quality".
If the closures goes ahead, cases that would usually be heard at Redhill Magistrates' Court, Redhill Family Court and Reigate County and Family Court will be transferred to Guildford and Staines.
On average, the courts earmarked for closure are only being used for a third of their available time, equivalent to fewer than two out of five days a week.
Those who would normally attend Redhill courts will have to travel 26 miles to Guildford or 40 minutes by car to Staines.
However, according to the government's own calculations, more than eight in ten people served by the courts in Redhill face a journey time of between one and two hours by public transport, or half-an-hour to an hour in the car.
Currently more than two-thirds of people in the catchment area live within 30 minutes of the courthouse by car, while nearly half live under an hour away by public transport.
A 12-week consultation on the proposals will now take place to see how feasible the restructuring will be.
Reigate MP Crispin Blunt said: "It is bad news that we might lose our courts.
"At the least, it would mean the serious inconvenience of transporting suspects from the police custody suite in Salfords all the way to Guildford and Staines.
"It would also significantly impact access to justice in the east of the county."
Mr Blunt accepted that difficult decisions needed to be made by the Conservative government to eliminate the deficit by 2019 but labelled the complete closure of the courts in Redhill as "unreasonable'.
The MP called on the Reigate Borough Council and court administrators to form a task force with the police and look at proposing 'creative' ways to make cost savings required whilst preserving a core presence in Redhill.
He said: "I hope we can help the Ministry of Justice provide the courts service to the community at lower cost and look forward to discussing proposals before the end of the consultation."
The courts in Redhill cost approximately £477,000 to run last year and were being used at around half capacity.
Paul Harris, delivery director for HM Courts & Tribunals Service for East Surrey, said: "I understand that these proposals could result in some people having longer journeys to the courts and tribunals. I am committed to working with rural communities to provide alternative ways for the public to access the justice system.
"Of course, staff would be affected by these proposed changes. Although the impact will be limited, I will make sure this is managed properly.
"Any transition to new arrangements will take place in a fair and transparent manner in consultation with the Departmental Trade Union."
Crispin Blunt