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by bzupnick	Leave a comment
Its Human Rights, Stupid!
Two weeks ago, the Obama Administration hosted a summit in Washington D.C. on countering violent extremism. With terrorist organizations such as ISIL and Boko Haram massacring people with relative impunity, high ranking government officials from around the world, representatives from the United Nations, and experts in the field came together to discuss how best to counter such groups.
Without trivializing the essential role of military operations, there is a growing consensus that a comprehensive, multi-dimensional approach is needed to effectively counter terrorism. A military response alone does not address the root causes which enable the formation and continued operation of extremist organizations, and can be counter-productive by fueling anti-Western propaganda (drone warfare has been particularly contentious in this regard).
An important component of this multi-dimensional approach is the promotion and protection of human rights. This sentiment was echoed by both President Obama and Secretary General Ban Ki-moon.
As he sought to rally the world behind a renewed attack on terrorism, President Obama argued on Thursday that force of arms was not enough and called on all nations to "put an end to the cycle of hate" by expanding human rights, religious tolerance and peaceful dialogue.
But the challenge of his approach was staring him right in the face. His audience of invited guests, putative allies in a fresh international counterterrorism campaign, included representatives from some of the world's least democratic and most repressive countries.
Critics say the terrorism fight has simply enabled autocratic regimes to go after their political foes without worrying about American disapproval. Egypt's leaders, for instance, have moved to stifle the Muslim Brotherhood, the opposition group they deem too radical. "It is futile to distinguish between bad terrorists, which must be defeated, and good terrorists, which can be accommodated," Mr. Shoukry said.
The White House acknowledged the disconnect between advocating human rights and teaming up with human rights violators. But aides said it was one Mr. Obama had learned to live with, given the importance of maintaining an international coalition to fight the Islamic State and other terror threats.
"It's a perennial challenge of the U.S. government that some of our partners are much more aggressive than others in how they define their domestic terrorist challenge," said Benjamin J. Rhodes, a deputy national security adviser to Mr. Obama. That dynamic is "most obvious in Egypt, where essentially there's been a very broad brush in terms of who represents a terrorist threat."
"When people spew hatred toward others because of their faith or because they're immigrants, it feeds into terrorist narratives," Mr. Obama said. "It feeds a cycle of fear and resentment and a sense of injustice upon which extremists prey. And we can't allow cycles of suspicion to tear the fabrics of our countries."
Ban Ki Moon:
"Let there be no doubt," Mr. Ban proclaimed to a room full of high-level delegates including US Secretary of State John Kerry, "The emergence of a new generation of transnational terrorist groups including Da'esh [or the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant] and Boko Haram is a grave threat to international peace and security."
"These extremists are pursuing a deliberate strategy of shock and awe – beheadings, burnings, and snuff films designed to polarize and terrorize, and provoke and divide us," the UN chief added, commending UN Member States for their political will to defeat terrorist groups and at the same time, urging them to stay "mindful of the pitfalls."
"Many years of our experience have proven that short-sighted policies, failed leadership and an utter disregard for human dignity and human rights have causes tremendous frustration and anger on the part of people who we serve," the UN chief said.
…preventing violent extremism requires a multi-pronged approach. While military operations are crucial, they are not the entire solution. "Bullets are not the silver bullet," Mr. Ban said, emphasizing that while missiles may kill terrorists, good governance kills terrorism.
"Human rights, accountable institutions, the equitable delivery of services, and political participation – these are among our most powerful weapons," the Secretary-General stressed.
Why Isn't More Done?
If such a consensus exists around the significant role human rights violations play in a variety of negative outcomes (including violent extremism), why don't policymakers do more to promote human rights? One explanation is that human rights encompass many issues: economic, social, cultural, political and civil rights. Furthermore, no consensus exists with regards to the hierarchy of human rights. Fulfilling some human rights obligations are inherently expensive (economic and social rights), while others have more to do with those in power loosening their grip (political, civil, and cultural). In other words, human rights include both positive and negative rights. Which rights should be prioritized in a world of finite resources and political capital?
I am of the camp that believes human rights are inter-dependent; one human right violation enables others, culminating in armed conflict and/or "extreme poverty". Therefore, there really is no hierarchy. The exception to this rule is the right to life / security; a violation of this right (murder) is permanent and obviously must be upheld before other rights can be considered. This reality is often bastardized to justify restricting rights in the name of security, an issue I will address later in more detail.
Another issue is that the "ends" of promoting some human rights are not immediate, which historically has made verifying progress difficult. To this end, the UN's Post-2015 Task Force has placed an emphasis on developing indicators for previously non-quantifiable aspects of human rights. These indicators can help verify when progress is being made on longer-term goals, and when ineffective programs need to be adjusted or scrapped.
Promoting and protecting human rights, while admittedly an ambitious goal, gives direction to sustainable development agendas (likes the SDGs / post-2015 development agenda) in both "first world" countries and the world's least developed countries. Specifically which rights should be prioritized is context sensitive and should be identified through the democratic process.
Problems With Partners
Many of America's partners, particularly in the Middle-East, are authoritarian regimes which do not share our beliefs in pluralism and human rights. These regimes tend to fight extremism by further restricting peoples rights in the name of security, exacerbating a vicious cycle of violence, under-development / poverty, and human rights abuses. They often characterize any dissenters as "terrorists", even if their actions are entirely peaceful.
But relying solely on "Western" actors is not financial sustainable or effective, as it fuels the "Western Imperialism" terrorist narrative. Regional partners must play a leading role in combating extremist activities and ideologies. Although imperfect, we must work with these partners as they are, while simultaneously cultivating local support for human rights.
Even our "democratic" allies may find it in their best interest to restrict certain rights. Take Egypt for example, where extremist violence has led to popular support for an unaccountable military regime. One could certainly argue that it is in the Egyptian governments best interest to manage, but not eliminate, violent extremism.
And of course, the American-led coalition has its limits–for example, it refuses to work with the Assad despite the military benefits such a partnership would entail.
The Case for an American National Human Rights Institution:
Human rights accountability outlines the responsibilities of different actors–corporations, the public sector, international development organizations, NGOs, and civil society–in promoting and protecting human rights.
National Human Rights Institutions (NHRI), which have proliferated over the past two decades, can act as human rights watchdogs. These institutions are most effective when they have a strong mandate, a working relationship with the criminal justice system, and receive their funding independently of federal budgetary decisions.
The unfortunate irony is that in the very places that could benefit the most from effective NHRIs, these conditions are not met. Critics argue NHRIs are ineffective and put in place to create the illusion of promoting and protecting human rights. While this may be true in some cases, it is not in all; ultimately, NHRIs can be as effective or ineffective as their mandates and operating space allow.
The absence of an American NHRI is particularly conspicuous. While America does have strong protections of many rights, it lags in other areas (particularly privacy concerns). A NHRI could provide a forum for people to directly address grievances against the government. Perhaps the whole Snowden debacle could have been averted with a functioning ombudsman system.
An American NHRI could be an political mouthpiece for people, helping to restore faith in the American government (which, sadly, is the lowest amongst the financially insecure–the very people who could benefit from public policy the most). Who knows, an American NHRI institution could play a part in jump-starting stagnant wages and promoting social mobility! While far from a cure-all, an American NHRI could "punch above its weight" in terms of resources required to run it.
Perhaps most importantly, an American NHRI would act as a model for NHRIs in other countries, assisting with financial support, technical knowledge, and capacity building. An American NHRI would unaccountably be a strong voice within the the international coordinating committee (ICC) of NHRIs.
These are hypothetical results, and the presence of effective NHRIs does not mean the realization of human rights would progress in a perfectly linear fashion. The closer people get to acquiring new rights, the harder vested interests dig in against them. This is what is playing out now in the Middle-East and in the Ukrainian Civil War–extremists and authoritarians clinging to the remnants of an old order.
The power of effective democratic governance and a human rights based approach to development is truly awesome. Next time someone asks how America can promote progressive values both at home and abroad, just tell them "it's human rights, stupid!"
Note: This blog focused exclusively on the relationship between human rights and violent extremism. Click the following links for more information on the linkages between human rights, armed conflict, and economic development (which are themselves related root causes of violent extremism).
In Development as Freedom, Amartya Sen argues promoting human rights is not only a means to an end ("positive peace", sustainable development, poverty and inequality reduction), but also an important end in itself (empowering people, enabling self-determination)–I fully agree!
Taking a holistic view of the benefits of upholding international human rights norms, an even stronger argument can be made for their promotion and protection.
Categories: Blog Posts, Conflict Watch, Economic Outlook, Transparency Report | Tags: authoriatian, Ban Ki-moon, boko haram, democracy, democratic governance, extremist, Human Rights, isil, ISIS, Modernization, NHRI, Obama, ombudsman, pluralism, Post 2015 development agenda, Sisi, Terrorism, UN | Permalink.
Conflict Watch: The End of Team America World Police (Part 7)
Obama's Strategic Plan For National Security:
The latest installment of my ongoing series "The End of Team America, World Police" focuses on President Obama's second and final National Security Strategy (full document can be found here):
"The question is never whether America should lead, but how we should lead," Mr. Obama writes in an introduction to the document, a report that seems to mix legacy with strategy. In taking on terrorists, he argues that the United States should avoid the deployment of large ground forces like those sent more than a decade ago to Iraq and Afghanistan. In spreading democratic values, he says, America should fight corruption and reach out to young people.
"On all these fronts, America leads from a position of strength," he writes. "But this does not mean we can or should attempt to dictate the trajectory of all unfolding events around the world. As powerful as we are and will remain, our resources and influence are not infinite. And in a complex world, many of the security problems we face do not lend themselves to quick and easy fixes."
"There is this line of criticism that we are not leading, and it makes no sense," said Benjamin J. Rhodes, a deputy national security adviser. "Who built the effort against ISIL? Who organized the sanctions on Russia? Who put together the international approach on Ebola?"
The strategy lists eight top strategic risks to the United States, starting with a catastrophic attack at home but including threats like climate change, disruptions in the energy market and significant problems caused by weak or failing states.
Regardless of your opinion on how effectively the Obama administration has handled foreign affairs, it is hard to argue the United States is not leading from the front on major global issues. Yet it is important that our future leaders recognize, as President Obama has, the limits of both our government's resources and our ability to sustain democratic revolutions through unilateral military intervention.
In a highly interconnected world, confronting global problems is in America's economic and security interests (not to mention ethical considerations). This does not mean, however, that we should rush headlong into battle without carefully considering the probability of success and costs of alternative courses of action. There are other tools in America's foreign policy toolkit–the other components of the D.I.M.E (diplomatic, intelligence, military, economic) framework–which should be considered before sending our military (and particularly ground troops) to war.
Military interventions are never quick, easy, or cheap. Even when successful, they leave a power void that must be carefully managed, lest that void be filled by ineffective leaders or extremist groups (or, as is often the case, both). When mismanaged, even the most well intended interventions can be counter-productive, fueling anti-Western propaganda and empowering the very ideologies we seek to destroy.
American tax dollars are a precious resource. Every dollar we spend abroad is a dollar we cannot use for nation building at home. The American government is solely responsible for managing America's domestic affairs, but we have many allies who share the same ideologies and interests as us (and who should therefore more proportionately shoulder the cost of defending them).
A NATO By Any Other Name…:
NATO was established in recognition that global security was part of the "global commons" (and remains even more-so today). This brings us to recent comments on NATO's future by outgoing Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel:
Hagel, making his final appearance at NATO as U.S. defense chief, said the alliance faced several challenges, including violent extremism on its southern rim, Russian aggression in Ukraine and training security forces in Afghanistan.
"I am very concerned by the suggestion that this alliance can choose to focus on only one of these areas as our top priority," Hagel told a news conference. "And I worry about the potential for division between our northern and southern allies."
"The alliance's ability to meet all these challenges at once, to the east, to the south and out-of-area, is NATO's charge for the future," Hagel said.
"This is a time for unity, shared purpose and wise, long-term investments across the spectrum of military capability," he added. "We must address all the challenges to this alliance, all together and all at once."
Often times, one can speak most candidly when their tenure at a position is coming to an end. Those who oppose the ideals of NATO will not coordinate their attacks one at a time. In fact, knowledge that NATO resources are strained (due to say, simultaneous humanitarian crises, a wear weary American public, or underinvestment in the global security commons by the rest of the international community) is only likely to embolden our enemies. While NATO needs to be able to effectively counter more than one major threat at a time, this does not mean the American army alone needs that capacity.
As the world becomes "smaller", the exclusively Northern Atlantic nature of NATO should be reconsidered. Two major democracies–India and Japan–are not members of NATO, limiting the groups ability to fulfill its goals. Furthermore, having regional actors involved in security operations helps builds legitimacy, underscoring the strategic importance of greater Indian and Japanese involvement.
President's Obama and Modi recently met and discussed, among other things, defense cooperation. India must become a major partner in promoting peace and democracy in the Middle-East (particularly in coordinating the fights against the Afghan and Pakistani Taliban) even as it itself modernizes.
More Turkey Please:
An Op-Ed published in the NYT today by two Arab professors teaching at American Universities was very supportive of Turkey's level of involvement in the Middle East:
There have been sharp disagreements over the 2013 coup in Egypt, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the need for intervention in Syria. Turkey's critics have called into question its reliability as a NATO ally, including in the fight against the radical Wahhabi group known as the Islamic State.
But much of this concern is misguided. The ongoing crises in the Middle East have only underscored Turkey's pivotal geostrategic position: It's no surprise that Pope Francis, President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia and Prime Minister David Cameron of Britain have visited Ankara in the past few months. And Turkey's detractors, partly because they do not understand the sources of its new assertiveness, fail to see that its transformation actually serves America's long-term interests.
The United States has long allowed client states like Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Israel to pursue shortsighted goals in the Middle East. This has only brought despotism and strife. Washington's failure to fully support the democratic government of Mohamed Morsi and his Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt contributed to its collapse, and so to the instability and violence that have occurred there since. And it was President Obama's cynical abandonment of the Syrian opposition during the first two years of the uprising against Mr. Assad that set the stage for the advent of the Islamic State.
To avoid any more such calamities, policy makers in Washington, and other Western capitals, should abandon their counterproductive approach: They should embrace Turkey's growing, and positive, engagement in the Middle East.
I could not agree more.
But I do not think America's leaders are opposed to Turkey asserting itself in the Middle-East. Indeed, as a primarily Muslim democracy and NATO member, it must play a large role in Obama's plan of relying more heavily on regional partners in curtailing Islamic extremism.
I agree the Obama administration was wrong on Syria and Egypt, I am on the record saying as much. But in this case, two wrongs don't make a right. Turkey cannot afford to play the moral high ground on these issues while the dogs of war bark at it's door-step. Furthermore, Erdogan's delayed and half-hearted support of the Kurdish peshmerga reeks of political calculus, not someone who considers ISIS a serious threat to regional stability.
So I am not exactly sure what these professors are talking about–they appear to be building a straw-man just to knock him down. I think it is pretty clear the Obama administration wants more Turkish involvement, including ground forces, in the fights against Assad and ISIS, not less.
Japan and Germany (Finally) Begin to Shed Their Post-WWII Identities:
Updating a previous blog about Japan and Germany shedding their post-WWII pacifist identities, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe is pushing Japan to change it's pacifist Constitution:
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has said that he wants to start the process of revising Japan's Constitution as early as next year, a senior lawmaker in his party said Thursday, giving the clearest indication yet that the Japanese leader will seek to change a document that has undergirded the country's postwar pacifism.
Mr. Abe told Hajime Funada, the leader of a group of Liberal Democratic Party lawmakers, on Wednesday that the best time to begin the difficult political task of amending the Constitution would be after elections for the upper house of Parliament, scheduled for the summer of 2016…
The Constitution, which also prohibits Japan from possessing the means of war, was written by American occupiers after World War II to prevent the defeated nation from ever again engaging in militarist expansion. The document proved so popular among Japan's war-weary people that it has never been amended.
But Mr. Abe has seized on the murders of the Japanese hostages to make some of his strongest appeals yet for unshackling the nation's military. Saying Japan was unable to save the hostages, he has called for easing restrictions on its purely defensive armed forces to allow them to conduct rescue missions, evacuations and other overseas operations to protect Japanese nationals.
The hostages, Kenji Goto, a journalist, and Haruna Yukawa, an adventurer, were beheaded a week apart by the Islamic State, a militant group in Syria and Iraq that had demanded a $200 million ransom for their release. The murders outraged and sickened Japan, which had seen itself as largely immune to the sort of violence faced by the United States and other nations that have been involved militarily in the Middle East. Since 1945, Japan has adhered to a peaceful brand of diplomacy that has seen it become a major donor of economic and humanitarian aid to the Middle East and elsewhere.
It remains unclear whether the shock of the killings will swing the Japanese public in favor of Mr. Abe's harder line. Since the murders, opposition politicians have stepped up attacks on the prime minister, accusing him of provoking the Islamic State by allying Japan more closely with the United States-led efforts to destroy the militant group. Just days before the ransom demand appeared, Mr. Abe pledged $200 million in nonmilitary aid to countries in the region confronting the Islamic State.
However, on Thursday, the lower house of Parliament unanimously adopted a resolution condemning the killings and calling for increased coordination with the global community to combat terrorism.
Germany to Play a More Active Role in Global Security?:
Germany must ramp up defense spending starting in 2016 to ensure its military is able to take on a bigger role in crisis zones, according to two top lawmakers in Chancellor Angela Merkel's coalition.
Germany spends about 1.3 percent of gross domestic product on the military, short of the 2 percent level pledged informally by North Atlantic Treaty Organization allies.
Merkel's spokesman has said no additional funding will come in the short term as the government struggles to hold on to its target of balancing the budget next year and with 2015 spending already largely negotiated.
Germany must engage in international missions "earlier, more decisively and more substantially," Gauck told the Munich Security Conference on Jan. 31.
Fiscal responsibility is usually good, but like anything, overzealous attachment to an ideology can preclude pragmatic policy. Economics is context sensitive, and in the current context, Germany's dedication to running a balanced budget has left holes in the Eurozone economy and the global security commons.
A large scale increase in German defense spending would bolster global security efforts (particularly in countering Russian aggression in former Soviet Republics), while simultaneously providing a partial answer to Europe's economic stagnation (by "buying European").
Please do not confuse my views with war-mongering or advocating for the military-industrial complex, I just recognize that there are bad actors in the world who only understand realpolitik. In order to provide room for the forces of human dignity and freedom to flourish, these bad actors must be marginalized.
Categories: Blog Posts, Conflict Watch | Tags: boko haram, democracy, dignity, DIME, Erdogan, EU, extremist, Germany, global commons, Global Security, global security commons, Human Rights, India, ISIS, Islamic, Japan, Merkel, Modi, NATO, Obama, Preventative Peacebuilding, Shinzo Abe, Sustainable Development, Taliban, Terrorist, Turkey, UN | Permalink.
by bzupnick	1 Comment
Conflict Watch: Meet the New Coalition, (Not the) Same as the Old Coaliton
At the NATO summit in Wales, a strategy for dealing with the growing ISIS threat was unveiled:
In his most expansive comments to date about how the United States and its friends could defeat ISIS, a once-obscure group of Sunni militants that has now upended the Middle East and overshadowed Al Qaeda, Mr. Obama said the effort would rely on American airstrikes against its leaders and positions, strengthen the moderate Syrian rebel groups to reclaim ground lost to ISIS, and enlist friendly governments in the region to join the fight.
Mr. Obama spoke after aides had unveiled what Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel called the "core coalition" to fight the ISIS militants, the outcome of a hastily organized meeting on the sidelines of the NATO summit talks. Diplomats and defense officials from the United States, Britain, France, Australia, Canada, Germany, Turkey, Italy, Poland and Denmark huddled to devise a two-pronged strategy: strengthening allies on the ground in Iraq and Syria, while bombing Sunni militants from the air.
"There is no containment policy for ISIL," Secretary of State John Kerry said at the start of the meeting. "They're an ambitious, avowed, genocidal, territorial-grabbing, caliphate-desiring quasi state with an irregular army, and leaving them in some capacity intact anywhere would leave a cancer in place that will ultimately come back to haunt us."
But he and other officials made clear that at the moment, any ground combat troops would come from either Iraqi security forces and Kurdish pesh merga fighters in Iraq, or the moderate Syrian rebels opposed to President Assad in Syria. "Obviously I think that's a red line for everybody here: no boots on the ground," Mr. Kerry said.
For Mr. Obama, assembling a coalition to fight ISIS is particularly important to a president whose initial arrival on the global stage was centered around his opposition to the war in Iraq. He is loath to be viewed as going it alone now that he has been dragged back into a combat role in the same country.
An administration official said the reasons for assembling a coalition went beyond any political cover that such an alliance might provide with a war-weary American public. For one thing, the official said, certain countries bring expertise, like Britain and Australia in special operations, Jordan in intelligence and Saudi Arabia in financing.
American officials are hoping to expand the coalition to many countries, particularly in the region. Obama administration officials said privately that in addition to the participants at the meeting Friday, the United States was hoping to get quiet intelligence help about the Sunni militants from Jordan. Its leader, King Abdullah II, was attending the Wales summit meeting.
United States officials said they also expected Saudi Arabia to contribute to funding moderate Syrian rebel groups. In addition, Yousef Al Otaiba, the United Arab Emirates ambassador to the United States, said in a statement this week that the Emirates stood ready to join the fight against ISIS. "No one has more at stake than the U.A.E. and other moderate countries in the region that have rejected the regressive Islamist creed and embraced a different, forward-looking path," the ambassador said.
And like the comprehensive strategy to combat Al Qaeda that has taken years to develop and carry out, Mr. Olsen and other counterterrorism officials said on Friday that destroying the threat from ISIS could take a long time. Even if successful, they said, such a strategy would require maintaining pressure on any remnants of the group.
This plan is consistent with what I have called "The Obama Doctrine", also know affectionately as the "don't do stupid stuff" approach to foreign affairs. America cannot afford to get entangled in costly wars (both in economic and human costs). But the world cannot afford to do nothing while threats like ISIS further cement their control. To do nothing would be both morally unconscionable and tactically ineffective.
There are certain elements of this "Coalition of the Willing" that should make it more effective than it's predecessor in the previous Iraq War:
1) No Boots on the Ground:
A war weary American public has no appetite for a ground invasion in the Middle East. Putting "boots on the ground" is costly in many different senses. Some costs are impossible to quantify, such as lives lost and the physical and mental ailments affecting surviving soldiers (costs which must be paid for the rest of their lives).
Other candidates to provide troops–"rich" countries–are dealing with recessed economies and difficult budgetary decisions; the resources simply do not exist to provide ground troops, even if the will was there. I have argued that Germany and Japan specifically must step up their global security contributions, bringing them more in line with their prominence in the global economy. But even so, these countries will not place troops on the ground, nor should they.
The new plan, a central tenant of the Obama Doctrine, is to provide support (intelligence, weaponry, training) to friendly and stable forces in the region. In the fight against ISIS, this includes the Iraqi Army, the Kurdish peshmerga, and moderate Syrian rebels (led by the Free Syrian Army).
The role of the Egyptian Armed Forces will be interesting to monitor. One on hand, the forces are well equipped and have a strong anti-terrorism mandate. On the other hand, human rights concerns have alienated Egypt from many of the members of the Coalition. We will have to wait and see what role the Egyptian Armed Forces play in this coalition. Update: It appears Egypt will not play a prominent role in this coalition; one could argue The Egyptian armed forces do no want to degrade ISIS–extremist groups provide the impetus for strong handed militaristic governance.
2) Enlisting The Help of Allies:
Any coalition, by definition, includes multiple partners. The Coalition of the Willing for the War in Iraq included 48 members. However, simply listing country names does not mean countries play a meaningful role; many of the members of that coalition provided little more than a vote of confidence.
It appears that members of this coalition will have more defined roles. Notably, ground forces will be provided exclusively by regional actors. This "capacity building" approach should lead to a more sustainable security situation in the region, leaving stable armed forces in place once this particular offensive has concluded (of course this is far from a guarantee; it is very difficult to tell how decisions like this will play out down the line, especially in a region as volatile as the ME).
It is important that the coalition do it's best to function as a cohesive group. While dividing duties allows for specialization based on expertise and cost-sharing, it can also lead to disagreement and paralyze action. For all its many deplorable attributes, ISIS has proven itself to be well organized and capable of moving very quickly. The coalition must put in place representative leadership that allows for quick, reactive decision making.
The dearth of stable and capable regional allies further complicates matters. I already mentioned Egypt's questionable role; two countries the international community cannot count on at all are Iran and Syria.
Iran provides a counterbalance to Sunni extremists, but fails in terms of the pluralistic, sectarian-blind solutions needed in the region.
Syria has began launching an offensive against ISIS. However, one cannot imagine an instance in which the coalition's members–many of which have taken strong anti-Assad positions–would accept his regimes support.
Despite all these caveats, this new coalition is an important first step in the long-term fight against ISIS. The coalition has the advantage of resources, legitimate goals, and lessons learned from previous interventions in the region. In time ISIS will be defeated.
Update: The new coalition has gotten off on rocky footing , with many expected allies failing to agree to the strong, specific commitments America was hoping for.
Categories: Blog Posts, Conflict Watch | Tags: caliphate, coalition of the willing, extremist, Human Rights, Iraq, ISIS, Syria, Terrorism | Permalink.
Conflict Watch: A Modern UN Peacekeeping For Modern Threats
As the first and sometimes only line of defense for people in conflict zones, it is difficult to understand why UN Peacekeeping constitutes only 0.5% of global military expenditure (around $8 billion out of a $1.75 trillion). In a recent speech to the U.N. Security Council, Secretary General Ban told member countries that they must be ready to dedicate more resources to UN peacekeeping and peacebuilding initiatives, in order to better respond to 21st century threats:
"The continued use of UN peacekeeping by the Security Council testifies to its continued relevance and its unique universality and legitimacy. The demand for peacekeeping will remain," Mr. Ban told the 15-member Council at the opening of a debate on trends in UN peacekeeping.
Peacekeepers are also increasingly operating in more complex environments with asymmetric and unconventional threats.
He added that the international community needs to build on what he sees as "the renewed commitment of the Security Council to respond to our changing world," but to also recognize the limitations of UN peacekeeping and ask whether it is always the right tool.
More than 116,000 UN personnel from more than 120 countries serve in 16 peacekeeping operations. Since the beginning of peacekeeping in 1948, over one million "blue helmets" have participated in more than 70 operations on four continents.
One specific area SG Ban advocated for expanding UN Peacekeeping's mandate is combating terrorism ("asymmetrical and unconventional threats"), a call echoed by Acting General Assembly President Michel Tommo Monthe, of Cameroon:
As the United Nations General Assembly today began a review of its overall counter-terrorism strategy, a senior official urged Member States to take advantage of the opportunity "to make the UN more relevant" in the international effort to fight what he called "a destructive and deplorable malady."
"This review…provides an opportunity to take stock of emerging issues and challenges that have grown in relevance over the recent years and to identify the areas where we need to do things differently, or adopt different lines of action," said Acting Assembly President Michel Tommo Monthe, of Cameroon, opening the Fourth Review of the UN Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy.
The Strategy, adopted by consensus in 2006, is a comprehensive policy framework to combat terrorism, signifying, said Mr. Monthe, universal condemnation of terrorist violence and providing guidance to Member States.
The strategy consists of four pillars: measures to address conditions conducive to terrorism's spread; measures to prevent and combat terrorism; measures to build States' capacity to prevent and combat terrorism and to strengthen the role of the UN system; measures to ensure respect for human rights and the rule of law as the fundamental basis for the fight against terrorism.
"It further observes that longer-term success in the global counter-terrorism strategy will depend on fuller implementation of Pillars 1 and 4," said Mr. Monthe, referring to measures to address conditions conducive to terrorism and measures to ensure respect for human rights as a basis for the fights against the scourge.
Monthe also highlighted the work of the UN Counter-terrorism Centre (UNCCT), which "offers unique opportunities to seek synergies and leverage resources for the UN's counter-terrorism work around the world and make a significant contribution to national and regional efforts."
UN Peacekeeping must rise to the challenges of meeting an increasing demand for it's services and more effectively leveraging UN expertise in identifying the conditions conducive to armed conflict and terrorism. While by no means an easy task, these mandates are closely related; weak governments fail to fulfill their human rights obligations, fueling armed conflict (protracted social conflict), these conflicts then lead to further human rights abuses and open power voids which are often filled by extremist groups.
To combat armed conflict and terrorism, the international community must have the capacity to identify and react to gross human rights abuses, preventatively when possible. General Assembly President Monthe talks of seeking synergies and leveraging resources, this should include an in depth review of preventative peacebuilding / early stage UN Peacekeeping operations. To this end, the UN may also have to revisit it's policy of not having a ready-to-deploy standing peacekeeping force.
In the post-Osama world of splintered terrorist groups (ISIS, Al Nursa, AQAP, Boko Haram), a legitimate, effective, efficient, and responsive global security force with preventative peacebuilding, peacekeeping, anti-terrorism and human rights mandates is needed. Combined with a shift towards local capacity building and regional responses in combating terrorism, a new global framework for dealing with "modern threats" (protracted social conflicts and terrorism) emerges.
Bringing Democracy UNSC:
Any plan by the international community to invest more resources into UN Peacekeeping and expand its mandate must address the issue of Security Council gridlock. The ability of any permanent UNSC member to veto UN Peacekeeping operations hinders the ability of this force to fulfill the aforementioned expanded mandates.
I recently advocated for a UN General Assembly mechanism to overrule a UNSC veto. After doing a bit of research, it seems there is precedent for the General Assembly overturning a UNSC veto:
Under the UN Charter, however, the General Assembly cannot discuss and make recommendations on peace and security matters which are at that time being addressed by the Security Council.
Despite the UN Charter's provision limiting the General Assembly's powers with regard to peace and security matters, there may be cases when the Assembly can take action.
In accordance with the General Assembly's "Uniting for Peace" resolution of November 1950 [resolution 377 (V)] , if the Security Council fails to act, owing to the negative vote of a permanent member, then the General Assembly may act. This would happen in the case where there appears to be a threat to the peace, breach of the peace or act of aggression. The General Assembly can consider the matter with a view to making recommendations to Members for collective measures to maintain or restore international peace and security.
This resolution was invoked only once in UN peacekeeping history, when in 1956 the General Assembly established the First UN Emergency Force (UNEF I) in the Middle East.
This is, however, admittedly a weak precedent; the resolution is over 60 years old and has only been invoked once in UN history. The UN General Assembly must reaffirm its commitment to and willingness to invoke resolution 377 (V) "Uniting For Peace", perhaps as part of the UN's "Responsibility To Protect".
Categories: Blog Posts, Conflict Watch | Tags: Al Qaeda, boko haram, extremist, Human Rights, ISIS, peacebuilding, peacekeeping, protracted social conflict, Terrorism | Permalink.
by bzupnick	2 Comments
Conflict Watch: Drone Week(s), It's a Bad Week to be a Terrorist
I should probably say "drone month" or "drone year / decade", but I really wanted to make a play on Shark Week so there it is.
Comic relief aside, news of drone strikes in the Middle East and Central Asia has proliferated recently:
At least six militants were killed and four others injured after the latest American drone strike in Pakistan's restive tribal belt on Sunday, Pakistani intelligence officials and militant commanders said.
An intelligence official in the area, who was authorized to speak only on the condition of anonymity, said preliminary reports indicated that a senior commander with a Pakistani Taliban faction led by Gul Bahadur, which has links with Al Qaeda, had been killed in the attack.
There have been 15 C.I.A.-led drone strikes in Pakistan so far this year, compared with 47 in 2012, according to the Bureau of Investigative Journalism, which monitors the strikes. Up to 124 people have been killed, the group said, including up to 4 civilians.
Pakistani officials say the attacks violate their country's sovereignty, result in civilian deaths and aid in the recruitment of fresh militants. American officials privately dispute those claims, saying the civilian death toll has dropped as strikes have grown more accurate in recent years.
Yemen:
Missile-armed drone aircraft launched the fifth attack on suspected al-Qaeda militants in Yemen within 72 hours, as the U.S. stepped up raids after closing its embassy and warning Americans to leave the country.
The drone killed three people in a vehicle in Ghail Bawazeer region, according to the al-Sahwa news website of the opposition Islamist Islah party, which is linked to the Muslim Brotherhood. At least 22 suspected militants have been killed since Aug. 6, according to a tally from reports on the website.
The strikes come as the U.S., Britain and other Western countries closed their missions in Yemen and told citizens to leave, while Yemeni authorities said on Aug. 7 they had foiled an al-Qaeda plot to seize port facilities. The Obama administration is keeping 19 embassies and consulates closed because "a threat still remains" from al-Qaeda affiliates, State Department spokeswoman Jen Psaki said yesterday.
Saeed Obaid al-Jemhi, an expert on al-Qaeda and Islamist movements and author of a book on the Yemeni group, said the intensified campaign will be counterproductive.
"The Americans feel these strikes will generate a positive impact and that is true, but there is a huge negative impact on Yemen," he said. "This will generate more sympathizers with al-Qaeda and will also weaken the popularity of the Yemen's President Hadi."
The Bureau of Investigative Journalism reported a sharp increase in U.S. operations in Yemen in 2012, with at least 32 confirmed strikes, double the number carried out in 2011. The U.S. intends to end drone attacks in Pakistan soon, Secretary of State John Kerry said on Aug. 1.
An Israeli drone strike inside Egypt killed five suspected Islamic militants and destroyed a rocket launcher Friday, two senior Egyptian security officials said, marking a rare Israeli operation carried out in its Arab neighbor's territory.
The strike, coming after a warning from Egypt caused Israel to briefly close an airport Thursday, potentially signals a significant new level of cooperation between the two former foes over security matters in the largely lawless Sinai Peninsula after a military coup ousted Egypt's president. Egypt long has maintained that it wouldn't allow other countries to use its territories as hotbed to launch attacks against other countries.
The drone strike comes after Israel briefly prevented landings at an airport in the Red Sea resort of Eilat on Thursday. While Israeli officials would only say the closure came out of unspecified security concerns, an Egyptian security official told the AP that officials warned Israel about the possibility of rocket strikes. The official said Egyptian authorities received intelligence suggesting terrorist groups planned to fire missiles Friday at Israel, as well as at locations in northern Sinai and the Suez Canal.
Residents heard a large explosion Friday in el-Agra, an area in the northern region of the Sinai close to Egypt's border with Israel. The officials said the Israeli attack was in cooperation with Egyptian authorities.
While Egypt signed a peace deal with Israel in 1979, the country has long been suspicious of the Jewish state's intentions while annually celebrating its own military exploits against Israel in the Sinai. Allowing an Israeli drone strike inside its own territory represents military cooperation otherwise never seen before.
Proliferation of drone strikes has occurred in line with D.I.M.E. (Diplomatic, Intelligence, Military, Economic) foreign policy, and has been carried out in a more transparent way (as evidenced by news reports on drone strikes). For a reminder, or the sake of new readers, I had this to say about the place of drone strikes within the larger D.I.M.E. framework:
We must realize that everyday there are people who try to hurt Americans Western interests–Jihad does not take a vacation. The fact that the Boston Marathon attack was the first major act of terrorism on American soil since 9/11 is not a result of a diminished threat, but rather highlights the efficacy of American intelligence efforts.
To the extent that the Obama administration is embracing a a shift to D.I.M.E. (diplomatic, intelligence, military, economic) foreign policy, winding down traditional military programs requires putting more resources in diplomacy, economic aid, and intelligence gathering. As I said, far from being hypocritical, the Obama administration is being consistent; when the ultimate goal is security for American's (and the world), putting people directly in the line of fire is counter-productive unless it is truly a last-case scenario.
Obama did not say he would stop drone strikes, but that he would make the process more transparent. He did not say he would stop fighting terrorism, but that the way that terrorism is going to be fought is changing.
Are Drone strikes a necessary evil in today's world? Considering the high cost of traditional warfare (both in money and in lives), and the inability to keep terrorist leaders in jail due to prison-breaks, perhaps targeted, intelligence-backed drone strikes truly are the most effective way of moving forward with "the War on Terror". Terrorists due not respect human rights and due process, why should they be granted such privileges?
The "drone-strikes-fuels-Jihad" argument seems to hold water. Are drone strikes really counter-productive in terms of increasing the appeal of / helping recruiting efforts for extremist groups? Testimony from the sentencing portion of the Bradley Manning case sheds light on this claim:
A prosecution witness in the sentencing phase of the court-martial of Pfc. Bradley Manning told a military judge on Thursday that Al Qaeda could have used WikiLeaks disclosures, including classified United States government materials provided by Private Manning, to encourage attacks in the West, in testimony meant to show the harm done by his actions.
The witness, Cmdr. Youssef Aboul-Enein, an adviser to the Pentagon's Joint Intelligence Task Force for Combating Terrorism, said that WikiLeaks materials showing that the United States had killed civilians, for instance, could help Al Qaeda.
"Perception is important because it provides a good environment for recruitment, for fund-raising and for support for Al Qaeda's wider audience and objectives," he said.
The article went on to say that had it not been for Wiki-leaks, Al Qaeda would have found other propaganda to help recruitment efforts / fuel anti-American sentiment (apologies, I cannot seem to find that version of the article).
I am all for preventative peace-building, tackling the root causes of terrorism before they take hold. But taking the moral high-ground [not using drones] in areas where terrorism already has deep roots would be–in my opinion–much more counter-productive to the global war on terror.
Drone strikes have become more transparent (in their disclosure), and allegedly more targeted to minimize collateral damage and civilian deaths. When assessing national security programs, it is helpful to think of them in terms of opportunity cost–what is the cost of the next best alternative / inaction. If the next best alternative is traditional warfare, then we already know the costs are too high and results unsustainable. The cost of inaction is high too; pulling out of the war on terror may seem like an attractive short term solution. But allowing terrorism to spread with relative impunity will only make future anti-terrorism efforts all the more costly and complex.
Am I an "Obama foreign policy apologist"? Perhaps, however I see the use of drones as the lesser of many evils. A world in which drone strikes and terrorism (and warfare and human rights violations in general) do not exist is a beautiful normative vision, but is unfortunately not a reality today.
Categories: Blog Posts, Conflict Watch | Tags: Al Qaeda, civilian casualties, collateral damage, drone strikes, drones, due process, Egypt, extremist, Human Rights, intelligence gathering, Israel, Middle East, Pakistan, Terrorism, U.S., war on terror, Yemen | Permalink.
Economic Outlook: The End of Team America World Police (Part 2)
Yesterday, we examined the roots to what President Eisenhower referred to as the "military-industrial complex". The U.S. has many legitimate reasons for maintaining a strong military; having said that, U.S. military expenditures are out of control. The U.S. spent $ 711 billion in 2012, that's 41% of global military expenditures. The next closest countries are China at 143 billion (8.2%), Russia at 71.9 billion (4.1%). Let's be clear here, when we talk about spending cuts for the military, we're talking about shaving a few billion dollars off the bloated D.o.D. budget—under no proposed circumstances would the U.S. lose its prominence in global security issues. Clearly our allies need to pick up some of the slack in ensuring global security.
To clarify, some military spending goes to soldier benefits, which under no circumstances should be cut (retroactively). It would be a slap in the face to cut current veterans benefits, these people signed up and served our country under the belief they would get these benefits—they signed contracts with the U.S. government. However, veterans' benefits accounted for only $127 billion in 2012, about 18% of the defense budget, so there is room to adjust the budget without reneging on promises already made to our service men and women.
When considered next to federal deficits, the case for cutting military spending is even stronger. Military expenditure accounted for 25% of federal spending in 2012. For comparisons sake, Education accounted for 3%, Health Care 23%, and Pensions (Social Security) 22%. It is absurd that the U.S., which is in no real threat of being invaded, spends 8 times as much on defense spending than on education on a yearly basis. If you ask me, the greatest threat to American prosperity is not terrorism or globalization; it is the systemic underinvestment in education.
The "War on Terror" has led America to rethink how we intervene in other countries, as it has been so costly:
"With enactment of the sixth FY2011 Continuing Resolution through March 18, 2011, (H.J.Res. 48/P.L. 112-6) Congress has approved a total of $1.283 trillion for military operations, base security,reconstruction, foreign aid, embassy costs, and veterans' health care for the three operations initiated since the 9/11 attacks: Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF) Afghanistan and other counter terror operations; Operation Noble Eagle (ONE), providing enhanced security at military bases; and Operation Iraqi Freedom (OIF). This estimate assumes that the current CR level continues through the rest of the year and that agencies allocate reductions proportionately. Of this $1.283 trillion total, CRS estimates that Iraq will receive about $806 billion (63%), OEF $444 billion (35%) and enhanced base security about $29 billion (2%), with about $5 billion that CRS cannot allocate (1/2%). About 94% of the funds are for DOD."
"He [Obama] asks more detailed questions about how sending 100 troops, or 10,000, might influence long-term outcomes. Paraphrasing the president, one aide said he is more likely to ask, 'So if we put troops into Syria to stabilize the chemical weapons, what can they accomplish in a year that they couldn't accomplish in a week?'… 'He has got to find the happy medium between not committing us to a decade-long ground war and choosing not to do anything,' said Anne-Marie Slaughter, who was the head of the State Department's policy planning operation for Mr. Obama's first two years in office and has urged him to intervene more strongly in humanitarian disasters."
I agree with Anne-Maria Slaughter, that part of smarter (D.I.M.E) intervention must involve shifting resources from the D.o.D. to the D.o.S. Both departments have the same mandate, to protect America's interest abroad. However, more should be done in a preventative capacity. Protracted Social Conflict theory gives insights into future conflict zones; preventative action in these areas would save money and lives. Admittedly, there are instances where Defense must act instead of State (for instance, if fighting has already begun in a region), so it is essential to have both departments adequately funded. Currently the D.o.D. budget is more than 10x larger than the that of the D.o.S., some rebalancing is in order.
I would like to go back and highlight a quote from French Ambassador Jean-David Levitte I posted yesterday:
"It should be obvious, he said, that the United States has other priorities and is concentrating on Asia, and need not act everywhere. So if we are both independent and true allies of the United States we should be in a position to act when need be."
The rest of the world is beginning to realize that it must take more of a collective role in global security. There is one last point I would like to make, which is addressed by Mr. Levitte; the future of military efforts in Asia.
There is little reason that we should refocus our military interventions in Asia. Yes, North Korea, Yemen, and a number of other Asian countries pose terror risks, but not immediate risks to America. The strongest nations in Asia; China, India, and Japan, are our allies. We should be able to count on them to ensure regional stability, with the U.S. offering logistical, financial, and intelligence assistance as necessary. I sincerely hope that Obama takes this opportunity, with European nations taking greater responsibility in Northern Africa and the Middle-East, and rising military expenditures in Asia, to reallocate D.o.D. spending to the D.o.S (and not to just shift defense spending from one region in the world to another). This shift may be politically unpopular, and some would inevitably call Obama "soft" on Asia / China / terrorists, but such action would ultimately be in America's best interests
Obama has been a very friendly president toward the D.o.S., streamlining U.S. diplomatic efforts and scaling up the USAID budget. However, changes have so far been modest. Hopefully Obama uses his second term to make significant changes in U.S. foreign policy.
If our allies around the world help share in the cost of ensuring global security, the U.S. can focus more on domestic issues and preventative peacebuilding. This vision for the future is attainable, but far from guaranteed; it will take real political will and leadership to accomplish. Hopefully president Obama has what it takes to start America on this path.
Categories: Blog Posts, Economic Outlook | Tags: Army, Department of Defense, Department of state, extremist, Global Security, Internation Relations, Islam, Marines, Navy, security, Team America, Terrorism, Terrorist, USAID, war on terror | Permalink.
The United States has by far the largest military in the world. Tomorrow I will get into the numbers, so for now you'll have to take this information on good faith. The American military has been a global force for good since WWI (and probably before that). The U.S. intervened on the side of democracy in both WWI and WWII, and was central in efforts to promote global coordination, cooperation, and mutually beneficial trade throughout the 20th century (The League of Nations, U.N, N.A.T.O. G.A.T.T. W.T.O, I.M.F, W.B, the list goes on and on). The Marshall Plan, the large post WWII European reconstruction aid package, and the ensuing ideological standoff with the Soviet Union, further cemented America's position as global defender of "Western values".
The United States has carved out this position, as a global protector of modernization, democracy, and capitalism, for many reasons. The most pronounced reason relates to American values, at its base a humanitarian plea. However, there are also economic and national security reasons for promoting these values around the world. The rapid expansion of capitalism after The Cold War has led to unprecedented growth in the global economy. This growth is mutually beneficial; as poorer countries develop new markets for American exports open up.
This growth must be protected; there are still those who oppose the forces of modernization, either because it will take power away from the current elite, or because it is at odds with traditional / religious values, or perhaps because of a contentious colonial history. There is no shortage of reasons why other people do not like us (and if one does not exist you can count on someone to fabricate a reason). In order to protect ourselves, and in hopes of creating new trade partners and lifting the world's most impoverished from the shackles of extreme poverty, the U.S. has invested trillions of dollars into this global vision (prompting Matt Stone and Trey Parker, the two comedic geniuses behind South Park, to create a satirical movie "Team America: World Police", to highlight America's prominence in foreign conflicts) . I have argued that resources should be shifted from a bloated D.o.D. to the D.o.S., and still hold strongly to this belief, but this is an ideological argument about the same agreed upon principle; As technology advances, and globalization progresses, the world will only become smaller and more interconnected. As a result, foreign policy (both America's and other nation's) will become even more important.
There has to be a rethinking of how the U.S. intervenes. Gone are the days of the classic "world war"; today's most prominent conflict is the Protracted Social Conflict (PSC). U.S. interventions in Iraq and Afghanistan, while "successful" in terms of ousting oppressive leaders, have been very costly. The U.S. can no longer afford to play the role of "Team America: World Police". Arab Spring interventions have highlighted a shift from overt military action to covert operations. It is now common knowledge that nation rebuilding must be a part of military intervention, in order to ensure the power vacuum created is not filled by someone who is even less aligned with "Western interests". The cost of ensuring global security and protecting the international trade system must be more evenly shared by the developed world.
It would be natural to start by analyzing French foreign policy, as they have been most directly involved in the current Northern Africa conflicts. However, I would like to first focus on Germany. Germany has come a long way from being defeated in two world wars and being divided by the Berlin wall. Due to economic responsibility and stability, Germany has become a world power (it is the most powerful country in the EU in economic terms). Germany has, ironically, benefited from having limited military power after WWII (imagine how different the U.S. economic picture would be with a more reasonable defense budget):
"After World War II, West German politicians rejected military force for any goal other than self-defense, and a strong pacifist streak developed in the public. The end of the cold war brought the beginning of a long period of halting change. Allies, particularly in the United States, have repeatedly called for Germany to take more responsibility and a larger share of the burden…'I don't think it's healthy for the future of Europe to give Germany this refuge where Germany handles the economy and doesn't have to deal with the dirty stuff,' Mr. Böhnke [head of the Berlin office of the European Council on Foreign Relations]".
"'A country of our size,' Mr. Köhler [former German president] said, 'with its focus on exports and thus reliance on foreign trade, must be aware that military deployments are necessary in an emergency to protect our interests, for example, when it comes to trade routes, for example, when it comes to preventing regional instabilities that could negatively influence our trade, jobs and incomes.'"
It is time for Germany to step up to the plate and share the responsibilities of being a world power. France already has a large military, and sees a dynamic and pragmatic military as an essential component of global security:
"France has maintained its ability to send troops and equipment quickly to large parts of the globe, and it should soon overtake an austerity-minded Britain as the world's fourth largest military spender, after the United States, China and Russia…The French are willing to intervene militarily, but on the basis of new conditions, which differ, French officials argue, from the old colonial habits and traditions known as 'Françafrique.'"
"'We think it is absolutely necessary for other European countries to do what we do,' Mr. Levitte said. 'Otherwise there will be a kind of strategic irrelevance of Europe as a whole.' It should be obvious, he said, that the United States has other priorities and is concentrating on Asia, and need not act everywhere. 'So if we are both independent and true allies of the United States we should be in a position to act when need be.'"
French officials have also called for African troops (and Algerian troops specifically) to take a larger role in regional security affairs:
"France's foreign minister told African leaders that 'our African friends need to take the lead' in a multilateral military intervention in Mali…'We must, as quickly as possible, furnish the logistical and financial means required by the Malian Army and Ecowas,' he [Foreign Minister Laurent Fabius] said."
Military intervention is costly, both in terms of human lives and monetary cost. Global security has an element of "the tragedy of the commons" to it; everyone benefits from security, so there are bound to be "free rider" issues when it comes to paying for global security operations. It has become obvious that America cannot afford to play world police anymore; we cannot support the military bill and still provide the services needed to grow America domestically without amassing large amounts of debt (which has also been called a national security threat; damned if you do intervene, damned if you don't). It is time for the rest of the world to share in the cost of our collective freedom and prosperity.
Come back tomorrow for part 2 of "The End of Team America World Police", when I will focus on military and humanitarian expenditures by country to further highlight the need for a more evenly shared approach to foreign intervention and global security.
Categories: Blog Posts, Conflict Watch | Tags: Army, D.I.M.E., Department of Defense, Department of state, Diplomacy, extremist, Global Security, International Relations, Islam, Marines, Navy, security, Team America, Terrorism, Terrorist, USAID, war on terror | Permalink.
Conflict Watch: Pakistan
7 teachers and health workers were killed today in Pakistan; 6 of the 7 were women. This is the second such killing in the last month, the other included 8 polio treatment workers. This is a disturbing trend indeed.
"There was no immediate claim of responsibility. But the shooting, in the Swabi district of the northwestern province of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa, fit a pattern of militant attacks against charity and aid workers across the country in recent weeks that officials have attributed to the Pakistani Taliban."
Extremists are targeting these groups in particular for 3 reasons:
1) "Senior militants leaders have long accused vaccination drives of being a cover for government and international espionage and regularly threatened workers and officials involved in the effort, though never before to such deadly effect."
2) These groups represent an empowerment of the people, which runs counter to extremist goals.
3) Pakistan, a predominantly Islamic state, does not like the empowerment of women represented by international aid organizations and western culture in general (relating back to 1 and 2).
1 is an obvious propaganda move based completely on lies. International aid workers and teachers are there to benefit society, and most NGOs have no government affiliation, hence the acronym NGO: Non-Governmental Organization. This justification, as weak as it is, is not based in reality.
2 relates to how extremists groups operate. These groups go to the most disenfranchised people in the most underdeveloped regions of the world, places where peoples basic needs are not being met by the government. They provide social services in exchange for protection and goodwill, and establish deep ties within communities. When international organizations provide services, or empower governments to provide services, it takes away one of the main footholds of extremist groups.
3 refers to gender inequality, which is prevalent in many LDC (least developed countries) but particularly significant in Islamic countries, where women are subjugated to traditional roles in the name of religion. Pakistani women of all ages are less educated than men; most women are what we would call "stay at home moms"—not by choice, but by lack of other opportunities. Only 12.6% of women work in non-agricultural jobs, which diminishes their earning capacity (and therefore their power in the household). Attached is some select data from the World Bank, highlighting gender inequality and underdevelopment in Pakistan.
There are both short run and long run implications of these actions. In the short run, the government or perhaps NATO must provide security for aid workers. If these attacks continue, aid workers will not go to Pakistan, in which case the extremists will have "won" (and will be emboldened by their successful use of force).
Long run implications are aligned with human development and reducing gender inequality. These goals are much more difficult to achieve as is— if NGOs deem Pakistan too dangerous for aid workers, these goals will become even more difficult to attain.
Pakistan Data
Categories: Blog Posts, Conflict Watch | Tags: Aid, Development, extremist, gender inquality, Islamic, Middle East, Modernization, NGO, Pakistan, Social Services, Taliban | Permalink.
The Progressive Case For More Moderate Policies November 16, 2019
America's Choice: Winner-Take-All or Social Democracy January 28, 2019
Bipartisanship and the 2018 Midterm Elections October 19, 2018
"Stealing Elections" and Stealing Elections October 1, 2018
Military Spending and "Moral Hazard" September 4, 2018
Normative Narratives Community


Volker Auch-Schwelk and his team are consultants for authorities, developers and planners for all aspects of sustainability. Our intention is the additional benefit You can gain, when energy efficiency, low life cycle costs, healthy materials and options for conversion come together.
We campaign for an holistic approach in planning and construction. If architects and developers want to respect the requirements of climatic change, financial guidelines and the demographic change they are facing big challenges. Every decision made, influences the building attributes during the entire life cycle. All the projects need individual consulting.
Our competences include ecological, economical and social aspects. Acknowledged methods and our interdisciplinary network improves your project. We support the planning process from the beginning until the completion. The fields of sustainable strategies include products, buildings and urban districts.
The architect and urban designer Volker Auch-Schwelk is an expert for sustainability. He is focusing on Integral Planning for many years - as a project manager in architecture offices and as a research assistant for the University of Darmstadt.
He is one of the authors of the "Construction Materials Manual" published in Stuttgart 2005 by Birkhäuser/Detail. Since 2008 he is an engineer for energy efficiency. He was the manager for system development at the DGNB (German Sustainable Building Council) developing some of the most important assessment systems in Germany. He is an auditor for buildings and urban districts.
Volker Auch-Schwelk is educating at the professional associations "Ecology" and "Efficiency of resources" and he is teaching at universities. Volunteering at the chamber for architectural association, he is the chair of the "committee for sustainable planning and building." Volker Auch-Schwelk is a consultant for planers, clients and public authorities for all questions about sustainability.


text:
This name is in version 1.1 of The Plant List, record kew-2790875, and has not been changed.
Epilobium parviflorum G.Simpson & J.S.Thomson
Epilobium parviflorum G.Simpson & J.S.Thomson is an unresolved name
This name is unresolved, but some data suggest that it is synonymous with Epilobium alsinoides subsp. atriplicifolium (A.Cunn.) P.H.Raven & Engelhorn.
The record derives from WCSP (in review) which does not establish this name either as an accepted name or as a synonym and as an illegitimate name with original publication details: Trans. & Proc. Roy. Soc. New Zealand 73: 159 1943 .
Full publication details for this name can be found in IPNI: urn:lsid:ipni.org:names:612164-1.
The following databases may contain further information on this name. Please click on any button to follow a link to that database.
World Checklist of Selected Plant Families
The New York Botanical Garden Virtual Herbarium
JSTOR Plant Science
Herbarium Catalogue Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew
National Center for Biotechnology Information
GenBank — Nucleotide Alphabet of Life
Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew Plant information portal
To return to The Plant List : please use your browser's back button to return to this page.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


THE driver still sits high in the Echo Sportivo models, with the hip point remaining 580mm above the ground for ease of entry and exit. The Sportivo front seats are, however, more heavily bolstered and use a good-quality Jacquard cloth trim that is no longer available on the base hatch models. Jacquard is still part of the power pack optional on the sedan. The front seatbelts are adjustable for height and both front seats have pretensioners, however, a force-limiting pretensioner on the passenger's side is only fitted when a second airbag is called for. The rear seating positions in the hatch models have head restraints, however, the centre-rear position misses out on a three-point seatbelt. Let's not forget just how versatile the rear bench seat is: it can slide fore/aft, split-fold 60/40 and tumble forward.


Kryz Uy and Slater Young tied the knot in a ceremony in Cebu.
The fashion blogger and the "Pinoy Big Brother" alum-turned-businessman held an outdoor ceremony and reception at the Shangri-La's Mactan Resort and Spa.
The bride wore a white embroidered Francis Libiran creation with a deep V-neck line while the groom wore a navy blue tux.
The garden ceremony had an elegant rustic theme, with the aisle adorned with white flowers and a white carpet.
Adding to the feel of a dreamy outdoors theme was the entourage dressed in sheer periwinkle gowns.
The reception venue also had a romantic rustic theme: fairy lights were strung on the ceiling and tables were decorated with white flowers.
The three-tier cake from Naked Patisserie had a floral theme as well, with peach, maroon and white flowers climbing up the layers.
Guests included actor Sam Milby and bloggers Tricia Gosingtian, Camille Co, Patricia Prieto, sisters Vern and Verniece Enciso, Lissa Kahayon and Nicole Andersson.


text:
#include <linux/init.h>
#include <linux/slab.h>
#include <linux/pm_qos.h>
#include <linux/devfreq.h>
#include <linux/reboot.h>
#include <linux/clk.h>
#include <linux/clk-provider.h>
#include <linux/regulator/consumer.h>
#include <linux/platform_device.h>
#include <linux/workqueue.h>

#ifdef CONFIG_EXYNOS_THERMAL
#include <mach/tmu.h>
#endif
#include <mach/devfreq.h>
#include <mach/asv-exynos.h>
#include <mach/regs-clock-exynos5433.h>
#include <mach/asv-exynos_cal.h>

#include "exynos5433_ppmu.h"
#include "devfreq_exynos.h"
#include "governor.h"

#define DEVFREQ_INITIAL_FREQ	(825000)
#define DEVFREQ_POLLING_PERIOD	(0)
#define DLL_ON_FREQ		(825000)

extern struct devfreq_opp_table devfreq_mif_opp_list[];

static struct devfreq_simple_exynos_data exynos5_devfreq_mif_governor_data = {
	.pm_qos_class		= PM_QOS_BUS_THROUGHPUT,
	.urgentthreshold	= 80,
	.upthreshold		= 70,
	.downthreshold		= 60,
	.idlethreshold		= 50,
	.cal_qos_max		= 825000,
};

static struct exynos_devfreq_platdata exynos5433_qos_mif = {
	.default_qos		= 109000,
};

static struct ppmu_info ppmu_mif[] = {
	{
		.base = (void __iomem *)PPMU_D0_CPU_ADDR,
	}, {
		.base = (void __iomem *)PPMU_D0_RT_ADDR,
	}, {
		.base = (void __iomem *)PPMU_D0_GEN_ADDR,
	}, {
		.base = (void __iomem *)PPMU_D1_CPU_ADDR,
	}, {
		.base = (void __iomem *)PPMU_D1_RT_ADDR,
	}, {
		.base = (void __iomem *)PPMU_D1_GEN_ADDR,
	},
};

static struct devfreq_exynos devfreq_mif_exynos = {
	.type = MIF,
	.ppmu_list = ppmu_mif,
	.ppmu_count = ARRAY_SIZE(ppmu_mif),
};

static struct pm_qos_request exynos5_mif_qos;
static struct pm_qos_request boot_mif_qos;
struct pm_qos_request min_mif_thermal_qos;
struct pm_qos_request exynos5_mif_bts_qos;
struct device *mif_dev;

static inline int exynos5_devfreq_mif_get_idx(struct devfreq_opp_table *table,
				unsigned int size,
				unsigned long freq)
{
	int i;

	for (i = 0; i < size; ++i) {
		if (table[i].freq == freq)
			return i;
	}

	return -1;
}

static unsigned long current_freq;

extern struct devfreq_thermal_work devfreq_mif_ch0_work;
extern struct devfreq_thermal_work devfreq_mif_ch1_work;
static int exynos5_devfreq_mif_target(struct device *dev,
					unsigned long *target_freq,
					u32 flags)
{
	int ret = 0;
	struct platform_device *pdev = container_of(dev, struct platform_device, dev);
	struct devfreq_data_mif *mif_data = platform_get_drvdata(pdev);
	struct devfreq *devfreq_mif = mif_data->devfreq;
	struct opp *target_opp;
	int target_idx, old_idx;
	unsigned long target_volt;
	unsigned long old_freq;

	mutex_lock(&mif_data->lock);

	*target_freq = min3(*target_freq,
			devfreq_mif_ch0_work.max_freq,
			devfreq_mif_ch1_work.max_freq);

	rcu_read_lock();
	target_opp = devfreq_recommended_opp(dev, target_freq, flags);
	if (IS_ERR(target_opp)) {
		rcu_read_unlock();
		dev_err(dev, "DEVFREQ(MIF) : Invalid OPP to find\n");
		ret = PTR_ERR(target_opp);
		goto out;
	}

	*target_freq = opp_get_freq(target_opp);
	target_volt = opp_get_voltage(target_opp);
#ifdef CONFIG_EXYNOS_THERMAL
	target_volt = get_limit_voltage(target_volt, mif_data->volt_offset);
#endif
	rcu_read_unlock();

	target_idx = exynos5_devfreq_mif_get_idx(devfreq_mif_opp_list, mif_data->max_state, *target_freq);
	old_idx = exynos5_devfreq_mif_get_idx(devfreq_mif_opp_list, mif_data->max_state,
						devfreq_mif->previous_freq);
	old_freq = devfreq_mif->previous_freq;

	if (target_idx < 0 ||
		old_idx < 0) {
		ret = -EINVAL;
		goto out;
	}

	if (old_freq == *target_freq) {
		if (mif_data->mif_set_timeout)
			mif_data->mif_set_timeout(mif_data, target_idx);
		goto out;
	}

	pr_debug("MIF %lu ================> %lu\n", old_freq, *target_freq);

	if (mif_data->mif_dynamic_setting)
		mif_data->mif_dynamic_setting(mif_data, false);

	if (mif_data->mif_pre_process) {
		if (mif_data->mif_pre_process(dev, mif_data, &target_idx, &old_idx, target_freq, &old_freq))
			goto out;
	}

	if (old_freq < *target_freq) {
		if (mif_data->mif_set_volt)
			mif_data->mif_set_volt(mif_data, target_volt, target_volt + VOLT_STEP);
		set_match_abb(ID_MIF, mif_data->mif_asv_abb_table[target_idx]);
		if (mif_data->mif_set_dll)
			mif_data->mif_set_dll(mif_data, target_volt, target_idx);
		if (mif_data->mif_set_and_change_timing_set)
			mif_data->mif_set_and_change_timing_set(mif_data, target_idx);
		if (mif_data->mif_set_freq)
			mif_data->mif_set_freq(mif_data, target_idx, old_idx);
		if (mif_data->mif_set_timeout)
			mif_data->mif_set_timeout(mif_data, target_idx);
	} else {
		if (mif_data->mif_set_timeout)
			mif_data->mif_set_timeout(mif_data, target_idx);
		if (mif_data->mif_set_and_change_timing_set)
			mif_data->mif_set_and_change_timing_set(mif_data, target_idx);
		if (mif_data->mif_set_freq)
			mif_data->mif_set_freq(mif_data, target_idx, old_idx);
		if (mif_data->mif_set_dll)
			mif_data->mif_set_dll(mif_data, target_volt, target_idx);
		set_match_abb(ID_MIF, mif_data->mif_asv_abb_table[target_idx]);
		if (mif_data->mif_set_volt)
			mif_data->mif_set_volt(mif_data, target_volt, target_volt + VOLT_STEP);
	}

	if (mif_data->mif_post_process) {
		if (mif_data->mif_post_process(dev, mif_data, &target_idx, &old_idx, target_freq, &old_freq))
			goto out;
	}

	if (mif_data->mif_dynamic_setting)
		mif_data->mif_dynamic_setting(mif_data, true);

	current_freq = *target_freq;
out:
	mutex_unlock(&mif_data->lock);

	return ret;
}

int is_dll_on(void)
{
	int ret = 0;

	if ((current_freq == 0) || current_freq >= DLL_ON_FREQ)
		ret = 1;

	return ret;
}
EXPORT_SYMBOL_GPL(is_dll_on);

static int exynos5_devfreq_mif_get_dev_status(struct device *dev,
						struct devfreq_dev_status *stat)
{
	struct devfreq_data_mif *data = dev_get_drvdata(dev);
	int idx = -1;
	int above_idx = 0;
	int below_idx = data->max_state - 1;

	if (!data->use_dvfs)
		return -EAGAIN;

	stat->current_frequency = data->devfreq->previous_freq;

	idx = exynos5_devfreq_mif_get_idx(devfreq_mif_opp_list, data->max_state,
						stat->current_frequency);

	if (idx < 0)
                return -EAGAIN;

	above_idx = idx - 1;
	below_idx = idx + 1;

	if (above_idx < 0)
		above_idx = 0;

	if (below_idx >= data->max_state)
		below_idx = data->max_state - 1;

	exynos5_devfreq_mif_governor_data.above_freq = devfreq_mif_opp_list[above_idx].freq;
	exynos5_devfreq_mif_governor_data.below_freq = devfreq_mif_opp_list[below_idx].freq;

	stat->busy_time = devfreq_mif_exynos.val_pmcnt;
	stat->total_time = devfreq_mif_exynos.val_ccnt;

	return 0;
}

static struct devfreq_dev_profile exynos5_devfreq_mif_profile = {
	.initial_freq	= DEVFREQ_INITIAL_FREQ,
	.polling_ms	= DEVFREQ_POLLING_PERIOD,
	.target		= exynos5_devfreq_mif_target,
	.get_dev_status	= exynos5_devfreq_mif_get_dev_status,
};

static int exynos5_init_mif_table(struct device *dev,
				struct devfreq_data_mif *data)
{
	unsigned int i;
	unsigned int ret;
	unsigned int freq;
	unsigned int volt;

	for (i = 0; i < data->max_state; ++i) {
		freq = devfreq_mif_opp_list[i].freq;
		volt = get_match_volt(ID_MIF, freq);
		if (!volt)
			volt = devfreq_mif_opp_list[i].volt;

		exynos5_devfreq_mif_profile.freq_table[i] = freq;

		ret = opp_add(dev, freq, volt);
		if (ret) {
			pr_err("DEVFREQ(MIF) : Failed to add opp entries %uKhz, %uV\n", freq, volt);
			return ret;
		} else {
			pr_info("DEVFREQ(MIF) : %uKhz, %uV\n", freq, volt);
		}

		data->mif_asv_abb_table[i] = get_match_abb(ID_MIF, freq);

		pr_info("DEVFREQ(MIF) : %uKhz, ABB %u\n", freq, data->mif_asv_abb_table[i]);
	}

	return 0;
}

static int exynos5_devfreq_mif_notifier(struct notifier_block *nb, unsigned long val,
						void *v)
{
	struct devfreq_notifier_block *devfreq_nb;

	devfreq_nb = container_of(nb, struct devfreq_notifier_block, nb);

	mutex_lock(&devfreq_nb->df->lock);
	update_devfreq(devfreq_nb->df);
	mutex_unlock(&devfreq_nb->df->lock);

	return NOTIFY_OK;
}

static int exynos5_devfreq_mif_reboot_notifier(struct notifier_block *nb, unsigned long val,
						void *v)
{
	unsigned long freq = exynos5433_qos_mif.default_qos;
	struct devfreq_data_mif *data = dev_get_drvdata(mif_dev);
	struct devfreq *devfreq_mif = data->devfreq;

	devfreq_mif->max_freq = freq;
	mutex_lock(&devfreq_mif->lock);
	update_devfreq(devfreq_mif);
	mutex_unlock(&devfreq_mif->lock);

	return NOTIFY_DONE;
}

static struct notifier_block exynos5_mif_reboot_notifier = {
	.notifier_call = exynos5_devfreq_mif_reboot_notifier,
};

#if 0
static int exynos5_devfreq_mif_init_dvfs(struct devfreq_data_mif *data)
{
	switch (exynos5430_get_memory_size()) {
	case 2:
		dmc_timing_parameter = dmc_timing_parameter_2gb;
		break;
	case 3:
		dmc_timing_parameter = dmc_timing_parameter_3gb;
		break;
	default:
		pr_err("DEVFREQ(MIF) : can't get information of memory size!!\n");
		break;
	}

	return 0;
}
#endif

extern int exynos5_devfreq_mif_init_clock(void);
extern int exynos5_devfreq_mif_init_parameter(struct devfreq_data_mif *data);
extern void exynos5_devfreq_set_dll_lock_value(struct devfreq_data_mif *data,
							unsigned long vdd_mif_l0);
extern void exynos5_devfreq_init_thermal(void);
extern struct attribute_group devfreq_mif_attr_group;
extern int exynos5_devfreq_mif_tmu_notifier(struct notifier_block *nb, unsigned long event,
						void *v);
static int exynos5_devfreq_mif_probe(struct platform_device *pdev)
{
	int ret = 0;
	struct devfreq_data_mif *data;
	struct devfreq_notifier_block *devfreq_nb;
	struct exynos_devfreq_platdata *plat_data;
	struct opp *target_opp;
	unsigned long freq;

	data = kzalloc(sizeof(struct devfreq_data_mif), GFP_KERNEL);
	if (data == NULL) {
		pr_err("DEVFREQ(MIF) : Failed to allocate private data\n");
		ret = -ENOMEM;
		goto err_data;
	}

	exynos5433_devfreq_mif_init(data);
	data->default_qos = exynos5433_qos_mif.default_qos;

	exynos5_devfreq_mif_profile.max_state = data->max_state;
	data->initial_freq = exynos5_devfreq_mif_profile.initial_freq;
	data->cal_qos_max = exynos5_devfreq_mif_governor_data.cal_qos_max;
	devfreq_mif_ch0_work.max_freq = exynos5_devfreq_mif_governor_data.cal_qos_max;
	devfreq_mif_ch1_work.max_freq = exynos5_devfreq_mif_governor_data.cal_qos_max;

	exynos5_devfreq_mif_profile.freq_table = kzalloc(sizeof(int) * data->max_state, GFP_KERNEL);
	if (exynos5_devfreq_mif_profile.freq_table == NULL) {
		pr_err("DEVFREQ(MIF) : Failed to allocate freq table\n");
		ret = -ENOMEM;
		goto err_freqtable;
	}

	data->use_dvfs = false;
	mutex_init(&data->lock);

	ret = exynos5_init_mif_table(&pdev->dev, data);
	if (ret)
		goto err_inittable;

	platform_set_drvdata(pdev, data);

	data->volt_offset = 0;
	mif_dev =
	data->dev = &pdev->dev;
	data->vdd_mif = regulator_get(NULL, "vdd_mif");

	if (IS_ERR_OR_NULL(data->vdd_mif)) {
		pr_err("DEVFREQ(MIF) : Failed to get regulator\n");
		goto err_inittable;
	}

	rcu_read_lock();
	freq = exynos5_devfreq_mif_governor_data.cal_qos_max;
	target_opp = devfreq_recommended_opp(data->dev, &freq, 0);
	if (IS_ERR(target_opp)) {
		rcu_read_unlock();
		dev_err(data->dev, "DEVFREQ(MIF) : Invalid OPP to set voltagen");
		ret = PTR_ERR(target_opp);
		goto err_opp;
	}
	data->old_volt = opp_get_voltage(target_opp);
#ifdef CONFIG_EXYNOS_THERMAL
	data->old_volt = get_limit_voltage(data->old_volt, data->volt_offset);
#endif
	rcu_read_unlock();
	regulator_set_voltage(data->vdd_mif, data->old_volt, data->old_volt + VOLT_STEP);
	exynos5_devfreq_set_dll_lock_value(data, data->old_volt);

	data->devfreq = devfreq_add_device(data->dev,
					&exynos5_devfreq_mif_profile,
					"simple_exynos",
					&exynos5_devfreq_mif_governor_data);

	exynos5_devfreq_init_thermal();

	devfreq_nb = kzalloc(sizeof(struct devfreq_notifier_block), GFP_KERNEL);
	if (devfreq_nb == NULL) {
		pr_err("DEVFREQ(MIF) : Failed to allocate notifier block\n");
		ret = -ENOMEM;
		goto err_nb;
	}

	devfreq_nb->df = data->devfreq;
	devfreq_nb->nb.notifier_call = exynos5_devfreq_mif_notifier;

	exynos5433_devfreq_register(&devfreq_mif_exynos);
	exynos5433_ppmu_register_notifier(MIF, &devfreq_nb->nb);

	plat_data = data->dev->platform_data;

	data->devfreq->min_freq = plat_data->default_qos;
	data->devfreq->max_freq = exynos5_devfreq_mif_governor_data.cal_qos_max;

	register_reboot_notifier(&exynos5_mif_reboot_notifier);

	ret = sysfs_create_group(&data->devfreq->dev.kobj, &devfreq_mif_attr_group);

#ifdef CONFIG_EXYNOS_THERMAL
	data->tmu_notifier.notifier_call = exynos5_devfreq_mif_tmu_notifier;
	exynos_tmu_add_notifier(&data->tmu_notifier);
#endif
	data->use_dvfs = true;

	return ret;
err_nb:
	devfreq_remove_device(data->devfreq);
err_opp:
	regulator_put(data->vdd_mif);
err_inittable:
	kfree(exynos5_devfreq_mif_profile.freq_table);
err_freqtable:
	kfree(data);
err_data:
	return ret;
}

static int exynos5_devfreq_mif_remove(struct platform_device *pdev)
{
	struct devfreq_data_mif *data = platform_get_drvdata(pdev);

	iounmap(data->base_mif);
	iounmap(data->base_sysreg_mif);
	iounmap(data->base_drex0);
	iounmap(data->base_drex1);
	iounmap(data->base_lpddr_phy0);
	iounmap(data->base_lpddr_phy1);

	devfreq_remove_device(data->devfreq);

	pm_qos_remove_request(&min_mif_thermal_qos);
	pm_qos_remove_request(&exynos5_mif_qos);
	pm_qos_remove_request(&boot_mif_qos);
	pm_qos_remove_request(&exynos5_mif_bts_qos);

	exynos5433_devfreq_mif_deinit(data);

	regulator_put(data->vdd_mif);

	kfree(data);

	platform_set_drvdata(pdev, NULL);

	return 0;
}

static int exynos5_devfreq_mif_suspend(struct device *dev)
{
	if (pm_qos_request_active(&exynos5_mif_qos))
		pm_qos_update_request(&exynos5_mif_qos, exynos5_devfreq_mif_profile.initial_freq);

	return 0;
}

extern int exynos5_devfreq_mif_update_timingset(struct devfreq_data_mif *data);
static int exynos5_devfreq_mif_resume(struct device *dev)
{
	struct exynos_devfreq_platdata *pdata = dev->platform_data;
	struct platform_device *pdev = container_of(dev, struct platform_device, dev);
	struct devfreq_data_mif *data = platform_get_drvdata(pdev);

	data->dll_status = ((__raw_readl(data->base_lpddr_phy0 + 0xB0) & (0x1 << 5)) != 0);
	pr_info("DEVFREQ(MIF) : default dll satus : %s\n", (data->dll_status ? "on" : "off"));
#ifdef CONFIG_EXYNOS_THERMAL
	data->old_volt = get_limit_voltage(data->old_volt, data->volt_offset);
#endif
	exynos5_devfreq_set_dll_lock_value(data, data->old_volt);
	exynos5_devfreq_mif_update_timingset(data);

	if (pm_qos_request_active(&exynos5_mif_qos))
		pm_qos_update_request(&exynos5_mif_qos, pdata->default_qos);

	return 0;
}

static struct dev_pm_ops exynos5_devfreq_mif_pm = {
	.suspend	= exynos5_devfreq_mif_suspend,
	.resume		= exynos5_devfreq_mif_resume,
};

static struct platform_driver exynos5_devfreq_mif_driver = {
	.probe	= exynos5_devfreq_mif_probe,
	.remove	= exynos5_devfreq_mif_remove,
	.driver	= {
		.name	= "exynos5-devfreq-mif",
		.owner	= THIS_MODULE,
		.pm	= &exynos5_devfreq_mif_pm,
	},
};

static struct platform_device exynos5_devfreq_mif_device = {
	.name	= "exynos5-devfreq-mif",
	.id	= -1,
};

static int exynos5_devfreq_mif_qos_init(void)
{
	pm_qos_add_request(&exynos5_mif_qos, PM_QOS_BUS_THROUGHPUT, exynos5433_qos_mif.default_qos);
	pm_qos_add_request(&min_mif_thermal_qos, PM_QOS_BUS_THROUGHPUT, exynos5433_qos_mif.default_qos);
	pm_qos_add_request(&boot_mif_qos, PM_QOS_BUS_THROUGHPUT, exynos5433_qos_mif.default_qos);
	pm_qos_add_request(&exynos5_mif_bts_qos, PM_QOS_BUS_THROUGHPUT, exynos5433_qos_mif.default_qos);

	pm_qos_update_request_timeout(&boot_mif_qos,
					exynos5_devfreq_mif_profile.initial_freq, 40000 * 1000);

	return 0;
}
device_initcall(exynos5_devfreq_mif_qos_init);

static int __init exynos5_devfreq_mif_init(void)
{
	int ret;

	exynos5_devfreq_mif_device.dev.platform_data = &exynos5433_qos_mif;

	ret = platform_device_register(&exynos5_devfreq_mif_device);
	if (ret)
		return ret;

	return platform_driver_register(&exynos5_devfreq_mif_driver);
}
late_initcall(exynos5_devfreq_mif_init);

static void __exit exynos5_devfreq_mif_exit(void)
{
	platform_driver_unregister(&exynos5_devfreq_mif_driver);
	platform_device_unregister(&exynos5_devfreq_mif_device);
}
module_exit(exynos5_devfreq_mif_exit);

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
Q: 2GP Package Creation - Email Template include error i have created a 2gp package which contains email template from public classic email template folder. But while installing package it throws error as below

A: We cannot use public folder. Please create a folder with public access and try to create and install the package.
Folder metadata can look like below-
<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?>
<EmailFolder xmlns="http://soap.sforce.com/2006/04/metadata">
    <accessType>Public</accessType>
    <name>New_Folder</name>
    <publicFolderAccess>ReadWrite</publicFolderAccess>
</EmailFolder>

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange