This post is a very special treat for me and anyone who has followed the blog for a period of time. Last year, I developed a "Student Voices" series aimed at allowing students I had taught in a project-based learning classroom (The Studio) to speak to its impact on their high school experience. I'm pleased as punch to share with you an essay from one of these students who has since graduated, been accepted to Georgia Tech, and is now a thriving freshman in her second semester there. I won't ruin what she has to say by commenting on it much here, but please have a look inside and see for yourself what she has to say about her experience four years in the making.
Also, something to be excited for this upcoming Friday is my first post on the #zineculture project. Stay tuned.
Halfway into my second semester of college, I still find it hard to believe that my first semester flew by so fast. It was a blur—an exhilarating, difficult, fun, scary-at-times blur. College is certainly an adjustment, from learning how to live with a roommate in close quarters to becoming more independent, becoming involved on campus to figuring out how to prepare for those infamous finals, it got pretty overwhelming at times. But hey, I'm here to tell about it so that must mean I survived.
I will say that my biggest adjustment upon coming to college was learning how to study. In high school, I honestly relied mainly on natural intellect to get me through quizzes and tests; school came easy to me, always had, so I never had to put in as much work as many of my peers. During my first finals week, I probably studied more than I had in all four years of college, and even then, I felt like I should have studied for a dozen hours more. Georgia Tech has a way of stressing you out by the feeling of not studying enough; I've even been stressed about not being stressed because at Tech, you feel like you should always be stressed. It's a little messed up, but I love it.
Ironically, the one thing most people stress out about most is group projects and class presentations. Don't get me wrong, I get nervous about group projects solely because there's no way I can predict the work ethic and intelligence of the people I have to work with, but the presentation itself doesn't scare me nearly as much as it did five years ago.
Last week, my English class (yes, we do have to take English at an engineering school) got assigned a group project which was to be presented to the class in a media-rich format. I heard mumbles from around the room about hating presentations, being nervous about presenting in front of people, and public speaking in general. For me, that moment was eye-opening; in the four years I had spent presenting in front of my peers in the project-, and presentation-, based learning class that was the Studio, I had been told that I'd get to college and hear those sentiments from others. This was the first time I had experienced it. Although we won't present our projects (which are collaborative essays, AKA not projects at all compared to what I did in Studio) until next week, I know that I'm more prepared to present for my peers than anyone else in my class. Not only that, but I understand how to build PowerPoints to not look like PowerPoints, but rather more professional presentations. It's now that I can truly appreciate that aspect of my experience in Studio.
In addition, a couple weeks ago I went to a meeting for Tech's Ramblin' Rocket Club. They introduced a project dedicated to being the first collegiate organization to put a rocket into space, and wanted people with technical experience on the team to design, build, and carry out the whole plan. One of my good friends has had an abundance of experience designing and building rockets, and although I had interest, I wasn't sure that I was qualified. In talking to the professional staff member in charge of the project for the club, he asked me if I had built anything in high school, and I immediately thought of the time my Studio group and I built a multi-touch table on a whim in two weeks. His response was one of shock; he had never done anything like that in high school, nor had the opportunity to do it. Studio gave me that opportunity.
I look back on memories of the project-based learning class fondly. My best friends in high school were the group that I worked with on a consistent basis, and though we may not be super close and connected now, we can still get together (on breaks at least), reminisce, and have a great time. When I went to dinner with one of my cohorts after the December Expo over our winter break, we spent a solid twenty minutes talking about all of the crazy things we did in Studio—wild ideas, deciding to act on the wild ideas, procrastinating the research and skipping straight to executing the wild idea, and presenting the wild idea in physical form to a room full of wide eyes and open mouths. We created a timeline out of pictures and QR codes. We made an art exhibit with near field communication tags (NFCs) that linked to podcasts. We turned a piece of cardboard into a touch screen with a Wii remote. And when we were split up for the last project of our last year, we built a multi-touch table in two weeks on top of the projects we had in our separate groups.
The class put no limit on imagination and creativity. College has been fun, and I've enjoyed classes, but no learning experience has come close to what I was able to do in Studio. It certainly built my work ethic and helped me learn how to manage time and plan ahead for deadlines. Coming into college, I felt so much more prepared for the work load and routine that I was getting myself into. Teachers and administrators at my high school have asked me multiple times if high school prepared me for the challenges of Georgia Tech, and I've answered yes each time. Giving it a second thought though, it wasn't my high school in general; it was purely and simply project-based learning in Studio. There's nothing else that can take you out of the cookie cutter mold of public education and place you in an environment that will not only better prepare you for the real world, but is much like the real world.
It's not been until now that I've really been able to appreciate what project-based learning did for me. If I hadn't been granted the opportunities I was granted in my time in high school, I don't know who or where I would be in college or in life right now. I owe a lot to Studio and the teachers that shaped my high school experience directly, and my college experience indirectly. I can't say one bad thing about it, and I'll forever be grateful.
COMMENTARY: I'll be brief. This student took full advantage of what the PBL classroom offered the moment she entered my classroom. The reality is that not all of her cohort members acted in the same manner or took up the mantle of PBL as she did; however, what I think we get to see here in her words is the power of PBL when it is embraced at the high school level. The opportunities afforded her continue to open doors, and she possesses a skill set many of her peers simply do not. PBL is not a cure-all, but it is an opportunity for all. The tricky truth of opportunity is you have to be looking for it before it sprints by without so much as a second glance.


text:
Japan Further Supports Empowerment of Disabled People in Laos
(KPL) The Government of Japan has provided grant assistance worth 265,971 US dollars for supporting empowerment of disabled people in Lao PDR.
The signing ceremony for the grant contract for this project was held at the Japanese Embassy in Vientiane Capital on January 31 between Chargé d'Affaires and interim of Japan to the Lao PDR, Mr Kazuhiro Kuno, and President of Asian Development with Disabled Persons (ADDP), a Japanese non-profit organization, Ms. Tomiko Maejima.
Witness of the event were President of the Lao Disabled People's Association, Mr Sommart Phongsithavong, Deputy Director of the Department of Policy, Disability and Elderly, Mr Sengaloun Louanglath, and other representative from the line ministers.
The project, entitled "livelihood support program for persons with intellectual disabilities in the Lao PDR," is in its second year and aims to help persons with intellectual disabilities secure livelihood supporting during daytime and vocational training, to create a new working role model for them, and to raise awareness among society about the importance of persons with disabilities achieving independent living.
As a main activity, in cooperation with the Lao Disabled People's Association (LDPA) and parents of intellectual disabled person, the project help instructors of intellectually disabled persons to improve their training capability so that instructors can support daily living and provide vocational training. The project will also conduct education activities to promote understanding of intellectual disabilities for neighboring residents, university and school teachers.
ADDP has been active in Lao PDR since 1995 in support of disabled people. Since 2011, the organization has implemented project to empower disabled people in Vientiane Capital and Houaphan province, with funding from the Japanese Government. Through these activities, ADDP has contributed to improving the living environment of people with disabilities.
Health urges preventive actions against Novel Coronavirus 2019 [22/01/2020 11:24]
Enhance Human Capital and Social Investments for Demographic Dividend in Lao PDR [22/01/2020 07:59]
Regional workshop on green agriculture held in Vientiane [20/01/2020 15:45]
U.S. Strengthens Support for Lao Government to Meet Its Development Goals [17/01/2020 15:03]
Road 4B, built with US$ 65.6 million inaugurated [17/01/2020 14:59]
Vietnamese New Year celebrated in Vientiane [15/01/2020 15:11]
South Sudanese Youth to Learn Peace through the Order of Nature [14/01/2020 14:48]

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Pittsburgh Pirates je bil profesionalni hokejski klub iz Pittsburgha. Deloval je v ligi NHL od 1925 do 1930. Domača dvorana kluba je bila dvorana Duquesne Gardens. Klub je dobil ime po bejzbolskemu klubu Pittsburgh Pirates, ki je tudi deloval v mestu.

Klub se je razvil iz amaterskega kluba Pittsburgh Yellow Jackets. V ligi NHL se je prebil v končnico le dvakrat v petih sezonah. Kljub temu je bila finančna situacija v klubu sprva rožnata in so sodelovanje za visoko ceno podpisali nekateri znani hokejisti tistega časa, npr. Lionel Conacher, ki so ga kasneje imenovali za kanadskega športnika prve polovice 20. stoletja. Prvi trener je postal tedaj 34-letni Odie Cleghorn. Po treh sezonah je prvotni lastnik James F. Callahan klub prodal gangsterju Billu Dwyerju, ki je imel klub v lasti do selitve v Filadelfijo. V zadnji sezoni je moštvo neuspešno vodil Frank Fredrickson, Cleghornov naslednik na trenerskem položaju. Leta 1930 se je tako klub po porazni sezoni  preselil v Filadelfijo in tam eno sezono deloval pod imenom Philadelphia Quakers.

Zgodovina

Začetki
Klub ima svoje korenine v klubu Pittsburgh Yellow Jackets, ki je deloval v ligi United States Amateur Hockey Association. Lastnik kluba Yellow Jackets je bil bivši hokejski sodnik po imenu Roy Schooley. Četudi je klub osvojil ligo USAHA v letih 1924 in 1925, je Schooley zašel v finančne težave. Njegov klub je tako odkupil odvetnik James F. Callahan in ga preimenoval v Pittsburgh Pirates. Da je lahko spremenil ime kluba, je moral plačati določeno vsoto lastniku bejzbolskega kluba Pittsburgh Pirates, Barneyju Dreyfussu. V tem času je Eddie Livingstone iskal mesto, v katerem bi vzpostavil ligo, konkurenčno ligi NHL. Z ligo NHL je imel namreč še neporavnane račune iz časov stare lige National Hockey Association. Predsednik lige NHL Frank Calder se je zato izpogajal, da bi mesto Pittsburgh dobilo klub v ligi NHL, s čimer bi Livingstoneu prekrižal račune. 7. novembra 1925 je tako mesto Pittsburgh prvič v zgodovini dobilo svoj klub v ligi NHL, imenovan Pittsburgh Pirates. Klub se je v zgodovino zapisal kot sedmi klub, ki se je pridružil ligi, in kot tretji ameriški klub v ligi.

Klub so s kluboma Boston Bruins in New York Americans dodelili v tvorbo, ki se je kasneje imenovala Ameriška divizija. Za domačo dvorano so uporabili dvorano Duquesne Gardens, ki se je nahajala v soseski Oakland. Piratese, ki so dobili nadimek "Mighty Steel City Sextet" ("Sekstet mogočnega jeklarskega mesta"), so večinoma sestavljali igralci, ki so igrali že za Yellow Jacketse. Skupaj je za klub zaigralo 10 igralcev bivših Yellow Jacketsov.

Otvoritvena sezona
Prva klubska sezona je bila sezona 1925/26. Na zahvalni dan so hokejisti 26. novembra 1925 premagali ekipo Boston Bruins z izidom 2-1. To je bila prva klubska zmaga v ligi NHL, v zgodovino se je zapisal branilec in kapetan Lionel Conacher, ki je zadel prvi zadetek. Conacher je na koncu druge tretjine, ob času 37:50, premagal vratarja Bostona Charlesa Stewarta in izid poravnal na 1-1. Prvi zmagoviti gol za Pittsburgh pa je ob času 49:20 dosegel krilni napadalec Harold Darragh. Na prvi tekmi se je izkazal tudi vratar Roy Worters, ki je ustavil 26 od 27 strelov.

Dve noči kasneje so Piratesi 28. novembra utišali hokejiste ekipe Montreal Canadiens. Legendarni vratar Montreala Georges Vézina je odigral svojo zadnjo tekmo v karieri, saj je kmalu zatem zaradi hudih bolečin v prsih in povišane telesne temperature zapustil led. Štiri mesece kasneje je umrl za tuberkulozo. Tekma se je končala z novo zmago Pittsburgha 1-0.

Po dveh gostovanjih je hokejiste Piratesov čakala prva domača tekma v zgodovini. Odvila se je 2. decembra 1925 v dvorani Duquesne Gardens. Piratesi so pred 8.200 navijači po podaljšku klonili proti moštvu New York Americans. Končni rezultat je bil 1-2, edini zadetek za domače je dosegel Conacher v drugi tretjini.

Redni del sezone so Piratesi končali z 19 zmagami iz 36 tekem in se kot tretje moštvo lige uvrstili v končnico. Končnica je bila tedaj sestavljena iz polfinala in finala, v končnico pa so se uvrstila le tri najuspešnejša moštva lige, kar je pomenilo, da se drugo in tretjeuvrščeno moštvo v polfinalu pomerita za mesto v finalu. V polfinalu so se srečali z moštvom Montreal Maroons in izpadli po porazu 1-3 in remiju 3-3. Maroonsi so kasneje tudi osvojili Stanleyjev pokal.

1926-1928
Po dobrem začetki in vzpodbudni prvi sezoni so stvari od tam šle navzdol. V svoji drugi sezoni so Piratesi končali na četrtem mestu Ameriške divizije z razmerjem 15 zmag, 3 remijev in 26 porazov.

Tretja sezona je bila boljša od druge, saj so se uvrstili v končnico. V rednem delu so končali na tretjem mestu z 19 zmagami, 8 remiji in 17 porazi. Končnica je bila tedaj sestavljena iz četrtfinala, polfinala in finala, v končnico pa so se uvrstila po tri najuspešnejša moštva iz Ameriške in Kanadske divizije, tako da sta se drugo in tretjeuvrščeni moštvi iz vsake divizije pomerili med sabo za mesto v polfinalu, kjer jih je čakalo prvouvrščeno moštvo iz njihove divizije.

Piratesi so v končnici znova izpadli že v prvem krogu, tokrat je bilo usodno moštvo New York Rangers, ki je na dveh tekmah doseglo 6 zadetkov, Piratesi pa le 4. Prva tekma se je sicer končala z izidom 0-4 v korist New Yorka, druga z rezultatom 4-2 v prid Pittsburgha. Končnica lige NHL v sezoni 1927/28 je bila zadnja v zgodovini kluba, usoda pa je tako kot v prvi klubski sezoni hotela, da je klub izpadel proti kasnejšemu zmagovalcu Stanleyjevega pokala.

Zaton
Leta 1928 so finančne težave prisilile prvotnega lastnika Callahana, da je prodal klub lastniški skupini, v kateri je bil tudi mafijec Bill Dwyer in njegov prvi mož Benny Leonard, bivši boksarski prvak v lahki kategoriji in promotor boksa. Prodaja kluba ni prinesla rezultatskega izboljšanja. Cleghorn je moštvo zapustil ob koncu sezone 1928/29 in je začel delovati kot sodnik v ligi NHL. Na trenersko mesto je tako sedel Frank Fredrickson, ki je od tedaj opravljal funkcijo igralca in trenerja. Situacija v klubu se je spremenila, tudi kar se tiče barv dresov, saj so Piratesi v svoji peti in zadnji sezoni v ligi NHL igrali s črno-oranžno kombinacijo. V sezoni 1929/30 so Piratesi vknjižili najslabše razmerje v vseh svojih petih sezonah, saj so na 44 tekmah kar 36-krat izgubili. Skupaj so v petih sezonah le v dveh presegli polovico možnega izkupička točk, tudi v končnico so se prebili le dvakrat.

Situacija v klubu tudi na finančnem področju ni bila rožnata. V vsesplošni gospodarski krizi se je leta 1929 zlomila borza, nadaljevalo pa se je z veliko depresijo. Obiskanost tekem je padla in kot povsod drugod po celini so se tudi v klubu znašli v finančnih težavah, tako da so poskušali odprodati svoje zvezdniške igralce, da bi zadostili potrebam. Do konca sezone 1929/30 je bil klub že za 400.000 dolarjev v dolgovih, prav tako je bilo potrebno zamenjati dotrajano dvorano Duquesne Gardens.

Selitev
18. oktobra 1930 je bila na srečanju guvernerjev lige NHL odobrena Leonardova prošnja za selitev kluba na drugo stran zvezne države Pensilvanije, v Filadelfijo. Klub je s selitvijo spremenil svoje ime v Philadelphia Quakers. Leonard je sprva nameraval, da bi klub preselili nazaj v Pittsburgh, takoj ko bi bila zgrajena nova dvorana v Pittsburghu. 13 igralcev je ostalo v klubu tudi po selitvi. Ti so bili: Cliff Barton, Harold Darragh, Herb Drury, Gord Fraser, Jim Jarvis, Gerry Lowrey, Rennison Manners, Johnny McKinnon, Hib Milks, Joe Miller, Rodger Smith in Tex White. H Quakersom se je preselil tudi Frank Fredrickson, a so ga v klubu po dveh dneh izpustili, tako da je namesto za Quakerse v tisti sezoni igral za ekipo Detroit Falcons. Sezona 1930/31 je bila za klub Philadelphia Quakers katastrofalna. Končali so na zadnjem, petem mestu Ameriške divizije in dosegli le 4 zmage na 44 tekmah. Klub je tako od lige NHL 26. septembra 1931 prejel dovoljenje, da začasno preneha z delovanjem, saj so vodilni v klubu iskali trajnejšo rešitev za dvorano v Pittsburghu ali Filadelfiji.

V 30. letih je bila velika težava šibko gospodarstvo, ki je zahtevalo hude žrtve tudi v sami ligi NHL. Do začetka 40. let in druge svetovne vojne je skoraj vsako sezono odpadel kateri od klubov, od leta 1942 pa je v ligi ostalo le 6 klubov, ki so kasneje postali znani kot Original Six ali Prvotnih šest, saj so bili nosilci lige v težavnem obdobju od 1942 do 1967.

Ker se načrt za vzpostavitev nove dvorane v Pittsburghu ni uresničil, je Leonard vrgel puško v koruzo in klub dokončno ukinil leta 1936. Kot se je kasneje izkazalo, nove dvorane v Pittsburghu ni bilo vse do leta 1961 in izgradnje dvorane Pittsburgh Civic Arena, ki danes deluje pod imenom Mellon Arena. Leta 1967 se je liga NHL razširila iz 6 na 12 klubov, novinca v ligi sta bila tudi Pittsburgh Penguins in Philadelphia Flyers, kar pomeni, da kluba v ligi NHL v Pittsburghu ni bilo 47 let, v Filadelfiji pa 46 let. Cliff Barton je bil zadnji v ligi NHL aktivni hokejist Piratesov, saj je svojo zadnjo NHL tekmo odigral leta 1940.

Zgodovinski mejniki
Klub je pustil svoj pečat v knjigah rekordov lige NHL in zgodovini lige z nekaterimi novostmi:

 Odie Cleghorn, trener moštva (in občasni igralec) v prvih štirih sezonah, je postal prvi trener v ligi NHL, ki je izvajal leteče menjave.

 Cleghorn se je v zgodovino zapisal tudi kot prvi trener, ki je uporabljal tri napade oziroma tri napadalne trojke, kar je bila velika sprememba, saj je bila v tistem času praksa pustiti svoje najboljše igralce na ledu, dokler je bilo to mogoče.

 Klub je postavil ligaški rekord v višini plače določenega igralca, ko je triletno pogodbo, vredno 7.500 dolarjev, podpisal branilec Lionel Conacher. Conacherja so kasneje razglasili za največjega kanadskega športnika prve polovice 20. stoletja.

 26. decembra 1926 so hokejisti Pittsburgh Piratesov in New York Americansov postavili še veljavni rekord v številu strelov na eni tekmi. Moštvi sta v 60 minutah skupaj ustrelili 141 ploščkov, tekma pa se je končala z zmago New Yorka 3-1. Roy Worters (Pittsburgh Pirates) je zaustavil 70 strelov, Jake Forbes (New York Americans) pa 67.

 Klub je kot prvi klub iz Pittsburgha uporabljal črno-zlato barvno kombinacijo.

Logotip in dresi

Klub je kot prvi v Pittsburghu nosil črno-zlato barvno kombinacijo, barvi so v klubu pobrali z zastave Pittsburgha. Desetletja po razpadu kluba sta črna in zlata barva postali nosilni barvi vseh treh najpomembnejših klubov iz Pittsburgha, bejzbolskega kluba Pittsburgh Pirates, hokejskega kluba Pittsburgh Penguins in ameriškonogometnega kluba Pittsburgh Steelers. V času svojega delovanja je bil klub sicer edini v teh barvah, saj je istoimenski bejzbolski klub Pittsburgh Pirates kot vsi ostali bejzbolski klubi tistega časa uporabljal bolj patriotsko rdečo, belo in modro barvno kombinacijo. Zlate in črne barve na svoje drese niso sprejeli vse do leta 1948, medtem ko so Pittsburgh Steelersi, moštvo ameriškega nogometa, z izjemo ene sezone v Filadelfiji in dveh neaktivnih sezon vseskozi nosili ti dve barvi .

Piratesi so imeli glede klubskih barv močno vez s kasnejšim klubom iz Pittsburgha v ligi NHL, klubom Pittsburgh Penguins. Slednji je januarja 1980 spremenil svoje barve v črno in zlato, na potezo so nato pri vodstvu lige protestirali v moštvu Boston Bruins, ki je uporabljalo drese podobnih barv. Vodstvo lige je naposled dovolilo Penguinsom, da so privzeli ti dve barvi, ker so pred njimi iste barve na dresih nosili že Piratesi.

Piratesi so v sezoni 1925/26 nosili svetlo rumene volnene drese s prečnimi črnimi črtami, na sprednji strani dresov se je nahajal napis "Pirates", pod njim pa črka "P". Na rokavih so hokejisti nosili rabljene embleme z jaken mestne policije, ki jih je priskrbel brat Jamesa Callahana, lastnika kluba. Prvi dve sezoni so tako dresi precej spominjali na drese predhodnega kluba Pittsburgh Yellow Jackets. Nove drese so v klubu javnosti predstavili v sezoni 1928/29. Spremembe so bile, gledano na celotni izgled, sorazmerno opazne, vseeno pa ni šlo za kakšne večje in radikalnejše posege v drese. Prečne črne črte so bile odslej debelejše in bolj pogoste, napis "Pirates" na sprednji strani dresa je bil sedaj raven in vbočen navzgor in ne več ležeč, na rokavih pa je policijske embleme zamenjala črka "P", ki so jo odstranili s sprednje strani dresov.

V svoji zadnji sezoni je klub prevzel črne in zlate drese. Na sprednji strani volnenih dresov se je odslej nahajal verižno vezen logotip z glavo pirata, ki je nosil prevezo čez oči in klobuk s sliko lobanje, pod njim pa je mesto na dresu našla podoba dveh križno prekrižanih kosti. Na rokavih sta se nahajali dve dvojni črni črti in ne več debel pas črne barve s črko "P". Na sprednji strani dresa je prečne črte zamenjal pas črne barve v obliki trikotnika in dve diagonalni črni črti, medtem ko se na hrbtni strani za razliko od preteklih let ni nahajalo nič drugega kot številka dresa in oranžno ozadje. Črno-zlato kombinacijo je v sezoni 1930/31 uporabljal tudi klub Philadelphia Quakers, leta 1967 pa jo je privzelo tudi širitveno moštvo lige Philadelphia Flyers.

Vidnejši igralci
Iz moštva so bili kasneje v Hokejski hram slavnih lige NHL sprejeti 4 igralci:
 Lionel Conacher
 Frank Fredrickson
 Mickey MacKay
 Roy Worters

Olimpijski tekmovalci
Nekateri člani moštva so predhodno sodelovali tudi na olimpijskih igrah.

1920
Poletne olimpijske igre 1920, Antwerpen, Belgija.
 Frank Fredrickson je osvojil zlato medaljo s kanadsko reprezentanco.
 Herb Drury je osvojil srebrno medaljo z ameriško reprezentanco.

1924
Zimske olimpijske igre 1924, Chamonix, Francija.
 Bert McCaffrey je osvojil zlato medaljo s kanadsko reprezentanco.
 Herb Drury je osvojil srebrno medaljo z ameriško reprezentanco.

Izidi
Za legendo glej članek Statistika pri hokeju na ledu.

Viri

 Pittsburgh Pirates
 Sezone moštva na Hockey Database
 Zgodovina kluba na PittsburghHockey.net
 Športna enciklopedija: Pitsburgh Pirates
 Šport v Pittsburghu - marec 2008
 Dresi na nhluniforms.com

Glej tudi

 Philadelphia Quakers
 Seznam igralcev Pittsburgh Pirates
 Seznam trenerjev Pittsburgh Pirates
 Seznam sezon lige NHL
 Seznam bivših moštev lige NHL
 Seznam igralcev lige NHL

Športna moštva, ustanovljena leta 1925
Športna moštva, razpuščena leta 1930
Hokej na ledu v Pittsburghu
Ameriški hokejski klubi

Nekdanji klubi lige NHL

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


Is your computer running more slowly than normal? Does it stop responding or freeze up on you? Does it crash or restart on you, programs not working correctly, not let you print, give you unusual error messages or just act weird in general?


Nicole received a Masters in Social Work from Temple University in 2003. She is a Pennsylvania Licensed Social Worker, and she has a total of 13 years experience between both inpatient and outpatient mental health settings. She has worked with clients ages 5 and above.
Nicole's areas of clinical experience include depression, anxiety, grief and loss, persistent mental illness, anger management, mindfulness, stress management, and relationship issues. Nicole's treatment focus is to use cognitive behavioral therapy to identify negative or dysfunctional thought patterns that can alter moods and behaviors. Goals of treatment are often to increase clients' insight and self-awareness in an effort to encourage healthier ways of thinking.


text:
Aims of the Blog
ManicBeancounter
Thoughts and Analysis, mostly on Climate Change Policy
How misleading economic assumptions can show Brexit making people worse off
Last week the BBC News headlined Brexit deal means '£70bn hit to UK by 2029′. ITV news had a similar report. The source, NIESR, summarizes their findings as follows:-
Fig 1 : NIESR headline findings
£70bn appears to be a lot of money, but this is a 10 year forecast on an economy that currently has a GDP of £2,000bn. The difference is about one third of one percent a year. The "no deal" scenario is just £40bn worse than the current deal on offer, hardly an apocalyptic scenario that should not be countenanced. Put another way, if underlying economic growth is 2%, from the NIESR in ten years the economy will be between 16% and 22% larger. In economic forecasting, the longer the time frame, the more significant the underlying assumptions. The reports are based on an NIESR open-access paper Prospects for the UK Economy – Arno Hantzsche, Garry Young, first published 29 Oct 2019. The key basis is contained in Figures 1 & 2, reproduced below.
Fig 2 : Figures 1 & 2 from the NIESR paper "Prospects for the UK Economy"
The two key figures purport to show that Brexit has made a difference. Business investment growth has apparently ground to a halt since mid-2016 and economic growth slowed. What it does not show is a decline in business investment, nor a halting of economic growth.
After these figures the report states:-
The reason that investment has been affected so much by the Brexit vote is that businesses fear that trade with the EU will be sufficiently costly in the future – especially with a no-deal Brexit – that new investment will not pay off. Greater clarity about the future relationship, especially removing the no-deal threat, might encourage some of that postponed investment to take place. But that would depend on the type of deal that is ultimately negotiated. A deal that preserved the current close trading relationship between the UK and EU could result in an upsurge in investment. In contrast, a deal that would make it certain that there would be more trade barriers between the UK and EU in the future would similarly remove the risk of no deal but at the same time eliminate the possibility of closer economic ties, offsetting any boost to economic activity.
This statement asserts, without evidence, that the cause of the change in investment trend is singular. That is due to business fears over Brexit. There is no corroborating evidence to back this assumption, such as surveys of business confidence, or decline in the stock markets. Nor is there a comparison with countries other than the UK, to show that any apparent shifts are due to other causes, such as the normal business cycle. Yet it is this singular assumed cause of the apparent divergence from trend that is used as the basis of forecasting for different policy scenarios a decade into the future.
The rest of this article will concentrate of the alternative evidence, to show that any alleged change in economic trends are either taken out of context or did not occur as a result of Brexit. For this I use World Bank data over a twenty year period, comparing to the Euro area. If voting to leave the EU has had a significant impact in economic trends
Net Foreign Direct Investment
There is no data for the narrow business investment at the World Bank. The alternative is net foreign direct investment.
Fig 3 : Data for net foreign direct investment from 1999 to 2018 for the Euro area and the UK.
UK net foreign direct investment was strongly negative in 2014 to 2016, becoming around zero in 2017 and 2018. The Euro area shows an opposite trend. Politically, in 2014 UKIP won the UK elections to the European Parliament, followed in 2015 by a promise of a referendum on the EU. Maybe the expectation of Britain voting to leave the EU could have had impact? More likely this net outflow is connected to the decline in the value of the pound. From xe.com
Fig 4 : 10 year GBP to USD exchange rates. Source xe.com
The three years of net negative FDI were years of steep declines in the value of the pound. In the years before and after, when exchange rates were more stable, net FDI was near zero.
GDP growth rates %
The NIESR choose to show the value of quarterly output to show a purported decline in the rate of economic growth post EU Referendum. More visible are the GDP growth rates.
Fig 5 : Annual GDP growth rates for the Euro area and the UK from 1999 to 2018.
The Euro area and the UK suffered a economic crash of similar magnitude in 2008 and 2009. From 2010 to 2018 the UK has enjoyed unbroken economic growth, peaking in 2014. Growth rates were declining well before the EU referendum. The Euro area was again in recession in 2012 and 2013, which more than offsets the stronger growth than the UK from 2016 to 2018. In the years 2010 to 2018 Euro area GDP growth averaged 1.4%, compared with 1.5% for the years 1999 to 2009. In the UK it was 1.9% in both periods. The NIESR is essentially claiming that leaving the EU without a deal will reduce UK growth to levels comparable with most of the EU.
Unemployment – total and youth
Another matrix is unemployment rates. If voting to leave has impacted business investment and economic growth, one would expect a lagged impact on unemployment.
Fig 6 : Unemployment rates (total and youth) for the Euro area and the UK from 1999 to 2019. The current year is to September.
Unemployment in the Euro area has always been consistently higher than in the UK. The second recession in 2012 and 2013 in the Euro area resulted in unemployment peaking at least two years later than the UK. But in both places there has been over five years of falling unemployment. Brexit seems to have zero impact on the trend in the UK, where unemployment is now the lowest since the early 1970s.
The average rates of total unemployment for the period 1999-2018 are 8.2% in the Euro area and 6.0% in the UK. For youth unemployment they are 20.9% and 14.6% respectively.
The reason for higher rates of unemployment in EU countries for decades is largely down to greater regulatory rigidities than the UK.
Concluding comments
NIESR's assumptions that the slowdowns in business investment and economic growth are soley due to the uncertainties created by Brexit are not supported by the wider evidence. Without support for that claim, the ten year forecasts of slower economic growth due to Brexit fail entirely. Instead Britain should be moving away from EU stagnation with high youth unemployment, charting a better course that our European neighbours will want to follow.
Kevin Marshall
by manicbeancounter on 04/11/2019 • Permalink
Posted in EU Referendum, General Election 2019, NIESR
Tagged EU Referendum, General Election 2019, NIESR
Posted by manicbeancounter on 04/11/2019
https://manicbeancounter.com/2019/11/04/misleading-economic-assumptions-by-the-niesr-on-brexit/
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In this Landscape Photography vlog, I travel up to the Lake District in Northern England to experience the majestic mountains, lakes and vistas that the region is famous for.
With a cloudy morning and little chance of a sunrise, Lachlan and I headed south to the Boranup Forest to photograph a panoramic image of the majestic Karri trees.
We took a quick trip down to Gracetown for the weekend, and got amongst to wineries, breweries and Karri trees.
The other morning, when I woke up and saw that we were cover in a blanket of fog, I quickly grabbed my camera, a few lenses took off to a pine forest, not far from where I live. The radio mentioned that was the entire Metro area was covered, but I decided to stay local. The Joondalup Lake are was a location I was really keen to photography in these conditions.
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Usually we get our weather here in Perth come in from the west or south, but around about this time of year, every now and then, we get weather come down from the north. As a landscape photographer, I always get a little excited, not because of the large clouds that form over the hills or the large drops of rain that start to fall, but because of the flashes of light that start to dance in amongst the clouds. This tropical weather produces the ideal conditions for tropical storms…I can't think of a better time to grab my camera and get out shooting.
The Great Southern Coast has epic cliff lines and magnificent vistas looking out across the Southern Ocean. However, Esperance is also well known for it's incredible sandy white beaches, some of the whitest in Australia. So I set about finding and capturing some of those beaches.
For the School Holidays we decided to take a trip to Esperance which is on the south coast of Western Australia. It's a 8-9 hour trip so we broke it up into two days, stopping at Hyden to check out Wave Rock. The weather for the first couple of days was hot and windy, reaching 39 degrees. Luckily we had plenty of beaches to take a swim and cool off. We started off exploring Cape Le Grand National Park, including Lucky Bay and Frenchmans Peak. meeting the Kangaroos and Goannas.


text:
Dr. Robert A. Cohen Oral History 2002 B
Download the PDF: Cohen_Robert_A_Oral_History_2002_B (PDF 91 kB)
This is a second interview with Dr. Robert A. Cohen, former Director of NIMH Clinical Investigations from 1952-1968, and Deputy Director of the NIMH Intramural Research Program and Director of the NIMH Division of Clinical and Behavioral Research (1968-1981).
Dr. Morris Parloff is also present to assist with the interview. The interview is being held on January 23rd, 2002, in Bethesda, Maryland, and the interviewer is Dr. Ingrid Farreras of the NIH History Office.
Cohen: The Scientific Director of the Heart Institute was Dr. Shannon, and when Dr. Felix took me around to introduce me to all of the Scientific Directors, Dr. Shannon was a firmly established research director, and he had been at the Goldwater Memorial Hospital. Dr. Felix at NIMH wanted me to meet him primarily because I was notified that I was going to be the Scientific Director in November, and at that time we thought we would have to move into the Clinical Center and occupy 100 beds by March [1953]. There were not a vast number of research people, and how you were going to appoint them and get them to leave their present positions in five months and move in was just ridiculous. They fully realized that and just said, "well, do the best you can". But we committed ourselves to occupying these beds. As it turned out, we didn't have to move in until July, but that didn't make a vast difference. At that particular time, and particularly among the social scientists and psychiatrists, working for the U.S. government wasn't regarded as necessarily a good thing because of the invasion of Congress into the operations.
Farreras: How much of an influence did Congress have on the research that was done?
Cohen: Well, Congress didn't have any great influence, but the memories of Joe McCarthy were vivid among the people in the social sciences. They may have been among people in the laboratories, too, but I don't think that they were as concerned as the social scientists. I already mentioned that I had spoken to a number of people. I'd spoken to Al Stanton and others, some of whom were being called up, and finally got some agreement from several of them to come. But when Eisenhower went and stopped the Korean conflict, they all called up to say, "Well, we would have liked to have come, but obviously this is necessary in war." So everything that you read about the organization was just something that I made up on the spur of the moment. I began calling people. Morrie [Parloff] was one of the very first I called; I already knew him and the moment I accepted the job, I knew that I wanted him to come. We had met before and I was very much impressed by him. I still am. I'm trying to think of anyone else. Roger McDonald we had met. I met Morrie and Roger at the home of David and Margaret Rioch sometime previously. I had spoken to Jarl Dyrud to find out if he might want to come. Of course, he had no interest whatever in coming.
But then I was simply deluged with requests from psychiatrists – all resident status, not professors – who were being called up, so I figured I would accept the ones who made the best impression on me. What I wanted was to get people who had had some experience in addition to psychiatry, like Lou Cholden, who had a Master's degree in psychology, or who were at least third-year residents, like Norman Goldstein, and who, in addition, had a Ph.D. I looked for people who had graduate degrees, but they weren't abundant. Norman was the only one, in the first group of psychiatrists, besides Lou Cholden. We just assembled a group of psychiatrists: Charlie Savage, who had been a resident at the Naval Hospital, Bob Pittenger who had been chief resident at Yale – that would know how to run a clinical service and a few others. So I was trying to get people who had graduate degrees in other areas because I really wanted to have representation of psychology, I knew I wanted to have representation of sociology, and I was hoping to find people who had considerable experience in those areas in addition to psychiatry. I wanted to get people in the biological sciences because I had come from physiology. The strange thing about it was that here I had a clinical program, but I wanted it to have sociology and physiology and biochemistry represented. Bob Felix was the one who recruited me, which is funny on the surface because Seymour Kety was the Scientific Director at the time, and in every other institute, the Scientific Director recruited and appointed the Clinical Director. But I wasn't even introduced to Kety. All of the discussions were with Felix, and Felix took me around and introduced me to all of the other Scientific Directors, which in every other institute would have been done by the Scientific Director.
Farreras: Why did Felix appoint you to head the Clinical Investigations program?
Cohen: Because Kety had tried to find somebody and hadn't found anyone, which wasn't amazing, because although Kety was a brilliant physiologist, he had had no clinical experience. I don't know whether he actually had an internship or not. And I had met Felix before, when I was program chairman of the Washington Psychiatric Society. But the significance of that is that somehow, although Kety and I had a good social relationship, he never invited me to meet with any of the Lab Chiefs in the Basic Research Program, and I never invited him to come to our Clinical Lab Chief meetings. And the same thing was true when Kety left that job and Bob Livingston took over as Scientific Director. We had a cordial enough social relationship but never talked about the Clinical and Basic programs together. We went to Bob Felix's two general staff conferences of NIMH Program Directors twice a week, and even more in Kety's case. For four or five years, Kety, John Eberhart, Joe Bobbitt and I would have lunch together every Friday and talked mostly about the problems of the institute and life in general. We never brought up, except tangentially maybe once in a while, issues that had come up in our own individual programs.[1]
Farreras: I wanted to back up a minute to what you said earlier about wanting physiology and sociology represented within the Clinical program.
Cohen: As far as the physiology, Wade Marshall – who had been there before Kety arrived – and I had known each other since 1930, we had worked at the same lab and had gotten our Ph.D.s from Ralph Gerard. When I began as an assistant of physiology, which was what paid my way through medical school and graduate school, the other person in my first class as assistant was Louise Hanson, who married Wade Marshall. My wife, Mabel Blake, was also an assistant, and the first people we visited in Baltimore, when Mabel and I came for residency, were the Marshalls, so we had kept up that relationship. In addition to that, I had been at the Institute for Juvenile Research in Chicago as a fellow, and I had known John Clausen there. And John – and Wade – were already at NIMH doing research. John was doing research in Hagerstown. For a variety of reasons John didn't want to leave the Basic Research program so what I did was give him sections within the Clinical program. We created the first joint [Socio-environmental Studies] Lab almost immediately. When Kety would have a meeting of the Basic Lab Chiefs John would go to that and when I would have a meeting of the Clinical Lab Chiefs John would go to that as well. The Lab Chief would go to each meeting separately. As I look back on it, I don't know why it happened that way. John Eberhart was really the first real Scientific Director in the sense that he had ultimate supervision over both programs, whereas Kety and Livingston only had nominal. John and I ran the program together, partly because he was a psychologist and didn't know anything about the hard sciences, and I at least had a degree in physiology.
Farreras: How did he manage to be appointed Scientific Director, being a psychologist, with no M.D. degree?
Cohen: When Kety left they had to appoint another Scientific Director and John was a very much admired and very well-liked person. He had been in the institute from its very first beginnings as Director of the extramural program and had then gone to the Commonwealth Foundation but I guess he wasn't as happy at Commonwealth as he thought he might be, because he came back when Kety gave up the job and Bob Livingston came.
Farreras: Who appointed him?
Cohen: Dr. Felix appointed all the people. But they were looking for someone in physiology from Yale when the idea came up of Eberhart being a very good person to have as Scientific Director given the experience he had had from the very early NIH days. He and Joe Bobbitt had both gotten their Ph.D.s together at Northwestern, and Bobbitt was Bob Felix's closest collaborator in those days.
Farreras: Now, you just said that Marshall and Clausen were already here before Kety arrived, before the intramural program was established?
Cohen: Marshall actually came before the Intramural Research program had been so designated. There's another Robert Cohen, who was both a neurologist and a physiologist, who had been instrumental in getting Wade Marshall a job. Felix knew that he was going to want to have a physiologist, so they actually set up a very complete physiological laboratory. Felix also knew that they would want to do sociological studies, and the NIMH had an operation in Hagerstown, Maryland, and John Clausen came and began a series of population studies in Hagerstown. And these were in full operation at the time Kety arrived and took over, or developed a program which included them.
Farreras: What about the Neurochemistry Lab?
Cohen: No, Kety built that up. He appointed all of the other Lab Chiefs in the Basic Research program, but there weren't so many. Sokoloff was not a Lab Chief. As a matter of fact, Sokoloff's career was the reverse of mine; I came to psychiatry from physiology, and Sokoloff went from physiology to psychiatry. He had been a student of Kety's at the University of Pennsylvania, and after the war he joined Kety because he was fascinated with the possibilities of what neurochemistry could do. My idea, at first, was that some of the people who came in simply to avoid military service would get interested in research and possibly become permanent members of the staff, and then, for the rest, that we would gradually recruit them into a long-lasting program. I was thinking of several years but it turned out to be six years before I finally got all of the people! I mentioned to you already that Dr. Shakow was frequently around the institute as it was being formulated and developed, and that he was one of those who was consulted because of his distinguished background in psychology. He had gotten his degree at Harvard, and was very active in the Chicago area, particularly in the Chicago Psychoanalytic Institute. I turned to him to get some help in finding psychologists for the program, and every person that Shakow and I agreed on would be a good person for a Lab Chief would come and visit us, make a strong impression on us, without exception would be fascinated by the ideas of doing research here, but didn't want to come. Dr. Shakow was getting just as disappointed and frustrated as I was and one day I was really inspired and thought that if we offered him a joint lab like Clausen already had that he might be willing to come. I went to Kety and Kety wondered about it and decided to give it a whirl and when we offered it to him he said yes. That's how we got started. So at that time there were, in effect, three Lab Chiefs [Marshall, Clausen, Shakow] and two of the labs were joint [Socio-environmental Studies and Psychology].
Farreras: I thought I read in your 1975 oral history with Eli Rubinstein [at NLM] wanting Fritz Redl, as your first choice, to head the Psychology Lab.
Cohen: Yes, what I had in mind was a simpleminded idea. Here were 100 beds. How were we going to fill them? I thought that there would be three main divisions within the Clinical Laboratories. One with the sorts of patients that Redl worked with, hyper-aggressive adolescents with anti-social behaviors; one which studied disorders of mood and thoughts – schizophrenia, manic-depressive psychosis; and one that would devote itself to normals. This simpleminded idea resulted from the early days of working with Dr. Sullivan in the Washington School of Psychiatry. We had gotten the idea of proposing to the Army or the Navy a study of people who had endured and not broken down in combat. The Navy approved but Dr. Sullivan died so the five of us who were going to be in that program tried to carry that on by ourselves. During the war, all of us had been involved in getting people who were unsuitable for service excused with an honorable discharge. And we had developed almost a template that every one of these people demonstrated; involving neuropathic traits in childhood that came from broken families. So we started this study of very successful Naval officers who had gone through hell; one of them had been captured by the Japanese, others had been in the most awful combat…but they all had the same background as the patients whom we had validated out! These were people who had been Eagle Scouts, presidents of their high school class, but had all come from broken families, they all had all of the neuropathic traits of childhood. And the thing that set them apart was that they eagerly looked forward to competence tests. They looked for things that made other people [unintelligible], and they always came through. One of them had such a broken up family that he would stay at school as late as he could, go home and have dinner, go to sleep, and then get up at night and study and then go to school. He became a mate to one of the storied admirals in the Navy. I wish we had done a better study than we did. Nevertheless, as far as I was concerned, it resulted in my saying that never again would I want to do studies without including the study of the normal population. I was looking for people who would be committed to us. I thought that I had reached the end of the beginning, but it turned out to be the beginning of the end. What happened was that Dr. Redl, Dr. Shakow and Dr. Clausen were working together and I looked for someone for what we called Psychosomatic Investigations to work in the clinical psychiatry area. I had met Joe Elkes on my trip to Europe and was tremendously impressed by him. He was professor of pharmacology. He had come to spend a year in the United States, and I was most impressed by the fact that instead of going to Harvard or Yale or any other distinguished university, he went to a Pennsylvania state hospital, which I thought made real sense.[2]
And then I read a paper by David Hamburg in Psychiatry, a journal of which my wife was managing editor, and tried to get him to come early on, but he was very much involved in the Institute for Advanced Studies in California. David and Elkes finally agreed to come but Elkes – after we set up a clinic to his specifications – then went back to England. Seymour Kety, who had already gone to Johns Hopkins to be professor, was profoundly depressed and wondered if he could come back and become the Lab Chief. I thought that would be wonderful. And so he came back and the only person he brought with him was Lou Sokoloff and a couple of junior people. He took over the tentative laboratory that we had already assembled, which included Seymour Perlin, Bob Butler, Roger McDonald, Phil Cardon, Julie Axelrod, Ed Evarts, and Irv Kopin. Elkes, a year later, wrote and said that he was ready to come. I had a very good friend who was assistant superintendent at St. Elizabeth's, and I had talked to him about getting a ward there, and he was as interested as we were. I thought it would be good to have a ward in a mental hospital setting, and do some of our research there. Felix, Kety and I went over to have lunch with Dr. Overholser, and Dr. Overholser said, "Sure you can have a ward, but why not take over a building?" and Dr. Felix said, "That would be great" and my heart sank. But then Joe said he would come back, and so we asked Joe to go and look at it. He came, stayed for two weeks, looked at the building, took a set of architectural prints back, and sent back a complete laboratory development for the new building. And then Dave Hamburg came, and I thought we were then going to settle down and work.[3] About eight months after he came, Elkes and I went to a meeting of the American Psychiatric Association where he was going to be a discussant. He gave one of his spellbinding discussions and before we got back to Washington, Hank Bronson had tried to get him to go to Pittsburgh. And then he was simply bathed in invitations. He told us that he had accepted a professorship at Stanford and everyone felt awful. We didn't say anything, but it didn't take even a pharmacologist to tell how we felt about it. But he reconsidered and thought he shouldn't leave and decided to stay. He stayed for about two years after Kety had left again and then Hopkins, which had been trying to find another professor, came and got him. By this time, John and I began to work together. Up to that point, the joint laboratories would meet with each of the program Directors separately, the Clinical Laboratory Chiefs with me and the Basic Laboratory Chiefs with John. But for the first time, I began to participate with him in issues that came up in the whole intramural program. At first I thought it was going to go so well because we began to have one dinner meeting each month with the six Lab Chiefs – Kety, Elkes, Clausen, Redl, Shakow, and Hamburg – and each of them took turns going into not only what was going on in their laboratory, but also into where the whole intramural program might go and what things we might do. I thought we would work together like a smaller group might have done, and it seemed to be going that way but then they dropped out [Hamburg, Elkes] and Clausen was also invited out to take the job of Director of the Institute for Human Development at the University of California at Berkeley. But the younger people who had come and stayed had developed into fairly substantial people in the takeover as Lab Chiefs themselves; Lyman Wynne, for example, had finished his Ph.D. while he was with us and took over the Adult Psychiatry Branch.
Farreras: Was it common for junior people to be leading the way versus hiring senior people, like Fritz Redl, who already had an established record?
Cohen: It was common with us. Well, Lyman had already done substantial work, and it promised to be more so. Dave [Shakow] had stepped down as Lab Chief and then Dave Rosenthal took over. As I look back I don't know why he took over as Lab Chief rather than Morrie, both had been equal candidates. But Rosenthal led the way and did an absolutely superb job in the study of the Genain quadruplets, the name that he himself gave to them. Ed Evarts had been the Acting Lab Chief of the Laboratory of Clinical Science but he didn't like to be Lab Chief. I made him promise me that if he didn't want to stay Lab Chief that he would let me know instead of resigning in order to get out of the responsibility. And sure enough, he promised, and then he was offered a professorship at North Carolina. But that was the time when Kety had returned and when he did Evarts said that if Kety took over the Lab that he'd stay. And when Kety left again, Julie Axelrod was already a distinguished scientist. He hadn't gotten the Nobel Prize yet but John Eberhart and I had proposed for three years running to promote him to a GS-18, which is the highest level available, and he turned us down each time. And it was just before he got his Nobel Prize that it finally went through. But we knew that Julie wouldn't take the job so we asked Irv Kopin to take it. But I simply gave up on the idea of having structured dinner meetings, even if all seemed receptive. If people were going to come together, they'd find their way. I got over feeling terribly disappointed. And from then on, I think the program went along with a modest degree of success. When Dave Hamburg had his going-away party I felt that it was a compliment to us that the people whom we found and worked so hard to bring together were very much wanted by distinguished universities. But it was the sort of compliment we could do without. Actually, the first person to leave was Fritz Redl, and that was because of Bob Felix and one of the two things I have against Felix. In a way, he was not only the first but in many ways the best director we had, but he was very upset because Fritz Redl would talk to social-work groups, etc. – there's a Redl House in the Washington area – instead of giving more talks. We were dealing with that, and we'd gotten Joe Noshwitz – who wrote a very superior book on child psychiatry – to come. And Jack Masur had said to me that he couldn't think of anything more important than working on these hyperaggressive, socially disturbed children. At the same time, we took the adolescents out of the Clinical Center and built a special building. Jack Masur said that he was sure they'd make a mess of it and I bet him a nickel that they wouldn't. And he gave me the nickel back and said, "You win." But from then on, we had such problems. The whole governance of the program gradually changed. We got a note that Herbert Kelman, who became a leading figure at Harvard later, had to be let go because he had participated in protests and Bob Felix said, "Well, what can you do." Fortunately, Kelman got a lawyer. I'm not sure that this would have happened without a lawyer, but Shannon and the Surgeon General met on a Sunday and decided that he was not guilty of anything, and the Secretary of Health, Education and Welfare sent a letter of apology to Kelman and a letter of reprimand to the people who suggested he be let go. That was the best thing that ever happened in the Eisenhower administration. And Shannon and the Surgeon General were much more concerned than Felix.
Felix, having decided, in his own wisdom, that Redl wasn't talking to medical scientists enough, refused to allow Redl to stay in Europe for a month because there were two meetings that he had agreed to talk at that were a month apart. So Redl resigned and I wrote a letter to Felix saying that I would resign if he ever did that again. I'm sure he didn't tremble over it and he himself left very shortly after. Other than that, he was generally a good Institute Director. Felix used to come over once a year to give a talk to the intramural scientists and he would always tell them, "I need to have a gimmick when I go before Congress, so if any of you ever have an idea or particularly some little discovery being made that I can tell them, it'll be very helpful to me." Here's an example of our heroism in those days. Senator Lister Hill asked Felix, when the budget of the institute was about $15 million, "How much do you think you'll eventually come ask me for?" and Felix said, "Senator, I can foresee the day when I'll ask you for $25 million." And in a sense, we were thinking about how nice it would be if some day the government would have two or three institutes like the NIH in different parts of the country, because this was such a fantastic opportunity to do full-time research. Of course, that changed completely now that the ex-director pours out more money than he gets from private contributions.
Farreras: Why was the NIMH pulled out of the NIH?
Cohen: My feeling is that Shannon tried to think of the NIH as a whole, and each Institute Director would tell him what he would like to propose to Congress, and Shannon would decide whether to go along with it. I think Felix felt he would have a freer hand. And so most of the people in the intramural program were worried about our being pulled out.
Farreras: Why?
Cohen: I think it was general. I know that it was true of John Eberhart and me. But we admired Shannon so much, we could discuss problems with him, and we both felt that this was a valuable operation. We had also run into a problem in our program as far as giving a little too much responsibility to one of the young doctors, Jordan Scher, who, without authority, had admitted to his unit six patients who were schizophrenic but who had the good fortune to come from families with a tremendous amount of political influence. And he told them, "I will not only treat your beloved children and cure them, but that they can stay here for life." When I found out about that I didn't say they would have to leave right now, but that they could not stay here for life even if we couldn't cure them. But they applied so much pressure…
Farreras: Their families?
Cohen: These people had so much political influence that for many months, Shannon got letters every morning from senators, representatives, the White House... For three months, every morning I would start my day in Shannon's office and would speak to him and/or Elsie, who was a wonderful administrative officer, about how we were going to take control with this? When it came to his attention Shannon said, "Tell me what happened, and, what you've done and why you've done it." And after we did that, he said, "I think you were right." And the families asked for an interview with Shannon, and Shannon had the interview with them with me there, and it was right, but we're not just going to turn the patients out. We'll see how it goes. There was an article in the New York Times where I got the most publicity I'll ever have, in which they indicated that here was another government business just like Enron, where the sure cure for schizophrenia was being tossed out because we were turning the program over to Kety's laboratory. here were many other things like that about Shannon. I just felt like he was the one who created NIH the way it was and why it was that way.
Farreras: So you wanted to remain a part of NIH.
Cohen: We felt that we had no need for another institution to develop. But we went. But we were never made to feel that we weren't part of NIH.
Parloff: I have a fable about this that I recall Felix talking informally with us about. He explained that he had finally gotten enough courage to submit a budget for a billion dollars, at which point he was told, "Go make your own institute," and that's the way he presented to us why he was leaving, because we were very unhappy. Incidentally, we all shared that view of Shannon. I first met Shannon when Sokoloff and I were invited to see Shannon where he presented the institute as a place where you were anointed and you would go do creative work and the administrators would assist you, and Eberhart and Hazel Rea supported that point of view to an unbelievable extent. We were very loath to leave the NIH, and Felix's story was that he had been pushed, that it wasn't altogether his wish to go, but that he had been encouraged to go make his own institute.
Farreras: Who had done this? Who had encouraged that?
Parloff: Congress ultimately. But as I understood it the other Institute Directors considered it presumptuous and ridiculous for the NIMH alone to have a budget of a billion dollars. That's not the budget of an NIH Institute; that's one for an independent agency.
Farreras: So the Heart Institute, for example, wasn't getting that much money?
Cohen: No. I'm not even sure Cancer did. And I remember one day when Shannon called John [Eberhart] and me in and said that while he was satisfied with the way the programs were run, he thought we were going to need to have some other independent evaluation of the programs, scientific counselors we would select to meet regularly and come. At first John and I met with the Lab Chiefs each year and went over every person in the program; how the work was going, how productive they were, whether it was time to consider promotion. And then we decided that that was probably not the best way to go about it, so we advocated for the appointment of a scientific promotion committee from the intramural scientists, who would make recommendations to us.
Farreras: When you say promoting scientists, could you tell me what type of ranking system there was? Now it seems that there is a Lab Chief, Section Chiefs, and then each Section Chief has several post-docs and technicians. But it seems that back in the early days you had a Lab Chief but also people like Mishkin and Mirsky who were not post-docs.
Cohen: Actually, the Lab Chiefs while I was still there. Lyman Wynne, I thought, could be a senior person, although I think that he had strengths as well as weaknesses in that job. Actually, when Lyman left to go to Rochester, he took most of the Adult Psychiatry Branch with him. Before he left, we had felt that the group under him had been very productive, and he was already was a Lab Chief, but Goodwin and Murphy, who were working with him, really had become quite independent of him, so we appointed them as Lab Chiefs.
Farreras: Wasn't Butler one of the members of the Adult Psychiatry Branch? How did he get to be Director of the Aging Institute?
Cohen: Well, when I first arrived I received a letter from Bob Butler, who had just finished his first year of residency and said he would like to come. But I was getting a lot of letters at that time and we were only able to give people a year's residency and on that basis I said, "Well, we can accept one person." So it just goes to show, if you wanted to get credit, you have to do things differently. Bob Butler always speaks about how Seymour Kety had wanted him, but the fact is that he was always a member of my program and I didn't want to lose him, so I sent him to Chestnut Lodge for a year of residency credit, and I paid his salary, which was something that made him very pleased. As it turned out, he would have been pleased. And then he even offered to keep him another year but I said, "No, you can't do that." And Bob Butler came back and wanted to start a program people. And I had decided that Fred Snyder and I were going to appoint him as Lab Chief, and we did. And I think that Fred would have been wonderful if he would have stayed, but he was a rather tortured soul. He actually did exceptional work. In any event, to go back again to the early part of the program, our first interdisciplinary study, and Bob Butler and Seymour Perlin [from the Laboratory of Clinical Science] were the psychiatrists assigned to us. I remember Jim came to me and said, "But, you know, Butler is much more interested in these old people than Sey Perlin." He really made a very solid presentation to some big government people [Arthur Fleming] and finally, when the Aging Institute was being developed, he was a natural candidate for it.
Farreras: So the interdisciplinary study was between Birren's Aging Section, the Adult Psychiatry Branch, and the Socio-environmental Lab [Yarrow]?
Cohen: Let me go get the book that came out of that very early study… Do you recall this acknowledgment of Perlin? [After the five authors are listed – Birren, Butler, Greenhouse, Sokoloff, and Yarrow* there is "(*With the early editorial collaboration of Seymour Perlin)"]. I thought that was insulting. It was classic. Perlin wanted to be on everything.
Parloff: He did. I wanted to come back to a point you made before about Goodwin and his role. This was one of the first studies that made me feel that the original idea was going to be a success, where people from different labs got together. I always thought it was interesting that, while Birren had the big name in the aging field, that Butler wound up as the Aging Institute Director. Now, Butler is an extraordinary person, no quarrel with that. But I was always puzzled about what happened in that process. Goodwin came from the intramural, and I always thought that he had a lot more appreciation for what the intramural was doing and could do than, say, Pardes [Herbert Pardes] . When I was working with Pardes, Pardes seemed to be, politically, an instrument for the American Psychiatric Association. That was the scope of his concerns in most of our discussions – in terms of the extramural. To represent psychiatry properly was very clearly his major goal in life. So I was interested in what you said about Goodwin because he would have a different view, one that was a little bit more expanded. Just for clarification, John Eberhart held the title of Director of the Extramural and the Intramural but he never used the extramural part, he just held that title. Am I correct in that? [NOTE: He's listed in the phone books as Chief of the Research Grants and Fellowships Branch (in the early 50s), Associate Director of Intramural Research from 1961-1967, and Mental Health Intramural Research Program Director from 1967-1981].
Cohen: When I first knew him, he was Director of Extramural, not Intramural. I met him because he made a site visit to Chestnut Lodge while I was still there. Then he went to the Commonwealth and later became Director of Intramural when he returned. The Director of the Extramural eventually was Lou Wienckowski at the time that Eberhart came back.
Parloff: Well, I recognize that that's correct, but there was one puzzling aspect very early on. I, too, knew John [Eberhart] from his grant work because he provided the grant overview for Jerry Frank's work, with which I was associated at Johns Hopkins. But when I came on and Eberhart came to greet me and tell me about his role of helping me implement my research, I discovered that he was listed, at least early on, as Director, Intramural and Extramural. And when that was raised with him, he said, "Well, I never do that extramural anymore." But it was listed, I thought, for many years. He was fantastic.
Cohen: He was a very remarkable man, a pleasure to work with.
Parloff: Absolutely. It was a very exciting place.
Cohen: Well, it was a different place. There's no doubt about the fact that it was a golden age for those who were there.
Parloff: I was reminded of when Oveta Culp Hobby [1st Secretary of the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, 1953-1955] had the temerity to suggest cutting the budget and Congress censured her. Those were extraordinary days.
Cohen: I certainly must say that I felt very fortunate to have been able to be there in those first years.
Parloff: Jordan Scher's activities were probably not among the highlights of your years at NIMH. That was a period of turmoil that I well remember. I had to work with Jordan on the committee, until Dave renamed the quads as the Morlocks. But he was an extraordinarily difficult man to deal with. So I was doing Dave Rosenthal no favor when I urged him to take over that committee; I thought he could deal with it, and he did. Dave would just consult respectfully with each member of the committee and then do what he wanted to do. This enabled him to get a lot of work done.
Cohen: Well, Dave's story is so tragic. He was such a remarkable man. And somehow or other, I felt so sad that he contributed so much to the program, to the development of the field of genetics, and his name just isn't mentioned that way anymore. I think that's sort of sad.
Farreras: Returning to your earlier comment about Butler, why is it that Birren wasn't asked to be Director of the Aging Institute, given what a big name he had in the field?
Cohen: I don't know why. Jim Birren was certainly very highly regarded. He was in California by then. But Butler's very skillful, he's a very good speaker. So is Jim, as far as I'm concerned. But I guess that Butler – in addition to whatever else he may be as a scientist – is also a very engaging person. He made a very good impression on Fleming and I think that was the way. Butler was one of the younger Institute Directors when he was appointed. This was after he got the prize for his book on aging. I was trying to think of the last Lab Chiefs when we reported after Goodwin, Murphy and Ed Evarts. When John and I decided to retire, we gave Pardes four names that we considered fully eligible, and they were Evarts, Kopin, Bunney, and Goodwin. Who was the woman who worked Intramurally with Hazel Rea appointing people? I know they were very heavy supporters of Goodwin. So what happened was that Goodwin was appointed and Evarts stayed, but Kopin went over to the Neurology Institute, and Bunney went to the University of California and is now a distinguished professor there. Bunney really was the senior in terms of experience. He was the one who hired Goodwin. We no longer felt that we were in a position to decide on a new Lab Chief for the Psychology Lab so we got a committee of people who had been on the Board of Scientific Counselors to advise us as to whom to appoint. Actually, Alan [Mirsky] wasn't our first recommendation, but he was the one who accepted.
Parloff: I know Shakow had very high hopes for Mirsky. He and we felt very, very positive about him. I was thinking about the question you raised before about the impact of our having left NIH, yet we were physically still located here and occupying space that other people could have been chomping at the bit about. I would like to get your impression of that. Shannon certainly wanted everybody to stay but that doesn't mean that the people who were around were always happy about that, particularly when space was such a big concern.
Cohen: Well, I do remember when Bob Berliner was the Deputy Director. He came around and asked us whether we should keep Socio-Environmental Studies. And he was suggesting that it could comfortably move out. But John and I were reluctant to do that, and he agreed with us that it should stay. And then the very first thing that Fred Goodwin did was suggest that it move the whole thing out. He certainly cut back on the support.
Parloff: That was my impression, that the support was gradually withdrawn. And I had already left the intramural, so I don't recall the demise of the Laboratory of Psychology but I do know people had disappeared, either by natural attrition or by being encouraged to leave.
Cohen: Very definitely. Two things are rather interesting. Fred started to write his textbook a couple of years before I retired, and then he told me about having invited Jamison to help. And I was rather interested that he did that, and I think that Jamison was as well, the social science, such as there, is in that textbook. Actually, in the 50th anniversary celebration that they had, Jamison was one of the speakers, and she was the only one who spoke about the importance of love in the treatment of manic-depressive illness. And, amazingly, there was clapping.
Farreras: And the second? You said there were two things.
Cohen: Fred, I think, had controlled interest in the social sciences. I suppose that I, being brought up the way I was, still feel that mad rush for science. It tends to propose that life experience plays a relatively less significant importance in personality development, as I look upon it, even this really quite good book. She says something about psychotherapy that, obviously, is entirely secondary to everything else. And I sometimes think that back a hundred years ago, which make other developments is a very important statement. And somehow or other, that's something that they deal with. I think we have overlooked one of the NIMH directors, the one associated with the Decade of the Brain. Do you recall who? There was Pardes and then Frazier, but somewhere in there, there was another Director who became known for having instituted at the NIMH the study of the Decade of the Brain.
Parloff: Yeah, I don't know him, he came after I left. But he's professor at the University of California at San Diego.
Cohen: The reason I mention him is that it coincides with the re-medicalization of psychiatry and the de-emphasis of the sociological, the developmental…
Parloff: Sociology as we knew it, psychology as we knew it…I think that's true. They put their faith in genetics.
Cohen: I was a little cheered to have read that there's getting to be much more acceptance of the notion that, while the brain functions and neurological functions are critical, they can be influenced by the psychological experience, and so they're getting away from this 'it's all genetics' and 'it's all how you were raised'. It's rather that how the mechanisms work is getting to be better understood and respected.
Parloff: Well, even Kandel, who got the Nobel Prize studying the sea slug, described how experience does play a role in the behavior of the slug, and once the slug has had experience, it changes the behavior in significant ways.
Farreras: Well, shall we stop for today? Have you had enough?
Cohen: Yes, although Morrie and I can keep talking forever.
Farreras: Oh, and I can keep listening.
Cohen: The question is, have you had enough?
Farreras: Well, we can set up a time to meet again soon. But I want to thank you both for being so generous with your time.
[1] Within a few days of my arrival, I joined with Dr. Kety in attending the two weekly meetings of the entire extramural staff of the Institute in Dr. Felix's office – Monday mornings and Thursday afternoons – where we participated in all the deliberations concerning the Institute's development. Also Kety and I began regular Friday luncheon meetings with Drs. Eberhart and Bobbitt – these continued for many months until Eberhart left for the Commonwealth Fund and Kety for Johns Hopkins.
[2] With the appointment of Redl, Shakow and Clausen as Laboratory Chiefs (the latter two as "joint") I was now looking for a senior research psychiatrist and a chief for the psychosomatic group. In 1935 I visited research centers in Europe on a trip planned by the Mental Health section of WHO. I was particularly impressed by a visit with Dr. Joel Elkes of the Pharmacology Department of the Birmingham University. He visited us in 1936, was offered and accepted the post of the Chief of Psychosomatic Medicine, but on his return to England was subjected to pressures to remain – pressures he felt he could not refuse. Seymour Kety then proposed himself as candidate for the post. He brought his own section and that of Louis Sokoloff into the Lab, changing its name to the Laboratory of Clinical Science – making it the third joint laboratory.
[3] In 1958 I succeeded in recruiting David Hamburg to be the first Chief of Adult Psychiatry. The same year Felix and I had gone over to St. Elizabeth's Hospital to ask for access to one of its wards so that we might have a more conventional setting for some of our clinical studies. The superintendent offered us a whole building – which Dr. Felix eagerly accepted. Elkes had just sent us a message stating he was now available – and thus the Clinical Neuropharmacology Research Center was born. I had assembled the dream group which I hoped would work together productively for many years. It was a very congenial group; each new member had been appointed with the full agreement of all the others. In addition to meetings at the Clinical Center we had dinner meetings at the homes of the members. They were interested in all the research programs – but after two years Kety was offered a Professorship at Harvard – "the only one he could not possibly turn down." Then Clausen was appointed director of the Human Development Institute at the University of California at Berkeley; Hamburg the Professorship at Stanford; Redl the Distinguished Professorship at Wayne State; and some months later Elkes the Professorship at Johns Hopkins. Shakow alone stayed on – also after his official retirement. All their replacements were filled by promotions from within, of men and women who in making their reputations made ours.
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Eagles fans, I covered Josh McCown with the Jets, so here's what to expect from Carson Wentz's new backup
Updated: Aug. 19, 2019, 7:20 a.m. | Published: Aug. 19, 2019, 6:00 a.m.
Philadelphia Eagles hold training camp, Aug. 13, 2019
By Darryl Slater | NJ Advance Media for NJ.com
Now that 40-year-old journeyman quarterback Josh McCown has come out of retirement to be Carson Wentz's backup with the Eagles, what can Philadelphia fans expect from him?
I covered McCown for his entire time with the Jets, 2017-18, both as a starter and then as Sam Darnold's understudy last year.
So here's what to look for, as McCown arrives in Philly:
• He knows his role: McCown doesn't have any illusions that he's going to be a starter for the Eagles, barring an injury to Wentz (which, given recent history, is possible). McCown embraced the role of being Darnold's backup last year, after the Jets decided to go with the high-profile rookie in Week 1. McCown isn't some disgruntled veteran who still wants to start so badly that he's going to cause problems in the locker room.
• Well-traveled mentor: Wentz is already in pretty good position, in terms of his development. And it's not like McCown was ever an elite-level quarterback. So he doesn't possess that kind of expertise, in terms of his resume. But McCown has a keen eye for watching film and a willingness to mentor a young quarterback. He did it last year with Darnold, who loved how McCown was hard on him during film study sessions. McCown has no problem mentoring a young player. In fact, he likes it. And he's a natural. When McCown was out of football earlier in his career, he served as a volunteer high school quarterbacks coach. He has seen a ton in his career, having now been with 11 teams. So he has experienced a wide range of offensive and defensive schemes. McCown, at all of his stops, has been considered one of the most well-liked guys in the locker room. He isn't going to cause any problems. Quite the opposite.
Buy Jets vs. Eagles tickets: StubHub, SeatGeek
• What if he has to play? No Eagles fan wants to see this, because it would mean yet another injury for Wentz. But what can you expect if McCown does have to start a game? Look, he can't make the throws that a younger quarterback like Wentz or Darnold can. That was evident last year in training camp, when Darnold won the starting job. But not that long ago, in 2017, McCown started 13 games for the Jets and had 18 touchdowns, nine interceptions, and a 94.5 quarterback rating. And he was 38 that year. McCown typically doesn't panic in games. He has seen it all. So he is plenty capable as a game manager. There could be concerns about what he did last year as an injury replacement for Darnold (one touchdown, four picks, 55.8 rating in four games, with three starts). But McCown no doubt possesses an awareness than an inexperienced quarterback like Cody Kessler, Nate Sudfeld, or Clayton Thorson lacks.
Darryl Slater may be reached at dslater@njadvancemedia.com. Follow him on Twitter @DarrylSlater. Find NJ.com Jets on Facebook.


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using Neutronium.Core.WebBrowserEngine.Control;
using Neutronium.Core.WebBrowserEngine.Window;
using Neutronium.WPF.Internal;
using Tests.Infra.WebBrowserEngineTesterHelper.Window;
using Xilium.CefGlue;

namespace CefGlue.TestInfra.CefWindowless
{
    public class TestCefGlueHTMLWindowProvider : IWebBrowserWindowProvider
    {
        private readonly TestCefClient _TestCefClient;

        event EventHandler<DebugEventArgs> IWebBrowserWindowProvider.DebugToolOpened { add { } remove { } }
        public event EventHandler OnDisposed;
        public IWebBrowserWindow HtmlWindow { get; }
        public IUiDispatcher UiDispatcher => new WPFUIDispatcher(WpfThread.GetWpfThread().Dispatcher);

        public TestCefGlueHTMLWindowProvider(CefFrame iFrame, TestCefClient cefClient)
        {
            _TestCefClient = cefClient;
            HtmlWindow = new TestCefGlueWindow(iFrame, cefClient);
        }

        public void Show()
        {
        }

        public void Hide()
        {
        }

        public bool OnDebugToolsRequest() => false;

        public void CloseDebugTools()
        {
        }

        public void Dispose()
        {
            OnDisposed?.Invoke(this, EventArgs.Empty);
        }
    }
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


In this class, we will work on Pre-Algebra topics from a Pre-Pre-Algebra perspective. We will be learning fundamental math concepts in order to build a strong foundation for future math studies.
I will do my best to accommodate all levels of knowledge and speeds of learning. I intend to use a variety of printed handouts for teaching and homework. Homework will be assigned as necessary to reinforce concepts.
Prerequisite: Students should be proficient in basic arithmetic (through at least a fourth grade level). Please contact me if you have any questions about the suitability of this class for your child.


text:
package org.terasology.nui.backends.libgdx;

import com.badlogic.gdx.Gdx;
import org.terasology.input.device.CharKeyboardAction;
import org.terasology.input.device.KeyboardDevice;
import org.terasology.input.device.RawKeyboardAction;

import java.util.Queue;

public class LibGDXKeyboardDevice implements KeyboardDevice {
    public LibGDXKeyboardDevice() {
        NUIInputProcessor.init();
    }

    @Override
    public Queue<RawKeyboardAction> getInputQueue() {
        return NUIInputProcessor.getInstance().getKeyboardInputQueue();
    }

    @Override
    public Queue<CharKeyboardAction> getCharInputQueue() {
        return NUIInputProcessor.getInstance().getKeyboardCharQueue();
    }

    /**
     * @param key
     * @return The current state of the given key
     */
    @Override
    public boolean isKeyDown(int key) {
        return Gdx.input.isKeyPressed(GDXInputUtil.NuiToGDXKey(key));
    }
}


text:
Why this Colorado startup believes VR can help you find your next home
by Jess Ryan
All along the front range, housing markets are hot.
This means buyers and agents are on the move, visiting dozens of locations — often driving across town or even the state — to find their perfect home. The process is cumbersome, expensive and not very eco-friendly. But for such an important decision, experiencing the property is essential.
Denver's Walkthrough uses tech to ease the pain points of this process, helping buyers get a sense for each home without having to travel there and giving homeowners a new way to showcase their house while minimizing the number of people wandering through it every week.
While many startup founders begin their journeys with a business career, Walkthrough co-founder and CEO Pascal Wagner made the decision to start a company first, and then found his inspiration. He was running a Facebook marketing company, living in Bali and traveling around Asia while managing a team in the Philippines that handled client work. And though it may sound like a dream, Wagner realized he was ready for something else.
"I essentially got to the point where I knew I wanted to run a tech company, and I wasn't as fulfilled by the money I could make," he said. "I wanted to make a bigger impact."
In December of 2015, Wagner moved to Denver and leveraged his existing network to find a co-founder. He went to 30 networking events and 43 coffee dates before finally meeting CTO Jeremy Thiesen. The two bounced ideas back and forth, attending various meetup events trying to find the "next big thing."
After talking to a friend in real estate who was driving 40 minutes each way to show just one property, Wagner realized VR could solve some of the pain points for everyone involved — buyers, sellers and agents — by providing that "first glance" and improving the process of elimination.
Using Walkthrough, buyers can immerse themselves in different properties, engaging with the space in VR by walking around rooms, looking out windows and even flipping light switches. It's this interactive experience, said Wagner, that differentiates Walkthrough from other VR-for-real estate solutions, which mostly make use of 360 photography.
"Why would they look at photos online when they could feel as if they're there?" he said.
[video:https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SUJraHL1OUQ width:600 align:center autoplay:0]
The company's ultimate goal is to build a database of VR home listings on an online marketplace designed to rival more traditional sites like Zillow.
But making VR videos — much less, interactive ones — is a lot more complicated than taking pictures, and since the technology isn't widely adopted yet, getting agents on board has been Walkthrough's biggest challenge.
"If I go to realtors and say, 'we're trying to test out a VR product,' they're all excited, but in terms of paying for it they're not excited yet," said Wagner. "It's like the chicken and the egg. But the moment buyers are starting to look at homes in the database, more homes would be looked at because the pain and hassle has been taken away."
To get more real estate agents interested in the technology, Walkthrough is taking more of a Trojan horse-inspired approach: their customers pay for photography services, and Walkthrough simultaneously creates the VR experiences in each home.
"We have to manually go out and get the initial database of homes," said Wagner. "But our goal is to make it so that we're not the ones doing it. We might make it easier, but it's really our goal to get the platform and marketplace up."
So far, the plan has been working. The company raised an angel round of $325,000 in January, launched in San Francisco in March and plans to be in 10 cities by the end of the year.
"What's fascinating is that at first we didn't really know what we were doing, but in five months we got 4.5 percent of market share in Denver," said Wagner. "In San Francisco, within the first month, we've already reached eight percent. If we can get to 20-30 percent, then that's where VR will really take off."
And with all that growth, the company's team is expanding as well. They went from two employees six months ago to 10, and Wagner expects the team will be at 50 people by the end of the year.
"We're trying to hire between five and nine people just at our headquarters over the next three months," said Wagner.
Photo via Walkthrough.
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