text:
How to Sense a Pandemic: Curves, Models, and the Affective Allure of Flattening
Lauren Storz and Anna Wynfield
Covid-19 masquerades in ambiguity. In the past few months, mixed messaging from the U.S. federal government and the lack of a coherent national action plan have left individual states to take inconsistent (in)action regarding this pandemic. Without comprehensive testing, the narrative of the virus has become increasingly hard to locate. Viral contamination spreads silently and invisibly, and is revealed to individual patients or providers only days or weeks later through selectively interpretable symptoms. Covid-19 is undeniably visible in the experience of those who directly confront the suffering and harm it leaves in its wake. For many, however, the pandemic has remained a more abstract threat: something imagined in myriad ways and marked by an ambiguous presence that seems to resist local contextualization or efforts at visualization.Where circulating images of masked healthcare workers failed to fully capture the virus's capacity to kill, numerical predictions of risk, too, began to fluctuate–resting on incomplete data and making already complex modeling feel even more unstable and obscure (The Wall Street Journal Editorial Board 2020). Within these complex and conflicting narratives, visual abstractions of the virus's trajectory have come to stand in for projections of future risk. Slippery by definition, these hypotheses have now come to translate and narrate both the pandemic's past and potential future. Such images have therefore been asked to do substantial political and epidemiological work: transforming possibilities into comprehensible futures. Early public questions asking "What should be done?" thus prompt us to ask: What is the affective work of visual models? How might a graph be asked to communicate urgency and inspire a collective orientation towards the future? And what has this set of "image-events" revealed about the fragile intersection of collective life and individual dependence (Strassler 2020)? Rather than answer each of these questions, we pose them to note the moment, the transformations, and the lives we are now being asked to live.
Flatten The Curve: An Image-Event
Beginning in mid-March of 2020, citizens were asked to create new affective links among panic, optimism, and action in the absence of reliable numbers or effective federal leadership to anchor a response narrative to Covid-19. In this essay, we explore how grassroot attempts to depict the imminent scale of the pandemic began to surface, the most successful of which was the "Flatten the Curve" image and sentiment that gained viral traction during this time on news and social media platforms. This graphic succeeded where previous efforts had failed: it conveyed a sense of urgency directly to the American public.
The emergence of Flatten the Curve, we argue, became a political "image-event" as new representations of peaks and plateaus "erupt[ed] onto and intervene[d] in a social field, becoming a focal point of discursive and affective engagement across diverse publics" (Strassler 2020, 9-10). Through this process, portions of the United States' population mobilized around its conceptual narrative. These processes of "atmospheric attunement" (Stewart 2010, 449) compel us to consider how crises "induce collective responses and produce their own affective temporal orientations" (Bryant and Knight 2019). By approaching the reverberations of "the curve" through a lens of affect, we highlight the ways it has become a site of political intervention and an orientation towards individual responsibility, mobilizing a visual narrative that appeals to a collective promise.
Towards a Flatter Future
The defining visual image of this pandemic and political moment has thus become a highly conceptual mathematical representation. We argue that it is precisely because it is conceptual, and not anchored in specific numerical values, that it has captured the public imagination. It reorients us towards a vision of the future that, like the arrow that forms the x-axis, "time," only points in one direction: forward.
Although Flatten the Curve is not a new concept in epidemiological circles, it has become reanimated for this specific moment and is now a publicly recognizable concept. The first iteration of Flatten the Curve was published in 2007 by the CDC in a paper that explored community mitigation strategies in a pandemic scenario similar to Covid-19. However, it wasn't until Dr. Drew Harris, Assistant Professor at the Thomas Jefferson College of Population Health, took the CDC graphic and added the dotted "healthcare capacity" line that the image gained traction on social media and went viral (Wilson 2020). According to Harris, the line was a purely theoretical invention, not rooted in hard data but drawn arbitrarily to emphasize the importance of mitigating strategies (Wilson 2020).
The Flatten the Curve graphic situates viewers at the origin of the graph– a shared hypothetical present from which two disparate curves extend outward and upward as cases build through time. These curves provoke the viewer to imagine two sets of future possibilities. One future unfolds in the absence of protective measures, with Covid-19 cases quickly exceeding the dotted "healthcare capacity" line, overwhelming hospitals and increasing fatalities. In the other future, we have taken action. Masks, social distancing, and other protective measures have been put in place, and the number of cases remains within the healthcare system's limits. The graph prompts the question: Which future do we choose?
The Dotted Line
The dotted line transforms the graphic, in part, because it "establishes the edges of our horizon" (Ahmed 2010, 24). By situating healthcare capacity to treat patients at the center of the narrative, "[it] defines the places that we know we do not wish to go" (Ahmed 2010, 24). The existence of a threshold (even if arbitrarily drawn) dramatically increases the affective potency of the image: mobilizing fear to orient its audience away from futures that manifest beyond the dotted line while summoning hope that collective action can flatten the curve. Both of these orientations demand a reconfiguration of everyday action in the present to align with protective measures (Knight & Bryant 2019). While Flatten the Curve connects present action with collective futures, it remains fundamentally abstract. It is through its circulation on news and social media platforms that the image accrues "symbolic density" in which various interpretive communities circulate personal narratives that expand, refine, and contest what constitutes appropriate action to flatten the curve (Strassler 2020, 13). This process also involves the personalization of risk and fear in order to maintain a sense of urgency. The visual below, for example, explicitly links individual actions and attitudes with the height of the curve –presenting the calm yet responsibilized citizen as the personification of a manageable curve.
Living the Curve
"Flatten the Curve" thus demands attention–and action. As infection rates began to increase in the United States, this image also became a tool through which to attune to an atmosphere of urgency. The emergence of #flattenthecurve and circulation of "Keep Calm and Flatten the Curve" frames on social media platforms have established a way for individuals to not only display adherence with social distancing, but also generate a shared atmosphere of attunement. Conveying these actions visibly and virtually have become "a lived affect–a capacity to affect and to be affected that pushes a present into a composition, an expressivity, the sense of potentiality and event" (Stewart 2010, 452). Attaching oneself to this conceptual narrative arc thus invokes a collective political effort. The circulation of hashtags specifically centered on events can further allow individuals "who are territorially displaced to feel like they are united across both space and time" (Bonilla and Rosa 2015, 7). Within this shared sense of temporality, specific orientations towards collectively imagined futures can also be experienced together.
Thinking of Flatten the Curve as an image-event underscores its polyvalence: the ways in which it both accrues meaning and animates new images and texts, "deepening certain tones and deafening others" (Strassler 2020, 15). Streamlining a complex set of narratives into a seemingly straightforward message, the image and language of the curve visually anchor a call for behavioral response. Invoking the authority of (albeit hypothetical) data, it seeks to orient its audience towards a collectively imagined future where the slowly rolling hill of manageable Covid-19 infections displaces the steep mountain of cases that quickly overwhelms healthcare capacity. These attempts to mobilize, however, rest on the assumption that individuals will envision themselves as part of an imagined public—anchoring themselves in this abstraction. The processes and publics summoned by this image-event have helped mediate urgency and immediacy to collectively orientated futures, imploring us to stay home, wear masks, and social distance in the present.
An Archive of an Era
As weeks become months, the pleas and afterlives of "the curve" have multiplied. Shifts in outcomes suggest to skeptics that the curve was always a tool for political manipulation, even as others view those results as validation of protective measures. The curve's malleability is thus its most lively and vulnerable quality. Although our choices result in spikes and plummets, the dotted line of systemic capacity appears unmovable. If the curve of individual responsibility bends to our will, the dotted line of resource allocation, governmental responsibility, and institutional authority stands uncannily still.
Flatten the Curve is thus an open-ended archive of the contested and political imaginaries that shape the era of Covid-19. At the time of this writing, it continues to be a widely circulating and galvanizing political image. It remains to be seen how the image will persist as the pandemic unfolds in the United States. As cases start to decline across the U.S., will Flatten the Curve retain its urgency, reinforcing social precautions as a vaccine is developed and distributed? How might the conversation around healthcare capacity shift in response to the threshold that has been drawn? Or will it become a part of our lexicon for crises, poised for deployment in the future?
Abutaleb, Yasmeen, Dawsey, Josh, and Greg Miller. 2020. "The U.S. Was Beset by Denial and Dysfunction as the Coronavirus Raged." Washington Post, April 4, https://www.washingtonpost.com/national-security/2020/04/04/coronavirus-government-dysfunction/
Ahmed, Sara. 2010. "Happy Objects." In The Affect Theory Reader, Melissa Gregg and Gregory J. Seigworth, eds., Durham: Duke University Press, pp. 29–51.
Bonilla, Yarimar, and Jonathan Rosa. 2015. "#Ferguson: Digital Protest, Hashtag Ethnography, and the Racial Politics of Social Media in the United States." American Ethnologist 42(1): 4–17.
Brumfiel, Geoff. 2020. "To End The Coronavirus Crisis We Need Widespread Testing, Experts Say." National Public Radio website*, March 24, https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2020/03/24/820157519/to-end-the-coronavirus-crisis-we-need-widespread-testing-experts-say
Bryant, Rebecca, and Daniel Knight. 2019. "Orientations to the Future: An Introduction." In "Orientations to the Future," Rebecca Bryant and Daniel M. Knight, eds., American Ethnologist website, March 8, https://americanethnologist.org/features/collections/orientations-to-the-future/orientations-to-the-future-an-introduction.
Qualls, Noreen, Alesandra Levitte, Neha Write-Jegede, Stephanie Dopson, Matthew Biggerstaff, Carrie Reed, et al. 2017. "Community Mitigation Guidelines to Prevent Pandemic Influenza–United States, 2017." MMWR. Recommendations and Reports 66(1): 1-34.
Stewart, Kathleen. 2011. "Atmospheric Attunements." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space, 29(3): 445-453.
Strassler, Karen. 2020. Demanding Images:Demoncracy, Mediation, and the Image-Event in Indonesia. Durham: Duke University Press.
The Editorial Board. 2020. "The Art of Coronavirus Modeling." Wall Street Journal, April 7, https://www.wsj.com/articles/the-art-of-coronavirus-modeling-11586301975?cx_testId=3&cx_testVariant=cx_2&cx_artPos=1#cxrecs_s
Wilson, Mark. 2020. "The Story behind the Coronavirus 'Flatten the Curve' Chart." Fast Company, March 13, https://www.fastcompany.com/90476143/the-story-behind-flatten-the-curve-the-defining-chart-of-the-coronavirus
Cite as: Storz, Lauren and Anna Wynfield. 2020. "How to Sense a Pandemic: Curves, Models, and the Affective Allure of Flattening." In "Pandemic Diaries: Affect and Crisis," Carla Jones, editor, American Ethnologist website, May 20 2020, [https://americanethnologist.org/features/pandemic-diaries/pandemic-diaries-affect-and-crisis/how-to-sense-a-pandemic-curves-models-and-the-affective-allure-of-flattening]
Lauren Storz and Anna Wynfield are Ph.D. students studying cultural anthropology at the University of Colorado Boulder.
Viral Satire as Public Feeling in Myanmar Chu May Paing
Viral Satire as Public Feeling in Myanmar
Chu May Paing
Seeing Still Isn't Believing: Social Distancing and the Labor of Witnessing Anden Drolet
Seeing Still Isn't Believing: Social Distancing and the Labor of Witnessing
Anden Drolet
Good Vibes: The Complex Work of Social Media Influencers in a Pandemic Gillian Davenport
Good Vibes: The Complex Work of Social Media Influencers in a Pandemic
Gillian Davenport
Wanting Nature to Strike Back: Apocalyptic Dreams for a Pandemic Olivia Cunningham
Wanting Nature to Strike Back: Apocalyptic Dreams for a Pandemic
Olivia Cunningham


text:
Q: Fluent Mapping and NHibernate Xml Configuration I have an application using NHibernate and I'm using Fluent NHibernate to mapping my entities. It works fine, but, I want to create the SessionFactory using the native way of NHibernate because my team will ues this library on other projects, so we need this flexibilty to move the nhibernate.cfg.xml. My question is: How can I set the Fluent Mappings in the configuration of SessionFactory with native way of nhibernate?
I try something like this on my configuration method:
private static ISessionFactory Configure()
{
    if (_factory != null)
        return _factory;

    var configuration = new Configuration().Configure();

        // I could set my assembly of mapping here, but it's on our internal framework
    var fluentConfiguration = Fluently.Configure(configuration)
        //.Mappings(c => c.FluentMappings.AddFromAssembly(typeof(ProductMap)))
        .BuildConfiguration();

    _factory = fluentConfiguration.BuildSessionFactory();

    return _factory;
}

I tried to set it by xml, but it does not work.
<hibernate-configuration xmlns="urn:nhibernate-configuration-2.2">
    <session-factory>
        <!-- other configs here...-->
        <mapping assembly="MyApplication.Data.Mapping" />
    </session-factory>
</hibernate-configuration>

I don't know if is there any way to get this mapping setted on the xml and pass to FluentConfiguration declaration on my method to create the ISessionFactory.
Thank you guys.

A: The mapping in the config does not work because it will not consider Fluentmappings (Nhibernate does not know FluentNhibernate). You have to set it by code. Best option i can think of is to implement a hook to alter the config object before building the sessionfactory:
private static ISessionFactory Configure()
{
    if (_factory != null)
        return _factory;

    var configuration = new Configuration().Configure();

    foreach(var alteration in alterations)
    {
        alteration.AddTo(configuration);
    }

    _factory = fluentConfiguration.BuildSessionFactory();

    return _factory;
}

// in your alteration
Configuration AddTo(Configuration config)
{
    return Fluently.Configure(config)
               .Mappings(c => c.FluentMappings.AddFromAssembly(typeof(ProductMap)))
               .BuildConfiguration();
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


4 Hands Chocolate Milk Stout Packs are HERE!
FINALLY! We've been waiting and waiting for these to arrive. Today's the day! We got a good amount but if you recall, these bad boys disappear QUICKLY! Best to hold one now so you don't miss out. Check it!
This is it… We have Blackberry, Tiki, and Gingerbread. All in one box. They stepped up HUGE this year and left out the regular version in favor of these 3 beauties and the mason jar glass. WOOT!!


text:
Shallotte, NC Business District Lights Up with ATMC FOCUS Fiber Network
SHALLOTTE, NC — As part of a five-year expansion and network enhancement plan, ATMC, a member-owned cooperative providing communications services in southeastern North Carolina, has begun delivering FOCUS fiber services to businesses along Main Street in Shallotte, North Carolina. ATMC's approximately $1 million investment in Shallotte will help attract new commercial and small businesses to the area, enhance current business capabilities and encourage economic growth.
When completed, ATMC will be able to offer 1 Gbps symmetrical broadband speed to the Shallotte business district. This upgrade to 1 Gbps will enable Shallotte businesses greater opportunities for cloud access, bandwidth and reliability. FOCUS fiber optic service recently became available to more than 200 Shallotte businesses. Once the project is complete, more than 400 Shallotte businesses will have access to fiber optic service.
A Fiber-fueled Economic Boost
"Across the country, fiber optic enhancements are helping towns like Shallotte compete on a local, regional and national level," said O'Neal Miller, ATMC CEO. "ATMC's FOCUS fiber optic enhancement could also be important to the town's Riverfront Revitalization Project. The upgrade will help the Town of Shallotte attract shops, restaurants and housing to the planned riverfront area."
"The Town of Shallotte is excited to be one of the first businesses in the business district to upgrade to ATMC's FOCUS fiber optics," said Mayor Walt Eccard. "I am grateful for ATMC's investment in our town and confident that this enhancement will help attract new businesses to Shallotte."
With virtually limitless capacity, access to fiber optics is a great asset to small towns like Shallotte, looking to attract new businesses and industry, as well as retain and support existing commercial enterprises. Fiber optic technology will provide access to advanced voice solutions and will deliver a more reliable broadband network. Business customers who switch to ATMC's new fiber optic network will benefit from low latency streaming that makes online collaboration and data services fast and reliable. Fiber optics allow for quicker upload and download speeds and faster point of sale transactions.
"To meet the needs of our customers, over the next five years, we will be investing millions into enhancing our members' services and Shallotte is the first business district to be included in this plan," said Miller. Once the Shallotte upgrades are complete, ATMC has plans to expand fiber optics to other business districts including Ocean Isle Beach, Holden Beach, Seaside, Calabash, Boiling Spring Lakes and Leland.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
using NDifference.Analysis;
using NDifference.Inspection;
using Xunit;

namespace NDifference.UnitTests
{
	public class IdentifiedChangeCollectionFacts
	{
		//[Fact]
		//public void IdentifiedChangeCollection_Finds_Changes_For_Existing_Category()
		//{
		//	var collection = new IdentifiedChangeCollection();

		//	collection.Add(new Category { Name = "C1", Priority = new CategoryPriority(1) });
		//	collection.Add(new IdentifiedChange { Priority = 1 });
		//	collection.Add(new IdentifiedChange { Priority = 1 });
		//	collection.Add(new IdentifiedChange { Priority = 1 });

		//	Assert.Equal(3, collection.ChangesInCategory(1).Count);
		//}

		//[Fact]
		//public void IdentifiedChangeCollection_No_Changes_For_Empty_Category()
		//{
		//	var collection = new IdentifiedChangeCollection();

		//	collection.Add(new Category { Name = "C1", Priority = new CategoryPriority(1) });
		//	collection.Add(new Category { Name = "C2", Priority = new CategoryPriority(2) });

		//	collection.Add(new IdentifiedChange { Priority = 1 });
		//	collection.Add(new IdentifiedChange { Priority = 1 });
		//	collection.Add(new IdentifiedChange { Priority = 1 });

		//	Assert.Empty(collection.ChangesInCategory(2));
		//}

		//[Fact]
		//public void IdentifiedChangeCollection_Finds_Uncategorised_Changes()
		//{
		//	var collection = new IdentifiedChangeCollection();

		//	collection.Add(new Category { Name = "C1", Priority = new CategoryPriority(1) });
		//	collection.Add(new Category { Name = "C2", Priority = new CategoryPriority(2) });

		//	collection.Add(new IdentifiedChange());
		//	collection.Add(new IdentifiedChange());

		//	Assert.Equal(2, collection.UnCategorisedChanges().Count);
		//}

		//[Fact]
		//public void IdentifiedChangeCollection_Finds_Miscategorised_Changes()
		//{
		//	var collection = new IdentifiedChangeCollection();

		//	collection.Add(new Category { Name = "C1", Priority = new CategoryPriority(1) });
		//	collection.Add(new Category { Name = "C2", Priority = new CategoryPriority(2) });

		//	collection.Add(new IdentifiedChange());
		//	collection.Add(new IdentifiedChange());
		//	collection.Add(new IdentifiedChange { Priority = 3 });
		//	collection.Add(new IdentifiedChange { Priority = 4 });
		//	collection.Add(new IdentifiedChange { Priority = 5 });

		//	Assert.Equal(5, collection.UnCategorisedChanges().Count);
		//}

	}
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
Home/Interviews/COVID-19 Pandemic Has Prompted Behavioural Changes In Gamers: Warraich
Abhishek Sharma November 27, 2021	Interviews 356 Views
Though the industry is still at its nascent stage, it is developing very dynamically, especially with upskilling becoming a key element. All that's needed is sheer commitment and consistent enthusiasm as the bullish phase of the market is here to stay," said Warraich
As the world steps into a post- COVID-19 pandemic world, the new normal gets a large number of changes across different industry sectors through the sped up the reception of digital innovations. Amid the ongoing pandemic, the Indian mobile gaming sector is going to witness $1.5 billion of revenue in 2020 to $5 billion by 2025, according to a report by VC firm Sequoia and a management consulting company.
In a conversation with the BW Gaming World, Sunit Warraich, the Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of CardBaazi, an Indian gaming platform talked about games, his vision, the COVID-19 pandemic, its effects on India and more.
Q. Tell us about the CardBaazi.com and Baazi Games? for the people who are not aware of it.
Ans- Established in 2014, as Baazi Games, our objective has always been to provide 'the best and wholistic gaming experience' to our users. Strengthening this commitment, we introduced CardBaazi.com as a one-stop destination for all types of card games. Revamped from RummyBaazi.com, it has created a shift from a mono gaming to a multi-gaming platform. The platform hosts game like Rummy, Poker and Call Break, and games like Dehla Pakad, Solitaire and 21 Puzzle are in the pipeline. We intend to add more games that fall under the ambit of the game of skill as we move ahead.
Q. Baazi Games recently announced diversification from its mono-game model to a multi-game model. What do you mean by that?
Ans- Baazi Games has always been a multi-game provider, starting from Poker to fantasy sports and Rummy. For card gaming, we transformed from RummyBaazi.com to CardBaazi.com basis our internal surveys which suggested clear trends that the users are looking for multiple games under one platform.
The platform's objective is to cater to a wider userbase which will consist of both pro card gamers and casual card gamers with a focus to tap the latent offline card gaming economy and engage them as digital users with the intention to bring back the essence of age-old indigenous card games. In the process, we want to go beyond the tier-1 and 2 cities and expand our userbase to tier 3 and 4 cities of India, which will form the largest chunk of users in the future.
Q. What are the major changes you have witnessed in the gaming industry pre and post COVID-19 era?
Ans- The most important change that we have witnessed post-COVID-19, in India, is acceptance of the online gaming sector at large. With the onset of the pandemic, people engaged themselves more with online gaming than other recreational activities, which slowly developed as a community-building activity.
Q. How has the pandemic created more opportunities for such online gaming segments?
Ans- The pandemic has prompted behavioural changes in the users. While we were all stuck at home, online gaming became the biggest source of engaging with our peers and friends. The first period of the pandemic can be termed as the golden era for casual gaming as several new online games were launched and games, such as like Ludo and real money games, took the large pie.
In the second half of the pandemic, IPL 2020-21 became the turning point for OFS platforms as they became the best avenues for creating the most immersive experience for the users, in the absence of IPL matches in India. All in all, people are now aware and educated about the industry which will only percolate to the coming generations.
Q. What advice do you have for people who want to make a career in this sport?
Ans- With the progression in the gaming ecosystem, we see an eagerness in people, especially youngsters to make a full-time career in it. Also, the career options are not just restricted to being a gamer as one can also aspire to be a game developer, VFX, graphic designer and so much more. Further, with healthy competition in the industry, the employment opportunities in India span far and wide. Various specialized courses are also emerging in the country for the youngsters.
Though the industry is still at its nascent stage, it is developing very dynamically, especially with upskilling becoming a key element. All that's needed is sheer commitment and consistent enthusiasm as the bullish phase of the market is here to stay.
Q. What according to you the present state of gaming in India?
Ans- As I stated, gaming in India has come a long way from recreation to community building. The market is in its bullish phase and it is the right time to invest in the industry. Esports is already set to make its debut at the 2022 Asian Games in Jakarta and sooner rather than later other gaming options will also find their due.
As per various reports published in the last year, the number of hours being spent playing mobile or online games has significantly increased and the online gaming industry has grown at a CAGR of 18.6 per cent. in 2020 from 2016. Moreover, the industry is estimated to reach US$2 billion by 2023 (in terms of rake fees earned. I strongly believe this trend is going to continue in the years to come both in terms of revenue and users.
Q. What can we expect from your company in future?
Ans- As Baazi Games and CardBaazi.com, we will continue to concentrate on improving the user experience on our existing as well as the upcoming products. We have always believed in providing tech-driven innovative solutions to our userbase and build from our experiences.
PokerBaazi.com is already a market leader and BalleBaazi.com has slowly and gradually made inroads amongst the big players in the OFS ecosystem. In the next fiscal year, our focus is going to be on driving CardBaazi.com's offerings and penetrating a wider audience base, especially the untapped tier-3 and tier-4 markets.
Tags Behavioural Changes COVID-19 pandemic India Indian Gamers
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text:
Book Review, Summer 2019
The Sound of Breaking Glass
A review of The Sound of Breaking Glass by Kirsten Warner
by Kirsten Warner
This is Kirsten Warner's first novel – and with an eclectic creative life including journalism (and writing for Ako, go Kirsten!), music
and poetry, The Sound of Breaking Glass (Mākaro Press) is jam-packed with ideas, experiences and observations. In the early stages of the book, it's almost too jam-packed as if a life's worth of ideas are competing for space. But as you peel back all the layers they reveal something very special at the heart of this story.
In 1990s Auckland, busy working mum Christel juggles her job as a reality television producer with her activism in Women Against Surplus Plastic (WASP). She has a lovely husband and two lovely children, but her domestic life is presented in a fuzzy, out-offocus way as Christel has so much more going on in her life.
Her present is ultimately less immediate than her past, growing up as a child of Holocaust survivor Conrad (as Warner herself is the child of the late Gunter Warner, a refugee from Nazi Germany and Holocaust survivor).
There's a magical realism that weaves through the book, including the "Big C" – (for Critic) giving many forms to the voice in Christel's head and accompanying her on the bus or in the office. Christel's adolescence and her adulthood are populated with a chorus of archetypes (Karate Man, Upstairs Woman, Fat Controller, et al) who all have an impact on her and who even abuse her and take from her. Despite the hurt they inflict, they lack the emotional resonance of her parents, Conrad and Stella, and their stories. Conrad has lived through things inconceivable to the "she'll
be right" laconic Kiwi, and buries and excavates these experiences in ways that leave a permanent mark on his daughter Christel.
The Sound of Breaking Glass is at its essence a treatise on pain and trauma, and how it continues to echo through generations. Christel says: "I feel like I'm lacerated on the inside, with loose ends that need mending".
The novel, despite a surplus of loose ends, does knit them all together to tell a beautiful and affecting story.
Reviewed by Rebecca Matthews-Heron
Tane Māhuta Has a Forest
A review of Tane Māhuta Has a Forest by Rebecca Larsen
Why is That Lake So Blue?
A review of Why is That Lake So Blue? by Simon Pollard
Where's My Jumper?
A review of Where's My Jumper? by Nicola Slater.
The Map of Meaningful Work
A review of The Map of Meaningful Work by Marjolein Lips-Wiersma and Lani Morris


text:
Q: how to identify the first, second and third element when the object names are the same in CodedUI tests I am writing CodedUI tests for a web application. There are three text boxes with the same name and I would like to know how do we call these text boxes ? Please advise ?

A: Use this:
  var control = new HtmlControl(parent)
  control.SearchProperties.Add([Control Type], [Control Name]);
  var specificControl = control.FindMatchingControls()[index]

In the above code, what it does is find the three controls you mentioned with the same name, and then index them in a collection.  By taking a piece of that collection with "[index]", you can isolate a single control.
This is what it looks like in practice in a WPF app:
    //Identify the cell and minimize button 2017
    WpfCell currentyearCell = new WpfCell(workWindow);
    currentyearCell.SearchProperties.Add(WpfCell.PropertyNames.Value, DateTime.Now.AddYears(0).ToString("yyyy"));
    currentyearCell = currentyearCell.FindMatchingControls()[0] as WpfCell;

A: If 3 elements has same property and if you will provide a search properties
Control.searchproperties.add("","")
And you intend to select 2 element.Than by this approach it will automatically identify the first element.
Just go for next sibling search configuration.
So it will go the next element or we can use children element[pass the index]


"True gems of Africa" and other speakers are on the program for next week's African Lioness Symposium, presented by the UC Davis Blum Center for Developing Economies, a unit of Global Affairs, and the Davis-based Tese Foundation.
"The Tese Foundation's annual Women and Girls Tea fundraiser, this year themed "Out of Africa," will be from 2 to 5 p.m. Sunday, Nov. 4, at the newly renovated Veterans Memorial Center, 305 E. 14th St. in Davis.
This fall, a course on intercultural project-based seminar, taught by Professor Philipp Zerbe, will be offered to increase students' ability to work collaboratively on global challenges and will be an extension of the Global Education for All initiative.
Representing an international network of universities, Universitas 21 announced that UC Davis has become a member institution and joins other universities committed to internationalization and multinational collaboration.


On November 3, 2018, the Clipper marching band competed in the 28th annual Warrior Classic. Hosted by the Kecoughtan Warrior Band, the competition was held at the Darling Stadium in Hampton. The band performed exceptionally well, with 4 first place wins in various categories, and managed to snag the overall title of Grand Champion.
The Clipper band had a solid performance without any mishaps. Their theme for the show, Redemption, was executed in the band's performances of "Stairway to Heaven" by Led Zeppelin, "Creep" by Radiohead, and "Angels in the Architecture" by Frank Ticheli. The band had a strong show that not only won them 1st place in drum major, color guard, and percussion, but the Grand Champion title as well.
Seeing as many of the Clipper band members are seniors this year, this competition was not only the final performance of the season, but of their high school careers as well.
The Clipper band had a successful season finale, and after talking to many of the band's seniors, it's clear to see that they are proud of their final run.
Ahyoka runs cross country and indoor/ outdoor track for Grafton. In her free time, she reads, travels, and spends time with her family and friends.


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Central Bank of Ireland overhauls QIAIF pre-submission process Central Bank of Ireland overhauls QIAIF pre-submission process
Central Bank of Ireland overhauls QIAIF pre-submission process
Out-Law News | 11 Jul 2022 | 8:57 am | 1 min. read
The Central Bank of Ireland's (CBI) update to the pre-submission process for certain qualifying investor alternative investment funds (QIAIFs) has been welcomed by one legal expert.
Claire Winrow of Pinsent Masons said: "This update issued by the Central Bank is hugely helpful for managers of loan origination funds, funds with high leverage and property funds investing outside of Ireland."
Her comments came after the CBI revised its guidance on the pre-submission process for certain QIAIFs, which are Irish investment funds designed for use by professional investors and other high net worth individuals.
Most QIAIFs are given fast track approval by the CBI, under which it authorises a QIAIF in 24 hours without reviewing the fund documents. However, in 2020, the CBI introduced a pre-submission process for certain asset classes – including loan origination funds, real estate funds, funds with high leverage and funds investing in life settlements.
Claire Winrow
Loan origination funds, property funds investing outside of Ireland, funds with high leverage and life settlement funds are no longer subject to a pre-submission and can now benefit from the 24-hour fast track authorisation for QIAIFs
Now, the CBI has changed the pre-submission process so that it only applies to funds investing in Irish real estate or crypto assets. A QIAIF proposing to invest no more than 10% of its net asset value in cash-settled bitcoin futures traded on the Chicago Mercantile Exchange will not be subject to the pre-submission process, provided that the cover letter accompanying its application refers to the inclusion of crypto-assets exposure.
Winrow said: "Loan origination funds, property funds investing outside of Ireland, funds with high leverage and life settlement funds are no longer subject to a pre-submission and can now benefit from the 24-hour fast track authorisation for QIAIFs. The clarification is one of a number of updates which the Central Bank is making to clarify the application of its rules and the authorisation process for QIAIFs and is a very welcome development."
QIAIFs will also need to obtain shareholder approval to revise their investment strategy if they apply for a post-authorisation amendment to introduce exposure to crypto assets. The CBI also said this must be set out in the cover letter.
Winrow said: "This change will also greatly assist managers looking to make investments through an Investment Limited Partnership (ILP) structure, as the ILP is predominantly used to invest in asset classes suitable for closed-ended funds and many will now be able to avail of the 24 hour fast track authorisation process."
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Representation in Medieval Canon Law
Kenneth Pennington
Brian Tierney wrote finely about "repraesentatio" in the medieval councils of the West some 20 years ago. He pointed out that "repraesentatio" could have three different meanings:
The first is symbolic representation or personification, as when a whole community is taken to be figuratively present in the person of its head. . . . The second meaning of our term can be defined as mimesis. Here an assembly is considered to represent a whole society because it faithfully mirrors in it composition all (society's) varied elements . . . The third meaning of 'representation' is delegation or authorisation.
The last item on this list, jurisprudential concept of "representatio" as agency is, perhaps, one of the most important contributions that the medieval jurists of the Ius commune made to Western legal thought. As Tierney, Post, Queller, Congar, and others have pointed out the development of the juristic concept of agency during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries had a profound effect on medieval institutions.
Tierney's definition provides us with a good starting point for an analysis of representation and agency in medieval canon law. Although all his definitions are important for the history of conciliarism, the jurists of the Ius commune had a fourth general concept (rather than a definition) for representation that can be found in their jurisprudence that dealt with the governance of a corporation. The first body that the jurists of the Ius commune examined in detail was, not surprisingly, the cathedral chapter. When they discussed the relationship between the bishop and his chapter, they created a jurisprudence of corporate thought that incorporated a head, a body, and an institution, the cathedral chapter. Their jurisprudence created and established norms that regulated the relationship between the members of the corporation and dealt with the problems that could arise from conflicts between the members. Perhaps most importantly for our consideration, the jurists conceived of the chapter as a body that also represented a geographic unit, the diocese. As Tierney pointed out fifty years ago, they later applied that model to the entire Church. In the eyes of theologians and jurists, the Church was one body that represented the "congregatio fidelium". Later, as papal power evolved, the pope's body came to represent the Church as well. In a drawing by Opicino de Canistris the pope is identified as the "body of the Church".
The development of the diocese as a juridical unit that represented a "Christian territory" was a long and slow process. In the Carolingian world a bishop's jurisdictional authority was defined far more by the networks of personal and familial connections than by the territory over which he ruled. We may compare the ecclesiastical world to the secular authority. Princes ruled over people and regions rather than over territories, and bishops imitated secular rulers in their conceptions of their power and authority. Although we cannot imagine these "communities" as territorial in its modern meaning, during the next three centuries, geographical boundaries began to replace personal and familial relationships in the secular and ecclesiastical worlds. Princes ruled states not communities. Power became institutionalized.
We can see these changes in the secular world through the names these communities gave to their lords. The kings of France gradually evolved from the Rex Francorum to Rex Franciae. The kings of England from Rex Anglorum to Rex Angliae. In the ecclesiastical world, papal titles reflected the popes' gradual imperial dominance of the church with titles like "vicarius Christi" and the Roman Church assumed the title "mater omnium ecclesiarum."
In the beginning of the eleventh century, bishoprics began to be called "patriae". Clerics could be considered to be "citizens" of the patria by ordination; laymen by birth. Clerics could not or should not travel outside the diocese without "litterae formatae" that might be seen as a very early form of passport. During the same time, the civitas of the diocese, the episcopal see, became more and more like a capital city. Again a comparison to the secular world is instructive. In the tenth and eleventh centuries kings, princes, dukes, counts and other temporal rulers traveled through their domains on annual treks. Their territories were defined by the places where they exercised lordship and where their subjects owed them hospitality. There was little distinction made between the peripheries and the centers of power and authority.
Bishops, however, were the first rulers in Europe to transform their sees into capital cities. The bishop occupied his sedes in a specific geographical location much earlier than any secular ruler identified his rule with a particular place within his domains. This happened primarily during the eleventh and twelfth centuries. There are stone and mortar witnesses to this development. It is not by chance that the great building projects of Europe in the eleventh and twelfth centuries were not secular princely palaces but great palaces of worship that represented Christian power, episcopal authority, and urban pride throughout Europe. Bishops not only constructed great houses of worship but also buildings to house themselves and their chapters of canons and in which the affairs of the chapter, juridical and economic, could be conducted.
Since episcopal power was secular and ecclesiastic, the centralization of a bishop's authority brought them in conflict with secular rulers. This part of the story is well known. In Italy, Germany, France and England, bishops struggled with the nobility and the rising merchant classes to maintain their jurisdictional rights within the city and in the surrounding countryside. In the tenth and eleventh centuries bishops were successful in establishing a "sacral space" in which the bishops' authority was dominant. They established a ring of churches and other ecclesiastical institutions around the cathedral church. Bishops became princes of small territorial states in every sense of the word, "territorial state."
These developments are reflected in the public liturgy of bishops ascension to power and in their deaths. At their election, bishops entered their sees accompanied by great processions and were installed into their offices with liturgical ceremonies that proclaimed their ascension to power. When they died their bodies again entered the city with ceremony and pomp that imitated their arrival. As Timothy Reuter has observed: The bishops possessed "the symbols of state. Bishoprics were small states with everything that corresponds to our conception of the state."
The canonists began to define the juristic relationship between the bishop and his chapter in the twelfth century. The bishop, his chapter, and the diocese were the basic buildings blocks of the Church and provided a model of for the governance of Church for the medieval Church. Brian Tierney recognized this fifty years ago. In his groundbreaking book on conciliar theory, he devoted two chapters to medieval corporate theory. In those chapters he parsed the relationship between the bishop and his chapter. He demonstrated that the canonists defined the bishop's juridical role in the chapter more precisely during the thirteenth century. They also laid out the chapter's juridical relationship to the bishop in great detail. What Tierney did not demonstrate is how deeply and widely these corporate ideas spread throughout all levels of society. That would have been another book altogether.
Tierney did illustrate the complicated juridical relationships between the bishop and his chapter. By the end of the thirteenth century the jurists recognized that the bishop could sit in his chapter "ut prelatus" and/or "ut canonicus." He acted "ut prelatus" when he dealt with matters that de iure communi belonged to his authority alone. Only in these matters could the bishop act contrary to the wishes of other members of the corporation.
The development of the bishopric into a corporate unit that was governed by a bishop and his chapter of canons and that represented the Christians who inhabited the territorial diocese was a major development within the twelfth- and thirteenth-century Church. In the early Middle Ages bishops exercised their authority and jurisdiction unfettered by any formal constitutional structures. By the thirteenth century, a bishop's power and the exercise of his office was limited by a new conception of the bishop's juridical personality that embraced the joint authority of the bishop and the cathedral chapter.
In the period between ca. 1180 and 1300, the canonists generally concurred that the bishop and chapter together constituted the basic administrative unit of the diocese. The exercise of authority within a diocese became in some respects more authoritarian. The canons of the cathedral chapter usurped whatever rights the lower clergy had exercised in the election of bishops and in the running of the diocese. A coalition between the bishop and his chapter spoke for the people and the clergy of the entire diocese. To describe this new juridical entity, the canonists worked out corporate theories that they applied to a wide range of institutions. In canonistic thought, the relationship of the bishop and the cathedral chapter divides into three categories: What the bishop can do in the name of the church; what the chapter may do without the consent of the bishop; and what the bishop and chapter ought to do together. The canonists limited both the bishop and chapter considerably in what they could do alone. Normally a bishop and chapter had to alienate property , to confer benefices and offices, to ordain priests and to judge cases in the episcopal court jointly. One canonist, Johannes Teutonicus, asked whether the consent of the parish priests was necessary in some cases, a question that may have still been asked by recalcitrant conservatives in the early thirteenth century. In the late twelfth century Huguccio and Laurentius thought that in some cases parish priests ought to be consulted by the bishop and chapter. Johannes and the later canonists were not, however, inclined to let the parish priests share in the governance of the diocese.
If the participation of the entire clergy in the governance of the diocese represented the old world (a world of mimesis?), we can discern a developing tension in canonistic electoral theory between the rights of the local cathedral chapter and its corporate prerogatives and the expanding claims of papal power. Electoral theory is particularly important for understanding the relationship of the person of the bishop and his territorial domain, his diocese. For centuries bishops had been local sons of the local church. Popes, however, began to claim the prerogative to appoint bishops to any diocese in Christendom. Consequently, some bishops gradually became strangers in strange lands during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. They were no longer native sons; they were not even committed to a stable, monogamous marriage. We can see in the jurisprudence of thirteenth-century electoral theory a reflection of the old and new order of episcopal power.
The key to the canonists' views on election is their opinions on what constitutes a numerical majority in an election (an issue that will reappear in the writings of fifteenth-century conciliarists). The canonists used the term "maior et sanior pars" to describe a majority of the electors in a corporation. The "maior et sanior pars" was not a numerical majority — although it could be — but was the most important part of the corporate body. Geoffrey Barraclough wrote optimistically that "it is striking enough that the church had the wisdom to reject the democratic fallacy of 'counting heads,' and to attempt an estimate of the intelligence and enlightened good faith of the voters." What may have seemed wise in the context of 1934 does not resonate as well today. Nonetheless, Barraclough's generalization is off the mark for the Middle Ages because the Church did not have the wisdom to reject the fallacious reasoning of majority rule the governance of cathedral chapters until the first half of the thirteenth century. In the case of papal elections the Church established and continuously reaffirmed the principle that a majority was needed to elect a pope. The double papal election of 1159 had demonstrated to the canonists the dangers of rejecting democracy. The papacy and the canonists quickly concluded that elections based on the principle of majority rule avoided schism and fostered stability. At the Third Lateran Council of 1179 a conciliar canon established the rule that a pope-elect must have the consent of a two-thirds majority in the college of cardinals.
In the early thirteenth century Johannes Teutonicus propounded a theory of election that advocated a clear numerical majority in ecclesiastical elections. But Johannes was one of the last of the Old School. His theory was rejected by Bernardus Parmensis and, most importantly, by Pope Gregory IX, who stated in the decretal, Ecclesia vestra, that the "maior et sanior pars" could not always be the numerical majority. The most interesting aspect of Johannes' electoral theory for our purposes is his views on electing an "extraneus," a foreigner, as bishop. Until the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, most bishops were local men. Although Johannes was a fervent democrat in ecclesiastical elections, he was a committed local oligarch when an ecclesiastical corporation wanted to elect an extraneus. Johannes may have been reacting to the increasing presence of foreign shepherds among local flocks. He believed that an extraneus could be elected only if there were no worthy candidates to be found locally, and only if the election were almost unanimous. Almost unanimous in this case means all but one. If the chapter elected an extraneus but two canons favored a local candidate, the two canons become the "maior et sanior pars" no matter how many canons voted for the other candidate.
Johannes' electoral theory reflects his conviction that foreign shepherds should not care for local flocks. He believed that an extraneus could be elected only with great difficulty, and he believed that even the pope could not provide a bishop to an unwilling flock. Johannes rejected the constitutional structure of the church that was slowly evolving during his lifetime.
Johannes Teutonicus was in a minority. All the later canonists agreed that the cathedral chapter could elect an extraneus if the bishop had been elected by the maior et sanior pars. Johannes, the old conservative, conceived of the church as being a local institution, serving local interests, and controlled by local people. In general his ecclesiology emphasized local rights that were firmly located in the cathedral chapter. The model of ecclesiastical governance for the diocese that became the accepted norm in canon law, however, emphasized the authority of the bishop to conduct the affairs of the bishopric with the support of the "maior et sanior pars" of his cathedral chapter. The bishop was the prince of an oligarchy.
The canonists also considered the possibility that the bishop or a prelate might fail in his duties and obligations. Johannes and the canonists developed the doctrine that when the prelate was negligent that his canons could make good his failure. Two chapters in Gratian's Decretum led the canonists to discuss this issue, a letter of Pope Gregory the Great and a conciliar canon. Johannes Teutonicus wrote succinctly in his Ordinary Gloss to the Decretum that was read for centuries afterwards:
This chapter is an argument that if a prelate does not want or neglects to do what he ought to do, his subjects ought to rectify his failings and vice-versa. . . . It seems in these matters that an "ecclesiastical admonition" is not necessary.
His comment to the conciliar canon underlined his point with a reference to a canon from the Third Lateran Council:
Therefore just as superiors remedy the defects of inferiors, so too inferiors rectify the failings of superiors.
Huguccio's extensive commentary on the question, as usual, gives us a more detailed insight into the thinking of the jurists. He argued that clerics who are inferior or equal to negligent prelates can correct them solely on the authority of the conciliar canon. This authority is sufficient for all matters except those like the translation or deposition of bishops that require the authority of a higher prelate — in these cases the pope. Nevertheless, and here Huguccio articulated a norm to which almost every jurist would agree for the next three centuries, when inferior prelates move to correct the negligence of superiors, they should seek the authority of higher prelates.
The cathedral chapter became ax-large r part of ecclesiastical governance in the early thirteenth century. When he convened the Fourth Lateran Council Pope Innocent III instructed bishops to inform members of their chapters to "send good men to the council." The chapters were not shy about asserting their new rights to participate in councils. They quickly claimed the right to be represented by procurators and through these representatives to be voting members of local synods.
Archbishops and bishops were not universally happy with the claims of chapters, and the issue was joined soon after the Fourth Lateran Council. In 1216 the archbishop of Sens refused to permit representatives of the cathedral chapters in Sens to participate in a provincial synod. The chapters appealed to Pope Honorius III. The pope supported their claim decisively in the decretal Etsi membra. The pope's arenga was a stirring sermon on the corporate body of the Church and the interdependence of each individual member.
Although the members of Christ's body, which is the Church, do not have one function but diverse ones . . . He placed each person in that body so that the members constitute one body. The eye cannot say to the hand "I don't need what you do" or the head to the feet, "you aren't necessary to me." Still more important, the weaker members of the body seem to be necessary.
Honorius instructed the archbishop and his suffragans that he intentionally wrote his arenga for them as an admonition. The archbishop had denied representatives (procuratores) of the cathedral chapters admittance to comprovincial councils in which matters touching their interests were treated. The archbishop had defended his position in a letter to the pope. Honorius, however, did not find his reasons, whatever they were, convincing.
We and our brothers the cardinals were in complete agreement that those chapters ought to be invited to such councils and their nuncios (nuntii) ought to be admitted to the business of the council, especially about those matters that are known to concern the chapters.
Further, Honorius concluded, the archbishop should follow the mandate of this decision in the future. "When the head gives the members their due the body shall not experience the ravages of schism but will remain whole in the unity of love."
Kay calls Honorius' decretal "a landmark in the development of representative government." He is absolutely right. The canonists immediately expanded the right to attend provincial councils by representatives of cathedral chapters into a more general right of persons whose interests were affected by the business of the council. During the thirteenth century provincial synods included representatives of cathedral chapters as a matter of course. Etsi membra became a key legal justification that persons and ecclesiastical institutions had the right to send representatives to assemblies that dealt with issues pertaining to their interests and that they, through their representatives, had the right to consent to new legislation.
Honorius III's decretal became a part of canon law, and canonists commented on it for the next four centuries. Shortly after Honorius promulgated Compilatio quinta in 1225, Jacobus de Albenga alluded to the fundamental but unarticulated principle that lay at the heart of Etsi membra, a norm that was decisive when the pope and his cardinals decided to support the canons and not their archbishop and bishop. Honorius, he wrote, embraced the right of cathedral chapters to participate in councils "because what touches them ought to be decided by them." In the middle of the thirteenth century Bernardus Parmensis explicitly quoted the maxim in his Ordinary Gloss to the decretal that Jacobus alluded to: What touches all ought to be approved by all (Quod omnes tangit ab omnibus approbari debet). Jurisprudential norms of the Ius commune were powerful tools for shaping institutions in medieval society. Etsi membra is a splendid example of how a legal principle could inform a judicial decision and regulate the rules governing the calling of a council. The logic of the decretal's argument could be understood as meaning that any council should invite persons who were not normally present in the deliberations of the council when it dealt with matters touching their interests. Jacobus de Albenga saw the logical implications of the decision and explained that although lay persons were not normally invited to church councils, if the issues that were to be decided by the council touched their interests, they too should be summoned. Such issues could be matters of faith and of marriage
Shortly after the Decretals of Gregory IX were promulgated in 1234 Vincentius Hispanus glossed Etsi membra and noted that when someone was summoned to a council, the invitation to a council became an acquired right (ius), because, quoting Ovid, "it is more evil to eject than not to admit guests (Ovid, Tristia 5.6.13)." He followed Jacobus' comments on lay participation by agreeing that laymen should be consulted on matters concerning matrimony and matters of faith but added religious festivals to the list. Vincentius was not, however, completely comfortable with the lower clergy's participation in councils. He glossed the phrase "especially (maxime) about those matters that are known to concern the chapters (maxime super illis que capitula ipsa contingere dinoscuntur)" by noting that "maxime" had an equivocal meaning. In this case, he argued it meant "only." Consequently he concluded that the lower clergy could be admitted to a council on a contingency basis, and if they are present and if they see that their rights have been taken away, they may appeal. Vincentius also cited "Quod omnes tangit" as the norm that justified Honorius' decision. Although he limited lay participation, he expanded the scope of Etsi membra by applying it to the procedure rules that regulated disputes between a bishop and his cathedral chapter. If the bishop and chapter disagreed about tithes the testimony of outsiders may be taken into account in order to settle the conflict.
Not every pope was as sympathetic to Honorius III's conception of the Church as an interdependent body with mutual rights. As Brian Tierney has noted many years ago:
The canonists' tendency to personify the individual churches, to discuss problems of their internal structure in terms of anthropomorphic imagery, did not influence the actual content of their doctrines so much as is sometimes supposed. The head-and-body metaphor could so easily be adapted to support any constitutional solution.
Tierney demonstrated that Pope Innocent IV, who was also a great jurist, had an unitary vision of the corporation, the papacy, and the Church, and he conceived each as "regimen unius personae." When Innocent came to gloss Honorius' Etsi membra he did not want to deal with a text with which he had so little sympathy. "Repeat what we have said in our commentary above on the canon of the Fourth Lateran Council Grave." And if his readers or listeners did as they were instructed they learned again the pope's uncompromising "strict authoritarianism." In Grave Pope Innocent III had decreed that prelates and chapters who are convicted of bestowing ecclesiastical benefices upon unworthy candidates more than two times should lose their authority to confer benefices. Provincial councils were to investigate and judge these cases. First Innocent distinguished between episcopal and provincial councils. He noted that only bishops of the province must be summoned to the provincial council that would judge these cases of irresponsible electors but that abbots, priests, and the clergy of the city should be summoned to episcopal councils. Innocent conceded that cathedral chapters ought to be summoned to provincial councils when matters that concerned them were treated. Otherwise they were not admitted to provincial councils unless it were a matter of "honesty" or "counsel." Advice, however, was very different from a legal right to participate in conciliar affairs. Innocent's silences speak even more clearly about his conception of the Church than what he does say. He completely ignores the earlier discussions from Jacobus to Vincentius about the rights of laymen, cathedral chapters, and others to participate in councils. His vision of his Church did not include shimmering images of representation and consent.
Hostiensis was in many ways the jurisprudential counterpoint to Innocent IV in the thirteenth century. Tierney has shown in great detail that Hostiensis had a much more nuanced conception of the corporated structure of the Church. His commentary on Etsi membra illustrates Hostiensis' embrace of the corporate Church. He rejected Vincentius' attempt to restrict the scope of the decretal and noted that "maxime" meant "especially."
The pope said, "especially" because cathedral chapter should be present for all things, but especially if there are special matters. You have here an argument that "what touches all ought to be approved by all."
Cathedral chapters were represented by procurators because it would not be convenient for the entire chapter to be present at a council. He also thought that laymen should be present when the council promulgated canons that touched their interests. They could not vote on the measures but they could listen to the proceedings—they could not judge or teach in the council. Laymen could seek justice for themselves or others, and participate in councils where matters of faith and matrimony were considered. They could not, however, be present when the council was conducting an investigation of clerical crimes.
Two centuries after Hostiensis, Panormitanus, the great jurist and conciliarist of the fifteenth century, had no doubts about the enduring importance and force of Etsi membra. Although Innocent IV may have vacillated about whether it were necessary that cathedral chapters should be called to provincial councils, Panromitanus thought their participation was necessary because "normally there is necessity" for their presence. He maintained that cathedral chapters can appear in a council represented by procurators. Others who must attend councils may not send representatives, but they may send a procurator if compelled by necessity. Panormitanus also argued that Etsi membra established that cathedral chapters should always be summoned to provincial chapters.
When Panormitanus discussed the participation of laymen in councils, he framed the question around their presence at general councils. There were, he thought, a number of reasons why laymen could attend a general council. One reason was that they were invited. He then rehearsed the other traditional reasons why laymen could participate: matters of faith and marriage. From these texts, he said, one could formulate a general rule: "whenever a council dealt with matters that touched upon the interests of laymen, they could be present in the council." He understood, however, that his general principle did not resolve the legal question that Hostiensis had first raised: what exactly was the role and the purpose of laymen in a council? Johannes Andreae had repeated Hostiensis' suggestion that the role of laymen at councils was to listen, not to judge or to teach. Johannes had added that if they were only present to listen it was not necessary to invite them at all. They could hear about conciliar proceedings in sermons. Whatever Johannes may think, Panormitanus believed that laymen ought to be admitted to give counsel and to discuss matters, especially if they were learned. In the past the pope had summoned lay jurists and canonists not to listen but to give counsel. He has also summoned kings and secular princes for the same purpose. The sense of the Church as being a body in which members all had individual rights and duties and to which all members had the right to consent to matters that touched their interests was still an important element of canon law in the mid-fifteenth century.
After the Age of Conciliarism had past, the Church and canon law changed. By the seventeenth century canonists no longer thought of the Church as an interdependent body. The head-and-body metaphor remained a part of ecclesiological rhetoric but the body's rights and duties atrophied. When Emanuel Gonzalez Tellez († 1649) commented on Etsi membra the issues that occupied canonists from Jacobus de Albenga to Panormitanus were no longer relevant to the governance of the Church. Tellez discussed Pope Honorius' decretal only as being a historical text with no relevance for his times.
This is a singular text as one may scarcely find the idea expressed in law that chapters are summoned to provincial councils and that procurators of suffragan chapters may be present, since never or rarely do we read that they were present in councils. There is some evidence from Spanish councils, especially from Tarragona.
Although Tellez found evidence that chapters were summoned to general councils, this right had been slowly taken away because it had not been observed for many centuries. Consent, advice, counsel, and "Quod omnes tangit" were no longer fundamental norms that governed the body of the Church on the Iberian peninsula.
Perhaps the last great figure to look back on the tradition of representation for cathedral canons and laymen was the great scholar-pope, Pope Benedict XIV (1740-1758). By training he was a jurist, and he wrote a learned, widely read and disseminated, and enormously popular treatise on all aspects of the diocesan synod while he was bishop of Bologna. Canons of cathedral chapters should be invited to provincial synods, but, he noted, they could not be forced to attend. The deputies (deputati) have, however, a consultative, not a regular vote on synodal matters. This restriction on their participation had been definitively established in 1596 at Salerno. Laymen could also be summoned. However, Benedict reminded his readers of the wise admonition of Giacomo Pignatelli to all bishops. They should not invite laymen too readily. Invitations that they might have been given because of good will and courtesy over the course of time might turn into a necessity. In the end, however, Benedict did not want laymen in synods. If bishops needed their counsel, they could get it outside the synod. Prelates should not summon laymen without grave and true necessity. If they did, laymen would slowly obtain a right, gained by custom, to attend synods. Remember, he warned, Pignatelli's admonition. Benedict still believed that customary usage could bestow rights. An atavistic remnant of an older jurisprudence, custom as a source of rights in the Church would completely disappear in the modern world.
Finally, Benedict concluded, if laymen were present at the opening of a synod, they should leave before the work of the council would begin. Bishop Odo of Paris in 1198, Bishop Raymond of Rodez in 1298, and, citing the greatest authority of all, Archbishop Carlo Borromeo of Milan, all expelled laymen from the proceedings as soon as the council went into session. Pope Benedict did not leave much room for the rights of representation in the eighteenth-century Church.
Returning to the thirteenth century we have a splendid illustration of how profoundly the concept of consent embodied in the legal maxim "Quod omnes tangit" had penetrated into the marrow of other ecclesiastical institutions outside councils in the organization of the early Dominican Order. In 1228 Master Jordan summoned a chapter meeting in Paris. He asked each of the eight provincial priors and two deputed diffinitors from each province to come with full proxy powers: "Every brother should without exception give their assent to them and grant plenary power to them". The corporate body of Dominicans bestowed the full power of agency upon their representatives because "whatever they decided either by creating or by renouncing, or by changing --- either by adding or subtracting --- will remain permanent and stabile." The words in these sentences are redolent with scent of Roman law's technical terminology that was flowering in the classrooms, courts, and chancelleries of Europe. "Plena potestas" was the crucial, central phrase with which people granted agency to their chosen representatives. When a jurist talked about creating law, "constituere" was the word he used. "Destituere" meant to renounce a legal right or the right to bring suit. "Mutare" did not have the same technical meaning, but the jurists almost always chose it when they talked about changing law. "Firmum et stabile permanere" or "firmum et stabile perseverare" can be found as standard, boiler-plate legal terminology in x-large numbers of charters, privileges, and laws from the ninth to the twelfth century. In short Jordan's summons imitated and incorporated the legal language and usage of the Ius commune. The language took up the vocabulary and the jurisprudence of representation and agency. By the fourteenth century it would become pervasive in the ecclesiastical and secular institutions of medieval Europe. These Dominicans whom Jordan summoned to Paris were proctors who represented the entire order. They had the authority to bind the brothers who selected them by their actions. Their authority to establish rules and norms for their order had a solid and well-established legal foundation — the consent of their constituents. They were representatives.
How did this jurisprudence that governed the diocese, councils, and other institutions in medieval society shape the thought of later conciliar thinkers? It became an accepted norm that a council should consist of representatives from the entire clergy. Further the great conciliar thinkers of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries lived and breathed in an institution that had become hierarchical and oligarchical. By the time of the Council of Constance patriarchs, cardinals, archbishops, bishops, abbots, priors, doctors of law and theology, and simple priests mingled cheek by jowl. At Constance Gerson proclaimed that the Church, or a general council representing it, can provide direction for a a negligent pope. At Basel a few years later, the lower clergy attempted to play an even greater role. Some canonists, like Zabarella, claimed that the college of Cardinals with the pope represented the entire Church. This body not only represented the Roman Church but could be said to represent the entire body of faithful. The pope, just like the bishop, could exercise his authority as long as he administered well.
As I have said, historians have long recognized the importance of corporate theory and consent for conciliar thought. Yet, at the same time, they have been reluctant to understand its central importance. In his recent book Francis Oakley writes:
Even after a papal election . . . the fullness of power still in some sense resides in the Church itself as well as the pope. In what precise sense that is so, the complex formulations to which these men resort do not succeed in conveying with total clarity. Given, however, the frequency with which they allude to the procedures normally followed in the more particular ecclesiastical corporations of the day (cathedral chapters, for example), those formulations may well have been clearer to contemporaries than they tend to be to us today.
To which I would reply: "Yes, exactly." Gerson, d'Ailly, Zabarella, Panormitanus and other conciliarists were steeped in not only the jurisprudence that governed cathedral chapters but also the day-to-day practice of episcopal government. If we wish to understand their thought we must imagine the same world that they live in. They lived in a world in which prelates could be negligent. The lower clergy had a right to exercise jurisdiction when a prelate failed in his duties or when issues touched their interests. I think that this world of practice and theory is well illustrated by the long debate over that central text of conciliar history, Haec sancta. Francis Oakley has recently argued that the conciliar canon clearly meant to validate the right of a council to exercise authority independently of the pope. However, if we imagine that these conciliarists were steeped in ecclesiastical corporate thought and practice we must conclude, I think, that they always imagined that they acted apart from the pope only under very exceptional and momentary circumstances. When they acted apart from the pope they exercised temporary jurisdiction. As soon as the immediate problem was resolved the corporate body became unified again. Consequently when Tierney states that:
Haec sancta certainly did not state, and its framers probably never intended to state, that the members of a council, acting in opposition to a certainly legitimate pope, could licitly enforce their will on such a pope in any circumstances.
Oakley objects that this is exactly what the framers of Haec sancta intended. The council without the pope could represent the Church too. Yet his interpretation of the canon would violate central canonistic ideas about representation. The prelate (pope) and his chapter (council) represented the diocese (church). When the prelate (pope) failed in his duties the chapter (council) could supplement the prelate's authority. Their unilateral actions were always to be considered exceptional. They could not defy the authority of their prelate without reason or cause (two other legal norms that were deeply embedded in their collective conscious). They never could act independently of each other under normal circumstances.
We will probably debate the exact meaning of "repraesentatio" at Constance and in the medieval conciliar movement for a long time. It is admittedly difficult to understand the unarticulated presumptions of the men who advocated a "conciliar" solution to the problems of the medieval church. There was not a "conciliar party" in the church even the darkest days of the Great Schism. However, when medieval churchmen were confronted with problems of church governance, they formulated their responses to those problems in the context of their understanding of episcopal corporate governance. Canon law formulated a clear set of procedures that permitted the canons of the cathedral chapter to deal with a negligent bishop. Those procedures were always at the back and embedded in the crevices of every conciliarists' mind. There is some irony in this story. Medieval canon law created and shaped these ideas of consent and representation that are central to democratic secular institutions around the world today. Yet the role of these norms in ecclesiastical governance is much diminished. One might wonder how Pope Honorius III would react to the fate of his "landmark in the development of representative government."


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Q: Error to build project in VS2010:"could not load file or assemby..." I just install VS2010 and try to build a project. The below Error was shown,
"Error while trying run project: could not load file or assembly 'PROJECT' or one of its dependencies. The module was expected to contain an assembly mainfest"
I reinstall VS2010 but the problem is remained. would u please help me?!?

A: Try reinstalling crystal report for visualstudio 2010
http://downloads.businessobjects.com/akdlm/cr4vs2010/CRforVS_redist_install_32bit_13_0_1.zip
and also add following in you appconfig


Is there any way to get the expiry time for a document? The get call always returns a document with "0" expiry.
I need the value the expiry time for business functionality. If its not returned from the server, I have to store it in the document, and cannot effectively use getAndTouch when I just want to update the expiry.
the metadata of the document are not sent back when using the K/V protocol. You will have to create a view to access those Data.


The proliferation of Brazilian Jiu-jitsu, Krava Maga and other combat sports has greatly increase the popularity of martial arts mats. With a lot of these activities there is a great likelihood of being thrown to the ground. Whats more there are drills which occur on the ground which require protection to lessen the impact.
If you look at Krava Maga, which is an Israeli self-defence system, there are lots of moves which see your partner thrown to the ground, sometimes even violently. The danger of sustaining injury through these encounters requires some kind of safety mat to mitigate the force of the through. This is where martial arts mats come in and are effective in reducing the risk of getting hurt.
With martial arts like BJJ and grappling there is a definite need for martial arts mats. You will not see a school or training area for these systems that is not fitted out with gym mats of some kind. Sometimes they are roll out mats at other times they will use foam mats or jigsaw mats. Generally they will be an interlocking mat however for a more durable mat they will often took at using tatami mats or MMA mats. One thing is for sure. They will have a martial arts mat of one kind or the other.
So if you are looking at improving the safety of your schools environment then consider a safety mat. They are often light weight and easy to more and store, and they are sure to at least reduce the risk of injury. Of course the best prevention for injury is common sense and care.


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I do not know when the events of last Friday, December 14th, 2012, will leave my mind. If they ever will... All I know is that children should never have to fear anything of that magnitude. How are you to ever tell your children there are no monsters when clearly there are in this world? How do you explain away or answer their little questions, full of innocence and the black and white world of children?
For the first time since I came of age, I was glad not to be a parent yet on Friday... I feared answering those questions. Questions I have seen on Facebook from friends and their children like "Why didn't Jesus save them? That wasn't nice of Him" or "Where was Santa? Doesn't he like children? He has helpers everywhere..." or the simple "Why didn't the police stop the bad man?"
Perhaps the world is to really end on Friday the 21st... what have we to show for it? What arguments could we make? The only things that make the news anymore are bloody, violent, and pure evil. I do not truly believe the world is meant to end... My calendar ends every year and I do not freak out... but my point is where is the good news? When will we learn? When will we learn that guns and mental illness need some serious rethinking and work in this country and around the world. Norway has had problems too... in recent years... violence and the criminal mind is not limited to just America. I just worry we stigmatize mental illness so much and hold guns so dear. According to ABC news, there are more gun stores in the United States than there are McDonald's restaurants. To me that is insane.
The second amendment to which so many cling to so dearly was written in a time and place vastly different than our own. One where men were meant to defend themselves from a vulnerable position as a fledgling nation, provide for their families, and certainly a place where the accuracy of weapons, particularly handguns or pistols was not that great. If the strictest of proponents want to own muskets and muzzle-loaders then great have at it. The founding fathers could never have fathomed this sort of thing happening... much less automatic weapons, assault rifles, sniper rifles, extend clips with quick release and reload.... on goes the list. These were and would have been fairy tale type weapons and likely considered widely unnecessary... Why on earth would they have needed a gun that could cut down trees? What kind of people have we become to hold so dearly to such a antiquated, misunderstood, and taken vastly out of context law?
As a writer I believe in freedom of speech; the good come with the bad. I can close my ears to what I do not want to hear. I believe the quote goes "I may not agree with what you say but I will fight to the death for your right to say it." I cannot apply this same sort of logic to the second amendment. So I ask you dear Belles, many of you I know grew up hunting and around guns, I did too... When will we learn? How many more Columbine's or now "Sandy Hooks" must there be before we realize the truth sitting in front of our face? How many more benchmark events of tragic, unnecessary death and violence must we have before our eyes are opened? A gun is meant for nothing more than to destroy living tissue. That is what my Daddee always taught us kids. As an object it is just a paperweight; when wielded by man it is a killing machine. That is the lesson we were given from the smallest memories. My father eventually got rid of all weapons in the house, even my grandaddy's shotgun, he no longer saw the need. Especially with all the violence around us all the time. So how much longer will we as a nation "sleep"? How many more children is this nation willing to use as currency to pay for this amendment, this antique right? How long must my heart and the hearts of so many be broken?
God bless y'all.... Happy Christmas. And please no matter your opinions, think about what I have said. Just give it a minute or two and think.
PS: this video is so moving until the scream at the end.... highly unnecessary in my opinion but I warn you it is there.


We are so excited to have Tyler Reagin back on the CKM Podcast!
Tyler is the director of Catalyst, the premiere Christian leadership organization in the United States, which serves over 5,000 church leaders a year. Clayton sits down with him to talk about life-giving leadership, how to steward your influence, and how to embrace your God-given gifts and talents. They also discuss Tyler's exciting new book project on life-giving leadership.