text:
Chapter 15: evacuation of Richmond and the Petersburg lines.--retreat and surrender.
General Lee on the morning of April 2d telegraphed Breckinridge, Secretary of War, that it was necessary his position should be abandoned that night, "or run the risk of being cut off in the morning; it will be a difficult but I hope not an impracticable operation. The troops will all be directed to Amelia Court House." He advised that all preparations be made for leaving Richmond that night. The Southern President was kept informed on all subjects connected with the army, and of course knew that a crisis in its affairs was approaching, which involved the evacuation of its position; but he was not prepared for a precipitate announcement to that effect, or indeed for any change of affairs for two weeks. On April 2d he occupied his accustomed seat, about the center of the middle aisle, in St. Paul's Episcopal Church, Richmond, much interested as usual in the services conducted by his friend, the Rev. Dr. Minnigerode. There he received a dispatch. Upon reading it, he quietly rose and left the church. The telegram was from General Lee, announcing his speedy withdrawal from Petersburg. Lee's decision quickly became generally known in the two cities, and the feeling produced can readily be imagined. Women prayed, men wept, children wondered. Three exits remained only for the Army of Northern Virginia-one north of Richmond, one west, and one southwest. No object could now be achieved by marching in the first two directions, but by the remaining one Johnston might be reached, and his communications by the Danville Railroad with the South be maintained. [380] On the afternoon of April 2d Lee issued orders for his troops to leave their lines everywhere at 8 P. M., and take up the line of march for Amelia Court House.
This little village is on the Richmond and Danville Railroad, thirty-eight miles southwest of Richmond. At that point it was determined to concentrate, issue-wonderful to relate-abundant rations to the troops, and get them again in shape after the heavy work of the past few days and the night march. As Grant's army was stretched to the Appomattox on the south side above Petersburg, Lee must march up its north side. Longstreet's, Hill's, and Gordon's corps crossed the Appomattox that night, the two former at Battersea factory pontoon bridge, the latter at Pocahontas and Railroad bridge, and moved-via Bevel's and Goode's bridges on the Appomattox below where it is crossed by the Danville Railroad--to Amelia Court House. Mahone's division was directed to the same point, via Chesterfield Court House. Ewell, commanding the troops in front of Richmond, Kershaw's and Custis Lee's divisions, and the naval brigade, was instructed to cross to the south side of James River, cross the Appomattox at Goode's bridge, and join the army at Amelia Court House. The commands of Pickett and Bushrod Johnson and the cavalry, being west of Petersburg and of the Federal lines, moved up the south bank of the Appomattox. General Lee was not able to concentrate all his troops at Amelia Court House until midday on the 5th, Ewell being the last to arrive. The small army was now divided into four small infantry corps or commands, and a cavalry corps commanded respectively by Longstreet, Ewell, R. H. Anderson, Gordon, and Fitzhugh Lee. Mahone's division was assigned to Longstreet's corps, and the naval battalion of Commodore Tucker to General Custis Lee's division.
The troops, though suffering for food and raiment, want of sleep, and marching over roads heavy from copious rains, were buoyant in spirit, brave in heart, and of undoubted morale; nearly every one of them was a survivor of bloody battles and a veteran of years of terrible war. They were soldiers of no "ordinary mold, who had an abiding faith amounting to fanaticism [381] that the God of battles would in the end send their cause safe deliverance, and they followed Lee with an almost childlike faith, which set no bounds to his genius and power of achievement." Shut up so long in dismal, dangerous trenches, the fields, running streams, trees thick with bursting buds of spring, grass growing green under the kisses of the sun, and new scenes, were to them most refreshing and exhilarating.
In obedience to a law of Congress, Ewell, in command at Richmond, had made arrangements to burn the tobacco there whenever the evacuation of the city should render that necessary to prevent it from falling into the hands of the enemy. After the departure of the Southern troops, the fire got beyond local control. Mrs. Lee's house, in the center of the square on Franklin Street between Seventh and Eighth, was at one time in danger from the conflagration, a large church on the opposite side having caught fire from flying sparks, and many offers were made by persons rushing to her room to move her elsewhere. which she resisted. In the midst of the excitement a gentleman cried that the only way to save the square in which she lived was to blow up every other house, and all were so agitated that they readily acquiesced in the remarkable suggestion, and seemed much pleased at the ready ability of the person who could devise at such a time a remedy; while the poor property holder immediately began to calculate if his dwelling would be the "every other house." Graphic pictures have been painted in well-chosen phrase of the exciting scenes of April 3d. On one side the retreating march of the Confederates, on the other the triumphant advance of the Federals; while between the two, great pillars of fire rose draped in the smoke of a burning city. The tattered, brown, weather-beaten army is marching away through woods and over roads with straggling trains; the faces of the soldiers are turned from Richmond. The victorious legions, glistening with steel, with clashing music and waving banners, are pouring into the city, marching through the streets, and stacking arms in the Public Square, where "stood the dumb walls of the Capitol of the Confederacy." White clouds of dense smoke with the light of the [382] fire woven in their folds, reaching from the island-dotted river to the tall trees on the hill of the Public Square, hung in the sky above the fated city.
At the same time Grant rode into Petersburg between rows of closed houses and deserted streets, cheered here and there by a few groups of negroes, until he came to a comfortable-looking brick house with a yard in front, where he dismounted and with his staff took seats on the piazza. There Mr. Lincoln, who had been for some days at City Point, joined him. "I doubt," said an eye witness, "whether Mr. Lincoln ever experienced a happier moment in his life," as, seizing General Grant's hand, he congratulated him on his success. The Union commander then set out for Sutherland Station, above Petersburg, where he and Meade passed the night of the 3d. Mr. Lincoln afterward went to Richmond; he was curious to see the house Mr. Davis had lived in. With a stride described as long and careless he walked its streets, and asked "Is it far to President Davis's house?" Upon reaching the house, Captain Graves, aidde-camp to General Weitzel, whose Twenty-fifth Corps first entered the city, states that he took a seat in a chair, remarking, "This must have been President Davis's chair," and then jumped up and said in a boyish manner, "Come, let us look at the house." Mr. Davis was then in Danville, from which place on the 5th he published a proclamation in which he tells his countrymen not to despond, "but, relying on God, meet the foe with fresh defiance and with unconquered and unconquerable hearts."
Grant gave orders for a vigorous pursuit in two columns south of Appomattox parallel to Lee's route north of it-one under Ord up the Southside or Lynchburg Railroad to Burkeville Junction, fifty-two miles from Petersburg; the other under Sheridan, who had the cavalry corps and Second, Fifth, and Sixth Infantry Corps, on a route between Ord and Lee. These movements directly west, if properly made, would plant the Army of the Potomac across the Danville road at Burkeville, as well as at another point between there and Amelia Court House, twenty miles northeast of Burkeville. In that case Lee's withdrawal to Danville would be blocked, [383] his junction with Johnston foiled, and the use of the Danville Railroad taken away from him. Sheridan arrived at Jetersville — on the Danville Railroad, seven miles from Amelia Court House, where Lee was that morningon the afternoon of the 4th, with some eighteen thousand troops of all arms, and intrenched. Meade did not reach him until late in the afternoon of the 5th. The last of Lee's force, Ewell, it will be remembered, did not reach Amelia Court House until noon that day. Still, if Lee's supplies had been there as ordered, he might have moved against Sheridan at Jetersville very early on the 5th with his whole force except Ewell, over twenty thousand men, and defeated him and reached Burkeville, thirteen miles farther, before Ord, who arrived there late that night.
Had Lee once passed beyond Burkeville, the Danville road could have supplied his army, its trains transported them to Danville, and via Greensborough to Raleigh and Goldsborough, or wherever Johnston was, or Johnston's force could have been rapidly brought to the Army of Northern Virginia. "Not finding the supplies ordered to be placed at Amelia Court House," says Lee, "nearly twenty-four hours were lost in endeavoring to collect in the country subsistence for men and horses. The delay was fatal, and could not be retrieved." There is some mystery about these supplies. Lee ordered them to be sent there from Danville, for he has so stated; and General J. M. St. John, then commissary general, states that on April 1, 1865, there were five hundred thousand rations of bread and one million five hundred thousand rations of meat at Danville, and three hundred thousand rations of bread and meat in Richmond, and that he received no orders to send supplies to Amelia Court House either from Richmond or Danville; and Mr. Lewis Harvie, then the president of the Richmond and Danville Railroad, has testified that no orders were ever given to his officers to transport any rations to Amelia Court House. It has been stated that on that famous Sunday a train-load of supplies arrived at Amelia Court House from Danville, but the officer in charge was met there by an order to bring the train to Richmond, because the cars were needed for the transportation [384] of the personal property of the Confederate authorities. Mr. Davis was in ignorance of any such instruction, and would be the last man to place his personal wants or desires ahead of the necessities of the soldiers, and the commissary general and the railroad president also testify that they knew nothing of any such orders.
Cut off from Danville, the Southern troops were directed on Farmville, thirty-five miles west, and broke camp on the night of the 5th. Meade had proposed to attack Lee with the Second, Fifth, and Sixth Corps and Sheridan's cavalry at Amelia Court House early on the morning of the 6th, and did not know he had moved until he had proceeded within a few miles of that village. Longstreet, in the advance, reached Rice Station, on the Lynchburg Railroad, on the morning of the 6th, and formed line of battle; he was followed by the commands of R. H. Anderson, Ewell, and Gordon, and W. H. F. Lee's cavalry division in the order named. The remainder of the cavalry, under Rosser, had been passed to the front to protect the High Bridge between Rice Station and Farmville, and were just in time, as General Ord had sent out two regiments of infantry and his headquarters cavalry to burn that bridge and the one above at Farmville.
General Theodore Read, of Ord's staff, conducted the party. A fight ensued, in which General Read and Colonel Washburn, commanding the infantry, and all the cavalry officers were killed on the Federal side, and General Dearing, commanding a brigade of Rosser's division; Colonel Boston, the Fifth Virginia Cavalry; and Major Thompson, commanding Rosser's horse artillery, were killed on the Confederate side. The Federal force surrendered. The three Southern officers killed were exceptionally fine soldiers, and their loss was greatly deplored.
Anderson's march was much interrupted by the attack of the Federal cavalry on his flank. Halting to repel them and save the trains, a gap was made between the head of his column and the rear of Longstreet's, into which, after he had crossed Sailor's Creek — a small tributary flowing north into the Appomattox — the large [385] force of Union cavalry was thrust, and mounted and dismounted cavalry stopped him and compelled him to deploy in their front. Ewell followed Anderson across Sailor's Creek, but Gordon, guarding an immense wagon train, turned to his right down the creek before crossing it on a road running to High Bridge. The Sixth Corps getting up on Ewell's rear, made him face his two divisions about-Kershaw on the right of the road and Custis Lee on the left, the navy battalion in rear of his right. Anderson and Ewell were facing in opposite directions, and neither had any artillery. Enveloped on both flanks and front in the combat which followed, Ewell was overwhelmed, not more than three hundred men of his three thousand escaping. Anderson was simultaneously attacked on front and flank, and also defeated. Both commands lost, in killed, wounded, and prisoners nearly six thousand men. Among the prisoners were Generals Corse and Hunton, of Pickett's division, and Generals Ewell, Custis Lee, Kershaw, and Dubose, of Ewell's.
Humphreys's Second Corps in the meantime closely followed Gordon, and had a running contest with his rear for some miles, capturing thirteen flags, four guns, and some seventeen hundred prisoners. Gordon reached High Bridge that night, but lost a large part of a wagon train which had given the Confederates much trouble on the whole march and greatly delayed their progress, because drawn by weak animals over roads soft and muddy from the recent rains. Longstreet, after waiting in vain for the other commands to join him at Rice Station, under instructions marched with the divisions of Heth, Wilcox, and Field for Farmville, and that night crossed to the north side of the Appomattox. He had crossed that river twice already-once at Petersburg and once at Goode's Bridge. Fitz Lee's cavalry corps followed him, crossing the river above Farmville by a deep ford, leaving a force to burn the bridge. Gordon, to whose command Bushrod Johnson's division had been assigned, crossed at High Bridge, below Farmville, and so did Mahone with his fine division.
At Farmville the Confederates feasted. It was the first occasion since leaving Richmond that rations had been issued, and their outdoor exercise had given them [386] an appetite. Previous to this, organized bodies had been marched up to the corn houses en route, and each soldier given a dozen ears of corn, with a suggestion that he parch the grains on getting into camp. An enenthusiastic young Irishman from Belturbet, County of Cavan, named Llewellyn Saunderson, reached the country in one of the last vessels running the blockade, and, being a Southern sympathizer, reported to the War Department, asking to be commissioned and sent to the field. It was done, and he was ordered to report to General Fitz Lee. His pockets were full of gold, and he quickly purchased a fine horse, the gray uniform of the staff officer, and joined the staff but a short time before the final attack. The rear guard of cavalry from Petersburg to Appomattox was obliged to pass over ground gleaned by the preceding infantry and artillery. Occasionally a trooper would secure a can of buttermilk, but corn, divided between horses and troopers, was the "solid comfort." Saunderson was bold, bright, and witty of course, behaving admirably under fire, and cheerfully under the treatment he received. He was paroled at Appomattox Court House, and returned to the "Green Isle" loaded with war experience. When asked in Richmond what he would say to his countrymen about the Confederates, he replied, "Oh, I never saw men fight better, but they don't ate enough."
The once great Army of Northern Virginia was now composed of two small corps of infantry and the cavalry corps, and resumed the march toward Lynchburg on the old stage road, but after going four miles stopped; and was formed into line of battle in a well-chosen position to give the trains time to get ahead. It was attacked by two divisions of Humphreys's Second Corps, which had been long hanging on its rear, but repulsed them, Mahone handling Miles very roughly. Humphreys lost five hundred and seventy-one men killed, wounded, and missing. Preceding this attack, Crook's cavalry division crossed the river above Farmville, and was immediately charged with great success by the Southern cavalry and driven back. The Federal General Gregg and a large number of prisoners were taken. General Lee was talking to the commander of his cavalry when [387] Crook appeared, saw the combat, and expressed great pleasure at the result.
Had Lee not stopped to fight he could have reached Appomattox Station on the afternoon of the 8th, obtained rations, and moved that evening to Lynchburg. The delay allowed Sheridan — with two divisions of cavalry, followed by Ord's infantry and Fifth Corps, marching by Prince Edward Court House — to reach Appomattox Station on the evening of the 8th, where he captured trains with Lee's supplies and obstructed his march. Ord's infantry did not arrive in front of Appomattox Court House until 10 A. M. on the 9th. Having demonstrated that what was left of his proud army would rush to battle as of old, Lee on the night of the 7th continued his retreat-Gordon in advance, next Longstreet, then the cavalry-and on the evening of the 8th halted in the vicinity of Appomattox Court House. The Second and Sixth Corps resumed the direct pursuit at halfpast five on the morning of the 8th, and that night went into camp three miles in the rear of Longstreet. The Confederate cavalry had marched from the rear to the front during the night, with orders to resume the march at one o'clock, on the morning of the 9th. "Fitz Lee, with the cavalry supported by Gordon," says General Lee, "was ordered to drive the enemy from his front, wheel to the left, and cover the passage of the trains, while Longstreet should close up and hold the position. During the night there were indications of a large force massing on our left and front. Fitz Lee was directed to ascertain its strength, and to suspend his advance until daylight if necessary." It was General Lee's intention to move by Campbell Court House through Pittsylvania County toward Danville. Two battalions of artillery and the ammunition wagons were directed to accompany the army, the rest of the artillery and wagons to move toward Lynchburg; but the plan could not be executed. Sheridan had been joined by Crook, and had thrown the immense cavalry corps directly across his path, between Appomattox Station and the Court House, the two places being five miles apart; and Ord, with the Army of the James and the Fifth Corps, was rapidly marching to his support, joining him at 9 or 10 A. M. on [388] the 9th. The greater part of Gibbon's Twenty-fourth Corps, a portion of Weitzel's Twenty-fifth Corps, the Fifth Corps, and four divisions of cavalry, including Mackenzie, formed a living rampart of over forty thousand troops 1 to the advance of Gordon and Fitz Lee's five thousand. Directly behind Lee were the Second and Sixth Corps, over twenty-five thousand troops.2
Gracefully General Lee yielded to the inevitable. The splendid army, with whose courage and heroism a world was familiar, was reduced to a fragment of brave men, many of whom, from exposure and want of food, could not lift a musket to the shoulder. The end which Lee feared and Grant expected had come. For some days the latter had been thinking how best he could introduce the subject of surrender to Lee, to relieve him from initiating an embarrassing proposition. The Union commander arrived at Farmville a little before noon on April 7th, establishing headquarters at the village hotel. He told Ord, Gibbon, and Wright, who had called at the hotel, that he was thinking of sending a communication to General Lee "to pave the way to the stopping of further bloodshed" ; he had heard, too, that Ewell, then a prisoner, had said that "it was the duty of the authorities to negotiate for peace now, and that for every man killed somebody would be responsible, and it would be little better than murder." Influenced by such reflections, he wrote the following communication:
General: The result of the last week must convince you of the hopelessness of further resistance on the part of the Army of Northern Virginia in this struggle. I feel that it is so, and regard it as my duty to shift from myself the responsibility of any further effusion of blood, by asking of you the surrender of that portion [389] of the Confederate States army known as the Army of Northern Virginia.
U. S. Grant, Lieutenant General. General R. E. Lee.
General Seth Williams, his adjutant general, a former intimate friend of General Lee's and his adjutant when he was superintendent at West Point, carried this communication across the river to Humphreys, who sent it at once through his lines to Lee, who was still in the position from which he had repulsed Humphreys's attack that day. Humphreys received Grant's note at 8.30 P. M., and Grant, Lee's reply after midnight, which read:
General: I have received your note of this date. Though not entertaining the opinion you express on the hopelessness ot further resistance on the part of the Army of Northern Virginia. I reciprocate your desire to avoid useless effusion of blood, and therefore, before considering your proposition, ask the terms you will offer on condition of its surrender.
R. E. Lee, General. Lieutenant-General U. S. Grant.
The next morning a reply was given to General Williams, who again went to Humphreys front to have it transmitted to Lee's. Williams overtook Humphreys on the march; his letter was sent at once through the cavalry rear guard, close to General Humphreys's front, to General Lee, whose reply was not received until dusk by Humphreys, and did not reach General Grant until after midnight, at a large, white farmhouse at Curdsville, ten miles in his rear. The two notes of that day (8th) are as follows:
General: Your note of last evening, in reply to mine of the same date, asking the condition on which I will accept the surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia, is just received. In reply, I would say that, peace being my great desire, there is but one condition that I would insist upon-namely, that the men and officers surrendered shall be disqualified for taking up arms again against the Government of the United States until properly exchanged. I will meet you, or will designate officers to meet any officers you may name for the same purpose, at any point agreeable to you, for the purpose of arranging definitely the terms upon which the surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia will be received.
General: I received at a late hour your note of to-day. In mine of yesterday I did not intend to propose the surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia, but to ask the terms of your proposition. To be frank, I do not think the emergency has arisen to call for the surrender of this army, but as the restoration of peace should be the sole object of all, I desire to know whether your proposal would lead to that end. I can not, therefore, meet you with a view to surrender the Army of Northern Virginia, but as far as your proposal may affect the Confederate States forces under my command, and tend to the restoration of peace, I should be pleased to meet you at To A. M. to-morrow on the old stage road to Richmond, between the picket lines of the two armies.
The Federal flag of truce accompanying Williams when he bore Grant's first communication appeared in front of General Sorrel's Georgia brigade, formerly Wright's, of Mahone's division, about 9 P. M. Sorrel had been dangerously wounded at Petersburg, and the brigade was commanded by Colonel G. E. Tayloe. This officer sent Colonel Herman H. Perry, his adjutant general, to meet the flag, who advanced some distance from his lines, and met a very handsomely dressed officer, who introduced himself as General Seth Williams, of General Grant's staff. Perry's worn Confederate uniform and slouch hat did not compare favorably by moonlight with the magnificence of Williams's, but, being six feet high and a fine-looking fellow, he drew himself up proudly, as if perfectly satisfied with his personal exterior.
"After I had introduced myself," says Perry, "he felt in his side pocket for documents, as I thought, but the document was a very nice-looking silver flask, as well as I could distinguish. He remarked that he hoped I wouid not think it was unsoldierly if he offered me some very fine brandy. I will own up now that I wanted that drink awfully. Worn down, hungry, and dispirited, it would have been a gracious godsend if some old Confederate and I could have emptied that flask between us in that dreadful hour of misfortune. But I raised myself about an inch higher, if possible, bowed, and refused politely, trying to produce the ridiculous [391] appearance of having feasted on champagne and poundcake not ten minutes before, and I had not the slightest use for as plebeian a drink as 'fine brandy.' "
"He was a true gentleman, begged pardon, and placed the flask in his pocket again without touching the contents in my presence. If he had taken a drink, and my Confederate olfactories had obtained a whiff of the odor of it, it is possible that I should have 'caved.' The truth is, I had not eaten two ounces in two days, and I had my coat tail then full of corn, waiting to parch it as soon as an opportunity might present itself. I did not leave it behind me, because I had nobody I could trust it with. As an excuse which I felt I ought to make for refusing his proffered courtesy, I rather haughtily said that I had been sent forward only to receive any communication that was offered, and could not properly accept or offer any courtesies. In fact, if I had offered what I could, it would have taken my corn." Grant's note to Lee being then transferred from Williams to Perry, the Confederate colonel and Federal general bowed profoundly to each other and separated.
On the morning of the 9th General Grant dispatched another note to General Lee as follows:
General: Your note of yesterday is received. I have no authority to treat on the subject of peace; the meeting proposed for 10 A. M. to-day could lead to no good. I will state, however, General, that I am equally anxious for peace with yourself, and the whole North entertains the same feeling. The terms upon which peace can be had are well understood. By the South laying down their arms they will hasten that most desirable event, save thousands of human lives, and hundreds of millions of property not yet destroyed. Seriously hoping that all our difficulties may be settled without the loss of another life, I subscribe myself, etc.,
Humphreys sent it forward by Colonel Whittier, his adjutant general, who met Colonel Marshall, of Lee's staff, by whom he was conducted to the general. To this note Lee replied:
General: I received your note of this morning on the picket line whither I had come to meet you and ascertain definitely what terms were embraced in your proposal of yesterday with reference [392] to the surrender of the army. I now ask an interview in accordance with the offer contained in your letter of yesterday for that purpose.
Grant, who received this note eight or nine miles from Appomattox, at once answered it.
General R. E. Lee, commanding C. S. A.: Your note of this date is but this moment (I 1.50 A. M.) received. In consequence of my having passed from the Richmond and Lynchburg road to the Farmville and Lynchburg road, I am, at this writing, about four miles west of Walker's Church, and will push forward to the front for the purpose of meeting you. Notice sent to me on this road where you wish the interview to take place will meet me.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant, U. S. Grant, Lieutenant General.
The reply was sent direct to General Lee by Colonel Babcock, of his staff. Lee was obliged to confront a painful issue. His duty had been performed, but so earnest was he in trying to extricate his troops, and carry them South, that he had failed to recognize the hopelessness of further resistance, or the emergency that called for the surrender of his army. At the suggestion of some of his higher officers, General Pendleton, the commander of his reserve artillery, went to Lee on the 7th to say that their united judgment agreed that it was wrong to have more men on either side killed, and that they did not wish that he should bear the entire trial of reaching that conclusion. But Lee replied that he had too many brave men to think of laying down his arms, and that they still fought with great spirit; that if he should first intimate to Grant that he would listen to terms, an unconditional surrender might be demanded, and "sooner than that I am resolved to die." Lee had not altogether abandoned the purpose to march South, even after the notes of the 7th and 8th had been exchanged. Longstreet, Gordon, and Fitz Lee, commanding his corps, were summoned to his headquarters bivouac fires on the night of the 8th, near Appomattox Court House. The situation was explained freely, and the correspondence with Grant alluded to. It was decided that Gordon and Fitz Lee [393] should attack Sheridan's cavalry at daylight on the 9th and open the way; but in case the cavalry was reenforced by heavy bodies of infantry, the commanding general must be at once notified, as surrender was inevitable. The attack was made at sunrise, and the Federal cavalry driven back with the loss of two guns and a number of prisoners; the arrival at this time of two corps of Federal infantry necessitated the retirement of the Southern lines. General Ord states that he was "barely in time, for, in spite of General Sheridan's attempts, the cavalry was falling back in confusion." A white flag went out from the Southern ranks, the firing ceased; the war in Virginia was over. Colonel Babcock, the bearer of General Grant's last note, found General Lee near Appomattox Court House, lying under an apple tree upon a blanket spread on some rails, from which circumstance the widespread report originated that the surrender took place under an apple tree.
General Lee, Colonel Marshall, of his staff, Colonel Babcock, of General Grant's, and a mounted orderly rode to the village, and found Mr. Wilmer McLean, a resident, who, upon being told that General Lee wanted the use of a room in some house, conducted the party to his dwelling, a comfortable two-story brick, with a porch in front running the length of the house. General Lee was ushered into the room on the left of the hall as you enter, and about one o'clock was joined by General Grant, his staff, and Generals Sheridan and Ord. Grant sat at a marble-topped table in the center of the room, Lee at a small oval table near the front window. "The contrast between the commanders," said one who was present, "was striking." Grant, not yet forty-three years old, five feet eight inches tall, shoulders slightly stooped, hair and beard nut brown, wearing a dark-blue flannel blouse unbuttoned, showing vest beneath; ordinary top boots, trousers inside; dark-yellow thread gloves; without spurs or sword, and no marks of rank except a general's shoulder straps. Lee, fifty-eight years old, six feet tall, hair and beard silver gray; a handsome uniform of Confederate gray buttoned to the throat, with three stars on each side of the turned-down collar, fine top boots with handsome spurs, elegant gauntlets, [394] and at his side a splendid sword.3 With a magnificent physique, not a pound of superfluous flesh, ruddy cheeks bronzed by exposure, grave and dignified, he was the focus for all eyes. "His demeanor was that of a thoroughly possessed gentleman who had a disagreeable duty to perform, but was determined to get through it as well and as soon as he could" without the exhibition of temper or mortification. Generals Lee and Grant had met once, eighteen years before, when both were fighting for the same cause in Mexico-one an engineer officer on the staff of Scott, the commanding general, the other a subaltern of infantry in Garland's brigade. After a pleasant reference to that event, Lee promptly drew attention to the business before them, the terms of surrender were arranged, and at General Lee's request reduced to writing, as follows:
Appomattox Court House, Va., April 9, 1865.
General: In accordance with the substance of my letter to you of the 8th inst., I propose to receive the surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia on the following terms, to wit: Rolls of all the officers and men to be made in duplicate, one copy to be given to an officer to be designated by me, the other to be retained by such officer or officers as you may designate. The officers to give their individual paroles not to take up arms against the Government of the United States until properly exchanged; and each company and regimental commander sign a like parole for the men of their commands. The arms, artillery, and public property to be parked and stacked, and turned over to the officers appointed by me to receive them. This will not embrace the sidearms of the officers nor the private horses or baggage. This done, each officer and man will be allowed to return to his home, not to be disturbed by United States authority so long as he observes his parole, and the laws in force where he may reside.
U. S. Grant, Lieutenant General General R. E. Lee.
" Unless you have some suggestion to make, I will [395] have a copy of the letter made in ink and sign it," said Grant; and it gave Lee the opportunity to tell him that the cavalrymen and many of the artillerymen owned their own horses, and he wished to know whether these men would be permitted to retain their horses. The terms gave to the officers only that privilege, and so Grant stated; but seeing that Lee's face showed plainly that he would like that concession made, the former said feelingly that he supposed that most of the men in ranks were small farmers, that their horses would be useful in putting in a crop to carry themselves and families through the next winter, and that he would give instructions "to let all men who claim to own a horse or mule take the animals home with them to work their little farms." The Union commander was in touch with his President. General Weitzel, who had entered Richmond with his Twenty-fifth Corps and received its formal capitulation, asked Mr. Lincoln what he "should do in regard to the conquered people?" The latter is reported to have replied that he did not wish to give any orders on that subject, but added, "If I were in your place I'd let 'em up easy, I'd let 'em up easy." It was the fear of his men losing their horses in case of surrender that made the Confederate cavalry commander ask permission at the council the night before to extricate his cavalry in case of surrender, provided it was done before the flag of truce changed the status. To Grant's written propositions for the surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia, General Lee replied:
headquarters army of Northern Virginia, April 9, 1865.
General: I received your letter of this date, containing the terms of the surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia as proposed by you. As they are substantially the same as those expressed in your letter of the 8th instant, they are accepted. I will proceed to designate the proper officers to carry the stipulation into effect.
R. E. Lee, General.
Lieutenant-General U. S. Grant.
The formalities were concluded without dramatic accessories, and then Lee's thoughts turned to his hungry veterans and to his prisoners. "I have a thousand or more of your men and officers, whom we have required to march along with us for several days," said [396] Lee to Grant. "I shall be glad to send them to your lines as soon as it can be arranged, for I have no provisions for them. My own men have been living for the last few days principally upon parched corn, and we are badly in need of both rations and forage." The rations sent from Lynchburg to the Southerners were captured. When Grant suggested that he should send Lee twentyfive thousand rations, the latter told him it would be ample, and assured him it would be a great relief. The Confederate commander then left, and rode away to break the sad news to the brave troops he had so long commanded.
His presence in their midst was an exhibition of the devotion of soldier to commander. The troops crowded around him, eagerly desiring to shake his hand. They had seen him when his eye calmly surveyed miles of fierce, raging conflict; had closely observed him when, tranquil, composed, undisturbed, he had heard the wild shout of victory rend the air; now they saw their beloved chieftain a prisoner of war, and sympathy, boundless admiration, and love for him filled their brave hearts. They pressed up to him, anxious to touch his person or even his horse, and copious tears washed from strong men's cheeks the stains of powder. Slowly and painfully he turned to his soldiers, and, with voice quivering with emotion, said: "Men, we have fought through the war together; I have done my best for you; my heart is too full to say more." It was a simple but most affecting scene. On the next day a formal leave of his army was taken by General Lee.
headquarters army of Northern Virginia, April 10, 1865.
After four years of arduous service, marked by unsurpassed courage and fortitude, the Army of Northern Virginia has been compelled to yield to overwhelming numbers and resources. I need not tell the survivors of so many hard-fought battles, who have remained steadfast to the last, that I have consented to this result from no distrust of them; but feeling that valor and devotion could accomplish nothing that could compensate for the loss that would have attended the continuation of the contest, I have determined to avoid the useless sacrifice of those whose past services have endeared them to their countrymen. By the terms of agreement, officers and men can return to their homes and remain there until exchanged. You will take with you the satisfaction [397] that proceeds from the consciousness of duty faithfully performed; and I earnestly pray that a merciful God will extend to you his blessing and protection. With an unceasing admiration of your constancy and devotion to your country, and a grateful remembrance of your kind and generous consideration of myself, I bid you an affectionate farewell.
And then in silence, with lifted hat, he rode through a weeping army to his home in Richmond. He was not present at the final act of surrender; the details were prepared by three officers on each side, and were as follows:
Agreement entered into this day in regard to the surrender of the army of Northern Virginia to the United States authorities:
Appomattox Court House, Va., April 10, 1865.
1. The troops shall march by brigades and detachments to a designated point; stack their arms, deposit their flags, sabers, pistols, etc., and thence march to their homes, under charge of their officers, superintended by their respective division and corps commanders, officers retaining their side arms and the authorized number of private horses.
2. All public horses, and public property of all kinds, to be turned over to staff officers to be designated by the United States authorities.
3. Such transportation as may be agreed upon as necessary for the transportation of the private baggage of officers will be allowed to accompany the officers, to be turned over, at the end of the trip, to the nearest United States quartermaster, receipts being taken for the same.
4. Couriers and mounted men of the artillery and cavalry, whose horses are their own private property, will be allowed to retain them.
5. The surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia shall be construed to include all the forces operating with that army on the 8th instant, the date of the commencement of the negotiations for surrender, except such bodies of cavalry as actually made their escape previous to the surrender, and except, also, such pieces of artillery as were more than twenty miles from Appomattox Court House at the time of the surrender on the 9th instant.
(Signed) John Gibbon, Major General Volunteers. Charles Griffin, Brevet Major General U. S. Volunteers. W. Merritt, Brevet Major General. J. Longstreet, Lieutenant General. J. B. Gordon, Major General. W. N. Pendleton, Brigadier General and Chief of Artillery.
General Grant's behavior at Appomattox was marked by a desire to spare the feelings of his great opponent. There was no theatrical display; his troops were not paraded with bands playing and banners flying, before whose lines the Confederates must march and stack arms. He did not demand Lee's sword, as is customary, but actually apologized to him for not having his own, saying it had been left behind in the wagon; promptly stopped salutes from being fired to mark the event, and the terms granted were liberal and generous. "No man could have behaved better than General Grant did under the circumstances," said Lee to a friend in Richmond. "He did not touch my sword; the usual custom is for the sword to be received when tendered, and then handed back, but he did not touch mine." Neither did the Union chief enter the Southern lines to show himself or to parade his victory, or go to Richmond or Petersburg to exult over a fallen people, but mounted his horse and with his staff started for Washington. Washington, at Yorktown, was not as considerate and thoughtful of the feelings of Cornwallis or his men.
Charges were now withdrawn from the guns, flags furled, and the Army of the Potomac and the Army of Northern Virginia turned their backs upon each other for the first time in four long, bloody years. The Southern soldiers, wrapped in faded, tattered uniforms, shoeless and weather-beaten, but proud as when they first rushed to battle, returned to desolate fields, homes in some cases in ashes, blight, blast, and want on every side. A few days afterward General Lee rode into Richmond, accompanied by his staff, and the cheering crowds which quickly gathered told in thunder tones that a paroled prisoner of war 4 was still loved by his people. It was a demonstration in which men forgot their own sorrow and gave way to the glory and gratitude [399] of the past. They adored him most, not in the glare of his brilliant victories, but in the hour of his deepest humiliation.
1 Ord left Petersburg with twenty thousand troops all arms; Fifth Corps, fifteen thousand nine hundred and seventy-three. (Report of March 31, 1865.) Sheridan's cavalry, thirteen thousand eight hundred and ten, to which add one thousand for the Fifth Corps artillery, makes fifty thousand seven hundred and eighty-three.
2 Second Corps report, March 31, 1865: Twenty-one thousand one hundred and sixty-seven infantry, artillery, and seventy guns. Sixth: Eighteen thousand three hundred and eighty-four artillery and infantry and fifty-four guns=thirty-nine thousand five hundred and fifty-one, and one hundred and twenty-four guns.
3 The handle of this sword is white, with a lion's head at the top and wrapped with gilt wire (not studded with jewels, as has been pub-lished), with gilt guard, the scabbard of blue steel with gilt trimmings. Where the rings are attached, on one side of the blade, are the words, "General Robert E. Lee, from a Marylander, 1863" ; on the other, "Aide toi et Dieu t'aidera." This sword is in the possession of Gen-eral G. W. C. Lee, son of General Lee, and the President of Washing-ton and Lee University at Lexington, Va.
4 The following parole was signed by General Lee and his staff:
We, the undersigned, prisoners of war belonging to the Army of Northern Virginia, having been this day surrendered by General R. E. Lee, commanding said army, to Lieutenant-General Grant, com-manding the armies of the United States, do hereby give our solemn parole of honor that we will not hereafter serve the armies of the Con-federate States, or in any military capacity whatever, against the United States of America, or render aid to the enemies of the latter, until properly exchanged in such manner as shall be mutually approved by the relative authorities:
R. E. Lee, General. W. H. Taylor, Lieutenant Colonel and Acting Adjutant General. Charles S. Venable, Lieutenant Colonel and Acting Adjutant General. Charles Marshall, Lieutenant Colonel and Acting Adjutant General. H. E. Peyton, Lieutenant Colonel and Inspector General. Giles Brooke, Major and A. A. Surgeon General. H. S. Young, Acting Adjutant General. Done at Appomattox Court House, Va., the ninth (9th) day of April, 1865. The parole was countersigned as follows: The above-named officers will not be disturbed by United States authorities as long as they observe their parole and the laws in force where they may reside. George H. Sharpe, General and Assistant Provost Marshal.
Amelia Court House (Virginia, United States) (13)
Danville (Virginia, United States) (11)
Farmville (Virginia, United States) (10)
Rice Station (Kentucky, United States) (3)
High Bridge (Wisconsin, United States) (3)
Sailor's Creek (Virginia, United States) (2)
Jetersville (Virginia, United States) (2)
Yorktown (Virginia, United States) (1)
St. Paul (Minnesota, United States) (1)
Pocahontas (West Virginia, United States) (1)
Pittsylvania (Virginia, United States) (1)
Green Isle (Minnesota, United States) (1)
Curdsville (Virginia, United States) (1)
R. E. Lee (25)
U. S. Grant (22)
Ord (12)
Humphreys (11)
James B. Gordon (11)
Seth Williams (7)
W. H. F. Lee (5)
G. W. C. Lee (4)
Llewellyn Saunderson (2)
Theodore Read (2)
John Marshall (2)
William White (1)
Tucker (1)
G. E. Tayloe (1)
J. M. Saint John (1)
W. N. Pendleton (1)
Minnigerode (1)
Wilmer McLean (1)
Fitzhugh Lee (1)
Lewis Harvie (1)
Goode (1)
Goldsborough (1)
Dubose (1)
Dieu (1)
April 9th, 1865 AD (5)
April 10th, 1865 AD (2)
April 1st, 1865 AD (1)
April, 1865 AD (1)
April 3rd (1)


Ok we'll admit it, a little bunch of henbits are irresistible when brought by a well-meaning child saying, "I love you. Look what I picked just for you!" But seeing this weed in the yard is a constant reminder of how tall and "pretty" weeds can grow!
What is henbit? What does it look like?
Henbit is a winter annual weed that we can count on coming up every year, earlier than dandelion. You can identify them by the square stems and pink and purple flowers and they can grow up to 16 inches tall. Their leaves are dark green and have scalloped edges.
How do you treat henbit?
Henbit tends to pop up in early March, so chances are if you don't see it by now, you won't. But if you already have them, the best control is to just yank em up. If you have a lot, we recommend treating with a post-emergent herbicide. You can also simply wait until temps rise and they will die as they are winter annuals.
How do you prevent henbit?
To prevent them from coming up at all, we recommend mulching and applying a pre-emergent treatment in the spring.


text:
Tony Awards 2016 -- Broadcast's Best Night
Ed Martin
TV / Video Download
Broadcast television accomplished something quite remarkable Sunday night; something that proved there is still great life in the old "dinosaur" of media. Specifically, it was CBS at play, but more about that in a moment. At the end of a heartbreaking weekend, and the start of what is sure to be an emotional week, broadcast brought together millions of people with a three-plus-hour live telecast that entertained and enlightened in so many ways it may take a while to sort them all out.
Ed Martin is editorial advisor of MyersBizNet and its Watch, Listen & Learn platform. He's also the chief television and content critic for MediaVillage. He has written about television and internet programming for several Myers publicatio… read more

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


The Dalton clutch kit was developed to improve acceleration and back shift performance in a variety of conditions and also to help recover performance lost from installing large aggressive tires and mud conditions . Improved acceleration and back shifting under load . Also offers flexibility to tune your clutch to rider preference and conditions while still maintaining maximum belt grip. This kit uses Dalton's patented "Quick Adjust Cam Arms" which allow you to add or subtract mass from the main body of the flyweight without even removing the weight from the clutch. This helps make for quick and easy adjustment for tire sizes, conditions, and changes in rpm requirements from internal engine mods, etc . Although the teryx is calibrated fairly well for the totally stock machine ,there is still improvement even to a stock machine. This kit is very adaptable to mods/changes you may do the vehicle in the future ,and you can adjust it to maximize the power delivery to the ground in many different changes/mods and situations. It is like having many clutch kits in one.
The Dalton billet aluminum overdrive clutch cover was built specifically for this Teryx model,and allows more belt travel for increased top end speed. This component offers increase of 4-5 mph by simply bolting it on in place of the existing cover plate on a stock Teryx primary clutch.No machining or modification of the drive clutch is necessary and you can go back to stock at any time.
In order to get to the clutch on the Kawasaki Teryx, you first need to remove the seats, fuel tank and a lot of the plastic around the engine.
Primary or drive clutch is on the right. Secondary or driven is on the left.
When installing the billet clutch cover, the KEBC fork needs to be removed from the clutch cover. This disables the slow speed engine braking.
These are great videos showing step by step how to do the clutch work on your Kawasaki Teryx.


text:
Political Mastermind
William Hollingsworth Attwood. Journalist turned diplomat. William Attwood was a U.S. ambassador in Guinea, when Sekou Toure was president, but Attwood got polio and had to return to America. He then worked for U.S. President John F Kennedy, he says, to negotiate with Fidel Castro. But then John F Kennedy was assassinated. After that, the Foreign Service gave Attwood a choice for where he could work next. He could be ambassador in Chile or in Kenya.
Attwood chose Kenya in a heartbeat. For many reasons. Number 1, he said, Kenya had just gotten independence. "Here was a country about to undergo the birth pangs and growing pains of independence. There would be problems—the kind I enjoyed coping with."
He made sure he said "Kehn-ya" and not "Keeenya" like the colonial British. And so, in 1964, William Attwood became the first U.S. ambassador to KEHN-ya.
As the first ambassador to KEHN-ya, Attwood had an important job. This was during the Cold War, between the U.S. and its allies (the Western bloc) and the Soviet Union and its allies (the Eastern bloc).
It was Cold because there was no direct military violence happening—at least within the superpower countries. Basically, you had these two sides (Western bloc, capitalist; Eastern bloc, communist) vying for influence in newly independent countries in Africa, Asia, and Latin America.
And so, at the same time that all of these countries were finally independent in the 1950s and 1960s, there was now a new "scramble for Africa." A scramble between the West and the East for influence over the new African leaders. But this wasn't a nice, polite process of wooing and vying.
Superpowers don't ask nicely. If you're an African leader, they could give you favors and you would be their puppet. They would help you stay in power. But what if you didn't want to be their puppet? What if you wanted Africans to decide for themselves, like Patrice Lumumba, Thomas Sankara? Or Pio Gama Pinto? Well, they would try to replace you, get you out of power and put in another puppet. But if they realized that you could not be silenced.... they would take you out.
In 1965, only two years after Kenya gained its independence, Pio Gama Pinto was shot and killed on his driveway in Nairobi. This was Kenya's first political assassination.
My name is Stoneface, host of Until Everyone Is Free. In this series, me and our producer April Zhu will tell the story of Pio Gama Pinto, a Kenyan freedom fighter. But we tell the story of Pinto to answer a very important question: How did the country of Kenya become free…. Without the people of Kenya becoming free?
Pinto was an ally of the Mau Mau. He was an advocate for land justice. He was a trade union supporter. He was a radical journalist. But he was also a political mastermind, and that is what made him so dangerous.
It was a big weekend race at the Ngong Race Course. William Attwood and other important people were there. Attwood looked around, taking it all in. The place, as usual, was filled with all sorts of people. At the bookies—the place to place bets—there was a crowd of all sorts of people. Some wearing "tribal robes," others wearing saris and turbans, others wearing neat houndstooth jackets, others with bare feet, some with binoculars and shooting sticks.
Even though most of Attwood's job involved schmoozing with Kenyan leaders, it was also important for him to help give everyday Kenyans a "good impression" of America. This was not an easy task, because that summer of 1964 was a summer of racial violence in the U.S. Every day newspapers and TV carried reports of Black Americans being brutalized by white racists, especially in the South.
So, for Attwood, it was important that there were "useful visitors" that could prove to Kenyans that Americans were good people. USA Marafiki. Earlier, 4,000 American sailors from the US Navy docked at Mombasa. They "swarmed over the city for four days": sports teams competed with Kenyan teams, they spruced up playgrounds in the city, and local Kenyan leaders were invited on the ship and entertained and dined. They put on a military show where they shot into the air, explosions.
Typical Cold War stuff. You had to display your guns and bombs so your enemies could see. You wouldn't use them, but your enemies had to know that you could if you wanted to. One Kenyan minister even said, "It is comforting to know that we have such powerful friends." According to Attwood, groups like these Navy sailors were, "useful visitors."
But that day at the Race Course, Attwood ran into a "not-so-welcome visitor." Someone who made him panic, even if briefly.
The man was sitting in the VIP Box, with President Kenyatta. The man was wearing spectacles. He was leaning over, listening to a member of Kenyatta's cabinet. At first glance, Attwood thought he was a white man. But then he took a closer look, and saw that he was just lighter in complexion. Then, he took an even closer look—and realized this man was a very, very controversial guest indeed.
This man was Malcolm X.
[Malcolm X] "One of the first things that the independent African nations was to form an organization called the Organization of African Unity (OAU). The purpose of our Organization of Afro-American Unity, which has the same aim and objective: to fight with whoever gets in our way, to bring about the complete independence of people of African descent here in the Western hemisphere and first here in the United States, and bring about the freedom of these people by any means necessary."
This was not his first trip to Kenya, but it was his first trip since Kenya was an independent country. It would also be his last. Why was he here? He was touring Africa to gather support from African leaders. He wanted to bring the problem of racism in the U.S.—violence against Black Americans, their disenfranchisement, discrimination and poverty—before the UN.
This is the man Attwood saw, sitting with Kenyatta. Attwood panicked. He turned to one of his Kenyan colleagues nearby and asked him, Who did this man come with? Who let him come? Do they know who he is?
The Kenyan colleague responded that Achieng Oneko was introducing him as "America's outstanding civil rights leader." No no no, said Attwood, that's not who he really is.
Malcolm X was indeed fighting for Black liberation, but what set him apart from other civil rights activists in the US is that he believed black people in America should get power "by any means necessary"—including violence. Black people in the US were being beat up, being killed, being lynched. And people were asking Black folks to nonviolently, nicely ask their killers to stop killing them?
Attwood alerted other parties in Kenya of Malcolm X's arrival, suggesting they "enlighten their African friends in advance." He thought that, like the Kenyan dignitaries in Mombasa who were just happy to have "such powerful friends" in the U.S.
It did not occur to him that Black people in America and Kenyans, who had just fought off the British, had so much more in common. That they were connecting the dots between their struggles for Black liberation from the "white power structure of capitalist imperalism." They were fighting the same enemy, from Mississippi to Nairobi.
You could hear from the way Attwood spoke that he thought Kenyans were gullible and simple, that they were easily impressed. He thought that Malcolm X was just "wooing" them in the way that he was. It did not occur to him that there was a dialogue, that in their solidarity, Black Americans were also learning from radical Kenyans.
At a 1964 rally in Harlem, New York City, Malcolm X shared what he had learned from the Kenyan struggle for independence.
[Malcolm X] In Alabama, we need a Mau Mau. In Georgia, we need a Mau Mau. Right here in Harlem in New York City, we need a Mau Mau.
At that same rally, the SNCC Freedom Singers sang a song about Oginga Odinga.
When Mau Mau began using violence, picking up and making their own guns, then the white colonizers declared a State of Emergency. When Malcolm X called for Black Americans to take up arms and get freedom through violence—like the Mau Mau did here—he caused a State of Emergency in the U.S.
Malcolm X learned a lot from his trips to Africa. He gained a pan-African consciousness. He learned that the struggles faced by Black people in the US and Kenya were not so different just because they were separated by borders. Malcolm X realized that the minds of Black Americans also needed to be decolonized.
There was one person Malcolm X really connected with when he was here in Nairobi, a man who helped him on his campaign to bring the U.S.' atrocities against Black Americans to the UN.
We haven't been able to confirm this, but it is said that, when Malcolm X was in Nairobi, he may have stayed in the guest room of a smallish house in what is now Westlands.
6 Lower Kabete Road. This was the house of Pio Gama Pinto.
6 Lower Kabete Road. The place where that house used to stand is now Sarit Centre. That's why one of the small roads next to Sarit Centre is called Pio Gama Pinto Road.
Pio and Emma would have never gotten this house if it weren't for Emma. If it was up to Pio, they might have lived in that one-room bedsitter forever. After Pio was released from detention on Manda Bay, Pio and Emma stayed together in "open detention" for years in Kabarnet—meaning they couldn't leave the house and all communication coming in was censored. During that time, Linda was born. After his release, they moved back to Nairobi, back into their one-room bedsitter behind the house of Pio's friend Fitz de Souza.
Maybe it was fine for Pio, because he was rarely home, always busy organizing, meeting with people, here and there. But Emma was stuck in this tiny house, taking care of two young children with her mother. The toilet was a hole in the ground. Emma put her foot down, and said, no, Pio this is not okay. You have children now. We have a responsibility to them.
[Linda Gama Pinto] "I have overheard my mother say that it was on her insistence that they got a house. At the time, they had two children. She said, 'This is ridiculous, you now have two children, you need to have a house. You go talk to your friends and get us a house.' So it was really on her insistence that we actually had a place to live. Because I think my father—details, details, these personal details he was not really interested in."
Pio's friends agreed with Emma. They all had houses. They kept telling Pio he ought to buy a house, but he always put it off. Joseph Murumbi, one of Pio's best friends, decided they would just stop asking him. They went directly to Emma and told her they had decided to buy a house for them. They told Emma to go around town and look for a house that was suitable, and then tell them. They would not give the money to Pio, because "if that money was in Pio's hands, it would soon be distributed to all his friends and those in need." Just like those days in detention, when he left Manda Island barefoot because he'd given even his shoes away. Pio would never change. That was just Pio.
Emma found a house, and his friends bought it for them. 6 Lower Kabete Road. It wasn't very big, but it had a few bedrooms and a large yard, with lots of trees and a vast, open lawn. It was there that Pio and Emma made their home.
When a large tree in the yard fell down, Pio kept it. He would chop some of it every day. Little by little. A daily exercise. Emma said it was because he liked to keep his muscles.
[Linda Gama Pinto] We had this big, big fallen tree in the yard, and he would go out there with an axe and chop away at it, so that would be one of his exercises. He would go out there and chop at this massive tree for 15-20 minutes at a time. I mean, he was not a big man, but he had his muscles. I have a feeling that he did have a degree of vanity in that he did keep up a bit of a physical regime to maintain his looks. He didn't get fat; he kept his muscles strong. Mum, do you have anything to add? Was Papa vain? [laughs]
[Emma Gama Pinto] No.
[Linda] She says no, but I—
[Emma] He liked to keep his muscles.
[Linda] Yes, my mum says he liked to keep his muscles. He was an athlete, so I think he kept that aspect of training.
His daughters, Linda, Tereshka, and Malusha, grew up in that house. The little girls would climb up on their father's back, and he would do "weighted" push-ups out on the grass, while they squealed, jolted up and down.
What Linda remembers from those days was always being surrounded by Kenyan women doing household chores. There was a gate at the back of the yard, and people would often show up asking for help, or asking for a job. Pio never said no. He would always give them something, or find some little job around the house for them to do. And so, in those days, Linda remembers there were always plenty of people around, doing small tasks like picking out stones from rice or sorting beans.
Pio set up a study in one of the bedrooms. He put lots of large desks there, and also a bed. Every day, they received newspapers from all different countries. Pio always had an eye on the news and an ear to the radio. He was glued to his typewriter, sending off letters or articles to leaders of freedom movements all over the world.
Emma described their house as more of a hotel. It was a place where everyone was welcome. People were always dropping in for meals at all hours of the day. And they would often host revolutionaries who were escaping from their home countries like Angola or South Africa. They would stay over for a night or two and share stories about the situation back at home.
6 Lower Kabete Road was a little refuge for those all over the world fighting for freedom.
Uhuru.
Dec 12, 1963. Independence Arena. Chilly, night time. At exactly midnight, the lights were all turned off and the place was plunged into darkness. The Union Jack was lowered. At 12:01, the flag of Independent Kenya was hoisted up to replace it.
Black, like the people of Kenya, red for the blood shed during the fight for independence, and green for the country's land. It was the end of 68 years of colonial rule.
In a speech, Uganda's premier Obote honored the Kenyans who died in the struggle for independence. "The struggle in Kenya was bitter. Many people lost their lives. May they not look backwards. May they make their hard-won independence a reality."
President Jomo Kenyatta also made a speech. But his speech did not even mention Mau Mau. He did not honor the Kenyans who did not live to see this day, did not live to see this flag, did not live to hear this national anthem. Oginga Odinga later wrote that "the fighters of the forest and the camps" are in danger of becoming the "forgotten men of the freedom fight."
The Forgotten Men of the Freedom Fight. For the most part, they weren't given land (Episode 3). These fighters definitely weren't given positions in government, or in the army, police, because it was said they were uneducated. These fighters remained unemployed. The children of detainees or dead freedom fighters could not afford school fees.
Who did get government office? Who got opportunities for higher education? Who got stable jobs in the new administration? Loyalists. Those who remained loyal to the British, while others were fighting "Mzungu aende Ulaya, Mwafrika Apate Uhuru." Those who risked it all in the detention camps and in the forests—they had lost out to the people who had played it safe.
Oginga Odinga said this: "The stage following on independence is the most dangerous. This is the point after which many national revolutions in Africa have suffered a setback. National governments have left too much in their countries unchanged."
[Stoneface] This is a very important point that I want to spend some time thinking through, so we've called in Fello. How are you?
[Felix] Great.
[Stoneface] What does this mean: That independence is not the same as decolonization.
[Felix] Independence is not the same as decolonization. Ok, so we know what independence looks like. Midnight, national anthem, one flag down, another flag up. What does decolonization look like?
[Stoneface] To understand decolonization, let's start with colonization. What is that?
[Felix] Well....you have a few people in power, foreign people. And they steal the land, they take the natural resources of the country and they "own" it.
[Stoneface] Mhm. And how do they turn that land into money?
[Felix] They grow stuff on it. Well, *they* don't do the growing, they force local "natives" to work on that stolen land, almost for free. Then they sell those cash crops, like coffee, tea, whatever, to outside of the country.
[Stoneface] So basically they are turning the land into crops, turning the crops into money, turning that money into houses and nice things—for themselves.
[Felix] —because it is a privately owned farm. It is the colonizer's farm.
[Stoneface] So the colony, both the land and the people, are being extracted of all their value, and that value goes to Europe.
[Felix] Ok, so that's colonization.
[Stoneface] Right. So now. Look at what happens in Kenya after independence. What changed? Well, the color of the faces of people in power changed. Now the government has black people. But, the balance of power. Who owns what? Who makes money from whom? The power structure never changed. The owners of these big, private farms are black instead of white.
[Felix] Right, there's that quote from Pinto that goes:
[Pinto] If when we have achieved independence, we only have black Lord Delameres instead of white Lord Delameres, we will have achieved very little.
[Stoneface] And many of the same laws that the colonizers created to control the natives, they didn't throw them out. They kept them.
[Felix] Like what?
[Stoneface] Ok, like even this year with corona. In March, Uhuru used the Public Order Act in order to enable the pandemic measures, like curfew. This Public Order Act was created in 1950, right before the Mau Mau State of Emergency. It allowed colonizers to basically round up whomever they wanted. [And, as you know, police have been so violent with curfew enforcement...]
[Felix] So the new leaders really just took over from the colonizers and were like...actually, this is not so bad. Let's not change things too much.
[Stoneface] I mean, things did change. But, again, we need to focus on power. Always look for where the power is. Don't look at the color of the faces, or the tribe. Who really has the power?
[Felix] So what you're saying is that Kenya got independence and went from a colony to the Republic of Kenya—BUT that Kenya did not decolonize, because underneath all the new black faces in government, the underlying power structure did not change.
[Stoneface] Exactly.
[Felix] So then, if these new black faces are the new rulers, does that make them colonizers?
[Stoneface] No, not really. They're simply the new Home Guard.
[Felix] Ohhh......
[Stoneface] The real colonizers are still foreign countries. In colonial times, the British depended on the Home Guard to keep the local population under control, so that they could continue extracting from the land and people. But of course these Home Guard, chiefs, and other loyalists, they got perks. They got some land, or they got more money.
Same thing happened after independence. The colonizers, before leaving, wanted to make sure that land and industries were put in the hands of an African elite.
[Felix] How did they do that?
[Stoneface] So the Agricultural Development Corporation, which funded a lot of the land buy-back programs, was heavily financed by UK, West Germany, US. British employees as a condition. National Assurance Company of Kenya was made into a national company, but only 10% of the company was owned by Kenya. Most of it was British insurance companies.
But, to run all of this, you need to have loyalists in power. That is why, not only in Kenya, but in colonies all around the world that were close to independence, colonizers worked hard to build up a comfortable middle class and build alliances with them.
[Felix] A new Home Guard.
[Stoneface] Exactly. And that's why we call this.....neo-colonialism. The new colonialism.
[Felix] Ahh.... Hm, this makes a lot of sense. And it also makes me think...of course this is not anything new. I don't think we need to teach people that their leaders are corrupt—
[Stoneface] —but it's not even just about corruption. Everyone has a corrupt uncle. We can replace one corrupt leader with another until we're all dead. The problem is that neocolonialists have put people in power who are moderate and easily corruptible, who give handshakes with colonizers rather than put their fists in the air. Instead of asking why those people are so corrupt, we should be asking why they are holding power, and not the people.
[Felix] But corruption is a big problem, no?
[Stoneface] The problem we choose to see defines how we solve it. If we choose to see corruption as the main problem, then the solution to that is to find purer and purer leaders...
[Felix] Mm.
[Stoneface] ...but if we take a step back and see the problem as the entire system, neo-colonialism, that Kenya is still a colony...then the solution to that requires structural change.
[Felix] What do you mean by structural change? Like, big change?
[Stoneface] As in, you can't just repaint the house. You have to knock it down, re-build a foundation, and build a new one with new walls. You have to change the structure.
[Felix] But what would structural change look like in Kenya?
[Felix] We have been told that it is only through private property that progress can be made. You've heard this argument. In fact, it was even in the BBI report. They wrote that, even if you split all the wealth among 40 million Kenyans, everyone would only have a small amount. They're saying that what we actually need to do is grow the entire economy so everyone can have more.
[Stoneface] But look at Nairobi. There is already so much wealth. Look at all those skyscrapers, all those new highrises and hotels, office buildings.
[Felix] Yeah, that's the real question. If the entire economy grows, will everyone have more?
[Stoneface] No, of course not. Not the way that the economy in Kenya is structured right now. ...Not with capitalism.
[Felix] Once the construction workers who build those skyscrapers are done building them, the buildings will be hidden behind barbed wire. Those construction workers will never get to live in them. In fact, they probably wouldn't even be let in, unless they're there to fix something. Neither will their children.
Nairobi keeps growing, keeps modernizing….. but only behind barbed wire.
[Stoneface] And who is all this barbed wire for? The poor. The desperate. Outcast Nairobi.
[Felix] Exactly. So this is the tragedy of private property. So long as you have private property, you will need to protect it from the destitute. ...And how do you protect it from the destitute? Gates. Barbed wire. Askaris….
[Stoneface] …police.
[Felix] Yes, police. Police exist to protect private property.... But only the private property of the rich.
[Stoneface] You see that, in Nairobi, it is only the ghettos that are surrounded by police stations. In Mathare, we have four police stations. Let me read a quote from Huey Newton, one of the founders of the Black Panther Party in the U.S. He said,
[Huey Newton] "The police in our community couldn't possibly be there to protect our property because we own no property. They couldn't possibly be there to see that we receive due process of law for the simple reason that the police themselves deny us due process of law. And so it is very apparent that the police are only in our community not for our security but for the security of the business owners in our community, and so to see that the status quo is kept intact."
[Felix] You see how Huey Newton from the Black Panther Party, and people like Malcolm X and Kwame Ture in the U.S. were talking? Black people in the U.S. were talking about the same things as black people in Kenya and other parts of Africa. They realized very similar things are happening across different continents.
In the U.S., Black people were forced to work as slaves on plantations so that white people could "grow the economy" and get rich, build things for themselves, and put them behind barbed wire. What about Kenya? Black Africans were forced to work as wage labourers on farms so that white people could "grow the economy" and get rich for themselves, build things for themselves, and put them behind barbed wire.
Both in the U.S. and in Kenya, the elite created police to protect themselves and their things from the poor surrounding them. When you stockpile wealth for yourself, but there are lots of poor people around you whom you are exploiting, then you have to find a way to keep them away from it. Whether it is barbed wire or police.
Are you seeing what I'm getting at? So what is really the common enemy? It is capitalism. And you cannot easily separate racism and capitalism. As soon as you identify capitalism as the enemy, then you realize that the struggle of a poor woman farmer working on a huge white-owned farm in Kitale is connected to the struggle of a factory worker in China who works 18-hour days. And that is connected to the struggle of an undocumented Mexican worker cleaning toilets in California. And that is connected to the struggle of a single mother of five in a favela in Rio.
[Stoneface] Whoa. ok.
[Felix] It seems complicated, but the bottom line is simple. All oppression is connected. That's why Malcolm X came to Africa. He was fighting for freedom for Black Americans, and he wanted to learn from Africans who had just won their struggles for liberation.
We don't have many photographs of Pinto.
He didn't attend events to be seen. He wasn't the kind of politician who would stand before a crowd of people and deliver a speech.
The photos we have of him tell us how he spent his time instead. There's a photo of Pinto and Kenyatta, while Mzee was detained at Lodwar, and Pinto and others like Odinga were fighting for his release. There's also a photo of Pinto, Fitz de Souza, and others protesting with signs against Portuguese colonization of Angola. Or a photo of Pinto visiting the family of Senior Chief Koinange while they were in restriction in Kabarnet. Or a photo of Pinto at a reunion of ex-Mau Mau and ex-detainees.
Pinto was always working behind the scenes. He brought different groups of people together. He helped organizations improve their tactics. When someone needed help—whether that was printing a radical newspaper, getting school fees to families of ex-Mau Mau fighters, or organizing a labor strike—he was there. Pinto was an organizer.
There's been something I've been thinking about recently: the difference between a politician, an activist, ...and an organizer.
A politician is someone who is in power. They have the power to make change. An activist is someone who doesn't have power but "speaks for" the powerless, either to politicians or to those all around the world, to raise awareness... and pressure those in power to make change. But an organizer... An organizer doesn't wait for those in power to make change. Organizers bring the people together so they can take that power back. Organizers don't speak for people; they let the people speak for themselves.
And how do they do that? By bringing people together. In solidarity.
Politicians have power, but organizers also have a kind of power: people power. Whenever there was a need, Pinto showed up. He showed up for the Mau Mau, getting them weapons, funding, and medical care when they were fighting in the forest. He showed up for the families of detainees and forest fighters who had died; he helped gather money for their children's school fees. He showed up for the trade unions, helping them to craft better demands for their strikes and writing letters to MPs in the UK to support the young trade union movement in Kenya. He showed up for the small vernacular newspapers that couldn't afford to pay printing presses to print them. Whatever it was, whomever needed help, Pinto was there.
There's another photograph of Pinto when he became MP in 1964. Propped up on the shoulders of his friends, with his hands in the air.
Pinto actually never wanted to be an MP. He wasn't that kind of a politician. President Kenyatta tried many times to get him to be part of his government, to take up some high position, but Pinto always refused.
But, after some time and much persuasion, Pinto decided that, at least as an MP, he could put pressure on the government from within the Parliament.
In his short time as MP, that is exactly what he did. He made trouble for Kenyatta and the conservative wing of the government. And that… that is what would lead to his assassination.
Even right after Kenya became independent, it was clear that there was a big split in KANU. On one side, you had capitalists who believed that if farms and industries were privately owned and made more profits—if we could "grow the economy"—then the wealth would trickle down to the rest of Kenyans.
But on the other side, you had radicals like Pinto who believed that the existing system was already rotten to the core—because it was built on colonialism. They believed you had to break everything down. But not only break things down. To rebuild. There was no going back to "the way things were before" colonization.
Independent African countries had to build something new in place of colonization. For example, instead of keeping those European-owned farms intact and just selling them to rich Africans, we should nationalize them. Make them owned by the state, then employ people to work on them. Or give them to co-operatives owned by landless Africans. You can't just change the color of the skin of the landowner. You have to make a bigger change.
This goes back to what we talked about earlier. What makes a colony a free country? A new flag? A new national anthem? Or is it....the relationship of power between a government and its people? Does this new country still treat its people as colonized subjects, to be exploited and extracted?
How free are the people? Are they only free to choose between low wages and starving? School or hospital bills? Are they slaves....to the cost of living?
A lot of African leaders at the time understood that freedom must mean freedom from poverty. Freedom from the cost of living. Do citizens have enough to eat? Can they afford rent? School? Do they have jobs?
These leaders understood that you could not just evict colonizers. Colonizers had already built a system where wealth was drained out of the colonies. Remember the barbed wire? Where wealth was growing, but only for a certain elite, the colonizers. Colonialism and capitalism go hand in hand.
So, these leaders said, in order to be truly independent, we need to rebuild a new system, to keep wealth right here. And not just for elites. We need that wealth to go back into schools, hospitals, universities, industries, things that can make the lives of Africans happier, healthier, and more free.
This is why so many of Africa's first leaders were socialists. Kwame Nkrumah. Thomas Sankara. Julius Nyerere. And yes, Pio Gama Pinto was a proud socialist.
[Pinto] "Kenya's uhuru must not be transformed into freedom to exploit, or freedom to be hungry, and live in ignorance. Uhuru must be uhuru for the masses. Uhuru from exploitation, from ignorance, disease and poverty."
In Kenya, living conditions were actually getting worse after independence. The slogans we used to hear before—"Uhuru na umoja, uhuru na harambee, uhuru na ujamaa" (Freedom and unity, freedom all together, freedom and familyhood)... Kenyans were now saying "uhuru na njaa." (Freedom and hunger)
Kenyans were saying, "Wapi uhuru? (Where is freedom?)" How free are we when more people were unemployed after independence than before independence? When more people are hungry? When people are still landless?
We know that Pinto was on a hit list for a long time. We know that both the Kenyatta government and foreign governments were monitoring him. But we don't know what was the last straw that made them decide that Pinto had to go. That the deed needed to be done.
There are many theories. Some believe that it was because Pinto knew that Kenyatta was eating the money given by the British, which was meant to resettle landless Kenyans, especially Mau Mau. Some say that Pinto was ready to expose Kenyatta's corruption, which would spell the end of Kenyaetta's reign. Others say that it had to do with the Sessional Paper No 10, a plan that would chart a capitalist path for Kenya which was written by Mboya and some Americans. Pinto had prepared an alternative socialist policy paper on behalf of Odinga, which would compete against Kenyatta and Mboya's. There was enough support for Pinto's version among the MPs that it could have been passed.
Whatever the last straw was, we will never know. Before Pinto could expose Kenyatta's corruption to Parliament, before he could present that socialist plan for Kenya and threaten Kenyatta's grip on power.....he was dead. Slumped over in the driver's seat of his car, right outside his house.
That same house on 6 Lower Kabete Road.
Special thanks to Linda Gama Pinto. It was an honor to share space with Emma Gama Pinto before she passed in October 2020.
Special thanks too to the SNCC Legacy Project for permission to use audio of from a performance of "Oginga Odinga" on 10 Nov 2007 at Woodson Regional Library, Chicago, IL (Presented by Chicago Area Friends of SNCC and the SNCC History Project). You can watch their performance here.
De Souza, Fitzval. Forward to Independence: My Memoirs. 2018.
Durrani, Shiraz, editor. Pio Gama Pinto: Kenya's Unsung Martyr. Vita Books, 2018.
Durrani, Shiraz. Kenya's War of Independence: Mau Mau and Its Legacy of Resistance to Colonialism and Imperialism, 1948-1990. Vita Books, 2018.
Koster, Mickie Mwanzia. "Malcolm X, The Mau Mau, and Kenya's New Revolutionaries: A Legacy of Transnationalism." The Journal of African American History, vol. 100, no. 2, Apr. 2015, pp. 250–71.
Mbughuni, Azaria. "Malcolm X, the OAU resolution of 1964, and Tanzania: Pan-African connections in the struggle against racial discrimination." The Journal of Pan African Studies 7.3 (2014): 177-194.
Odinga, Jaramogi Oginga. Not Yet Uhuru. Heinemann Educational Books, 1967.
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Episode 1. Wapi Uhuru?
Episode 2. Mau Mau Ally
Episode 3. Land Justice Advocate
Episode 4. Radical Journalist
Episode 5. Trade Unionist
Episode 6. Political Mastermind
Episode 7. Martyr
"Kenya's uhuru must not be transformed into freedom to exploit, or freedom to be hungry and live in ignorance. Uhuru must be uhuru for the masses—uhuru from exploitation, from ignorance, disease and poverty."
Pio Gama Pinto


text:
Home » Economy » Restaurateurs show no love for Valentine's Day indoor dining return
Restaurateurs show no love for Valentine's Day indoor dining return
Jennifer Gould
Jackie O's exclusive Hamptons horse riding property asks $2M
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Gov. Cuomo's outdoor dining curfew a killer on Super Bowl Sunday
Some Valentine's Day gift!
Restaurateurs say Gov. Andrew Cuomo's plan to reopen indoor dining at limited capacity on Feb. 14 won't help them make money — but they're doing it anyway for fear of losing out to the competition.
"It's complicated," explained Barry Dry, CEO of Parched Hospitality, which owns the Aussie-style Hole in the Wall restaurant cafes. "If you have a brand and a restaurant that people like and then you shut it down, you lose all that brand recognition and people will start going to other places."
The idea, said Dry — who also owns The Sentry, a rooftop restaurant and cocktail bar opening this month at Hotel Hendricks and Hotel Henri — is to keep the brand in people's mind so they return in larger numbers in the summer.
Tribeca's Kitchen, which will open for the first time inside on Valentine's Day, agreed that the governor's plan to let restaurants open at 25 percent capacity presents owners with a dilemma: Open now at little to no profit or save the headache and risk being left behind.
"We did a projection. We will make 1 percent profit. It's a bold prediction. It's a better shot that we will lose money," says Rick Camac, Tribeca's Kitchen's operations director.
"You can't make money at 25 percent capacity and it's a joke if anyone thinks they can. But you kind of have to be open. We just built a beautiful space. We can't build and not open," Camac said.
"Part of opening it to be benevolent for our employees and part is purely for marketing — just to keep our name out there. To break even is a great goal in my opinion," Camac said.
Restaurateur Guy Vaknin of the Beyond Sushi vegan restaurant chain — and a new vegan restaurant, Willow, opening this month — says that with limited indoor dining at 25 percent capacity, he hopes, at best, to break even.
"At 25 percent, we will just break even," Vaknin says.
"We are doing it to keep the company and the brand going, and to keep my employees and me employed and to look into the future when we will go back to 50 percent and then 75 percent and then 100 percent indoor dining capacity.
"At this point," he added, "it is not about making money but circulating enough funds into the system to survive until the gods of New York decide we can open fully. For now, we are still burning money but we will be burning less when we can open indoors."
But in order to operate when his current revenue is 10 percent to 15 percent of total revenue before the pandemic, he had to borrow — a lot.
"Then I doubled down and borrowed even more so I could open my new restaurant, Willow," he said, adding that he believes revenue will increase to 30 percent or 35 percent with limited indoor dining.
"It's really sad. I'm making it work on crumbs. I started the pandemic with no debt, but I decided to borrow money for the first time in my life to survive. It's been rough, but it is what it is and I'm not going to let this get me down," Vaknin said, adding that he is a big believer in the city.
"I believe New York will come back stronger," he said. "I want to keep the restaurants going.
"I love what I do and I can't stop doing it."
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"noforloveRestaurateursshow
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text:
How To Make Your Movie: An Interactive Film School
Scriptwriter, Producer, Director: Rajko Grlić
Art Director: Tom Erlewine
Head Programmer: Daric Christian Version 1.0 for Electronic Vision & Ohio University, 1998; Version 2.0 for Erlewine Design, 2004
Official website: www.howtomakeyourmovie.com
Order your copy from: howtomakeyourmovie.com
The CD-ROM set, How To Make Your Movie, has been presented at more than thirty major film festivals, including Cannes, Telluride, San Francisco, Rotterdam, Tel Aviv and Paris. It is used today in more than a hundred film schools on five continents.
Tom Erlewine and Rajko Grlić with Dan Krivicich of Electronic Vision, 1998
"Grand Award for Best of Show" THE NEW YORK FESTIVAL '98
"Gold World Medal for Best Educational/Instructional Multimedia" THE NEW YORK FESTIVAL '98
"Gold World Medal for Best Interface Design" THE NEW YORK FESTIVAL '98
"The Chris Award for Education" COLUMBUS INTERNATIONAL FILM + VIDEO FESTIVAL'98
"NewMedia Invision Award" NEWMEDIA, SAN FRANCISCO
"CD-ROM of the Year" PC-CHIP MAGAZINE
"InCredible Award" COMPUTER CREDIBLE MAGAZINE
Some Comments
The best, most complete and innovative guide I have ever seen, in any format. Endlessly informative and amusing. I would highly recommend it for students and professionals alike.
Walter Murch, Editor and Sound Designer - 3 time Oscar Winner
Film school in a jewel box. No kidding. Deftly arranged as a point-and-click adventure game, this is the most intelligently realized, most informative multimedia production I have ever experienced.
Hal Barwood, Lucas Arts Entertainment - Game Builder
Clever new multimedia approach to learning how movies are put together.
If you're a movie maverick with a mind of your own, check out How to Make Your Movie: An Interactive Film School. It's a three-CD-ROM set of indie filmmaking know-how that shows you just about everything you need to know to create a reel impact.
How To Make Your Movie: An Interactive Film School is an extremely innovative and effective program for learning the basics of film making.
Computer Credible
"How to Make Your Movie," which had its premiere demonstration at this year's San Francisco International Film Festival, is certainly as dense and inspirational as film school should be.
RES The Magazine of Digital Filmmaking
It's warm, it's very interactive. It's easily accessible, and for sure the best we've found in the world of multimedia in the last few years.
PC Chip Magazine
How To Make Your Movie
One More for the Road


Physical Education is an integral part of the educational experience at Fulton Middle School. Our Physical Education program is designed to prepare young students to be lifelong health advocates who make safe, legal, and responsible choices that will improve the quality and quantity of their lives. Our goal is to guide students to become productive citizens by instilling hard work, discipline, teamwork, leadership, sportsmanship, and integrity.
1. Athletic Clothing: A black, gold, white, or gray shirt. Predominantly black, mid-thigh shorts or pants. No zippers or fasteners allowed on shorts or pants. Socks and athletic shoes which are laced or fastened.
2. Combination Lock: Students must bring a combination lock to class is they wish to store belongings in the locker room.


text:
La macrolactonización de Corey-Nicolaou es un método de síntesis orgánica en la que se forman lactonas de más de 6 miembros. Fue desarrollado por los químicos Elias James Corey y K. C. Nicolaou.
La reacción de macrolactonización se lleva a cabo con 2,2'-dipiridildisulfuro y trifenilfosfina. El paso de ciclación generalmente requiere una temperatura alta. Posteriormente se descubrió que la adición de sales de plata (por ejemplo, AgBF4) para la activación del piridiltioéster acelera dramáticamente la reacción.
Este método proporciona el primer método para preparar lactonas de tamaño mediano a grande.  Anteriormente, la lactonización intramolecular superaba a la intermolecular incluso a bajas concentraciones. Una gran ventaja de esta reacción es que se realiza en condiciones neutras que permiten la presencia de grupos funcionales lábiles con ácidos y bases. Hasta la fecha, se han sintetizado con éxito anillos de 7 a 48 miembros utilizando este método.

La reacción se produce en presencia de 2,2'-dipiridil disulfuro y trifenilfosfina. La reacción generalmente se somete a reflujo en un disolvente no polar tal como benceno. El mecanismo comienza con la formación del éster 2-piridinotiol (esquema 19). La transferencia de protones proporciona un intermedio dipolar en el que el alcóxido nucleófilo ataca el centro electrofílico de carbonilo, proporcionando un intermedio tetraédrico que produce el producto de macrolactona. Uno de los primeros ejemplos de este protocolo se aplicó a la síntesis total de zearalenona.

Referencias

Síntesis orgánica
Lactonas

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


Want to make a difference in our community? You can! Visit the Nonprofit Fair to learn how.
You'll meet local organizations making a real impact in Louisville and the surrounding community.
Whether you're looking to fulfill service hours or you want to make a positive impact on the world, the Nonprofit Fair can help you find an organization or a cause you enjoy serving.
Plus, there will be free lunch and ice cream, and a $50 gift card giveaway!


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