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Plymouth Argyle webchat RECAP: how we answered your questions
Join in with the weekly Argyle discussion and send your questions in to our writers
Beren CrossSports Journalist
Welcome to our weekly Plymouth Argyle webchat.
We will be underway from noon with Chris Errington and Beren Cross answering your questions on anything and everything from the world of Argyle.
So, the big news this week revolved around the closure of the January transfer window and another fine win on the road for the Pilgrims.
Jake Jervis was the headline departure out of Home Park. What's your opinion on the deal, which sees Argyle pocket £125,000, but lose another body?
Also, Gregg Wylde and Jakub Sokolik departed Derek Adams's squad this week. Will their absence be felt? What's your opinion on the arrival of Moses Makasi?
The 22-year-old midfielder has never played senior football, but captained West Ham United's under-23s this season. Can he fill Toumani Diagouraga's shoes?
We are sure there are also questions ahead of Blackburn Rovers' visit to Home Park too.
Keep your questions coming. We will keep picking them up, as we go. Submit them in the box above.
14:21 Beren Cross
Thank you for following the webchat today.
As Chris mentioned earlier, it's actually my last one. Tomorrow's my last match with Argyle and then I'm moving north to chart the progress of Leeds United.
Thank you for all of your contributions and feedback over the past two years. It's been a blast and I feel very lucky to have reported on such a period of success for the Pilgrims.
Story behind Jervis's exit
Tom Clark: "Is there more to the transfer of Jake Jervis than is being stated publicly? JJ was our most underrated player.
"Adams must have fell out with him during the summer, and was limited during a period when we needed a striker up front. After Ciftci fell through and Taylor wasn't quite fit."
BC: Thanks for the question, Tom. As I understand it: Luton wanted Jervis last summer, Jervis was impressed but chose to give League One a go, Jervis fell out of favour and became interested in a move away. Walsall, Luton and Bradford all showed interest on deadline day. Argyle were open to selling, but only if they found a replacement. The replacement did not materialise and Luton came in with offer to trigger Jervis's release clause when they knew Argyle would not sell at £100,000.
Adams did not fall out with Jervis. He would have kept him, but activating the clause took it out of his hands. It's a shame they left it so late in the window. The deal could have perhaps been done days earlier to give Adams more time.
Jake Jervis made a total of 127 appearances for Argyle over two-and-a-half seasons and scored 31 goals (Image: Dave Rowntree/PPAUK)
Steve: "I thought the club had money to pay for players or were they relying on money coming in for Jake Jervis?"
CE: Hello Steve. Derek Adams was consistent in saying that the only way players would be coming into the club during January were on loan or as free agents.
The sale of Jake Jervis was good business for a player who could have walked away for nothing in the summer, but it was completed so late on in the transfer window that they did not have a chance to use any of it on a replacement.
That was not ideal timing but it was too good a deal to turn down in the circumstances.
The question now is how much of that £125,000 fee for Jervis will be put towards squad strengthening this summer.
Goal celebrations for Jake Jervis during the League One match between Plymouth Argyle and Oldham Athletic on Saturday, December 23, 2017 at Home Park (Image: Dave Rowntree/PPAUK)
On a separate note, this is Beren's last Webchat - and, indeed last day at Herald Towers, before he leaves for an exciting new job in Leeds.
On behalf of everyone on the sports desk, can I say how much we have enjoyed working with and wish him all the very best for the future. I know he will still Argyle's fortunes from afar.
Jervis clause too low
Sean: "Contract buyout clauses should over-value a player. They are there to protect the club when someone wants to buy a key player. £125k for Jervis was too low. Do you agree?"
BC: When I was first told the value of the clause I was a little surprised, but I assume that value was first used when Jervis arrived in the summer of 2015. You have to remember his stock was comparatively low then, coming down from Ross County with no form to speak of.
the clause must be agreed by player and club, remember. Too high and it's not going to give the player that confidence to know they can talk to clubs who really want them, especially when that player is in Devon, hundreds of miles from friends and family.
You could argue £125,000 probably did over-value Jervis when he first arrived at Home Park and, in my opinion, there have been very few times I would have turned down that bid for Jervis while he's been down here.
He has scored important goals without ever being a prolific, one-in-two, indispensable striker. He has frustrated me as a spectator as much as impressed me. It would have been good business last summer, let alone now, with five months left to run on his contract.
The bottom line is he arrived for nothing and left for £125,000. Big profit.
Jake Jervis with a Luton Town shirt after completing his transfer from Plymouth Argyle on January 31, 2018 (Image: Luton Town Football Club)
Frustrated fans
Keith: "Yesterday's Herald quoted 'Angry fans ask where's the investment'? Would The Herald agree this is once again sheer frustration on the part of supporters? I would simply say 'trust the manager.'"
CE: Thanks for taking part in Webchat, Keith. I can understand why the fans would be frustrated. They see smaller clubs than Argyle, or in lower divisions, paying transfer fees and wages that are beyond the Pilgrims at the moment.
But Argyle are sticking to their principle of spending only what they get in, and there are a lot of clubs out there who do not do that and take the riskier speculate to accumulate approach.
There is a case, I think for loosening the purse strings a little, especially after the FA Cup run last season and the sale of players, such as Ben Purrington and Jake Jervis.
However, it should not be forgotten that Graham Carey re-signing for the club last summer would not have come cheaply in terms of salary.
As far as trusting the manager goes, Derek Adams has proved throughout his managerial career he can achieve success despite smaller budgets than his rivals so I certainly agree with you on that point.
Some Argyle fans are concerned that the Pilgrims have a weaker squad at the end of the transfer window than the one they started January with
Adams has not learned lessons
Tom: "Do you think the Argyle manager hasn't learnt a lesson from the early part of the season? Due to injury and suspension, the team selection was very thin on the ground.
"Due to the lack of signings we are again two or three injuries and suspensions to key positions away from being in the same position. Some of the players that have been brought in are either prone to injury or untested at this level.
"A risk that could put the club's League One status back in jeopardy. Before anything else this season, money should have been made available for improved wages and signing fees so we could be more competitive in the transfer market, so we could have put in good foundations to cement our place in this division and push forward next season.
"Surely with the improved attendances and FA cup money from last year this should not be impossible?"
BC: Thanks for the question and your thoughts, Tom. I firmly believe Adams is well aware of the perils of running through a season with too few players to cover for injuries.
Throughout his first season at the helm the Argyle squad was riddled with injuries, especially in the first half, if I remember correctly. Adams put that faltering run for automatic promotion down to the injuries which hit his threadbare roster.
I agree with you if injuries or suspensions hit at the same time, it will have a devastating impact on the matchday squad, but who's to say Adams tried to bring in new faces, but failed. Adams may even agree with you himself.
I do not believe an injury crisis will put the club's League One status at risk. The club has enough on the board and enough in reserve to be outside the worst four teams this season.
The budgets were improved at the start of the season and even more money was made available this month for Adams. We cannot say for sure exactly how much is going out each week on the four additions made. We do know Graham Carey only stayed here because of the extra money made available by the board.
They money made from the two Liverpool matches was largely spent on training ground improvements and other developments in and around the football club, as Adams eluded to yesterday.
Derek Adams (left) talks tactics with Argyle first team coach Paul Wotton (Image: Dave Rowntree/PPAUK)
Brent's transfer policy
Ross: "I'd like to know your opinion on James Brent and the lack of transfer funds? Everyone seems to have a poor opinion of him, but I feel he's come in and saved us and we've improved year by year.
"Granted, he doesn't shell out on transfers, but Adams seems shrewd enough to work with what he's got. I work in the north east and Darlington could have done with a James Brent years ago, just as Hartlepool United could right now!
"Do you feel he should be making money available or carry on the way he is?"
CE: Hello Ross, thanks for the question. I don't think everyone has a poor opinion of James Brent, but there are certainly some people who do. It is hard to quantify how many exactly.
I think there are plenty of fans like you who see that Argyle have improved year on year since James Brent took over as chairman.
I would refer you to Beren's previous answer to Mark Atkin. It sums up James Brent's business-like approach to running the football club and highlights some of the pros and cons of that.
One of the reasons why Derek Adams was recruited by Argyle in the first place was because he proved at Ross County he could work with limited resources against bigger-spending rivals but still achieve success.
He has done that at Argyle too.
It is easy for all of us - fans and the media - to call for more money to be spent by Argyle when it isn't our money but there is going to come a time, and I think this summer could be it, where the club will have to start being more competitive when it comes to transfer fees and player wages if they are to be more than just survivors in League One.
James Brent discusses the plans for Home Park with Herald Sport's Beren Cross in November 2017 (Image: Penny Cross)
Are Argyle competing financially?
Mark Atkin: "Are we in danger now of losing our better players in the summer due to a lack of ambition shown in signings this January? When you have the likes of Luton Town in League Two spending decent money on players and small clubs like Fleetwood Town, Peterborough United in this league to name a few."
BC: Thanks for the question, Mark. I don't believe Argyle will miss out on new players in the summer because of the signings they have made in January. no. It is very clear the Pilgrims are not currently able to compete financially with the teams you have mentioned.
There are several clubs in League Two able to offer more in wages than the Pilgrims, it is an unfortunate fact in the current circumstances. James Brent has made Argyle sustainable, that means they could continue to operate with their current outgoings if the owner moved on. He is not ploughing thousands into the club to keep it afloat every week because it is only spending what it brings in.
The downside is, of course, Argyle will miss out on those bigger name, bigger price tag players, but that has been the case for a few years now. Derek Adams is doing very well with the budget he currently has, we have to trust he will continue to over-achieve with the money at his disposal.
When you factor in geography and finances, fans will have to accept the best players in the division will not come to Devon as it stands, but that is not because of last month's dealings.
Plymouth Argyle chairman James Brent discusses the plans for Home Park, Higher Home Park and Western Gateway with Herald Sport's Beren Cross (Image: Penny Cross)
Tactics and Jervis
Jack: "Saturday's match is the point where Derek Adams's new tactical style should prove itself. I feel Jake Jervis was given a raw deal holding the line with no support for much of the season then let go.
"What's your opinion and will Jervis come back to haunt us next year?"
CE: Thanks for taking part in the Webchat, Jack. I think Jake Jervis was the best option - but not ideally suited - to leading the attack for Argyle when Ryan Taylor was out injured earlier this season.
I don't think he was given a raw deal. It was hard work for him as a lone striker but he did a decent job of it, especially in the away League One game against Bradford City when he scored the winning goal. That was one of his best ever performances for the Pilgrims.
He wasn't let go by Argyle. Luton matched the buy-out clause in his contract and Argyle could not stop him from talking to them. It was his choice to leave in the end.
It is also worth bearing in mind there was strong interest in him from Luton in the summer.
Will he come back to haunt Argyle next season? Possibly. But Jake Jervis was an excellent servant for the Pilgrims over two-and-a-half seasons and I'm sure we all wish him good luck at Kenilworth Road.
Second Goal celebrations for Jake Jervis as a dejected Joe Day holds his head during the League Two match between Plymouth Argyle and Newport County on Saturday, April 17, 2017 at Home Park (Image: Phil Mingo/PPAUK)
We are getting underway with your first question very shortly.
Thanks to all of those who have already been in touch. Keep them coming in the box above.
Plymouth Argyle 1 Crewe Alexandra 1 RECAP: Pilgrims have to settle for point
Plymouth ArgyleOli Finney equalised for Crewe in the 64th minute after Luke Jephcott scored from the penalty spot in the first half


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Important Ramifications for 'First Sale' Use and Customs Duty Liability
By Rahul GoyalMarch 18, 2021No Comments
The first Sale has been a very common way out for the people to reduce the customs duty liability on the goods which are being imported to the United States. U.S. Court of International Trade, therefore, issued a decision with important ramifications for any such trade raised by the dispute between Meyer Corp vs the United States.
What is the purpose of such ramifications?
As per the report, ramifications have successfully altered the risk profile which is related to the first sale transactions held in China and Vietnam. All the companies which are relying on the first sale are advised to take a deep look into the programs with the new rules and take adequate precautions.
What are the basic first sale rules?
The first sale rule requires importers to report a lower customs value if the customs value is reduced by the duty liability imposed by a specific form of qualifying importation. To become eligible to access LCV, the importation taking place must involve a multi-tiered transaction. The transactions will only come under LCV when the goods are clearly destined to specifically the United States during the sale.
How can we define the First Sale?
The first Sale can be very commonly described under Three to Four elements:
Bona Fide Sale
The goods are clearly destined for the US during the time of the transaction
The value is up to an arm's length price.
Absence of any distortive non-market influence
What caused Meyer Corp into losing the case?
The CTI has been frequently referring to a 30-year-old case that also had established the first sale for a viable basis. This old case has been closed taken look to gain clear meaning to the current case. The First sale is usually defined as per the three top pointers defined above and is taken as legitimate reasons while the fourth one is usually neglected. The person who filed a case failed to put up enough evidence to satisfy both: well-established arm's length and distortive non-market influence requirement that could prove the legitimacy of the First Sale traded by Meyer Corp.
CIT also expressed doubt over the First rule that was created with an intent to be applied for the transactions that involve non-market economy participants. To make a clear decision they also invited the US court for appealing to the Federal Circuit for making further statements.
Meyer Corp is not the only corporation that is not using the First Sale legitimately and the common opinion raised increases the risk associated with using the same with the suppliers in non-market economies (Eg. China and Vietnam). As per the common reports, it remains uncertain if Meyer Corp would appeal the final decision declared by CIT but the decision taken would definitely make a clear path for customs and border protection, to begin with dismantling a use of Fist Sale during the transactions which involve non-market economies.
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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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WVSOM STUDENT CENTER
West Virginia School of Osteopathic Medicine
Lewisburg, WV
The West Virginia School of Osteopathic Medicine (WVSOM), a leading public medical school in the Appalachia region of rural West Virginia, sought to build a new facility that would serve as the main hub for student activity at the school and foster a greater sense of community on campus.
Campus Landmark
The resulting Student Center is a freestanding, 67,000-square-foot, two-story structure that pays homage to the building's important physical location. As the heart of the school, the signature building features an iconic clock tower that anchors the center and serves as a beacon to the surrounding community. It is intended to be the heart of the school. The campus' history as a military boarding high school and junior college called for special design and placement considerations to honor that unique past. The building also sits on the edge of a historic parade ground. Designers sited the building to frame the edge of the grounds—maintaining a clear view from campus into this distinctive area.
Student-life Hub
The building's two levels include food preparation and dining spaces for breakfast and lunch service, a two-story campus store, technology support spaces, and a recreation center with pool and pingpong tables. It also includes a multimedia conference hall with a full-size stage—the perfect location for large meetings, ceremonies and celebrations— with space for 1,000 seats. The hall also is a flexible space that can be sectioned off into smaller rooms with foldable walls, allowing for more uses. The center caters to students by providing space for student government offices, student mailboxes, and open and quiet study areas.
Balancing Legacy and Tomorrow's Needs
With its careful attention promoting campus legacy, addressing the needs of 21st-century college students and staff, and creating an inviting presence within the community, the WVSOM Student Center encapsulates higher education design excellence.
This industry-leading project is the winner of the following awards:
Spring 2017 Learning by Design Award


During its early years, Western Electric manufactured numerous technological developments and industrial innovations. The company was founded in 1869 by Elisha Gray and Enos Barton, as Gray and Barton, producing electric parts for various companies. The company was renamed Western Electric Company, and soon after, Gray sold his shares to Western Union in 1875, leaving behind his fight against Alexander Graham Bell for the telephone patent.
From the early 1880s to the late 1970s, most telephone networks were owned by American Telephone and Telegraph Company (AT&T). All of the electric components for AT&T were designed and built by Western Electric, and AT&T did not allow any other type of device to be connected to their network. Western Electric merged with AT&T in 1899, and in 1925 Western Electric was renamed Bell Labs, a world-famous research laboratory.
Bell Labs soon became an early leader in global manufacturing. It developed breakthrough technologies in typewriters, vacuum tubes, radio, television, motion pictures, radar, and transistors. It is now evident that Bell had invented much of the technology that made the 20th century work.
During its formative years, Western Electric put forth a superhuman effort to provide AT&T with transcontinental telephone* service in 1914. Up to that point, the major breakthrough in long-distance telephone had been the introduction of loading coils, which reduced the tendency of a signal to grow weaker the longer the line over which it was transmitted.
Dr. Lee DeForest had just the plan of attack for Western Electric. In 1912, DeForest, "the father of radio" and owner of DeForest Radio Telephone Company, developed the audion, a three-element vacuum tube that could not only send radio waves more effectively, but amplify them as well.
Western Electric`s Dr. Harold Arnold, who possessed the expertise in electron physics DeForest lacked, quickly grasped scientifically how the audion worked. The result was development of a high-vacuum tube for amplifying sound in telephone cables in April 1913. AT&T quickly purchased the audion patent from DeForest — allowing Western Electric to span the continent in 1914.
The technological breakthrough of the vacuum tube exerted a wide-ranging impact, revolutionizing communications. It would eventually lead to the creation of new industries, including radio, television, and sound motion pictures.
Western Electric`s efforts towards long-distance calling, as well as speaker sound, ultimately transformed the face of many industries.
Enos Barton, Western Electric`s founder, was still president of the company in 1905. He was responsible for moving the company`s main manufacturing plant that year, from downtown Chicago to a rural setting on the outskirts of the city.
The Hawthorne plant became a virtually self-sufficient city with a power plant, hospital, fire brigade, laundry, greenhouse, a brass band, and an annual beauty pageant.
By 1914, the Hawthorne facility was Western Electric`s sole production establishment, causing plants in New York and Chicago to close their doors. Over the following 70 years, the Hawthorne works, including more than 100 buildings, would produce telephones, cable and every major telephone switching system, including the equipment necessary to make it work.
The company then received a break. At the outbreak of World War II, equipment for overseas use became a high priority. New telephone centers sprang up in sparsely populated areas all over the world, to keep up with the needs of American military installations. Western Electric manufactured cable and wire, switchboards and other equipment to meet Lend-Lease commitments in various foreign countries.
The company also produced specialized communications equipment to observe the enemy in a new way, most notably in the area of radio detection and ranging (RADAR).
The conclusion of World War II was not the end of Western Electric`s efforts in national security. Beginning in 1945, the company produced Cold War communications systems, while continuing to meet consumer demand.
Western Electric would provide the U.S. military with plenty of support, such as: the Nike guided missile program and the Distant Early Warning Line (DEW Line)3, both beginning in 1950; computer-assisted air defense centers in 1958, and the emergency installation of switchboards and long-distance channels in Florida during the 1962 Cuban missile crisis.
Western Electric was behind groundbreaking innovations in manufacturing in the field of statistical process control. They eventually began to export those methods to Japan to give birth to the modern Total Quality movement.
Studies from 1924 to 1933 at the Hawthorne Plant sparked the development of a resource in the field of industrial psychology. In the 1960s, Western Electric began to emerge as a leading corporate advocate of civil rights and Affirmative Action. Someone had to "step up to the plate," and Western Electric did, by providing a commitment to universal service and good public relations.
Prior to joining the Bell System a century ago, Western Electric was the largest electrical manufacturer in the United States. Lucent Technologies is currently the latest successor to Western Electric, manufacturing for both AT&T and the regional telephone companies. Lucent Technologies now travels paths in international markets once covered by Western Electric.
*Spanning a continent by way of telephone lines.
**The company paid its employees to make "articles in general demand" from furniture to cigarette lighters to keep them employed, then it distributed the goods at cost through the company stores.
3. A 3000-mile system of radar outposts across the Arctic to detect approaching bombers.
Sinking Of The Eastland by Jay Bonansinga.


GitHub is where people build software. More than 27 million people use GitHub to discover, fork, and contribute to over 80 million projects. Distributed Stockfish analysis for bertelinfarmhousecheese.co.uk bertelinfarmhousecheese.co.uk · lichess chess . Overview. bertelinfarmhousecheese.co.uk master/. Figure 1. (a) Photograph of a silicon master containing fishnet and Swiss-cross stamp patterns. (b), (c) Schematics of the nanostructures containing all.
Fishnet master It was used as a stage for performances. After his death the garden passed through numerous ownership and subsequently fell into disarray until around when it was restored by Song Zongyuan, a retired government official of the Qing Dynasty. Photograph asian babes sofa of Jerome Silbergeld, Fishnet master is the entrance to second floor of library through Lake Tai rockery "cave. The name refers to the view of distant hill and suburbs from the top level. It was used for meeting guests.
SPANISH TAN Our method inhibits an unlimited versatility with respect to the actual shape and composition of the nanostructures, therefore working for split ring resonators SRRs  as well as for double gold layer structures separated by a fishnet master, as is the case for monstercock rough fishnet master and Swiss-cross patterns. If we follow the long covered walkway that borders the west side of the pond to the south, we pass the Belvedere of Magnificent and Bright Waters number It is a six bay and two level tower without portico. Its lattice design is based on the interlaced pattern of a fish net. Truth and Harmony Guest House A three-bay hall with portico on three sides and hipped gable roofline used as a guest house. Therefore it is of paramount importance to fabricate such structures with a fast and cost efficient technique on a large area suitable for industrial production.
During the late 18th century it was recognized for its herbaceous peonies. The name of the Garden of the Master of Nets refers to one of the features below; can you guess which it might be? In the following, we will detail the established and optimized NIL process. The sluice gate may fishnet master not be functional. If we walk towards fishnet master southeast corner of the courtyard between two small rockeries, we see a wall milfsex gay boysporn bounds the eastern edge of the garden compound; the wall has a twerking party gate in it about a third of the way up from the bottom corner on the map.


text:
import * as React from 'react';
import { connect } from 'react-redux';
import { SearchResult, BlockedHit, RootState, GroupId } from 'types';
import { ResourceList, Stack, DisableableAction } from '@shopify/polaris';
import { acceptHitRequestfromSearch } from 'actions/accept';
import { markHitAsRead } from 'actions/markAsRead';
import { blockSingleHit, unblockSingleHit } from 'actions/blockHit';
import { toggleSearchResultExpand } from 'actions/toggleExpand';
import InfoContainer from './InfoContainer';
import CollapsibleInfo from './CollapsibleInfo';
import { blockedHitFromSearchResult } from 'utils/blocklist';
import { searchResultsSelector } from 'selectors/index';
import { Text } from '@blueprintjs/core';
import RequesterName from './RequesterName';
import SearchResultExceptionList from './SearchResultExceptionList';
import { blockHitToast } from 'utils/toaster';

interface Props {
  readonly hit: SearchResult;
  readonly markedAsRead: boolean;
  readonly expanded: boolean;
}

interface OwnProps {
  readonly groupId: string;
}

interface Handlers {
  readonly onAccept: (hit: SearchResult) => void;
  readonly onToggleExpand: (groupId: GroupId) => void;
  readonly onHide: (hit: BlockedHit) => void;
  readonly onUndoHide: (groupId: GroupId) => void;
  readonly markHitAsRead: (groupId: string) => void;
}

class SearchCard extends React.Component<Props & OwnProps & Handlers, never> {
  private static generateNewResultHighlightStyle = (markedAsRead?: boolean) =>
    markedAsRead ? {} : { backgroundColor: '#EBF5FA' };

  private handleMarkingAsRead = () => {
    this.props.markHitAsRead(this.props.hit.groupId);
  };

  private markAsReadButton = () => ({
    content: 'Mark as Read',
    accessibilityLabel: 'Mark as Read',
    icon: 'view',
    onAction: this.handleMarkingAsRead
  });

  private readActions = () => [
    {
      content: 'Hide',
      icon: 'disable',
      onAction: () => {
        const blockedHit = blockedHitFromSearchResult(this.props.hit);
        this.props.onHide(blockedHit);
        blockHitToast(
          () => this.props.onUndoHide(blockedHit.groupId),
          blockedHit
        );
      }
    },
    {
      content: 'Accept',
      icon: 'add',
      primary: true,
      onAction: () => {
        this.props.onAccept(this.props.hit);
      }
    }
  ];

  private generateActions = (markedAsRead?: boolean): DisableableAction[] =>
    markedAsRead
      ? this.readActions()
      : [this.markAsReadButton(), ...this.readActions()];

  public render() {
    const { hit, expanded, onToggleExpand, markedAsRead } = this.props;
    const { groupId, requester } = hit;

    return (
      <React.Fragment>
        <div style={SearchCard.generateNewResultHighlightStyle(markedAsRead)}>
          <ResourceList.Item
            id={hit.groupId}
            onClick={onToggleExpand}
            shortcutActions={this.generateActions(markedAsRead)}
            ariaExpanded={expanded}
          >
            <Stack
              vertical={false}
              wrap={false}
              alignment="center"
              distribution="leading"
            >
              <Stack.Item>
                <RequesterName requesterName={hit.requester.name} />
              </Stack.Item>
              <Stack.Item fill>
                <Text ellipsize>{hit.title}</Text>
              </Stack.Item>
              <Stack.Item>
                <InfoContainer hit={hit} />
              </Stack.Item>
            </Stack>
            <SearchResultExceptionList hit={hit} />
          </ResourceList.Item>
        </div>

        <CollapsibleInfo
          groupId={groupId}
          requesterId={requester.id}
          requesterName={requester.name}
        />
      </React.Fragment>
    );
  }
}

const mapState = (state: RootState, { groupId }: OwnProps): Props => ({
  hit: searchResultsSelector(state).get(groupId),
  expanded: state.expandedSearchResults.has(groupId),
  markedAsRead: state.markedAsReadGroupIds.has(groupId)
});

const mapDispatch: Handlers = {
  onAccept: acceptHitRequestfromSearch,
  onHide: blockSingleHit,
  onUndoHide: unblockSingleHit,
  onToggleExpand: toggleSearchResultExpand,
  markHitAsRead: markHitAsRead
};

export default connect(
  mapState,
  mapDispatch
)(SearchCard);

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


Despite rising death tolls for pedestrians, cities around the country are getting rid of red light cameras. New York City will be next.
Speed cameras have somehow become an even more contentious issue in New York.
Republicans and the American Civil Liberties Union back bills to ban red light and speed cameras in Iowa, while Democrats and law enforcement want to allow cities and counties to retain automated traffic-enforcement tools.
The 300-foot wide Queens Boulevard has been known as the Boulevard of Death. Since 1990, it has claimed 186 lives, 74 percent being pedestrians, including 18 in 1997 alone. A series of safety improvements have brought fatalities to zero since 2014.
It's not just death from gun violence where the U.S. is an outlier. The New York Times compiled traffic fatality data showing that other developed nations have greatly lower traffic death rates, which wasn't historically the case.
Streetsblog USA breaks the news of a major policy departure for the National Transportation Safety Board: speeding kills, and every level of government must do more to counter the problem.
Legislation proposed by San Francisco Assemblyman David Chiu would authorize a red camera pilot program to last five years and apply only to the two cities. California lacks laws permitting automated speed enforcement.
A special investigation by the Chicago Tribune finds inconsistencies and errors with the city's "'Children's Safety Zone" initiative, which places speed camera near schools and parks.
Some cities take their surveillance of traffic violations very seriously. Washington, D.C., this time we're looking at you.
A study released by the Insurance Institute for Highway Safety on September 1 showed steep reductions in speeding in Montgomery County, Maryland, where speed cameras has been in effect since 2007, reducing fatalities and severity of injuries.
Active Transportation Alliance, a Chicago pedestrian advocacy group, urges Mayor Rahm Emanuel to improve red light cameras rather than remove them. Despite complaints from drivers, well-advertised cameras can reduce pedestrian fatalities.
New data released Dec. 19 by NHTSA shows increased safety for those traveling by car, but pedestrian fatalities are 15% higher than in 2009. Plans by San Francisco, Los Angeles, New York, and Chicago to increase ped safety are described by the WSJ.
A speed camera program near school zones in Nassau County on Long Island provides a cautionary tale about the limits of surveillance and fines in curbing speeding.
Speeding Camera Issues 6,000 Tickets in a Day—Is it Unfair?
After issuing 6,000 speeding tickets in one day, a speeding camera in Sheepshead Bay in New York City has already influenced driving habits. But some in the community are calling the location of the cameras a trap.
In Chicago, speed cameras are proving effective at reducing speeds; in Philadelphia, a police commissioner is lobbying the state to allow the implementation of the cameras.
For the second time in a year, Baltimore has pulled the plug on both its red-light and speed enforcement cameras, paying the contractor $600,000 to do so. Re-evaluation will determine where the city, which now owns most of the cameras, goes next.
In the face of rising pedestrian and bicyclist fatalities, the District of Columbia's police department began deploying automated photo enforcement technologies while San Francisco took a multi-agency, collaborative planning approach.
DC traffic scofflaws beware: You may be recorded! In one of the nation's most comprehensive use of traffic cameras, motorists who run stop signs or don't stop for peds in crosswalks could find a "ticket in the mail". Plus, 132 cameras will be added.
Speeding is paying-off in the amount of $15 million for Seattle area schools thanks to speed-enforced cameras, a proven but nonetheless controversial traffic safety tool. Revenue will be used to make walking safer under a proposal by Mayor McGinn.


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"The Sound of Murder" Director Update
We are in the final stages of rehearsal for The Sound of Murder and I still laugh out loud at the performances of our talented cast. The stage is set, the props are at the ready, and the comedy is in full swing! Grab your family and your friends and come see all the hard work come together for a night out of delicious food and top notch comedy performances AND you just may solve a murder in the meantime.
There is still time to make ticket arrangements. We open Friday the 22nd and 23rd. Or you can plan to come the last weekend of February on the 28th and 29th. Call 323-6681 or order ONLINE.
Crazy Characters in "The Sound of Murder"
If you remember the days of Radio Theatre back in the 1940's, you're in for a treat at Strauss' "The Sound of Murder" on February 22, 23, 28, 29 delivers outstanding theatre with veteran actors, Best of the Delta food catered by Gator Girls and adult beverages in an intimate setting that becomes the perfect date night with your family/friends.
RSVP Tickets ONLINE today. Just click the word ONLINE and grab your tickets while you can. Or you can call Donna at our box office – 323-6681.
The cast of "The Sound of Murder"
It's the heyday of Radio – 1940s at WMDR and something is a bit too real about the live radio mystery about to go on the air. There is a saboteur among the staff. Who is it?
This comedy murder mystery will have you on the edge of your seat in stitches! RSVP Tickets ONLINE or call our box office at 318-323-6681.
Jared Trichel on stage in "The Sound of Murder"
Jared grew up visiting the Strauss to see stage veterans, Troy and Jae Wold in various plays. He always had an interest in acting and made his dinner theatre debut in the 2018 production of Murder at Cafe' Noir. Needless to say, he's hooked! Jared is really excited to be playing the part of Foley.
RSVP Tickets ONLINE or call our box office at 318-323-6681.
Benjamin Gross on stage in "The Sound of Murder"
Benjamin is a Senior Cybersecurity Analyst for Logistics Health Inc., helping to protect the nation's military from cyberattacks. When not exercising the other half of his brain by being completely ridiculous on stage, he can generally be found eating tacos. He is currently eating more tacos than usual due to the stress of being cast in two shows at once while living in Texas and making the commute for rehearsals. "How To Succeed in Business Without Really Trying" and "The Sound of Murder" have been completely worth all the extra chips and salsa needed to get through the day, because his castmates and directors are the best people in the world.
John Price on stage in "The Sound of Murder"
John is a 30 year old native of West Monroe Louisiana and has always had a love for acting and theater, but had never done any work outside of college until 2017 when he decided to try out and was subsequently cast in the Strauss Main Stage production of Boeing Boeing. This sparked a resurgence in his passion for acting and he has since performed in Last Call at Club Chez Mort, Last Will and Testament, and now The Sound of Murder.
Aymee Bonilla on stage in "The Sound of Murder"
Aymee Bonilla is so excited to be back at Strauss, and especially excited to be part of such a funny show. When she's not doing shows, she enjoys making costumes, traveling as much as she can, and trying new foods. She loves that Monroe offers something as fun as a murder mystery dinner show, and hopes you continue to support the arts in Northeast Louisiana.
Taylor Nelson on stage in "The Sound of Murder"
Taylor Nelson is a veteran of the Strauss Stage. She got her start at the Young Stage (now SYAA) and eventually began doing shows at the Mainstage. You might recognize her from her past roles as Tiger Lily in Peter Pan, Dorothy in the Wizard of Oz, or Ado Annie in Oklahoma (Christopher Award for Best Supporting Actress). She attended Northwestern State University, dabbling in Russian language and international studies. She also spent a year studying in Estonia. Since her return to Monroe, she has appeared in Young Frankenstein, Murder Me, Murder Me Not, as Mollie in The Mousetrap (Christopher Award for Best Actress). Last year she played three roles in one show as Renee, Marjorie, and Josephine in Who's in Bed With the Butler (Christopher Award for Best Actress). She currently works for Nuby. Besides the stage, Taylor enjoys reading, traveling, spending time with her three cats (Blue, Bucky, and Mimi), and grabbing a pint with her buds at Enochs.
Tickets include an awesome show and a fantastic meal catered by Gator Girls. Adult beverages will also be served. Call Donna at our Box Office to rsvp today – 318-323-6681.
Tammy Sims on stage in "The Sound of Murder"
Tammy's middle name is 'Dinner Theater' (which made for some awkward first days of school). She has been performing in local productions for over 30 years, both on the stage and in dinner theater. She loves the up close and personal feel of dinner theater and plans to perform at least another 30 years. When she isn't acting she likes to sing karaoke and play Magic: The Gathering with her friends. She and her husband, Scott, enjoy traveling whenever they get the chance. She also loves spending any time she can with her daughter, Stephanie and her two Dalmatians, Max and Gracie. This is Tammy's 2nd show under Wendy Wilson's direction and she absolutely loves working with her.


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Irish republicanism
(Redirected from Irish Republicanism)
Find sources: "Irish republicanism" – news · newspapers · books · scholar · JSTOR (June 2019) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)
Irish republicanism (Irish: poblachtánachas Éireannach) is the political movement for the unity and independence of Ireland. The development of nationalist and democratic sentiment throughout Europe in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries was reflected in Ireland in the emergence of republicanism, in opposition to British rule. This followed hundreds of years of British conquest and Irish resistance through rebellion.[1][2] Discrimination against Catholics and nonconformists, attempts by the British administration to suppress Irish culture, and the belief that Ireland was economically disadvantaged as a result of the Acts of Union were among the specific factors leading to such opposition.
The Society of United Irishmen, formed in the 1780s and led primarily by liberal Protestants, evolved into a revolutionary republican organisation, inspired by the American Revolution and allied with Revolutionary France. It launched the 1798 Rebellion with the help of French troops. The rebellion had some success, especially in County Wexford, before it was suppressed. A second rising in 1803, led by Robert Emmet, was quickly put down, and Emmet was hanged. The Young Ireland movement, formed in the 1830s, was initially a part of the Repeal Association of Daniel O'Connell, but broke with O'Connell on the issue of the legitimacy of the use of violence. Primarily a political and cultural organisation, some members of Young Ireland staged an abortive rising, the Young Irelander Rebellion of 1848. Its leaders were transported to Van Diemen's Land. Some of these escaped to the United States, where they linked up with other Irish exiles to form the Fenian Brotherhood. Together with the Irish Republican Brotherhood, founded in Ireland by James Stephens and others in 1858, they made up a movement commonly known as "Fenians" which was dedicated to the overthrow of British imperial rule in Ireland. They staged another rising, the Fenian Rising, in 1867, and a dynamite campaign in England in the 1880s.
In the early 20th century IRB members, in particular Tom Clarke and Seán MacDermott, began planning another rising. The Easter Rising took place from 24 to 30 April 1916, when members of the Irish Volunteers and Irish Citizen Army seized the centre of Dublin, proclaimed a republic and held off British forces for almost a week. The execution of the Rising's leaders, including Clarke, MacDermott, Patrick Pearse and James Connolly, led to a surge of support for republicanism in Ireland. In 1917 the Sinn Féin party stated as its aim the "securing the international recognition of Ireland as an independent Irish Republic", and in the general election of 1918 Sinn Féin took 73 of the 105 Irish seats in the British House of Commons. The elected members did not take their seats but instead set up the First Dáil. Between 1919 and 1921 the Irish Republican Army (IRA), who were loyal to the Dáil, fought the British Army and Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC), a predominantly Roman Catholic force, in the Irish War of Independence. Talks between the British and Irish in late 1921 led to a treaty by which the British conceded, not a 32-county Irish Republic, but a 26-county Irish Free State with Dominion status. This led to the Irish Civil War, in which the republicans were defeated by their former comrades.
The Free State became an independent constitutional monarchy following the Balfour Declaration of 1926 and the Statute of Westminster 1931 and formally became a republic with the passage of the Republic of Ireland Act 1948. That same year, the republican movement took the decision to focus on Northern Ireland thereafter. The Border Campaign, which lasted from 1956 to 1962, involved bombings and attacks on Royal Ulster Constabulary barracks. The failure of this campaign led the republican leadership to concentrate on political action, and to move to the left. Following the outbreak of The Troubles in 1968-9, the movement split between Officials (leftists) and Provisionals (traditionalists) at the beginning of 1970. Both sides were initially involved in an armed campaign against the British state, but the Officials gradually moved into mainstream politics after the Official IRA ceasefire of 1972; the associated "Official Sinn Féin" eventually renamed itself the Workers' Party. The Provisional IRA, except during brief ceasefires in 1972 and 1975, kept up a campaign of violence for nearly thirty years, directed against security forces and civilian targets (especially businesses). While the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) represented the nationalists of Northern Ireland in initiatives such as the 1973 Sunningdale Agreement, republicans took no part in these, believing that a withdrawal of British troops and a commitment to a united Ireland was a necessary precondition of any settlement. This began to change with a landmark speech by Danny Morrison in 1981, advocating what became known as the Armalite and ballot box strategy. Under the leadership of Gerry Adams, Sinn Féin began to focus on the search for a political settlement. When the party voted in 1986 to take seats in legislative bodies within Ireland, there was a walk-out of die-hard republicans, who set up Republican Sinn Féin and the Continuity IRA. Following the Hume–Adams dialogue, Sinn Féin took part in the Northern Ireland peace process which led to the IRA ceasefires of 1994 and 1997 and the Good Friday Agreement of 1998. After elections to the Northern Ireland Assembly, republicans sat in government in Northern Ireland for the first time when Martin McGuinness and Bairbre de Brún were elected to the Northern Ireland Executive. However, another split occurred, with anti-Agreement republicans setting up the 32 County Sovereignty Movement and the Real IRA. Today, Irish republicanism is divided between those who support the institutions set up under the Good Friday Agreement and the later St Andrews Agreement, and those who oppose them. The latter are often referred to as "dissident" republicans.
Background of English rule in IrelandEdit
Map of Ireland in 1609 showing the major Plantations of Ireland
Following the Norman invasion of Ireland in the 12th century, Ireland, or parts of it, had experienced alternating degrees of rule from England. While some of the native Gaelic population attempted to resist this occupation,[3] a single, unified political goal did not exist amongst the independent lordships that existed throughout the island. The Tudor conquest of Ireland took place in the 16th century. This included the Plantations of Ireland, in which the lands held by Gaelic Irish clans and Hiberno-Norman dynasties were confiscated and given to Protestant settlers ("Planters") from England and Scotland. The Plantation of Ulster began in 1609, and the province was heavily colonised with English and Scottish settlers.[4]
Campaigns against English presence on the island had occurred prior to the emergence of the Irish republican ideology. In the 1590s, resistance was led by Hugh O'Neill (see the Nine Years' War). The Irish chieftains were ultimately defeated, leading to their exile (the 'Flight of the Earls') and the aforementioned Plantation of Ulster in 1609.[4] During the Thirty Years' War, Irish exiles in Spain petitioned Philip IV to launch an invasion of Ireland and so in December 1627 a document was drafted by Philip's ministers in Madrid containing among other things the first proposal for an Irish republic with the intention of preventing a conflict between the Earls of Tyrone and Tyrconnell over the crown of Ireland. Ultimately however the invasion did not go ahead.[5]
A decade later, the Irish Rebellion of 1641 began. This consisted of a coalition between the Irish and the Old English (descendents of the English/Norman settlers who settled during the Norman Invasion) rebelling against the English rulers. Beginning as a coup d'état with the aim of restoring lost lands in the north of Ireland and defending Catholic religious and property rights,[6] (which had been suppressed by the Puritan Parliament of England) it evolved into the Irish Confederate Wars. In the summer of 1642, the Catholic upper classes formed the Catholic Confederation, which essentially became the de facto government of Ireland for a brief period until 1649, when the forces of the English Parliament carried out the Cromwellian conquest of Ireland and the old Catholic landowners were permanently dispossessed of their lands.
Society of United Irishmen and the Irish Rebellion of 1798Edit
Main articles: Society of United Irishmen and Irish Rebellion of 1798
Irish republicanism has its origins in the ideals of the American and French revolutions in the late 18th century. In Ireland these ideals were taken up by the United Irishmen, founded in 1791. Originally they sought reform of the Irish parliament, such as an end to sectarian discrimination against Dissenters and Catholics, which was enshrined in the Penal Laws. Eventually they became a revolutionary group advocating an Irish republic free from British control.
Wolfe Tone circa 1794. Tone is considered by many as the father of Irish Republicanism
At this stage, the movement was led primarily by liberal Protestants,[7] particularly Presbyterians from the province of Ulster.The Founding members of the United Irishmen were mainly Southern Irish Protestant aristocrats. The key founders included Wolfe Tone, Thomas Russell, Henry Joy McCracken, James Napper Tandy, and Samuel Neilson. By 1797, the Society of United Irishmen had around 100,000 members. Crossing the religious divide in Ireland, it had a mixed membership of Catholics, Presbyterians, and even Anglicans from the Protestant Ascendancy. It also attracted support and membership from Catholic agrarian resistance groups, such as the Defenders organisation, who were eventually incorporated into the Society.[8]
The Battle of Killala marked the end of the rising
The Irish Rebellion of 1798 began on 23 May, with the first clashes taking place in County Kildare on 24 May, before spreading throughout Leinster, as well as County Antrim and other areas of the country. French soldiers landed in Killala on 22 August and participated in the fighting on the rebels' side.[9] Even though they had considerable success against British forces in County Wexford,[10] rebel forces were eventually defeated. Key figures in the organisation were arrested and executed.
Acts of UnionEdit
Main articles: Acts of Union 1800 and Parliament of Ireland
Michael Dwyer
Though the Rebellion of 1798 was eventually crushed, small republican guerrilla campaigns against the British Army continued for a short time afterward in the Wicklow Mountains under the leadership of Michael Dwyer and Joseph Holt, involving attacks on small parties of yeomen. These activities were perceived by some to be merely "the dying echoes of an old convulsion",[11] but others feared further large-scale uprisings, due to the United Irishmen continuing to attract large numbers of Catholics in rural areas of the country and arms raids being carried out on a nightly basis.[11] It was also feared that rebels would again seek military aid from French troops, and another rising was expected take place by 10 April.[12]
This perceived threat of further rebellion resulted in the Parliamentary Union between the Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. After some uncertainty, the Irish Parliament voted to abolish itself in the Acts of Union 1800, forming the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, by a vote of 158 to 115.[13] A number of tactics were used to achieve this end. Lord Castlereagh and Charles Cornwallis were known to use bribery extensively. In all, a total of sixteen Irish borough-owners were granted British peerages. A further twenty-eight new Irish peerages were created, while twenty existing Irish peerages increased in rank.[14]
Furthermore, the government of Great Britain sought to replace Irish politicians in the Irish parliament with pro-Union politicians, and rewards were granted to those that vacated their seats, with the result being that in the eighteen months prior to the decision in 1800, one-fifth of the Irish House of Commons changed its representation due to these activities and other factors such as death.[14] It was also promised by Prime Minister William Pitt the Younger that he would bring about Catholic emancipation, though after the Acts of Union were successfully voted through, King George III saw that this pledge was never realised,[13] and as such Catholics were not granted the rights that had been promised prior to the Acts.
Robert EmmetEdit
A second attempt at forming an independent Irish republic occurred under Robert Emmet in 1803. Emmet had previously been expelled from Trinity College, Dublin for his political views.[15] Like those who had led the 1798 rebellion, Emmet was a member of the United Irishmen, as was his brother Thomas Addis Emmet, who had been imprisoned for membership in the organisation.
Depiction of Robert Emmet's trial
Emmet and his followers had planned to seize Dublin Castle by force, manufacturing weaponry and explosives at a number of locations in Dublin.[16] Unlike those of 1798, preparations for the uprising were successfully concealed from the government and law enforcement, and though a premature explosion at an arms depot attracted the attention of police, they were unaware of the United Irishmen activities at the time and did not have any information regarding the planned rebellion. Emmet had hoped to avoid the complications of the previous rebellion and chose not to organise the county outside of Dublin to a large extent. It was expected that the areas surrounding Dublin were sufficiently prepared for an uprising should one be announced, and Thomas Russell had been sent to northern areas of the country to prepare republicans there.[17]
A proclamation of independence, addressed from 'The Provisional Government' to 'The People of Ireland' was produced by Emmet, echoing the republican sentiments expressed during the previous rebellion:
You are now called on to show to the world that you are competent to take your place among nations, that you have a right to claim their recognisance of you, as an independent country ... We therefore solemnly declare, that our object is to establish a free and independent republic in Ireland: that the pursuit of this object we will relinquish only with our lives ... We war against no religious sect ... We war against English dominion. [18]
—  Robert Emmet, Proclamation of the Provisional Government
However, failed communications and arrangements produced a considerably smaller force than had been anticipated. Nonetheless, the rebellion began in Dublin on the evening of 23 July. Emmet's forces were unable to take Dublin Castle, and the rising broke down into rioting, which ensued sporadically throughout the night. Emmet escaped and hid for some time in the Wicklow Mountains and Harold's Cross, but was captured on 25 August and hanged on 20 September 1803, at which point the Society of United Irishmen was effectively finished.
Young Ireland and the Irish ConfederationEdit
Main articles: Young Ireland, Young Irelander Rebellion of 1848, Repeal Association, and Irish Confederation
The Young Ireland movement began in the late 1830s. The term 'Young Ireland' was originally a derogatory one, coined by the press in Britain to describe members of the Repeal Association (a group campaigning for the repeal of the Acts of Union 1800 which joined the Kingdom of Ireland and the Kingdom of Great Britain) who were involved with the Irish nationalist newspaper The Nation.[19] Encouraging the repeal of the Acts of Union, members of the Young Ireland movement advocated the removal of British authority from Ireland and the re-establishment of the Irish Parliament in Dublin.[20] The group had cultural aims also, and encouraged the study of Irish history and the revival of the Irish language.[21] Influential Young Irelanders included Charles Gavan Duffy, Thomas Davis and John Blake Dillon, the three founders of The Nation.[19]
William Smith O'Brien, leader of the Young Ireland movement
The Young Irelanders eventually seceded from the Repeal Association. The leader of the Repeal Association, Daniel O'Connell, opposed the use of physical force to enact repeal, and passed 'peace resolutions' declaring that violence and force were not to be employed.[22] Though the Young Irelanders did not support the use of violence, the writers of The Nation maintained that the introduction of these peace resolutions was poorly timed, and that to declare outright that physical force would never be used was 'to deliver themselves bound hand and foot to the Whigs.'[23] William Smith O'Brien, who had previously worked to achieve compromise between O'Connell and The Nation group, was also concerned, and claimed that he feared these resolutions were an attempt to exclude the Young Irelanders from the Association altogether.[23] At an Association meeting held in July 1846 at Conciliation Hall, the meeting place of the Association, Thomas Francis Meagher, a Young Irelander, addressing the peace resolutions, delivered his 'Sword Speech', in which he stated, "I do not abhor the use of arms in the vindication of national rights ... Be it for the defence, or be it for the assertion of a nation's liberty, I look upon the sword as a sacred weapon."[24] John O'Connell, Daniel O'Connell's son, was present at the proceedings and interrupted Meagher's speech, claiming that Meagher could no longer be part of the same association as O'Connell and his supporters. After some protest, the Young Irelanders left Conciliation Hall and the Repeal Association forever, founding the Irish Confederation 13 January 1847 after negotiations for a reunion had failed.
The Young Ireland movement culminated in a failed uprising (see Young Irelander Rebellion of 1848), which, influenced by the French Revolution of 1848 and further provoked by government inaction during the Great Famine and the suspension of habeas corpus,[25] which allowed the government to imprison Young Irelanders and other political opponents without trial, was hastily planned and quickly suppressed. Following the abortive uprising, several rebel leaders were arrested and convicted of sedition. Originally sentenced to death, Smith O'Brien and other members of the Irish Confederation were transported to Van Diemen's Land.[26]
Fenian movementEdit
Some of the founding members of the Irish Republican Brotherhood
The Fenian movement consisted of the Fenian Brotherhood and the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB), fraternal organisations founded in the United States and Ireland respectively with the aim of establishing an independent republic in Ireland.[27]
The IRB was founded on Saint Patrick's Day 1858 in Dublin.[28] Members present at the first meeting were James Stephens, Thomas Clarke Luby, Peter Langan, Joseph Denieffe, Garrett O'Shaughnessy, and Charles Kickham.[29] Stephens had previously spent time exiled in Paris, along with John O'Mahony, having taken part in the uprising of 1848 and fleeing to avoid capture. O'Mahony left France for America in the mid-1850s and founded the Emmet Monument Association with Michael Doheny. Stephens returned to Ireland in 1856.
The original oath of the society, drawn up by Luby under Stephens' direction, read:
I, AB., do solemnly swear, in the presence of Almighty God, that I will do my utmost, at every risk, while life lasts, to make [other versions, according to Luby, establish in'] Ireland an independent Democratic Republic; that I will yield implicit obedience, in all things not contrary to the law of God [ 'laws of morality'] to the commands of my superior officers; and that I shall preserve inviolable secrecy regarding all the transactions [ 'affairs'] of this secret society that may be confided in me. So help me God! Amen.[30]
The Fenian Brotherhood was the IRB's counterpart organisation, formed in the same year in the United States by O'Mahony and Doheny.[31] The Fenian Brotherhood's main purpose was to supply weapons and funds for its Irish counterpart and raise support for the Irish republican movement in the United States.[32] The term "Fenian" was coined by O'Mahony, who named the American wing of the movement after the Fianna[33] — a class of warriors that existed in Gaelic Ireland. The term became popular and is still in use, especially in Northern Ireland and Scotland, where it has expanded to refer to all Irish nationalists and republicans, as well as being a pejorative term for Irish Catholics.
Public support for the Fenian movement in Ireland grew in November 1861 with the funeral of Terence MacManus, a member of the Irish Confederation, which Stephens and the Fenians had organised and which was attended by between twenty thousand and thirty thousand people.[34] Following this, Stephens (accompanied by Luby) undertook a series of organisational tours throughout the island.
In 1865 the Fenian Brotherhood in America had split into two factions. One was led by O'Mahony with Stephens' support. The other, which was more powerful, was led by William R. Roberts. The Fenians had always planned an armed rebellion, but there was now disagreement as to how and where this rebellion might be carried out. Roberts' faction preferred focusing all military efforts on British Canada (Roberts and his supporters theorised that victory for the American Fenians in nearby Canada would propel the Irish republican movement as a whole to success).[35] The other, headed by O'Mahony, proposed that a rising in Ireland be planned for 1866.[36] In spite of this, the O'Mahony wing of the movement itself tried and failed to capture New Brunswick's Campobello Island in April 1866.[36] Following this failure, the Roberts faction of the Fenian Brotherhood carried out its own, occupying the village of Fort Erie, Ontario on 31 May 1866 and engaging Canadian troops at the battles of Ridgeway and Fort Erie on 2 June.[36] It was in reference to Fenians fighting in this battle that the name "Irish Republican Army" was first used.[37] These attacks (and those that followed) in Canada are collectively known as the "Fenian raids".
Nineteenth century onwardEdit
Main articles: Irish War of Independence and Physical force Irish republicanism
A depiction of the Easter Rising
Seán Hogan's IRA flying column during the Irish War of Independence.
After the Act of Union in 1801 merging Ireland with Britain into the United Kingdom, Irish independence movements were suppressed by the British authorities. Nationalist rebellions against British rule in 1803, by Robert Emmet, 1848 (by the Young Irelanders) and 1865 and 1867 (by the Fenians) were followed by harsh reprisals by British forces.
In 1916 the Easter Rising, organised by the Irish Republican Brotherhood, was launched in Dublin and the Irish Republic was proclaimed, albeit without significant popular support.[citation needed] The Rising was suppressed after six days, and most of its leaders were executed by the British authorities. This was a turning point in Irish history, leading to the War of Independence and the end of British rule in most of Ireland.
From 1919–1921 the Irish Republican Army (IRA) was organised as a guerilla army, led by Richard Mulcahy and with Michael Collins as Director of Intelligence and fought against British forces. During the Anglo-Irish War (or War of Independence), the British sent paramilitary police, the "Black and Tans" and the Auxiliary Division, to help the British Army and Royal Irish Constabulary. These groups committed atrocities which included killing captured POWs and any Irish civilians they viewed as being sympathetic to the IRA. Among the most infamous of their actions were the burning of half the city of Cork in 1920 and the Bloody Sunday massacre of 1920. These atrocities, together with the popularity of the republican ideal, and British repression of republican political expression, led to widespread support across Ireland for the Irish rebels.
In 1921 the British government led by David Lloyd George negotiated the Anglo-Irish Treaty with republican leaders led by Arthur Griffith who had been delegated as plenipotentiaries on behalf of the Second Dáil, thus ending the conflict.
Irish Free State and Republic of IrelandEdit
Main articles: Anglo-Irish Treaty, Irish Free State, and Irish Civil War
Though many across the country were unhappy with the Anglo-Irish Treaty (since, during the war, the IRA had fought for independence for all Ireland and for a republic, not a partitioned dominion under the British crown), some republicans were satisfied that the Treaty was the best that could be achieved at the time. However, a substantial number opposed it. Dáil Éireann, the Irish parliament, voted by 64 votes to 57 to ratify it,[38] the majority believing that the treaty created a new base from which to move forward. Éamon de Valera, who had served as President of the Irish Republic during the war, refused to accept the decision of the Dáil and led the opponents of the treaty out of the House. The pro-Treaty republicans organised themselves into the Cumann na nGaedheal party, while the anti-Treaty republicans retained the Sinn Féin name. The IRA itself split between pro-Treaty and anti-Treaty elements, with the former forming the nucleus of the new Irish National Army.
Michael Collins became Commander-in-Chief of the National Army. Shortly afterwards, some dissidents, apparently without the authorisation of the anti-Treaty IRA Army Executive, occupied the Four Courts in Dublin and kidnapped a pro-Treaty general. The government, responding to this provocation and to intensified British pressure following the assassination by an IRA unit in London of Sir Henry Wilson, ordered the regular army to take the Four Courts, thereby beginning the Irish Civil War. It is believed that Collins continued to fund and supply the IRA in Northern Ireland throughout the civil war, but, after his death, W. T. Cosgrave (the new President of the Executive Council, or prime minister) discontinued this support.
By May 1923, the war (which had claimed more lives than the War of Independence) ended in the call by the IRA to dump arms. However, the harsh measures adopted by both sides, including assassinations of politicians by the Republicans and executions and atrocities by the Free State side, left a bitter legacy in Irish politics for decades to follow.
De Valera, who had strongly supported the Republican side in the Civil War, reconsidered his views while in jail and came to accept the ideas of political activity under the terms of the Free State constitution. Rather than abstaining from Free State politics entirely, he now sought to republicanise it from within. However, he and his supporters – which included most Sinn Féin TDs – failed to convince a majority of the anti-treaty Sinn Féin of these views and the movement split again. In 1926, he formed a new party called Fianna Fáil (Soldiers of Destiny), taking most of Sinn Féin's TDs with him. In 1931, following the enactment of the Statute of Westminster, the country became a sovereign state along with the other Dominions and the United Kingdom.[39] The following year, De Valera was appointed President of the Executive Council of the Free State and began a slow process of turning the country from a constitutional monarchy to a constitutional republic, thus fulfilling Collins's prediction of "the freedom to achieve freedom".[40]
By then, the IRA was engaged in confrontations with the Blueshirts, a quasi-fascist group led by a former War of Independence and pro-Treaty leader, Eoin O'Duffy. O'Duffy looked to Fascist Italy as an example for Ireland to follow. Several hundred supporters of O'Duffy briefly went to Spain to volunteer on the Nationalist side in the Spanish Civil War, and a smaller number of ex-IRA members, communists and others participated on the Republican side.
In 1937, the Constitution of Ireland was drafted by the de Valera government and approved via referendum by the majority of the population of the Free State. The constitution changed the name of the state to Éire[41] in the Irish language (Ireland in English) and asserted its national territory as the whole of Ireland.[a] The new state was headed by a President of Ireland elected by universal suffrage, (though the constitutional Monarch of the State (by then George VI) remained, albeit with a role diminished solely to functions in relation to accreditation of diplomats. He is believed[by whom?] to have been left with those residual functions as a concession to Unionist opinion.[citation needed]) The new state had the objective characteristics of a republic and was referred to as such by de Valera himself, but, it remained within the British Commonwealth and was regarded by the British as a Dominion, like Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and South Africa. Furthermore, the claim to the whole of the island did not reflect practical reality and inflamed anti-Dublin sentiment among northern Protestants.
In 1948, Fianna Fáil went out of office for the first time in sixteen years. John A. Costello, leader of the coalition government, announced his intention to declare Ireland a republic.[42] The Republic of Ireland Act 1948, which "described" the state as the Republic of Ireland (without changing its name), led the British government to pass the Ireland Act 1949, which declared that Northern Ireland would continue as part of the United Kingdom unless the Parliament of Northern Ireland consented to leave;[43] and Ireland ceased to be a member of the Commonwealth. As a result of this—and also because continuing struggle against the Dublin government was futile—the republican movement took the decision to focus on Northern Ireland from then on. The decision was announced by the IRA in its Easter statement of 1949.[44]
Republicanism in Northern IrelandEdit
1921–66Edit
In 1921, Ireland was partitioned. Most of the country became part of the independent Irish Free State. However, six out of the nine counties of Ulster remained part of the United Kingdom as Northern Ireland. In the 1921 elections[45] in Northern Ireland,
Antrim, Down and the borough of Belfast had Unionist majorities of over 25%.
In County Londonderry, the breakdown in that election was 56.2% Unionist / 43.8% Nationalist.
In Armagh, the ratio was 55.3% Unionist / 44.7% Nationalist.
In Fermanagh–Tyrone (which was a single constituency), the ratio 54.7% Nationalist / 45.3% Unionist. (Tyrone was 55.4% Catholic in the 1911 census and 55.5% in the 1926 census, though of course only adults had votes on the other hand religious and national affiliations while closely linked are not as absolute as commonly assumed.) Within most of these counties there were large pockets which predominantly nationalist or Unionist (South Armagh, West Tyrone West Londonderry and parts of North Antrim were largely nationalist whereas much of North Armagh, East Londonderry, East Tyrone and most of Antrim were/are largely Unionist).
This territory of Northern Ireland, as established by the Government of Ireland Act 1920, had its own provincial government which was controlled for 50 years until 1972 by the conservative Ulster Unionist Party (UUP). The tendency to vote on sectarian lines and the proportions of each religious denomination ensured that there would never be a change of government. In local government, constituency boundaries were drawn to divide nationalist communities into two or even three constituencies and so weaken their effect (see Gerrymandering).
The (mainly Catholic) Nationalist population in Northern Ireland, besides feeling politically alienated, was also economically alienated, often with worse living standards compared to their Protestant (mainly Unionist) neighbours, with fewer job opportunities, and living in ghettos in Belfast, Derry, Armagh and other places. Many Catholics considered the Unionist government was undemocratic, bigoted and favoured Protestants. Emigration for economic reasons kept the nationalist population from growing, despite its higher birth rate. Although poverty, (e)migration and unemployment were fairly widespread (albeit not to the same extent) among Protestants as well, on the other hand the economic situation in Northern Ireland (even for Catholics) was for a long time arguably still better than in the Republic of Ireland.
During the 1930s the IRA launched minor attacks against the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) and British Army in Northern Ireland. The IRA began another armed campaign in Britain in 1939. During World War II the IRA leadership hoped for support from Germany, and chief of staff Seán Russell travelled there in 1940; he died later that year after falling ill on a U-boat that was bringing him back to Ireland (possibly with a view to starting a German sponsored revolution in Ireland). Suspected republicans were interned on both sides of the border, for different reasons.
The Border Campaign in the mid-50s was the last attempt at traditional military action and was an abject failure. The Movement needed to reconsider its strategy.
In the late 1960s, Irish political activists groups found parallels with their struggle against religious discrimination in the civil rights campaign of African Americans the US against racial discrimination. Student leaders such a Bernadette Devlin McAliskey and Nationalist politicians such as Austin Currie tried to use non-violent direct action to draw attention to the blatant discrimination. By 1968, Europe as a whole was engulfed in a struggle between radicalism and conservativism. In Sinn Féin, the same debate raged. The dominant analysis was that Protestant Irishmen and women would never be bombed into a united Ireland. The only way forward was to have both sides embrace socialism and forget their sectarian hatreds. They resolved to no longer to be drawn into inter-communal violence.
As a response to the civil rights campaign militant loyalist paramilitary groups started to emerge in the Protestant community. The Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) was the first. The UVF had originally existed among loyalist Ulster Protestants before World War I to oppose Home Rule. In the 1960s it was relaunched by militant loyalists, encouraged by certain politicians, to oppose any attempt to reunite Northern Ireland with the Republic of Ireland, which is how they saw any change in their status vis-a-vis Catholics.
By mid-1969 the violence in Northern Ireland exploded. Consistent with their new political ideology, the IRA declined to intervene. By late August, the British government had to intervene and declare a state of emergency, sending a large number of troops into Northern Ireland to stop the intercommunal violence. Initially welcomed by some Catholics as protectors, later events such as Bloody Sunday and the Falls Road curfew turned many against the British Army.
Divisions began to emerge in the Republican movement between leftists and conservatives. The leader of the IRA, Cathal Goulding believed that the IRA could not beat the British with military tactics and should turn into a workers' revolutionary movement that would overthrow both governments to achieve a 32-county socialist republic through the will of the people (after WWII the IRA no longer engaged in any actions against the Republic). Goulding also drove the IRA into an ideologically Marxist-Leninist direction which attracted idealistic young supporters in the Republic, but alienated and angered many of the IRA's core supporters in the North. In particular, his decision to regard the UVF as deluded rather than as the enemy, was anathema to traditionalists and those who were its potential victims.
The argument led to a split in 1970, between the Official IRA (supporters of Goulding's Marxist line) and the Provisional IRA (also called Provos, traditional nationalist republicans). The Provos were led by Seán Mac Stíofáin and immediately began a large scale campaign against British state forces and economic targets in Northern Ireland. The Official IRA were also initially drawn into an armed campaign by the escalating communal violence. In 1972, the Official IRA declared a cease-fire, which, apart from feuds with other republican groups, has been maintained to date. Nowadays the term 'Irish Republican Army' almost always denotes the Provisional IRA.
Throughout the 1970s and 1980s the conflict continued claiming thousands of lives, with the UVF (and other loyalist groups) extending attacks into the Republic of Ireland and the IRA launching attacks on targets in England. However some things slowly began to change. In the 1980s Provisional Sinn Féin (the Provisional IRA's political wing) began contesting elections and by the mid-1990s was representing the republican position at peace negotiations. In the loyalist movement splits occurred, the Ulster Unionist Party made tentative attempts to reform itself and attract Catholics into supporting the union with Britain, while the radical Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) led by Rev. Ian Paisley began attracting working class Protestant loyalists who felt alienated by the UUP's overtures towards Catholics.
1986–presentEdit
The funeral procession of Irish republican politician Martin McGuinness, Derry, Northern Ireland
At the 1986 Sinn Féin Ardfheis, a motion declaring the end of the policy of abstentionism (refusing to take seats in the Republic of Ireland's parliament), was passed. This motion caused a split in the movement creating Republican Sinn Féin, a party committed to the 1970s "provisional" Sinn Féin vision of a 32 County federal republic. It was led by former Sinn Féin President Ruairí Ó Brádaigh (who had previously led "provisional" Sinn Féin to split from Official Sinn Féin). The policy of participation in Dáil elections became known as "the Armalite and the ballot box".
In 1994 the leaders of Northern Ireland's two largest nationalist parties, Gerry Adams, the leader of Sinn Féin and John Hume, the leader of the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) entered into peace negotiations with Unionist leaders like David Trimble of the UUP and the British government. At the table most of the paramilitary groups (including the IRA and UVF) had representatives. In 1998 when the IRA endorsed the Good Friday Agreement between nationalist and unionist parties and both governments, another small group split from the IRA to form the Real IRA (RIRA). The Continuity and Real IRA have both engaged in attacks not only against the British and loyalists, but even against their fellow nationalists (members of Sinn Féin, the SDLP and IRA).
Since 1998, the IRA and UVF have adhered to a ceasefire.
Today the republican movement can be divided into moderates who wish to reunite with the Republic through peaceful means and radicals who wish to continue an armed campaign.
In late July 2005, the IRA announced that the armed conflict was over and that their weapons were to be put out of use. A large stock of weapons was reportedly "decommissioned" later that year. Some Unionists disputed the claim that this represented the entire stock of IRA weaponry.
VariantsEdit
Irish Socialist RepublicanismEdit
Socialism has traditionally been part of the Irish republican movement since the early 20th century, when James Connolly, an Irish Marxist and Syndicalist theorist, took part in the Easter Rising of 1916. Today, most Irish nationalist and Republican organizations located in Northern Ireland advocate some form of socialism, both Marxist and non-Marxist. The Social Democratic and Labour Party, which until recently was the largest nationalist party in Northern Ireland, promotes social democracy, while militant republican parties such as Sinn Féin, Éirígí, Republican Sinn Féin, and the 32 County Sovereignty Movement all promote their own varieties of democratic socialism intended to re-distribute wealth on an all-island basis once a united Ireland has been achieved. The Irish Republican Socialist Movement, encompassing the Irish Republican Socialist Party and Irish National Liberation Army, as well as the defunct Official Irish Republican Army and Irish National Liberation Front, are known for promoting an ideology which combines Marxism–Leninism with traditional revolutionary militant republicanism and is claimed by its adherents to be the most direct fulfilment of Connolly's legacy.
The following are active republican parties in Ireland.
Sinn Féin[46] is a Republican party in Ireland. Throughout the Northern Ireland troubles, it was closely allied with the Provisional Irish Republican Army, publicly arguing for the validity of its armed campaign. Its policy platform combines civic nationalism with socialist views on economic and social issues. It is led by Mary Lou McDonald and organises in both the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland. The Party was also known as "Provisional" Sinn Féin by the media and commentators, having split from what later became known as the "Official" Sinn Féin (later the Workers' Party) in 1970, because the latter had voted to enter a 'partitionist parliament'.[47] In 1986, it reversed its original policy of not taking seats in Dáil Éireann, prompting another split, when Republican Sinn Féin was formed. By the early 21st century it had replaced the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) as Northern Ireland's largest nationalist party. As of 2017, it holds seven seats in the British parliament, twenty-three seats in the Dáil, seven in the Seanad and 27 in the Northern Ireland Assembly. Sinn Féin members contest elections to the British parliament on an abstentionist basis, that is, they refuse to take their seats in that parliament as they refuse to accept the right of that body to rule in any part of Ireland.
Éirígí[48] is a Socialist Republican political party that formed by a small group of community and political activists who had left Sinn Féin, in Dublin in April 2006 as a political campaigns group, and became a full-fledged political party at the party's first Ardfheis (conference) in May 2007.[49] An Independent Monitoring Commission report said the group was "a small political grouping based on revolutionary socialist principles". While it continues to be a political association, albeit, with aggressive protest activities, it was not seen as paramilitary in nature.[50]
Republican Sinn Féin[46] was formed in 1986 by former Sinn Féin leader Ruairí Ó Brádaigh who led traditional Republicans in a break with Sinn Féin over the ending of the policy of abstention in relation to elections to Dáil Éireann. The party continues to operate on an abstentionist basis: it would not take seats in the assemblies of either the Republic of Ireland or Northern Ireland because it views neither as legitimate. It is linked to the Continuity IRA, whose goals are the overthrow of British rule in Northern Ireland and the unification of the island to form an independent country. In November 2009, Des Dalton replaced Ó Brádaigh as leader of Republican Sinn Féin.
Irish Republican Socialist Party[51] (IRSP) was founded in 1974 by former Official IRA militant Seamus Costello, who possibly had an eye towards James Connolly's Irish Socialist Republican Party of the late 19th/early 20th century when coining the party's name. Costello led other former Official IRA members dissatisfied with Cathal Goulding's policies and tactics. The party quickly organised a paramilitary wing called the Irish National Liberation Army (INLA) which has decommissioned recently. It claims to follow the principles of republican socialism as set out by the 1916 rebellion leader Connolly and radical 20th-century trade unionist James Larkin.
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Irish republicanism.
Dissident republican
Protestant Irish nationalists
United Ireland
^ Curtis, Liz, The Cause of Ireland, Beyond the Pale, ISBN 0-9514229-6-0, p. 1-3
^ Ó Ceallaigh, Daltún, New Perspectives on Ireland:Colonialism & Identity, Léirmheas, Dublin, 1998, ISBN 0-9518777-6-3 p. 9-13
^ Kee Robert, The Green Flag: A History of Irish Nationalism, (1972) ISBN 0-297-17987-X p. 11
^ a b Kee Robert, The Green Flag: A History of Irish Nationalism, (1972) ISBN 0-297-17987-X p. 12
^ https://web.archive.org/web/20160817031158/http://www.theirelandinstitute.com/republic/02/html/ofiaich002.html
^ Kee Robert, The Green Flag: A History of Irish Nationalism, (1972) ISBN 0-297-17987-X p. 134
^ a b Kee Robert, The Green Flag: A History of Irish Nationalism, (1972) ISBN 0-297-17987-X p. 149
^ a b Webster, Hollis, The History of Ireland, (Greenwood, 2001) ISBN 0-313-31281-8 p. 83
^ Greoghan, Patrick M., Robert Emmet: A Life. Gill & MacMillan , 2004. ISBN 978-0-7171-3675-9
^ Robert Emmet Encyclopædia Britannica Online. 2009. Retrieved 9 June 2009.
^ Kee, Robert, The Green Flag: A History of Irish Nationalism, (1972) ISBN 0-297-17987-X p. 165
^ Proclamation of the Provisional Government, Robert Emmet, 1803
^ a b Duffy, Charles Gavan, Young Ireland, Cassell, Petter, Galpin & Co. (1880). p. 291
^ Bartoletti, Susan Campbell, Black Potatoes: The Story of the Great Irish Famine, 1845–1850(2001) ISBN 0-618-00271-5
^ Young Ireland Encyclopædia Britannica Online. 2009. Retrieved 2009-23-12.
^ Michael Doheny, The Felon's Track, M.H. Gill &Sons, LTD 1951, p. 105
^ a b Kee, Robert, The Green Flag: A History of Irish Nationalism, (1972) ISBN 0-297-17987-X p. 253
^ The Sword Speech, Thomas Francies Meagher (1846)
^ McGee, Owen, The IRB: The Irish Republican Brotherhood from The Land League to Sinn Féin, Four Courts Press Ltd (2005) ISBN 1-84682-064-2
^ Ryan, Desmond, The Fenian Chief. A Biography of James Stephens, Gill & Son (1967)
^ An Phoblacht – The Founding of the Fenians 13 March 2008. Retrieved 9 June 2009.
^ O'Leary, John, Recollections of Fenians and Fenianism, Downey & Co., Ltd, London, (1896) (Vol. I & II) p. 82
^ Ryan, Desmond, The Fenian Chief. A Biography of James Stephens, Gill & Son (1967) p. 92
^ O Broin, Leon Fenian Fever: An Anglo-American Dilemma, Chatto & Windus (1971) ISBN 0-7011-1749-4 p. 1
^ a b c Kee Robert, The Green Flag: A History of Irish Nationalism, (1972) ISBN 0-297-17987-X p. 325
^ Kee, p. 326
^ Alvin Jackson, Ireland, 1798–1998: Politics and War, 1999, Wiley-Blackwell, p. 262. ISBN 978-0-631-19542-9
^ "Black v Chrétien: Suing a Minister of the Crown for Abuse of Power, Misfeasance in Public Office and Negligence". Murdoch University Electronic Journal of Law. 9 (3). September 2002. Retrieved 2 October 2008.
^ R. F. Foster, The Oxford History of Ireland, 2001, Oxford University Press, p. 217. ISBN 978-0-19-280202-6
^ Nicholas and Diana Mansergh, 1997, Nationalism and Independence: Selected Irish Papers, Cork University Press, p. 170. ISBN 978-1-85918-106-5
^ Brian Feeney, Sinn Féin: A Hundred Turbulent Years, 2002, p. 192
^ Feeney (2002), p. 193
^ Feeney (2002), pp. 195–6
^ Northern Ireland Parliamentary Election Results 1921-29: Counties
^ a b John Horgan, Divided We Stand: The Strategy and Psychology of Ireland's Dissident Terrorists, 2012, p. 164
^ Jonathan Tonge (2006), Northern Ireland, Polity, pp.132–133
^ John Horgan, Divided We Stand: The Strategy and Psychology of Ireland's Dissident Terrorists, 2012, p. 161
^ "éirígí Becomes a Political Party – Indymedia Ireland". Indymedia.ie. 13 May 2007. Retrieved 17 June 2010.
^ "Twentieth Report of the Independent Monitoring Commission" (PDF). October 2008. Retrieved 17 April 2012.
^ While Articles 2 and 3 of the Constitution defined the national territory to be the whole island, they also confined the state's jurisdiction to the area that had been the Irish Free State.
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Irish_republicanism&oldid=904139927"


Stroboscopy was used to evaluate vocal fold vibratory and closure features at each patient visit. At baseline the duration of closure in 85% of patients was classified as always open or predominantly open. In contrast, the 12-month evaluation found that only 20% of treated patients had always open or predominantly open durations of closure.
Which patients are candidates for PROLARYN PLUS?
Rosen CA, Gartner-Schmidt J, Casiano R, et al. Vocal fold augmentation with calcium hydroxylapatite: twelve-month report. Laryngoscope. 2009;119:1033-1041.
©2019 Merz North America, Inc. All rights reserved.
PROLARYN GEL and PROLARYN PLUS are trademarks of Merz North America, Inc.
PROLARYN GEL or PROLARYN PLUS is contraindicated in the presence of foreign bodies, acute inflammation, infection, inadequately controlled malignancy or rapidly advancing disease when these involve the laryngeal or upper respiratory tract.
Do not use PROLARYN GEL or PROLARYN PLUS in patients with bilateral laryngeal paralysis and vocal disorders of psychogenic or emotional origin.
PROLARYN GEL (injectable implant) is a resorbable implant indicated to aid in surgical reconstructions as a space occupying material in laryngeal surgical procedures for vocal fold medialization and augmentation. PROLARYN GEL is a temporary implant and resorbs within a period of 3-6 months.
PROLARYN PLUS (injectable implant) is indicated for vocal fold medialization and vocal fold insufficiency that may be improved by injection of a soft tissue bulking agent.
PROLARYN GEL and PROLARYN PLUS injections augment the size of the displaced or deformed vocal fold so that it may meet the opposing fold at the midline for improved phonation. Vocal fold insufficiency associated with serious aspiration difficulties may be an urgent indication.
PROLARYN GEL should be administered by a trained otolaryngologist or experienced head and neck surgeon.
PROLARYN GEL and PROLARYN PLUS should not be injected into blood vessels. Injection into blood vessels may cause platelet aggregation, vascular occlusion, infarction, embolic phenomena or hemolysis. Do not over-inject the vocal fold. In extreme cases site rupture could occur.
PROLARYN GEL and PROLARYN PLUS must be injected into viable tissue for effectiveness. Scar tissue and significantly compromised tissue may not coapt appropriately. Patients who have had multiple surgeries may not be appropriate candidates for bulking injection treatment.
Airway obstruction can occur immediately and up to 7 days following injection. This results from aggressive vocal fold injection, over-injection or laryngeal edema from trauma and manipulation of the larynx.
For PROLARYN PLUS, therapy should be delayed at least 6 months following the onset of the paralysis and /or until an adequate trial of voice rehabilitation has been made.
For PROLARYN PLUS, some injectable implants have been associated with hardening of the tissues at an injection site, migration of particles from an injection site to other parts of the body and/or allergic or autoimmune reactions.
For PROLARYN GEL, the injection procedure and the associated instrumentation procedures have an inherent risk of infection and/or bleeding.
For PROLARYN GEL, lack of effect is possible. In some cases, initial treatment may not be effective and additional injections may be indicated.
Safety and effectiveness of PROLARYN GEL and PROLARYN PLUS during pregnancy has not been established.
The following adverse events were received from post marketing surveillance for PROLARYN PLUS: infection, over-injection/under-injection, ineffective treatment, tissue displacement, exposed material, superficial injection, edema, pain, stiffness at injection site and extraction of material.