text:
Cycling Pacific to Atlantic 1999
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11.08.1999, Day of the solar eclipse
At 12.30 my plane takes off in Munich. We stop at London Heathrow, then continue the flight to Vancouver, where the Jumbo arrives on the same day at 18.30 in the evening. Fortunately, my bike arrives undamaged and already half an hour later I am on my way to Vancouvers youth hostel.
12.08.1999, Across the border into the United States
On small roads to Sumas, where I get an entry permit to the USA after a short interview. I tell the border official that I want to cycle to Chicago, which sounds less unlikely than New York. I didn't want to pitch my tent somewhere in the wild on the first day of my trip, so I searched for a campground. I was sent to a campsite that had closed a few years ago. It is 7 o'clock in the evening and the next campground is 40km away, I had already cycled 160km this day and wanted to have a relaxed first day. The campground was a bit expensive, but what the hell, first day and new in the country.
13.08.1999, First mountains
The valley of the river Skagit has a gentle climb. The mountain passes I had to cross have gradients of about 5%; to gain 1000 meters of altitude you have to climb 40km long flat gradients in some places. My bicycle with all the luggage (big tent, gas cooker, sleeping bag, provisions, water, ...) resembled rather a truck anyway, so I was quite grateful for the gentle gradients. And the descents are all the more beautiful, because you hardly have to brake and the pleasure lasts...
14.08.1999, Double pass I
The first pass lived up to its name: Rainy Pass, about 4800ft above sea level. It should be quite beautiful there, unfortunately I had fog and rain. Washington is called the "Evergreen State" and that has a reason. The second pass, Washington pass, came immediately afterwards with 5400ft. An old western tourist town can be visited in Winthrop. I made sure that I got a few more kilometers away from the hustle and bustle.
15.08.1999, Double pass II
Two more passes of about 1000 meters each in one day. In the afternoon I took a break in a cafe / gas station / small shop. It was foggy and cool outside; I drank a thin brown water in which apparently a coffee bean attached to a string had been allowed to float for a few seconds. Country music croaked from the radio and a Korean woman polished cutlery all the time. After half an hour a customer entered the shop and bought bait fish swimming in a water basin. Cowboy boots and hat, in his jeep I saw a rifle. From that moment I knew I was in the Wild West. So many John Wayne movies, Karl May novels and Marlboro commercials, I'm there and in the middle of it. In the evening rain again. It is very annoying to set up aan already wet tent in the rain.
16.08.1999, Fellow cyclist
The land is sparsely populated. One sometimes sees bizarre dwellings, thrown together out of corrugated iron, an old caravan and a dozen cars ready for scrapping, which the owner of the dwelling obviously cannibalises. Barbed wire fences, satellite dishes, metal barrels, a pony and an old yellow school bus without windows. A barking dog is a must in any case. In order to prove his usefulness and attention to his master, he barks like crazy and, if not chained, which is mostly the case, pursues the cyclist. Riding an heavy bike you are as good as helpless. Not too far away someone has built a white villa with Greek columns in the middle of nowhere. Swimming pool, a 15 meter long motorhome that looks like a spaceship, maintained gravel path to the double and triple car port; garage door in white, with cassettes, opens automatically. I know how black and white that sounds, but that's how saw it. An elderly couple from Princeton, New Jersey, was on the road today with bicycles. They had started two months ago in the East. That gave me courage. They were motel bikers, without a tent.
17.08.1999, Pend Oreille River
Along the Pend Oreille River from Ione to Sandpoint. Sun, blue water, mountains, few cars, a nice day. In the evening I shared a campground near Sandpoint with two cyclists from Vancouver. The river widens to a big lake. Water skiing, fishing, surfing or sailing, the lake has enough space for everyone. A little swim, changing my sweaty shirt and I felt quite different.
18.08.1999, Troy
Troy was my destination today. The opening hours of supermarkets in America are sometimes phenomenal. Troy, a village of about 500 inhabitants, had a big supermarket that was open from 6 o'clock in the morning until 2 o'clock at night. In other cities which were only a little bigger, some were open 24 hours a day. It was immediately clear to me that such a service is necessary, 3 o'clock in the morning is the best time for shopping. On that day I also had my only bicycle problem on the whole trip: The tube of my rear tire, already several times patched and 3 years old, gave up due tp the large mass of my bike. The valve became leaky and in few seconds the rear tire was flat.
19.08.1999, Eureka
Rain, as for many days. Along Lake Koocanusa to Eureka. At noon it clears up a bit and I can lay out my tent for drying. The modern tent materials are wonderful, after 20 minutes everything is dry. The same procedure every morning, I get up at 6 o'clock, pack my belongings into the panniers, dismantle the tent, and at 6.45 I already sit on the bike. After 20-30 km I look out for a gas station to drink a cup of coffee.
20.08.1999, Glacier National Park
At 11 o'clock in the morning, I pedal along the small street, lost in thought. I see two women wearing bicycle clothes on the side of the road waving. I stop. The two women tell me that they are travelling with a larger group of cyclists and just had a second breakfast. The group had an escort bus and the tour guide had set up a buffet next to the bus. Potato salad, pasta salad, chips, bread, cake, orange juice and much more were served on a table that was 4 meters long. The women said they had far too much and invited me to help them. I did not refuse the invitation. Since I was asked about my whereabouts, where I went, how far I went every day, how many punctures, etc., I hardly had time to systematically "work my way through" the buffet from left to right. In the evening I camped in the Glacier National Park as close as possible to the Logan Pass. I stored my provisions overnight in iron boxes, so that it was protected from the access of bears. I met 5 other cyclists on the campground. Swimming in the nearby mountain stream instead of a shower. My last night in the Rocky Mountains.
21.08.1999, Going-to-the-Sun Road
Indeed, I saw the sun early in the morning when I was cycling up the pass on my bike, but soon the rain caught up with me again. The Logan Pass is on the American watershed, all the rivers west of it flow to the Pacific, all rivers east of the pass pour their water into the Atlantic. Descending in the rain. After crossing three ridges, the last foothills of the Rocky Mountains, the view cleared towards the Great Plains, the great plains of the Midwest. A strong tail wind and the gently sloping road made the 80 km from Kiowa to Cut Bank a real pleasure. In 2 1/4 h with speeds of up to 63 km/h on a pothole track, but who wants to brake when the going is easy?
22.08.1999, Wheat, Wheat, Wheat, Wheat
... as far as the eye can see. Straight as a die for more than 20 km. Parallel the railway, the road and the telephone masts. Parallel straight lines intersect in infinity, a place to experience that maths. I stayed overnight in Hingham, a village with about 200 inhabitants, which I want to describe a little bit closer here cause many villages of the Midwest are alike: trapped between the railway and the small country road "Highway 2", the village streets are unpaved. In the center of the village there is a water tower and the City Park, a square green area with 100m each side. At one end of the village there are large silo towers, where the grain from the surrounding area is delivered by trucks and stored close to the railroad until it is transported further. At the other end, next to the country road, there is a petrol station and a bar with a shop. In the City Park there are some picnic tables and a public toilet. In the evening 4 young people drive up and down the streets in an old road car, sometimes disappear towards the country road, but after 15 minutes make their round of the City Park again. For hours. In many City Parks, one can pitch a tent free of charge; but it is not a bad idea to ask someone in the village. Thus, for example, in Hingham, I got the valuable tip that the sprinkler system of the park has two circuits and tonight the western one will be active.
23.08.1999, In the middle of Harlem
Strong headwinds all day long. There are no hills or forests that could stop such an easterly wind here in the wide plains. It's not much fun to push a small gear against the wind on a flat track. Since I always drive east, I only get sunburn on my right side of my body. In Harlem, Montana, the sheriff unlocks the shower of the swimming pool in the evening for me. Ice cold, but still beautiful. I am very grateful for my fine-meshed mosquito net at the tent. A real plague of mosquitoes started today.
24.08.1999, Glasgow
My neighbours on the campground that evening were an Indian and an architect from San Francisco who had visited a festival of his tribe together. With him I drank my first beer in America: Budweiser. I praised it, but rejected a second one with reference to my athletic nature. "Interesting", "different", those were my words, because as an spoiled Bavarian I used to Augustiner. The red wine, which his travel companion drank, agreed with me better.
25.08.1999, In the Indian Reserve
I will tell you nothing more about the injustices of the White Man he inflicted on his Red Brother. In the Fort Peck dam, which was completed in 1940, 96 million cubic meters (a square kilometer filled to a height of 96 meters) of filling material were used. The dam is 6.5km long and 76m high. At 9 o'clock in the evening a cyclist arrived in the City Park of Culbertson. Kari from Olympia, Washington, who had ridden about the same distance as me after starting on 1.8. at the Pacific. I spent the next 5 days with her cyling east.
26.08.1999, Going for a swim in the Missouri
A very pleasant thing for the cyclist are the laundrettes. For about 2.50$ you have fresh laundry within 90 minutes. In the evening we went for a swim in the Missouri, wonderful after a hot day. We camped near an inn, Lund's Marina, which had Apple Pie.
27.08.1999, In the Badlands (Headwind I)
The next 6 days there was headwind. No breeze, but a full-grown wind. The landscape around the Missouri is infertile and allows at most extensive pasture farming. A coincidence that it was left to the Indians? Between Williston and New Town it is about 100km without shopping possibilities, most of the few houses that are to be seen are abandoned.
28.08.1999, Turtle Lake (Headwind II)
Wind, wind, heavenly child. From morning till evening steady, but violent, from east. In addition a small whirlwind, a tornado and full rain. In Montana locusts of biblical proportions were often seen on the roads, on the way from field to field. Here in North Dakota thousands of frogs are on their way, who have to cross the road.
29.08.1999, In the heart of North Dakota (Headwind III)
"The heart of North Dakota," McClusky advertises for himself. And it's actually in the middle of the state. One connects the 4 corners of the rectangular North Dakota with diagonals, then McClusky is right at the intersection. Rain and head storm the whole morning and no prospect of improvement made us turn into a pub at noon and, after looking desperately through the window onto the street for some time, ask for a room in the motel next to it.
30.08.1999, Who is coming for dinner (Headwind IV)
Despite headwind, but without rain we managed more than 200km today. A family with Norwegian ancestors celebrated a party in the City Park of Culbertson in the evening and invited us to join them for dinner. After numerous plates noodle/potato/cucumber salad, grill meat and sausages, chips etc., there was coffee and cake. 10 slices of it found place in my stomach. A shower afterwards in City Park, a rarity and I slept like a baby. Strangely enough without stomach discomfort.
31.08.1999, Fargo (Headwind V)
Kari turned north today to cycle to her destination St Paul. I wanted to go to Fargo. The wind turned consequently to the south, where I wanted to go. With 15km/h with the great effort I pushed forward. Fargo is huge, chessboard-like and actually has no attractions. But if you have seen the film, you should stop by when you are near. My evening excursion from the campground to the city ended in a drive-in McDonalds on the main road, which is distinguished from the other roads in Fargo only by its lowest number. There was a milkshake and I could read and watch the hustle and bustle in the center of Fargo. Grandios.
01.09.1999, Minnesota (Headwind VI)
Drizzle and headwinds continue. Mood quite depressed. I drove on a highway-like road on the edge strip to southeast. There are days in America where simply nothing is to be seen. Oh yes Charles Lindbergh, who crossed the Atlantic in 1927 solo nonstop with his airplane, lived for a long time in Little Falls and that is just around the corner.
02.09.1999, Mosquitoes
Mosquitoes. You must never cycle slower than the m.i.v. - mean insect velocity, which is about 12km/h, because otherwise you are dead. The weather here and today is oppressively humid. Montana was much drier. That's the only difference, so it seemed to me sometimes. No, here in Minnesota, corn is the big thing and dairy farming. It looks like Lower Bavaria. Here you don't have the picture of a cowboy riding over endless, dry plains towards the sunset anymore, not the picture of 4 harvesters mowing a field next to each other. Europe" begins in Minnesota. Well, maybe there are some differences.
03.09.1999, In the middle of nowhere
In the evening I camped in Cloney, a village in Wisconsin with about 17 inhabitants. Behind a bar. In the evening I was the only guest there. I bought a few beers and a frozen pizza from the couple who run the shop, which they baked in a small oven behind the counter. We talked about America, God and the world. The tent was wet again and sometime a second guest came to buy some cigarettes. That was it. These are the days ...
04.09.1999, campground full
Today in Eau Claire, the picture next to it shows what it looks like there. I know a lot of people who used to live there, I realized why they all wanted to leave. Today was a holiday, the end of summer so to speak. Half of America is camping over the weekend. The campground, because I went to in the evening was overcrowded. But the lady at the entrance to the State Park said immediately, since you are a cyclist, you can stay and don't have to pay.
05.09.1999, Hospitable America
Even today there is hardly a place available in Emily Lake State Park. While checking the rows I drove past a family, who I asked for a place down the road. 50m away was something free. I pitched my tent there, when after about 15 minutes the family father with his big SUV came by to tell me that I was invited to dinner. By the time he had turned around on the street with his big car, I had already arrived at her campground on foot. Their daughter was with them, who later proudly showed me about 500 photos of a car racing arena where she was with her boyfriend last weekend. Admission 200$, journey by car 15h, about 150000 spectators. The photos were at first sight all the same, a giant stadium full of people and, with a magnifying glass hardly to be recognized, the snapshot of a few cars on steroids. They did burgers, and had 6 with them, 3 of them ened, after polite, but apparently not convincing, "no, that's not really necessary, you're not hungry at all" etc., in my stomach. The campsite was free of mosquitoes, the tent was even dry in the morning and the showers were warm. I didn't even know anymore that cycling can be fun. Oh yes, I also discovered an ALDI today, but it is closed on Sunday, like in good old Germany.
06.09.1999, Tom from Manitowoc
When I arrived in Manitowoc, I went to the tourist information, yes, they are there, and looked for a place to stay for my bicycle, because I wanted to take the bus to Chicago. Tom the friendly person from the visitor center helped me out and the bike was stowed away in the basement.
09/07/1999, Chicago I
A few days rest from cycling and the opportunity to read German newspapers in the library. Today, of course, you can read the Süddeutsche Zeitung on the Internet anywhere in the world, except perhaps while riding a bike.
08.09.1999, Chicago II
Of course, there is more to Chicago than just cows. But it is also known for its slaughterhouses. Famous are its museums, the skyscrapers, one of the tallest buildings in the world, the music, the first McDonalds Restaurant and Al Capone and his friends.
09.09.1999, Chicago III
Chicago was the birthplace of modern skyscrapers in the late 19th century. Chicago's famous architects include Daniel H. Burnham, Louis Sullivan, William Le Baron Jenney, Frank Lloyd Wright and Ludwig Mies van der Rohe. Cultural attractions include the Art Institute of Chicago, the Chicago Cultural Center, the Field Museum of Natural History, the Adler Planetarium, the Shedd Aquarium and the Museum of Science and Industry, to name but a few.
10.09.1999, Chicago IV
This is not a BSE cow, this cow is Irish.
1.09.1999, Ferry crossing Lake Michigan
Early morning by bus from Chicago back to Manitowoc. The ferry SS.Badger is the only ship connection over Lake Michigan. The lake is so big that you can't see the shores from the middle. About 100km wide. In the meantime it gets dark much earlier, so that I set up my tent often in the dark.
12.09.1999, Walhalla, Nirvana, Paris, Remus
the place names show the influence of the Old World. I'm only surprised who gave the place names, because the villages behind the names often have barely 200 inhabitants. A place name sign "Nirvana" does not exist, probably the victim of souvenir hunters. Oh yes, here at this point my thanks to British Airways. The blanket, which I received from them during the flight, was my bed every day, soft and warm.
13.09.1999, Ithaca, but still not at home
... unlike my role model Odysseus. But I also wanted to go home now. The weather became noticeably cooler and the days shorter. The people I met on the campgrounds in the evenings became more and more depressing, the traffic became denser and denser and I already had my destination New York in my head.
14.09.1999, Back to Canada
Over the bridge Port Huron - Sarnia there was a shuttle service for cyclists. A note about safety: if you travel alone there are two ways to shop at the supermarket, either you disassemble all your bags and fill two shopping carts with them and then need another quarter of an hour until everything is at the right place again, or you leave your bike outside and take your money with you. I have always chosen the latter, nothing happened and I had a pleasant time. As far as camping is concerned, I made no unpleasant acquaintances other than mosquitoes. I don't mean to say that America is a model of security, but if you keep your eyes and ears a little open, then you can manage on your own.
15.09.1999, Over Lake Erie the "Swallow" takes flight
... "Who is John Maynard?" :)
16.09.1999, Buffalo
Back in the USA again. Now I am already in the state of New York. In the evening I have some bad luck. Darien State Park, the place I chose for camping, was under a rain cloud. 2km further north the sun shines down.
17.09.1999, The daily madness
an eternal up and down here in the east of the USA. The 200km stages per day becomes a pain. In the morning I have wear gloves and cap. I got up every day before 6 o'clock, because when Eos, the rose-fingered, saffron-robed, the goddess of dawn, blinks down and her tears fall on the grass, it is certainly the most wonderful time. On the right again an Ithaca, this time in the state of New York.
18.09.1999, It gets cold
Today I had to set up my tent in the pitch-dark forest and the batteries of my flashlight were empty. I carried a small solar charger with me for such purposes, but that was of course in such a situation only of limited use.
19.09.1999, up and down
why can't you build roads next to a river? But no, this road has to go up the steep bank every few kilometers, about 200 meters in altitude and then down again and again 5 times, not to mention the many hills here in the area.
20.09.1999, Cycling in New York
After an almost sleepless night I started at 5 o'clock in the morning. It was 115km to the city border of New York, to George Washington Bridge. Then you reached the peninsula of Manhattan. Turn right, down Broadway, don't get irritated by red traffic lights and honking cars, a little detour to Central Park. Via Times Square to the World Trade Center past Wall Street, the wrong driveway of the Brooklyn Bridge (so not the pedestrian area, but the 3 lane highway without side strip), in Brooklyn a wrong turn, whereupon I left the not very inviting area with great speed. After some other smaller adventures, including a security officer, who did not want to take my bike in the shuttle bus to the airport under any circumstances, although a sign pointed out "cyclists take the shuttle bus", whereby one can reach that sign only under disregard of all traffic rules and good customs as a cyclist, including driving on the green strip of a motorway, I reached JFK - Airport. 2 hours later I was already in the air.
21.09.1999, Munich, Germany
Arrived in Munich I assembled my bicycle at the airport and cycled home.
"... if Munich is Manhattan, I would be from Memphis ..."
11.08.99 1. Woche Vancouver British Columbia 21
12.08.99 Sedro Wooley Washington 199
13.08.99 Diablo 139
14.08.99 Twisp 128
15.08.99 Republic 177
16.08.99 Ione 160
17.08.99 Sandpoint Idaho 144
18.08.99 2. Woche Troy Montana 159
19.08.99 Eureka 150
21.08.99 Cut Bank 170
22.08.99 Hingham 162
23.08.99 Harlem 133
24.08.99 Glasgow 199
25.08.99 3. Woche Culbertson 185
26.08.99 am Missouri North Dakota 116
27.08.99 Makoti 140
28.08.99 Turtle Lake 162
29.08.99 McClusky 45
30.08.99 Cooperstown 201
31.08.99 Fargo 172
01.09.99 4. Woche Wadena Minnesota 169
02.09.99 Foley 166
03.09.99 Cloney Wisconsin 198
04.09.99 Augusta 155
05.09.99 Amherst 192
06.09.99 Manitowoc 184
07.09.99 Chicago Illinois 0
08.09.99 5. Woche Chicago 0
09.09.99 Chicago 0
11.09.99 Scottville Michigan 0
12.09.99 Six Lakes 163
13.09.99 Genesee 177
14.09.99 Warwick Ontario 162
15.09.99 6. Woche Turkey Point 183
16.09.99 Darien Lake New York 200
17.09.99 Watkins Glen 191
18.09.99 Lackawanna S.P. Pennsylvania 202
19.09.99 Warwick New Jersey 175
20.09.99 JFK Airport New York City 184
21.09.99 Landshut Bavaria 61
By radlfahrer um Oktober 06, 1999 Keine Kommentare:
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High winds drew the most concern for site managers after commissioning. Located near wind farms, the Lamesa Solar Facility experiences higher than average wind levels on a daily basis. Here, the structure was important. The Lamesa Solar Facility system can survive these intense conditions without the need to stow, which will keep onsite power production high throughout the lifespan of the plant — wind or no wind.
But that's not all Mother Nature had in store for this site. Just after breaking ground, construction of the Lamesa Solar Facility faced unexpected inclement weather in the form of unusually heavy rains, threatening the delivery schedule and installation of project components planned for the initial weeks, but that puddle was leapt over and the tracker components were delivered on schedule with uninterrupted project logistics.
Not only that, Renewable Energy Systems (RES), the project's EPC, ended up completing the project commissioning ahead of schedule.
Originally expecting a 15-day commissioning period, RES was able to shave five working days off the schedule and do it all in 10.
The big reason, according to RES, was the system it selected. The DuraTrack HZ v3 from Array Technologies has a high level of kitting and preassembly and requires no additional bolting. That, plus the on-time delivery meant the experienced RES teams were able to install roughly 81 tracker rows per working day, completing the project with 25 percent fewer onsite workers in comparison to other solar tracking projects of similar size and scope.
Add it all up — the efficiency in logistics delivery, system design, installation and commissioning — and the Lamesa Solar Facility is a model utility-scale solar project and a Project of the Year for 2017.
This post originally appeared on Solar Builder. You can view the original article here.


Start Point: It's fair to say that Ryan was very much. 'king of the take away', washed down with a lot of coffee. Convenience, simplicity and tasty where key ingredients in changing Ryan's habits.
To help paint the picture and put it in Ryan's own words, here's a Q & A we did with Ryan based on his experience.
Maximuscle: Hi Ryan, please share with us a typical day in the life of Ryan Royal, from a nutritional perspective.
Maximuscle: (INFO) Hmm, as you can see, plenty to work with. Forgetting the food and drink choices for a moment. Firstly, we need to look at spreading that calorie load more evenly throughout the day. Eating 5-6 meals a day and more in line with the suggested calorie load, rather than Ryan's less healthy options.
Ryan, what has been the hardest thing about the challenge?
Ryan: Weekends were tough, longer days because I don't work on Saturday or Sunday, so more time for your brain to think about eating. More options to eat, i.e. cafes, home kitchen, restaurants, the takeaway mode kicks in.
I compensated pizza, Indian or Chinese takeout's with chicken or beef wraps, or meat kebabs with salad, trying to put protein as the priority, but with the same budget as well, and it's still great food. It didn't actually feel like sacrificing at all.
Maximuscle: Great! What was the easiest thing about the challenge?
Ryan: Oats on a morning with maxi choc protein, has been a revelation for me really, always thought that 'PORRIDGE' was boring, but a bit of chocolate Promax Lean and some peanut butter and we are flying! This was very repetitive in my diet and definitely helped structure my day. On the days where I have more time, in the mornings I'd have eggs of some sort, but usually the oats are too quick and easy, and I could make them at work.
Maximuscle: What about your snacks and lunch?
Ryan: I found that preparation is the key. If I left it to get something whilst a work, temptation was really hard to resist. The Maximuscle protein bars and Promax Lean shake were a great help, easier to get the protein in, without thinking, but as advised I wanted to mix it up a bit, with increasing my fruit intake. Some of my snacks included mixed nuts and natural yoghurt. My other saving-grace was having alternatives, for example, using thins or crackers, instead of bread. I love bread!
Maximuscle: You have already mentioned swapping your old take-away habit with healthier alternatives, what else did you have for evening meal?
Ryan: To be honest I used the Cutting meal plan, trying to keep my options simple. It was much easier to follow a plan, rather than trying to decide what is good and avoid the bad. Chicken is probably my go to, but I tried to have fish and red meat at least once a week.
Maximuscle: Thank you Ryan, you've been fantastic and well done on the results. Just before you go, what would be the number 1 Ryan Royal recommendation?
Ryan: In all honesty, the protein bars are great! I have a huge sweet tooth, and they're better than most choc bars really.
I cannot go without mentioning 'Almond Dream Non-dairy' Ice cream, what a treat!


text:
Investigation of Genetic Structure between Deep and Shallow Populations of the Southern Rock Lobster, Jasus edwardsii in Tasmania, Australia
Morgan, EMJ and Green, BS and Murphy, NP and Strugnell, JM, Investigation of Genetic Structure between Deep and Shallow Populations of the Southern Rock Lobster, Jasus edwardsii in Tasmania, Australia, PLOS One, 8, (10) Article e77978. ISSN 1932-6203 (2013) [Refereed Article]
Licenced under Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0) http://www.plos.org/
DOI: doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0077978
The southern rock lobster, Jasus edwardsii, shows clear phenotypic differences between shallow water (red coloured) and deeper water (pale coloured) individuals. Translocations of individuals from deeper water to shallower waters are currently being trialled as a management strategy to facilitate a phenotypic change from lower value pale colouration, common in deeper waters, to the higher value red colouration found in shallow waters. Although panmixia across the J. edwardsii range has been long assumed, it is critical to assess the genetic variability of the species to ensure that the level of population connectivity is appropriately understood and translocations do not have unintended consequences. Eight microsatellite loci were used to investigate genetic differentiation between six sites (three shallow, three deep) across southern Tasmania, Australia, and one from New Zealand. Based on analyses the assumption of panmixia was rejected, revealing small levels of genetic differentiation across southern Tasmania, significant levels of differentiation between Tasmania and New Zealand, and high levels of asymmetric gene flow in an easterly direction from Tasmania into New Zealand. These results suggest that translocation among Tasmanian populations are not likely to be problematic, however, a re-consideration of panmictic stock structure for this species is necessary.
Fisheries Sciences
Animal Production and Animal Primary Products
Fisheries - Wild Caught
Wild Caught Crustaceans (excl. Rock Lobster and Prawns)
Green, BS (Associate Professor Bridget Green)
512 View Download Statistics

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


The ancient West Balts came into contact, directly and indirectly, with the advanced material culture and foreign concepts of imperial Rome during the period known as the Old Iron Age (A D 1-400) in Lithuanian archaeology. Roman traders and their middlemen arrived to procure natural drift amber, an exotic material that would be transformed in the workshops of Aquileia into items much desired by the fashionable ladies of Italy: finger rings, necklaces and amulet pendants, ornately carved scent bottles and other miniature vessels, mirror-backs, and intricate figurines of deities, theater performers, and cupids riding dolphins and horses (Strong 1966). This trade contact, some archaeologists believe, greatly stimulated the cultural evolution of Baltic society. They term it a "golden age" that saw trade embassies from Rome, and by the early third century cargo ships from the Frisian port of Fectio (near Utrecht, Netherlands) anchor off the Baltic coastline, bringing in sacks of coins, metal tools and weapons, textiles, household wares and personal ornaments to be exchanged for amber (Michelbertas 1972, 1986; Jovaisa 1997, 1998). This allowed Balts to acquire new metal and farming technologies, plants and livestock, which in turn increased productivity and population and began to stratify Balt society into nobles, farmers and slaves.
But is this an accurate reconstruction of Roman contact and influence in the southeast Baltic, and is it consistent with what we know about the simple level of Balt social and economic organization at the time?
The largest excavated cemetery of the second-third centuries, for example, Sargenai (Kaunas), has only 343 graves, equivalent to an associated community of 35-60 people; one of the largest hill-forts, Ekete, Klaipeda district, is surmounted by a settlement area that measures only 110 by 105m; and it was not until about the first century that Balts learned how to produce iron from local swamp ore (Michelbertas 1986: 18, 195, 207). Were the tribal Aestii  of Sambia equal trading partners with the Romans or simply "natives" dismissed with trinkets and beads?
In this study, we examine broad patterns in the distribution of Roman imports across Barbaricum, as Romans termed Europe north of the limes frontier, and then look at the specific evidence of imports, particularly coins, among the West Balts. Our interest lies in the amber trade but we focus not so much on the amount of amber used or exported, as on the type of payment left behind by visiting traders. We hope to develop a regional model of the amber suppliers in the southeast Baltic and their role in the amber export system to the Roman world.
The terminal point of the amber route was the Sambian peninsula (now the Kaliningrad district, Russia), where a single night of westerwardly storms could wash up several thousand kilograms of drift amber along its 80 km of shoreline. Much drift amber could also be collected along the Vistula Spit of Poland, southwest of the peninsula, and the long Curonian Spit (now divided by Russia and Lithuania) which extends northeast of the peninsula. During the lst-3rd centuries, five archaeologically-defined cultures (Nowakowski 1990: Fig. 1) surrounded the "supply zone" of amber: the Wielbark culture, generally identified with Gothic tribes and controlling the lowermost Vistula, the hybrid Bogaczwo culture in the Mazurian lakes district, and three cultures that represented West Balts: the Sambian culture of the peninsula, the Nemunas culture, and along the western Lithuanian coast - the Stone Circle Grave culture. Possible first contact between Romans and Balts is documented in Pliny's well known account of the Roman eques  who journeyed during the time of Nero from Carnunrum on the Danube to the southeast Baltic coast, and returned to Rome with much amber (for a useful commentary see Michelbertas 1995).
The pioneering nature of this journey, as noted by Wheeler (1954: 9), implies that the northern sectors of the amber route, including the Balt region, had been up to this time inaccessible to Roman merchants and the eques was attempting to regulate the entire length of the network. The knight may have been evaluating the feasibility of Roman military campaigns in the region, suggests Kolendo (1981). He also proposes that Nero's interest in amber was in part political: he wanted to impress the public with his ability to display enormous quantities of an exotic luxury that decorated not only the safety nets of his wooden amphitheater, but the armor of the gladiators.
Michelbertas (1995: 19) concludes that nine Roman bronze winged fibulae (type A238m dated to AD 40-80 and 238r to 50-100) found in Lithuania represent artifacts brought in by Nero's knight and provide evidence that he traveled the coast of Lithuania. It is true that beyond the limes these fibulae are found only in Lithuania; the Sambian peninsula; Wroclaw, Poland; and Pucheve, Slovakia (cf. Garbsch 1965). Yet, they are not found along the coast of Lithuania, as one would expect, but are scattered inland across north-central Lithuania. One may also question why the knight, after traveling some 800 km to purchase an enormous amount of amber, apparently gave his Balt suppliers little more than nine clothing fasteners, or "safety pins". The Balt burials which contain the winged fibulae are not notable for their wealth the richest is at Sandrausickes, Raseiniai district and features an "eye series" brooch, a bronze neck-ring, five bronze armbands and a socketed iron axe.
Lotte Hedeager's excellent statistical approach (1978) to major Roman imports north of the limes examined the distribution of six types of objects - bronzes, glass, silver cups, weapons, brooches and pottery - in 100 km intervals. The first four items, all of high value, shared one type of distribution: they increased in quantity as one moved north of the border, to about 600 km, and then decreased (there was little difference between the east and west regions, and the early and late empire). Pottery, on the other hand, was abundant to only 200 km and then dropped off sharply. The pattern of brooches was a special case: in the early period they have a rather high frequency to the west from 200-400 km (along the Elbe) and to the east they increase remarkably after 600 km, in northern Poland and the Sambian peninsula. Hedeager (1978: 204) interprets brooches to be "commercially insignificant parts of personal equipment", which Germanic traders brought back after being in direct contact with Romans in the south. She concluded that Roman-Germanic trade north of the limes had two economic systems. There existed a "buffer zone" out to 200 km which maintained a limited money economy, perhaps including markets and a merchant class. Further out, the more distant Germanic tribes had moneyless markets or used money without a monetary economy.
That luxury goods were not common in the buffer zone, but were concentrated at 400-700 km from the border, suggested to Hedeager that societies in this region possessed strong political and military power, and were aggressive middlemen in the long-distance exchange routes. Several dozen "princely graves" of the Lübsow type (Eggers 1949 / 50) are located in this 400-600 km interval. They represent a first century elite network of local military leaders whose burials emphasize elegant Roman drinking vessels. One such grave at Lübsow, Pomerania includes from the Roman world a pair of fine two-handled silver cups, a mirror-plate of white metal, a large bronze basin, a bronze wine bucket, two bronze ladles, one bronze pitcher, two glass bowls, bronze shears and tweezers; as well as locally produced items - two drinking horns, four brooches (one of gold and silver), two silver pins and bronze belt-fittings (Wheeler 1954: 43).
Additional evidence that Roman exports were channeled into the hands of powerful middlemen, leaving little for the primary suppliers at the end of the amber route, is found in the distribution of denarii hoards found north of the limes, as compiled by Lennart Lind (1981). The silver denarius was the "value" coin in the imperial monetary system (together with the gold aureus, rarely found north of the border) from the time of Augustus to about 238 when the antoninianus replaced it as the staple silver coin. Figure 1 shows the geographic distribution of 201 hoards, representing a total of 88,999 denarii.
The differently sized find-spots on the map reflect my categorization of the hoards into three types: small (those with 20-50 denarii), medium (51-500) and large (501-6000). The value of a small hoard represents roughly the monthly salary of a Roman legionary at the end of the second century, while hoards of medium size reflect several months of his pay and up to his entire yearly salary. The hoards classified as "large", at the low end could have purchased several suits of legionary armor plus arms (each 200-300 denarii, cf. Harl 1996: 223), and at the higher end, paid the required fee of one to two thousand to become a member of the town council in Bithynia in the second century, or bought a pound of the finest imported spun silk, dyed purple. In short, even the largest hoards shown in Fig. 1 do not represent very much wealth by Roman standards.
We see that a dense clustering of large hoards occurs along the upper Vistula and its tributaries, while another "hot spot" of hoards is found downstream along the mid-to-lower Vistula. Yet another high concentration is situated on the upper to middle Oder. It is clear, then, that the largest concentration of denarii deposits is closely associated with the primary amber route that began at Carnuntum, led northward through the Carpathian Pass and over the Moravian plains towards Kalisz and then the Vistula delta (alternatively, one could have sailed down the Vistula most of the way - undoubtedly many "routes" existed). A wide belt of middle-sized hoards also starts in southeast Poland and crosses the Ukraine, following sections of the Dnieper and other rivers. But the latter hoards do not necessarily indicate that another amber trade started at the Dneiper, as they do not follow through to the Baltic Sea: coin hoards along the Upper Nemunas and Daugava rivers are very rare.
The near absence of denarii hoards within the Sambian peninsula, and other Balt territory to the north and east, is quite remarkable. Despite being the endsource of the amber supply, the Baltic tribes were evidently not receiving a proportional share of silver in payment for the amber that was being supplied to the Romans. Of course, amber was not the only commodity exported south, but it was the most precious one. This is an issue to which we will return.
The island of Gotland has a high density of denarii hoards, but Lind (1976: 140; also see Fagerlie 1967: x) believes that many of the very worn denarii there had been used in northern Poland, perhaps for centuries, before they arrived to Gotland. In Denmark the majority of denarii were deposited in the 4th century or later (Kromann 1993: 200). Scandinavian denarii therefore may not be relevant to our discussion of 1th-3th century amber exchange.
Figure 2 dates the denarii hoards by terminus post quem  and compares their distribution in two "regions": 1) those primarily found in Poland, representing the Carnuntum-Vistula amber route, and 2) those located in the remaining areas of northern Europe. The similarity between the two sets of histograms is astounding. I admit this is a "macroview" that tends to wash out micropatterns, but it still raises the possibility that the same conditions - whether economic, political or military - which reduced the inflow of silver coinage along the amber route, were also at work throughout the rest of barbarian Europe. Up to about AD 138, we see that the inhabitants of northern Europe had little reason to bury their silver coins for safekeeping.[10[ The denarii buried during the reign of Antoninus Pius (138-61, ten hoards, whose denarii comprise about 11% of the identified 87,076 denarii from both histograms), Marcus Aurelius (161-80, twenty-nine hoards - 11%), and Commodus (177-92, fifty hoards - 15%) each represent modest periods of hoarding. We may also note that the denarii hoards in Poland from the time of Marcus Aurelius and Commodus (i.e. the dark bars in Fig. 2) represent a smaller total than their counterparts outside of Poland. This goes against the frequently proposed idea that the Marcomannic wars in 166-180 shut down the trade routes in Poland.
It is during the reign of Septimius Severus (193-211), or shortly after, that 48,258 denarii are buried in 84 hoards throughout all of northern Europe - an amount that represents an impressive 55% of the total coinage in Fig. 2. Even if circulation increased somewhat during his reign,[11[ this does not explain the enormous decrease in denarii hoarding that occurred throughout Barbaricum during the reigns that immediately followed. Thirteen hoards dated to Caracalla, Macrinus, Elagabalus and Severus Alexander account for only 5,246 coins (6% of the total).
One explanation is Gresham's law, or "bad money drives out good" - the principle in economics that when debased lighter-weight silver coins go into circulation, the heavier-weight full-value silver coins will tend tobe hoarded. Caracalla's introduction in 215 of a new larger silver coin intended to pass as a double denarius (the problem was that its weight was only one and a half times that of a denarius) is described by Sutherland (1974: 218) as "the first great overt act of depreciation in the currency of the Roman empire." Both Kunisz (1977: 15) and Wielowiejski (1970: 286) believe that barbarian peoples refused to accept the new silver coins. The border communities, at least, were capable of judging the fineness of silver coinage.
But rituals undertaken in burial cults do not necessarily reflect the real world. In my opinion, money did not have much of a role in the barter economy of the Balts. First, only some 458 coins (38%) are known from 13 Lithuanian hoards, if we can regard these as "economic" contexts14 (a possible bias here is that Lithuanian archaeologists have excavated far more cemeteries than settlements). Second, nearly all Roman coins (93%) found in Lithuania are of bronze rather than of higher value silver. This implies the ancient Balts ignored the rules of market economy: they preferred to receive (or were forced to accept?) lower-value sestertii15 - large, glittering yellow coins, up to about 3.5 cm in diameter, with highly visible portraits and other images - apparently of talismanic value in their Charon cult. Third, coin circulation is important to markets that use money, and the total of 1,200 coins seems very low if it was to meet the transactions of an entire tribal population (one coin for every dozen people?). Fourth, if the West Balts had developed a money-integrated economy during the second-third centuries, why did it completely disappear with the retreat of Roman coinage and fail to reemerge for another millennium?
It is precisely these factors - the preference for large bronze coins, their predominant use in ritual contexts, the scarcity of coins in "economic" contexts and the relatively small total number of coins - that set the West Balts apart from other regions of Barbaricum that may have had a more expanded use of money in their markets. It reflects a unique cultural phenomenon: the distant and peripheral Balts practicing the exotic Mediterranean funerary cult of "paying the ferryman".
Figure 3 shows the distribution of 2nd-3rd century Roman coins in west Lithuania. It is based on the same 166 coins used by Michelbertas in his "use-span chart",16 but in my histogram the deposits are dated by terminus post quem. In Fig. 3 the coins from Trajan and Hadrian have no visibility at all (in great contrast to Michelbertas' chart) as they are subsumed in the bars representing later rulers. The reign of Antoninus Pius also precedes the most active period of coin deposition in west Lithuania. Instead, the histogram shows that maximum hoarding took place during or slightly after the reigns of Marcus Aurelius and Commodus. Decline in coin deposition is most strongly associated with coins from Septimius Severus. In my opinion, this finding does not support the idea (Michelbertas 1972; Bursche 1992a) that the Marcomannic wars in 166-180 fatally disrupted the amber trade.17 Commodus signed a treaty ceasing hostilities with the Marcomanni at the start of his sole reign in 180, so there was no reason to have much war-related hoarding along the amber route during his rule. In addition, if warfare did force bronze hoarding at the very terminus of the amber route during the time of Commodus, then why were silver coins not significantly hoarded along the rest of the route, or elsewhere in Barbaricum, until the reign of Septimius Severus (193-211) as indicated earlier by the Lind denarii data in Fig. 2?
While the Marcomannic wars do not provide a convincing explanation, neither, at this point, does the debasement of bronze coinage. This is because reductions in coin weight began much later with Maximinus (235-38). Philip (244-49) debased bronze denominations with as much as 20 to 25 percent lead and by the reign of Gallienus (260-69) the sestertius and the as disappeared as small change (Harl 1996:134-135). The decline in sestertius inflow to the Balts of west Lithuania is thus unresolved.
Another analysis of west Baltic coin deposition is by Bursche (1992a and 1992b represent essentially the same study). He uses a larger sample with more regional representation than Fig. 3. It includes 1,766 sestertii found in eight hoards and 83 complex burial finds (i.e. two or more coins per burial) from former East Prussia and west Lithuania.18 I transformed the data presented by Bursche in his Table 1 (1992a) into a terminus post quem histogram - see Figure 4. At first glance, the Sambian-dominated distribution appears different from that of west Lithuania in that the deposits dated by coins from Commodus are overwhelmingly larger than those from all other rulers. A possible explanation is that Fig. 3 is actually a sub-set of Fig. 4. In other words, the latest coins from west Lithuania are generally earlier than those from Sambia, and this makes sense statistically if they were being obtained from the Sambian region. The opposite view - that the coins were going from Lithuania to Samland - contradicts the process of population sampling.19 The Commodus "peak" in Fig. 4 again suggests to me that the Marcomannic wars - which ended by the beginning of the rule of Commodus - were not the primary agent in disrupting the inflow of sestertii to the west Balts.
A much different view is held by Bursche, who resurrects an earlier theory that the Marcomannic wars caused a shift in bronze coin inflow: it now arrived not from Rome but from the Rhineland area using a sea route along the southern Baltic. This was earlier suggested by Gaerte (1929: 207) and supported by Michelbertas (1972: 69, 1986: 216). Bursche believes the "roundabout route" lasted until about 259, when intensified attacks by Germanic tribes across the Rhine closed it down. The trade then stagnated until the time of the Constantines, when coinage again begins to reach the West Balts by the traditional Vistula route (Bursche 1992a: 10).
Bursche's theory is interesting and accompanied by a wealth of numismatic documentation. Much of the evidence, however, that he provides for Rhineland origins is not entirely convincing. He does not demonstrate that a break in imports actually occurred in the Westbalt circle at the time of the Marcomannic wars. He dismisses Godłowski's conclusion (1985: 346) that no such break is present in the Sambian archaeological material, and that the inhibiting role of the Marcomannic wars is a "scholarly legend". Second, he assumes that Danubian limesfalsa (contemporary counterfeits produced during the mid-third century) necessarily had to have been brought by traders traveling from Noricum and Pannonia Superior to the west Balts. Yet, the limesfalsa at these two provinces represent only some 19.4% of their post-Commodan AE (Bursche 1992b: note 42) - in my view, not an overwhelming amount. Further, he also assumes that limesfalsa have not been found in the west Balt area because they "would have been noted by S. Bolin" and "they are not mentioned by M. Michelbertas (1972) either" (Bursche 1992b: note 66). But do we really know that either investigator was attempting to identify these coins? Third, are Rhineland hoards at this time analogous, as Bursche claims (1992a: 8), to those from the Westbalt circle? Their similarity, according to him, is based on their very slight share of dupondii (2%) and their similar proportions of autonomous emissions (10% in Rhineland and 7.5% among the west Balts). It is known, however, that after Commodus and certainly by the 240's the dupondius and the as had become rare (Burnett 1987: 58; Harl 1996: 90, 134), so the Rhineland and west Balt hoards merely reflect an empire-wide trend. Bursche's estimate of the 10% provincial emissions in Rhineland is based on a very small sample: four such coins among 35 post-Commodan sestertii in the Rheinhessen district (Bursche 1992b: note 48). I venture to guess that much different percentages could be obtained by sampling other districts. Bursche himself (1992b: 236) implies this: "large amounts of autonomous coins were also recovered here [Rhineland] usually linked to movements of troops".
Let us broaden our discussion to include all Roman coins (AE, AR and AU) found in the whole of ancient Balt territory and attempt to identify where some were struck. Figure 5 shows the location of mints throughout the Roman empire whose products have been found at Baltic sites, and Table 1 provides a tabulation. In general, the mints listed in the table that operated from the first century to about the mid-third century represent autonomous provincial mints; the later mints are from a network of imperial branch mints that began to be established during the co-reign of Valerian and Gallienus (253-60) and continued to expand throughout the third century. Provincial coinage died out early in the west, during the first years of Claudius (41-54) and was totally replaced by imperial coinage. In the eastern provinces, however, local coinages continued to flourish for 250 years. The number of provincial mints grew gradually, reaching a peak during the reigns of Commodus (177-92) and Septimius Severus (193-211) when some 350 mints issued coins (Harl 1996: Fig. 5.1).
By the time of Valerian and Gallienus a much wider range of mints is established (Carson 1990). In addition to Antioch, imperial branch mints producing substantial output were opened at Viminacium (251), Lugdunum? (257), Milan (259), Siscia (262), and Cyzicus (268). Massive quantities of debased coinage are produced, in particular, the double denarius.
With a low value convenient for small transactions the imperial coins become available to everyone, and between 255-275 nearly all provincial issues die out (Butcher 1988: 18-20). Table 1 shows that 32 coins, most of them provincials, have been found at Balt sites, which were struck during the period 209-268 (many dated by t. p. quem to no later than about 244). All are from the east: twenty-one come from Asia Minor and the eastern Mediterranean, while ten were minted in Danubian / Balkan cities (see Fig. 5). This finding certainly does not provide support for Bursche's proposal that at this time all imperial bronze was arriving to Balt territory from the northwest, i.e. Rhineland. The sudden burst of provincial coins, conspicuously absent among the Balts for the first two centuries, is difficult to explain. From the reign of Gordian III, or later (i.e. the 240's-260's?), the central imperial flow of coinage to the Balt area might have been interrupted by trade or military movements with some connection to the eastern provinces. It is no coincidence that this occurs during the deep crises - political, military and financial - of the short-lived "military emperors" (235-270), and a time when Valerian, the first emperor of Rome to be captured by enemy forces in 260, was literally being used as a footstool by the Shah Shapur in Mesopotamia.
Some 110 coins representing the Constantinian dynasty and later rulers (306-455), have been found at ancient Balt sites, mostly in former East Prussian territory (see Table 1). Gold coinage is prevalent. According to Burnett (1987: 115), Constantine seized huge amounts of gold locked up in pagan temples, which he liberated on his conversion to Christianity. The process continued with his successors throughout the century and gold became relatively common. Of the coins found in Balt territory whose mint can be identified, more than two thirds were struck at two cities: at the new imperial mint (326) at Constantinople, which soon established itself as the most important of all late imperial mints, and at the Ravenna mint - founded early in the fifth century when the city became the favored imperial residence of Honorius. About a dozen coins come from the mints at Aquileia (which struck fairly regularly from 294 to 425) and at Sirmium (open from 320 to 364, reopened in 379). Finally, one or two coins trickled in from important regional mints at Milan, Thessalonica, Nicomedia, Cyzicus,  Antioch, and Alexandria. Only one coin from Rome has been identified. Does this mean that the amber route lost its direct linkage to Rome during the late empire? The answer is not clear because the mint evidence, on balance, suggests that the majority of identified 4th-5th century coins came from cities located not far from the traditional amber route: from Italy and the western Balkans (to Sirmium), while a minority are from the eastern Balkans, Asia Minor, and the eastern Mediterranean.
A comparison of Roman imports found among the five cultures that surrounded the Sambian amber supply is useful in developing a regional model (Fig. 6). The model assumes that the stream of Roman goods flows from the central Danubian provinces, and not from the Rhineland as suggested by Bursche. By number, the most abundant Roman manufactured item was the humble, mass-produced tiny glass and enamel bead. They are present by the thousands, at least in the West Balt cultures, usually in the burials of women and children. In many cases it is difficult for archaeologists to distinguish the early imported beads from those later locally made. By mass, the most significant import was probably bronze scrap metal, transformed by local smiths into an impressive array of ornaments and tools that characterize the regional cultures. The sources for bronze obtained by Balts, however, may have been established more than a millennium earlier so it does not seem appropriate to attribute bronze import exclusively to imperial Roman contact.
If we compare the distribution of Roman imports by quality and luxury, the Wielbark culture ranks first, followed by the Sambian and Bogaczwo cultures, with the two cultures in Lithuania having the fewest such imports (cf. Nowakowski 1995; Simenas 1999: 78-101). Apart from small gold and silver ornaments (not tracked in this study), imports of very high value are large ornamented bronze vessels. They are numerous in the Wielbark culture, in contrast to the other regions, each of which has only one or two bronzes. Terra sigallata red ware and glass vessels also represent imported luxuries - both items are present in the Wielbark, Sambian and Bogaczwo cultures, but are absent from the two cultures in Lithuania. The Wielbark territory has the largest hoards of silver coins in the region (Ossa-Rywałzik - 1000 (?) denarii, Juszkowo - 700, Golub - 556), and substantial deposits are known from or near the Bogaczwo culture (Dorothowo - 600 denarii, Zbójna > 200, Szcytno - 200). By contrast, no silver hoard found in the Sambian, Nemunas and Stone Circle Grave cultures is greater than a few dozen coins. The rich imports characteristic of Wielbark society are in evidence at the site of Weklice, near the Vistula delta, currently excavated by Jerzy Okulicz-Kozaryn. Grave 208 (Okulicz-Kozaryn 1992: Ryc. 3-5) contained a red gloss terra sigillata bowl with a rich molded design of human and animal figures, a fluted bronze bowl (type E 44-49) dated to about 200-250, a ceramic skyphos cup in green glaze, a gilded silver-foil medallion engraved with facing portraits of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus (c. 164-165), a pair of ornate silver armbands and bracelets, fine brooches, tweezers, a belt buckle and other items.
The Balt (?) culture in the Mazurian area featured rich graves during the C 1 period, and according to Simenas (1998: 93) enjoyed much closer ties to the Vistula delta culture than to the Sambians. One rare Roman import found at Sterlawky Maly is a silver ring with a carnelian intaglio showing a boy milking a goat. A more mundane import, but much more important, is found among the wealthy graves at Szwajcaria - an iron turning share from an advanced type of Roman plough (the Balts at this time were using wooden ards). Unfortunately, the associated burial can not be precisely dated (Simenas 1998: 94).
The Sambian culture is notable for having the most bronze coins in the region (about 2,087) with three-fourths of them in hoards, but only 16 denarii have been found. It enjoys the curious distinction of also having the highest number (8) of Roman small bronze bells, tintinnabula, which Nowakowski (1994) presumes were used in magical practices. The West Balts on or near the Lithuanian coast, as mentioned earlier, had the highest number of Roman winged profile brooches, as well as about a thousand bronze coins, but very few denarii. They also were importing from the Roman provinces indigo cloth or at least indigo dye (Indigofera tinctoria) - an unusual discovery made by E. Peceliunaite (1998) during her analysis of minute fragments of textiles from the Lazdininkai, Paragaudis and Pajuostis cemeteries near the Lithuanian coast.
The differential distribution of Roman imports among the amber supplier cultures, and their variable access to drift amber, suggests the existence of a regional hierarchy that controlled the export of local amber (Fig. 6). The Wielbark culture was in the best position for primary trading and profit: its boats could sail directly to the Sambian peninsula to obtain, inexpensively, large amounts of amber directly from the Sambians. Controlling the lower Vistula, its fleet was able to sail upstream to intercept and barter with fellow Germanic (?) middlemen from Carnuntum, making it unnecessary for them to continue on to Sambia. The Bogaczwo culture could pursue a similar course of action, but perhaps not as effectively. That large quantities of amber were being placed in depots 100-300 km from the coast is verified by the existence of amber processing centers in the Kujawy district, in Wielkopolska, in western Mazowsze and in Małopolska (Wielowiejski 1994: 22). The Sambians, or the Aestii, while possessing tons of drift amber at their doorstep, were faced with a distribution problem. Linguistically and ethnically different from the Goths to the west and southwest - separated by a "fear corridor" as some archaeologists put it - it may have been difficult for Sambian traders to launch their own trading expeditions southward. They were forced to engage in secondary trading with Germanic middlemen and ended up with the less valuable goods from Roman provinces. The West Balts along the Lithuanian coast and the Nemunas river were in the worst position. Located beyond (i.e. northeast of) the Sambian peninsula, they had little reason to expect that traders seeking amber would come to them, while their own attempts to journey south would be resisted effectively by their three neighbor competitors. Consequently, they were forced to fall back on tertiary trading with the Sambians and had to accept an even lower line of Roman items: noluxuries such as glass or terra sigillata vessels, perhaps one bronze vessel , bronze brooches and other ornaments, bronze rather than silver coins, thousands of trinket beads, and some dyed cloth.
The model helps explain Tacitus' observation, cited earlier, that Aestii called amber glaes in their own language (Tacitus used the latinized form glaesum). This has long been a vexing linguistic problem: Why would Balt speakers use a Germanic word (soon to mean "glass", cf. Old English glaes) rather than a variant of the East Baltic word for amber, gintaras?. Either Tacitus was relying on German informants who had substituted their own word, or, more likely, the Aestii had accepted a German loan word because it was Germanic middlemen who were their portal into the amber route and the distant Roman world to the south.
1 The fashion for amber led to affectations such as amber knives for cutting truffles, and Juvenal (Sat. 9.50-3) satirizes the custom of ladies carrying balls of amber (to warm the palm of the hand?). According to Pliny (Natural History 37.12), Nero in his verses described his wife Poppaea 's ringlets of hair as sucinii (meaning amber-colored, as sucinum was the latin noun for amber). Pausanius (V. XII. 7) mentions a life-size statue of Augustus made of amber (presumably a coating?) standing in a round building in Olympia.
2 Tacitus writing in about 98 provides the first description of the Aestii (pronounced like "ICE tea") in his Germania (45.5): "They explore the sea for amber, in their language called glaesum, and are the only people who gather that curious substance... [which] lay long neglected, till Roman luxury gave it a name, and brought it into request. To the savages it is of no use. They gather it in rude heaps, and offer it for sale without any form or polish, wondering at the price they receive for it." Archaeologists can not define precisely the homeland of the Aestii, but most agree that it was probably the Sambian peninsula, and perhaps Included the Lithuanian coast as well (Nowakowski 1992: 226).
3 An earlier study (Sidrys 1994) discusses why the West Balts, exporters of amber, used relatively small quantities of amber for their own funerary display, and everyday ornamental use, during the Old Iron Age and later.
4 This area may have been the homeland of the poorly known Galindai and Sudivoi peoples (Balt tribes?) mentioned by the second century geographer Ptolemy (cf. Nowakowski 1995). Kabelka (1982: 28) incorrectly interprets the abbreviation "GAL" appearing on obverse inscriptions of certain coins of Volusian (251-53) to mean Galindikos or "(conqueror of) the Galindai". In reality, Volusian was using the agnomen of his father, Trebonianus Gallus, "(conqueror of) Gaul".
5 Having equestrian rank at the time of Nero required a property qualification of 400,000 sestertii and was second only to senatorial status. This eques was an agent of a certain Julianus, Nero's manager of gladiatorial games, who, according to Kolendo (1981), was actually Claudius Julianus, procurator and admiral of the fleet at Misenum.
6 I used hoards of 20 coins or more from Lind's catalogue. Hoards nos. 30, 211, 218, 251, 268, and 397 were excluded as they are mixed with late imperial bronze. In general, mixed hoards of imperial bronze and silver coins are rarely found as the two were part of separate "systems" (Butcher 1988: 26). Also note that Lind excluded some areas close to the limes border - such as Romania, Netherlands north of the Rhine, and Austria north of the Danube - because of their intimate ties with the Roman economy.
7Under Domitian (81-96) a soldier was paid 300 denarii every year and by Severus (193-211) his salary had increased to 450 / 500 denarii per annum (Greene 1986: 59).
10Bithynia data, cf. Harl 1996: 261. Price of silk fixed by Diocletian's Price Edict in 301 at 125 aurei, equivalent to 3,100 denarius-like argentei (Harl 1996: 300).
9 That is, a group of coins found together in a hoard or burial is dated by the latest coin or reign, because the group could not have been buried until after the date of the latest coin which it includes. The histogram represents the collective total from each reign.
10 Mitkowa-Szubert (1989: 31) believes the scarcity of issues before Nero in Polish hoards is due to Trajan's monetary reform which removed some of them from imperial circulation.
11 Septimius Severus had a long reign of 18 years, he was generous in payments to the army - his dying advice to his sons was "to enrich the army and despise everyone else" - and is known for a profuse coinage: special issues were struck for a half dozen members of the royal house. In addition, the total denarii shown in Fig. 2 for Severus includes 2,234 coins that were struck by his contemporary rivals: Pertinax (actually a predecessor who reigned for only three months in 193), Didius Julianus, Pescennius Niger, and Clodius Albinus.
13 His controversial view has diffused into related academic fields, e.g. it is cited by the historian Gudavicius (1999: 21) in his history of Lithuania.
14 I use coin data from Lithuania because Michelbertas (1972, 1986:191) provides a thorough database. The hoard total does not include those from Dargicke, Dirmeikiai and Klaipeda (as their quantities are not known) and this would increase the hoard percentage.
15 From the time of Augustus, bronze coins suitable for everyday transactions were issued in four denominations: the sestertius (worth 4 asses), the dupondius (2 asses), the as itself, and the quadrans (a quarter of the as). Four sestertii were equivalent to one denarius. Production of sestertii substantially increased from Hadrian onwards, and during the second century the sestertius replaced the as as the coin most commonly in daily use (Burnett 1987: 58).
16 Using a sample of 166 coins from "complex finds", i.e. two or more coins at a burial, at 46 burials from 13 cemeteries in Lithuania, Michelbertas plotted the spans of observed co-occurences for each emperor in a horizontal bar-chart (1986: 83). By counting multiple co-occurences within a complex find, however, he greatly overstates the longevity and significance of coins from the early empire that happen to be found together in a burial or hoard with issues from later emperors. For example, he purports to show that coins of Trajan were "used" in Lithuania during the period 100-225.
17 The Marcomanni, who inhabited Bohemia, and their eastern neighbors the Qyadi were clients of Rome from the first century, receiving subsidies and allowing Roman traders to settle in their lands. At the start of hostilities in 166, the Quadi were actually subdued with only a demonstration of force by the Roman army. The Marcomanni however continued to engage Marcus Aurelius throughout the rest of his reign.
18The eight hoards account for 1,555 coins (88% of his sample). They are from three West Balt cultures: 1. from Sambia-Kudrinka, Zhukovskoe, Morschanskoje, and Pavyzdziai - representing a total of 1446 coins (82% of sample); 2. ex-Schakumehlen and Skandawa in the Mazurian lakes district; and 3. Saulazoliai and Algimantai in western Lithuania. In sum, his sample overwhelmingly reflects the four Sambian hoards.
19A useful thesis for a future dissertation is to continue the earlier work of Sture Bolin, Mykolas Michelbertas, Vladislav Urtans and Alexander Bursche and compile a comprehensive database, including new finds, of all Roman coins found in the Balt culture sphere and then use it to test alternative models.
20 The difference between provincial and imperial coinage is not always clear-cut, according to a study by Butcher (1988:12). At one end of the spectrum were the official coins struck by Roman imperial authorities for circulation in the western provinces and for government expenditure and tax collection. On the opposite end, coins mostly struck in the eastern provinces, primarily bronze pieces, had a mark stating that they belong to the people of a particular city and tended to circulate close to the city where they were issued. But there also existed, in the middle, a wide range of issues which sometimes had imperial sanction and sometimes did not, and circulated over a fairly large region.
21 The reverse type of AE from Antioch also bear the letters S. C. from the 1st into the 3rd century and was presumably sanctioned by Roman authorities, but these issues are easily recognized.
22 That it is connected to the "peak period" of provincial mints under Caracalla, as suggested by Bursche (1992a: 3) is not a satisfactory explanation, because local mints had, been numerous under earlier emperors as well: Hadrian - 250 provincial mints, Antoninus Pius - 290, Marcus Aurelius - 250, Commodus - 340, Septlmius Severus - 380 (Harl 1996: Fig 5.1).
23 A small AE by Constantius II with a mint mark from Cyzicus (SMKE, officina 5) and supposedly found at Vecpils, Daugavpils district, Latvia is listed by Kropotkin (1961; 101, no. 1468), but Urtāns (1977: 62) does not include it in his table.
24 If, following Bursche's theory, third century Roman goods had arrived along a southern Baltic sea route, then primary trading would have been with the Sambian culture, followed by the Wielbark and western Lithuanian coastal cultures; secondary trading with the Nemunas culture, and tertiary trading with the inland Bogaczwo culture (in the poorest logistical position). Coastal settlements in Latvia, Estonia and Finland would have actively bartered for Roman goods. Roman historians would not have been ignorant about societies on the eastern Baltic coast (Nowakowski 1992). This scenario, however, is not consistent with archaeological and historical facts.
25 In 1986, Michelbertas (p. 102) estimated that some 2,500 beads were known from 51 OIA cemeteries in all of Lithuania. In an update, Mudenas (1997) counted 5,517 beads for central Lithuania alone, for the period 50-400.
26 Sambian culture is represented by former East Prussian counties of Eylau, Fischhausen, Freidland, Heiligenbeil, Heilsberg, Königsberg, Labiau and Wehlau (cf. Bolin 1926a).
27 A fragment is known from Kurmaiciai, gr. Nr. 7 (Michelbertas 1972: 24); a more impressive whole bronze pitcher at Versvai, gr. Nr. 197 (304) is now thought to date to the last half of the D period and may represent migration period plunder - E. Jovaisa, per. comm.).
Bezzenberger, A. 1904. Analysen vorgeschichtlichen Bronzen Ostpreussens. Königsberg.
Bolin, S. 1926a. Die Funde römischer und byzantinischer Münzen in Ostpreussen. Prussia 26: 203-240.
Bolin, S. 1926b. Fynden Av Romerska Mynt I Det Fria Germanien. A.-B. Skanska Centraltryckeriet: Lund.
Burnett, A. 1987. Coinage in the Roman World. Seaby: London.
Bursche, A. 1992a. Roman Ae Coinage on the South Baltic Coast. In Contacts Across the Baltic Sea, ed. B. Hårdh and B. Wyszomirska-Werbart, pp. 1-14. Institute of Archaeology, Report 43, University of Lund.
Bursche, A. 1992b. Roman Coinage in the Westbalt Circle. Barbaricum 2: 231-244.
Butcher, K. 1988. Roman Provincial Coins. Seaby: London.
Carson, R. A. G. 1990. Coins of the Roman Empire. Roudedge: London.
Eggers, H. 1949 / 50. Lübsow, ein germanischer Furstensitz der alteren Kaiserzeit. Prähistorische Zeitschrift 34-35.
Eggers, H. 1951. Der römische Import im freien Germanien. Atlas der Urgeschichte: Hamburg.
Fagerlie, J. 1967. Late Roman and Byzantine Solidi Found in Sweden and Denmark. American Numismatic Society: New York.
Gaerte, W. 1929. Urgeschicte Ostpreussens. Königsberg.
Garbsch, J. 1965. Die norisch-pannonische Frauentracht im 1. und 2. Jahrhundert. Munchner Beitrage zur Vor-und Fruhgeschichte, Bd 11. Munich.
Godłowski, K. 1985. Die römische Handel in die Germania libera aufgrund der archäologischen Quellen. In: Untersuchungen zu Handel und Verkehr der Vor-und Frügeschichtlichen Zeit in Mittel-und Nordeuropa 1, ed. K. Duwel, H. Jankuhn, H. Siemens and D. Tempe. Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschsaften in Gottingen, Philologisch-Historische Klasse 3, 143.
Greene, K. 1986. The Archaeology of the Roman Economy. University of California Press: Berkeley.
Gudavičius, E. 1999. Lietuvos istorija nuo seniausių laikų iki 1569 metų. Vilnius.
Harl, K. 1996. Coinage in the Roman Economy. Johns Hopkins University Press: Baltimore.
Hedeager, L. 1978. A Quantitative Analysis of Roman Imports in Europe North of the Limes (0-400 AD), and the Question of Roman-Germanic Exchange. In New Directions in Scandinavian Archaeology, ed. K. Kristiansen and C. Paludan-Muller, pp. 191-216. National Museum of Denmark: Copenhagen.
Jovaiša, E. 1997. "Senojo geležies amžiaus visuomenės struktūros atspindžiai Baltų laidojimo paminkluose". Istorija 55: 15-47.
Jovaiša, E. 1998. Žvilgsnis į "Aukso amžių" (kompaktinis diskas). Elektroninės leidybos namai: Vilnius.
Kabelka, J. 1982. Baltų filologijos įvadas. Mokslas, Vilnius.
Kolendo, J. 1981. Wyprawa po burstyn baltycki za Nerona. Pomorania antlqua X: 25-63.
Kromann, A. 1993. Roman coins. In Digging in the Past: 25 years of archaeology in Denmark, eds. S. Hvass and B. Storgaard, p. 200. Royal Society of Northern Antiquaries: Copenhagen.
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Lind, L. 1981. Roman denarii found in Sweden 2. Catalogue. Almqvist & Wiksell: Stockholm.
Luchtanas, A. 1981. Žalvario apdirbimas ankstyvuosiuose rytų Lietuvos piliakalniuose. Lietuvos Archeologija 2: 5-17.
Michelbertas, M. 1964. Saulažolių km. (Klaipėdos raj.) I-III amžių Romos monetų lobis. Lietuvos TSR Mokslų Akademijos Darbai, serija A, 1(16): 53-62.
Michelbertas, M. 1972. Lietuvos gyventojų prekybiniai ryšiai I-XIII a. Mintis: Vilnius.
Michelbertas, M. 1986. Senasis geležies amžius Lietuvoje. Mokslas: Vilnius.
Michelbertas, M. 1995. Romėnų didiko ekspedicija gintarui pargabenti ir radiniai Lietuvoje. Baltų Archeologija Nr. 2(5): 17-19.
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Mudėnas, P. 1997. "Karoliai vidurio Lietuvoje I-o tūkstantmečio pradžioje, viduryje". Vilnius University, Diploma study.
Nowakowski, W. 1990. Baltes et Proto-Slaves dans L'Antiquité. Dialogues D'Histoire Ancienne 16,1: 359-402.
Nowakowski, W. 1992. "HIC SVEBIAE FINIS" - Concept of the Border of the Barbarous World at the East Baltic Coast in the Roman Period. Barbaricum 2: 218-230.
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Nowakowski, W. 1995. Od Galindai do Galinditae. Barbaricum tom 4.
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Pečeliūnaitė, E. 1998. Audinių; liekanos senojo geležies amžiaus laidojimo paminkluose Lietuvoje. Lituanistica 4 (36): 63-82.
Sidrys, R. 1994. Vakarų baltų gintaro įkapės geležies amžiuje. In Klaipėdos miesto ir regiono archeologijos ir istorijos problemos, ed. A. Nikžentaitis and V. Žulkus, pp. 59-106. Klaipėda University: Klaipėda.
Šimėnas, V. and V. Kulakovas, 1999. Užmirštieji Prūsai. Mintis: Vilnius.
Strong, D. 1966. Catalogue of the carved amber in the Department of Greek and Roman Antiquities. British Museum: London.
Sutherland, C. H. V. 1974. Roman Coins. Office du Livre: Fribourg.
Urtāns, V. 1977. Senākie depozīti Latvijā. Zinātne: Riga.
Wielowiejski, J. 1970. Kontakty Noricum I Pannonii z ludami północnymi. Warsaw.
Wielowiejski, P. 1994. Development of the basic directions of archaeological study of amber in Poland. In Bursztyn Bałtycki I Inne Źywice Kopalne Piśmiennictwo Polskie Oraz Prace Autorów Polskich W Literaturze Światowej, ed. B. Kosmowskiej-Ceranowicz, p. 19-26. Muzeum Ziemi PAN: Warsaw.
Wheeler, M 1954. Rome Beyond the Imperial Frontiers. Bell and Sons: London.


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CharityStory
Bringing your work to life
Here are some of the clients I've been lucky enough to work with and what they had to say.
Hi Alex. This is brilliant – exactly what we needed! Thank you so much for fitting us in and for doing such a great job. We really look forward to working with you again soon. Julie Wilkins, Head of Marketing Soil Association
Hi Alex. We got the report to the donor on Friday and [with your photos and stories] it looked really great – lots of positive comments from the team on your style and approach. Thank you so much again for a great piece of work and I do hope we get to work together again soon! Desiree D'Souza, Managing Director, FundraisingLeonard Cheshire Disability
Alex is a valued member of the Mile 91 team. She has a wonderful way of putting people at ease so they are at their very best when she interviews them, no matter how tough the story they have to tell is. Without fail they reveal more of themselves then they probably thought they would and more than the client ever imagined possible. The result is powerful emotional content that gets the results our clients need - whether that's driving donations, reporting impact or inspiring people to get involved. Not only is she a great interviewer with a keen eye for the heart of a story, she is an exceptional and engaging writer and has tireless love of good grammar. I would recommend her highly - but not so highly that she's not free for Mile 91 when we need her! Catherine Raynor, DirectorMile 91
Alex carried out an extra-ordinary interview with a beneficiary for me at Penny Brohn Cancer Care. Her insightful questions were well researched and sensitively delivered, getting the very best out of an eloquent interviewee who had been diagnosed with ovarian cancer. Alex creatively edited the story together into two audio clips for use online, and in social media, to increase donations for a direct mail cash appeal. It was a joy to work with Alex and I would recommend her to anyone wanting to leverage the power of a case study in their fundraising communications. Richard Cottrell, Direct Marketing ManagerPenny Brohn Cancer Care
Alex is an exceptional copywriter and story teller. She builds great relationships with partners, beneficiaries and clients and quickly gets to the core of what an organisation is about. She brings real clarity of thought to what can seem like insurmountable, or unfaceable problems and helps charities to communicate in an informative, influential and delightful manner. We threw the kitchen sink at her at NCVO and she didn't bat an eyelid. I would hire her again in a heartbeat. Steve Cole, Programme CoordinatorNCVO
Alex has been an absolute pleasure to work with over the last couple of months, always passionate and interested in the provided briefs. She's really brought a lot of value to our work, especially as we've thrown a lot of tricky content at her with some really tight time-frames. Her story-telling is second to none; she managed to keep the voice of our volunteers whilst making it funny, informative and engaging for a wide audience of our donors. It was exactly what we were after. Thank you Alex and I look forward to working again with you soon. Holly Roberts, Individual Giving FundraiserVSO
Billy's optimistic story about being diagnosed and successfully treated for bowel cancer was captured in a vivid and engaging way by Alex at CharityStory. The writing stayed true to Billy's own voice and this personal approach is powerful for getting people to listen, take part in screening and support the work of our charity. Billy enjoyed the interview and feels empowered by the resulting article on our website – we are simply delighted! Jan Anderson, Regional ManagerBowel Cancer UK
What's exciting about working with Alex is that she is deeply committed and passionate about what she does. Not only that but she is brilliantly organised and a natural at putting people at ease before and during an interview. This is an essential attribute when doing the kind of work she does. I have seen her interview a huge range of people and work in some very challenging situations and she has always delivered great stories to go alongside my photographs. Ben Langdon, DirectorMile 91
Alex really captured the heart of our story, writing in an informed, creative and engaging manner. She worked with professionalism and delivered the project – creating bespoke Christmas newspaper appeals – quickly and worked well with the team here. Joanna Brownbill, Communications ManagerSend a Cow
I just wanted to thank you again for delivering such a good communications workshop yesterday. You packed a lot in to the very short time we gave you, and it was useful, practical and fun. Sue Evans, DirectorBristol Citizens Advice Bureau
It was an absolute pleasure working with Alex. She is professional whilst having a unique talent for putting people at ease. Telling intimate details about your life is not the easiest thing to do, but within minutes, our service users and volunteers were talking to Alex like a close friend. We have found it very difficult in the past to connect with vulnerable older people and capture their stories on film/audio. Alex worked tirelessly, in collaboration with us, to get the case studies spot on. The stories she has produced are already inspiring other older people to ask for help and have been used to strengthen funding bids. I would recommend working with Alex to anyone looking to bring the work of their organisation to life. The uses for true life case studies are truly limitless! Jess Lewin, Administration and Marketing ManagerAge UK Bristol
I really enjoyed meeting Alex and seeing how she so brilliantly put our beneficiary, Rachel, at ease. It was amazing how she got Rachel to open up and share her life story that even her own support workers had never fully heard before. Alex worked with an impressive level of understanding, compassion and patience to portray Rachel with the dignity and humanity she deserves – even though we know her well at One25, seeing her story written up like that moved us all profoundly. The case study is an amazing tool to use in building confidence and motivation amongst other of our beneficiaries considering change and also in raising awareness and funding in the wider community. All of us at One25 were so pleased and touched by the end result. We recommend Alex to everyone. Josie Hill, Head of Fundraising and CommunicationsOne25
Alex has brilliantly distilled the essence of Bristol Wood Recycling Project. Colin's story is presented thoughtfully and sensitively, but also shows some of what makes Colin 'tick' in an honest yet positive way. Nice one Alex! Ben Moss, DirectorBristol Wood Recycling Project
Alex produced a photo film which vividly brought to life the positive impact of our Volunteer Support Programme. When we showed it at our AGM it almost moved people to tears (which was exactly the effect we were looking for)! Steve Dale, Chief ExecutiveVolunteer Bristol
Alex's clear and compelling writing style has made such a difference to us at Motivation. She was able to quickly understand the nuances and complexities of our work — which can sometimes be a bit jargony and technical — and make it easy for potential supporters to understand what we do and why it matters. She has an amazing eye for detail and an obsession with quality, so we always felt 100% sure that every piece of writing would be something we'd feel really proud to see on our website or in our newsletters. Jennifer Howitt Browning, Programmes Development ManagerMotivation
I'm always happy to chat through ideas and potential projects. Email me or give me a call on 07786 088 374.
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Blaenavon 2013
Blaenavon IronWorks and Museum in Wales, England
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Frank Dixon (lacrossespeler) (1878-1965), Canadees lacrossespeler
 Frank Dixon (politicus) (1892-1965), Amerikaans politicus

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Antoni Hlavaty (ur. 27 kwietnia 1920 w Kołomyi, zm. 21 listopada 2020) – polski lekarz, prof. zw. dr hab., specjalista ortopedii i chirurgii urazowej.

Życiorys
Urodził się w mieście Kołomyja na terytorium II Rzeczypospolitej, w ówczesnym województwie stanisławowskim, gdzie ojciec Karol Józef Hlavaty (1884–1955) był naczelnikiem Sądu Grodzkiego. Młodszy brat Lesław (1924–2011) został lekarzem weterynarii. Ukończył Gimnazjum im. Króla Kazimierza Jagiellończyka, uzyskując w 1938 świadectwo maturalne. W lipcu 1938 ukończył kurs szybowcowy i złożył podanie o przyjęcie do Lotniczej Szkoły Orląt w Dęblinie. Nie został do niej przyjęty na skutek ingerencji rodziców, przeciwnych tym zamiarom.

W sierpniu 1939 w obliczu wybuchu wojny, otrzymał Hlavaty, jako podchorąży, przydział do jednostki artylerii przeciwpancernej 11 Karpackiej Dywizji Piechoty i 1 września wyruszył na front. W dniu 17 września koło Kowla został aresztowany przez Rosjan wraz z grupą polskich oficerów, został wkrótce potem zwolniony do domu dzięki biegłej znajomości rosyjskiego i ukraińskiego. Miał wielkie szczęście, jego towarzysze-oficerowie trafili do Katynia, gdzie zostali zamordowani. W cywilnym ubraniu, idąc bocznymi drogami, dotarł do Lwowa i wkrótce znalazł się ponownie w Kołomyi. Rodzina Hlavatych uniknęła represji głównie dlatego, że mec. Karol Hlavaty, znając język polski, rosyjski, ukraiński i niemiecki był pilnie potrzebny bolszewikom (NKWD) do tłumaczenia dokumentów. Antoni próbował dostać się na studia medyczne we Lwowie, jednak nie udawało się to ze względu na sędziowską przeszłość ojca. Aby mieć kontakt z medycyną, podjął pracę w szpitalu w charakterze salowego. Latem 1941 do Lwowa i Kołomyi wkroczyli Niemcy. Dopiero w 1943 jako jeden z niewielu Polaków wśród Ukraińców, został studentem medycyny we Lwowie. Wykłady i ćwiczenia prowadzone były w języku niemieckim. W 1944 po wycofaniu się Niemców Lwów zajęła ponownie Armia Czerwona. Rosjanie szukali tłumaczy wśród studentów Uniwersytetu Lwowskiego. Wybranych 20 kandydatów i wcielono do Armii Czerwonej i skierowano na front do walki z Niemcami.

W grudniu 1944 Hlavaty został zwolniony z wojska i udał się do Lublina. Spotkany prof. Ludwik Hirszfeld, ówczesny prorektor, napisał mu na kawałku papieru z paczki UNRRA rekomendację dla Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Hlavaty został studentem medycyny w Katedrze Medycyny Wojskowej z zaliczeniem mu roku studiów we Lwowie. W Lublinie zaliczył drugi i trzeci rok studiów; ukończył je w maju 1949 na Uniwersytecie Poznańskim.

Pracę rozpoczął 1 lipca 1949 w Klinice Ortopedycznej Akademii Medycznej w Gdańsku, a w latach 1967–1990 był kierownikiem tej kliniki. Głównymi kierunkami badawczymi profesora były: chirurgia rekonstrukcyjna ręki, choroby stawu biodrowego oraz patologia kręgosłupa. Był członkiem założycielem Sekcji Chirurgii Ręki Polskiego Towarzystwa Ortopedycznego i Traumatologicznego. . Był współzałożycielem i długoletnim prezesem Klubu Wysokogórskiego Trójmiasto. Odznaczony został Krzyżem Kawalerskim Orderu Odrodzenia Polski, Medalem Komisji Edukacji Narodowej. W maju 2019 imieniem Antoniego Hlavatego nazwano salę w gdańskim szpitalu im. Mikołaja Kopernika, w której profesor przez wiele lat wykładał oraz odsłonięto poświęconą mu tablicę pamiątkową.

Pochowany na cmentarzu komunalnym w Sopocie (kwatera L4-2-13)

Wykształcenie
 absolwent Uniwersytetu Poznańskiego – Wydział Lekarski – 1949
 specjalizacja II° z chirurgii dziecięcej – 1953
 specjalizacja II° z ortopedii i chirurgii urazowej – 1955
 doktorat (na podstawie pracy pt. "Operacyjne leczenie stopy porażennej") – 1960
 habilitacja ("Doświadczalne i kliniczne badania nad możliwością zapobiegania zrostom po szwie ścięgien") – 1964
 profesor nadzwyczajny – 1974
 profesor zwyczajny – 1984

Praca
Emerytowany (od 1990) pracownik Katedry i Kliniki Ortopedii i Traumatologii Narządu Ruchu Akademii Medycznej w Gdańsku.

Przypisy

Absolwenci Wydziału Lekarskiego Uniwersytetu Poznańskiego
Odznaczeni Medalem Komisji Edukacji Narodowej
Odznaczeni Krzyżem Kawalerskim Orderu Odrodzenia Polski
Polscy ortopedzi
Polscy chirurdzy
Polscy stulatkowie
Wykładowcy Gdańskiego Uniwersytetu Medycznego
Ludzie urodzeni w Kołomyi
Urodzeni w 1920
Zmarli w 2020
Pochowani na Cmentarzu Komunalnym w Sopocie


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g. Design and participate in workshops, seminars, and review sessions both in person and online.
h. Be the lead instructor in the development and revision of industry standard training. This may involve, among other issues, choosing the most appropriate COTS course material.
i. Design online and classroom seminars and workshops to meet the needs of specialized users as needed.
j. Provide one-on-one tutoring and review sessions for students from time-to-time to augment classroom and online training.
k. During the performance of the contract, the contractor will be required to provide professional and technical experience and expertise as described above.
l. Must be able to travel to domestic and overseas locations to conduct training.
We are seeking Lean Six Sigma Instructors and consultants to work on an independent-contractor basis.
If you have relevant teaching and project management work experience, we want to hear from you.
Deliver training courses in public, open enrollment programs and at client sites.
Apply knowledge and skills to address client needs.
We are seeking Project Management Instructors and consultants to work on an independent-contractor basis.
Apply PM knowledge and skills to address client needs.
We are seeking Agile Instructors and consultants to work on an independent-contractor basis.