SRAM's new wireless electronic shifting system is arguably the most significant cycling tech innovation of the last several years (click to enlarge).
With the end of the year fast approaching, it's time to look back on the best in cycling technology from 2015. To lend us a hand is the gang from the Global Cycling Network. Check out this video where they count down their top 10 new road cycling products from the last 365 days.
Here's a re-cap of the top 10 new road cycling products from 2015.
1. SRAM Red eTap wireless electronic shifting drivetrain. No more wires and a whole new take on the way we shift gears.
2. The emergence of aero road bikes continued with splashy new product launches from three of the sport's biggest bike makers that included lots of proprietary technology. Read more about the revamped Scott Foil, Specialized Venge ViAS and Trek Madone.
3. No word yet on exactly when the new FSA electronic shifting groupset will be available to the public, but we love the idea of another player in a market heretofore dominated by just three companies, Shimano, SRAM and Campagnolo.
4. SRAM 1x drivetrains have become a staple of the mountain bike world, and more recently have pushed into cyclocross. But in 2015 the Chicago-based company took aim on the road market. Ditching the front derailleur may not make sense in all applications, but there are certainly times when we loved the simplicity of 1x on the road.
5. Lightweight bikes are still a huge needle mover, and Merida's new Scultura was among the lightest bikes to make its debut in 2015. Claimed frame weight: a jaw dropping 680 grams.
6. The new Focus Izalco Max Disc combined light weight with the supreme stopping power of disc brakes. Claimed frame weight just 790 grams — and the complete bike comes in under the UCI weight limit.
7. Whether you call them gravel, all-road or adventure bikes, this new segment has exploded. Among the more interesting to debut in 2015, Cannondale's Slate (with 30mm of front suspension) and the latest offering from Open that can handle up to 2.1" tires on 650b wheels.
8. Spain's Rotor Bike Components also jumped into the drivetrain fray, showing off a hydraulic actuated shifting system during tradeshow season. Dubbed Rotor Uno, it's being billed as the first complete road groupset with hydraulic actuation shifting and braking.
9. The new Canyon Ultimate CF SLX attempts to bridge the gap between aero efficiency and light weight. More importantly, it seems only a matter of time before the German bike making powerhouse lands on our shores. We for one cant wait.
10. And last but certainly not least is the continuing proliferation of disc brakes, which finally made their debut in the WorldTour peloton. Seems clear that the days of traditional rim brakes on road bikes are numbered.
So what do you think? What were your top cycling tech innovations of 2015? And what are you hoping to see in 2016? Let us know in the comments section below.
SRAM's new wireless electronic shifting system is arguably the most significant cycling tech innovation of the last several years.
Hydraulic grouped – why? weighs more, costs more, delivers?


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AboutCollectionsExhibitionsNewsContact
Lawrence Sumulong
Burying the Lead
Lawrence Sumulong (b. 1987, United States) is a Filipino-American photographer and photo editor presently based in New York City. Interestingly, photography came to him without the introduction of a formal education: Sumulong instead studied contemporary American poetry in Grinnell College, under the tutelage of scholar and writer Ralph Savarese. He traveled to the Philippines on his own in 2007 in order to take pictures with it. This homecoming eventually became an exploration of his family's roots, as an experiential piecing together of the land and country from where his immigrant parents had come from. The following year, he begins working under the mentorship of Magnum photographer, David Alan Harvey.
In this way, Sumulong's beginnings have foreshadowed the work he will come to produce. Often returning to poetry as accompanying notes to his projects, he thinks of his photography as "personal documentary stories." And because the stories that he seeks to tell are situated in his supposed home locality that is brimming with a language that he does not speak, the reality that gets processed by Sumulong is split by the simultaneous positioning of Filipino and foreigner. It is in this sense that he writes of being "caught between a moment of recognition/empathy and abjection/alienation," and interested in creating work that is "layered, polyphonic and many-voiced." Coming from this peculiar standpoint, Sumulong tackles subjects such as the Manila terrain—which he considers as his "surrogate home," having "existed in retrograde to [his] life in America—its people, and the Filipino diaspora.
Armed with a keen sense of place and the political, Sumulong takes pictures with a decisive, yet observant eye. One cannot gaze at his photos and the stories they carry with ease. It comes plainly that social reality is almost always depicted and experienced with discomfort, and that in order for significant art to arise, veracity need not be shed. This forthcoming nature does not come as a surprise: in 1980, his parents had become immigrants in New Jersey in a move to flee the Marcos regime, which had been blacklisting dissidents.
Collaborating at times with advisers and other artists, Sumulong develops relationships with and within the medium. This deep involvement with various photographic processes and techniques is all part of Sumulong's pursuit of what best represents the stories being told in his projects.
His methods range from working with a fisheye lens in order to bring out the claustrophobia of "routinely traveling through heat, smog, and the crush on the street for hours," shooting images digitally, printing them with expired Polaroid 600 and SX-70 film, and lifting the emulsions onto recycled, unbleached paper stock, resulting in a visually distorted representation of the Philippine political system, to even more elaborate processes, such as creating ambrotypes—photographs on glass—using a 19th-century wet-plate collodion process, and printing photographs as edible frosting layers intended for cakes and later transferring them onto watercolor paper by hand.
Artist's website, www.lawrencesumulong.com
Agarici, Teodora. "Photographer Spotlights Trauma of Philippines 'Drug War." Global Journalist. 6 April 2018.
Bubola, Emma. "The netherworld of the Philippines' war on drugs." Fisheye Magazine. 2017.
Fiell, Clem. "Sugar Coated? | The Photographer Using Frosting to Show Hawaii's Dark Side." Amuse. 18 July 2018.
Hiller, Geoffrey. "Lawrence Sumulong." Verve Photo. 8 September 2014.
Mola, Anna. "Lawrence Sumulong | In Answer." Private Photo Review. 8 June 2012.
Sedacca, Matthew. "A Son of Immigrants Contemplates What His Life Might Have been." The New York Times. 28 January 2019.
Sumulong, Lawrence. "Bottleneck." Invisible Photographer Asia. 25 April 2016.
Sumulong, Lawrence. "Dead To Rights." The Story Institute. Undated.
"Artist Q&A: Lawrence Sumulong." Nipa Mag. 15 October 2015.
Archive of Philippine Photography

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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Spectral Function of Composites from Reflectivity Measurements
A. R. Day, A. R. Grant, A. J. Sievers, M. F. Thorpe
We demonstrate a method of calculating the spectral function of a composite from measured reflectivity data. To solve this inverse problem it is necessary for the reflectivity data to be taken through a strong, high Q, resonance. By analyzing the reststrahlen region of different fill fraction KCl-diamond composites at three different temperatures, we find accurate spectral functions that are independent of temperature with the low temperature data giving the best resolution. These spectral functions are then used to successfully predict the optical response of RbCl-diamond composites.
Dive into the research topics of 'Spectral Function of Composites from Reflectivity Measurements'. Together they form a unique fingerprint.
reflectance Physics & Astronomy 100%
composite materials Physics & Astronomy 87%
diamonds Physics & Astronomy 75%
Q factors Physics & Astronomy 41%
temperature Physics & Astronomy 28%
Day, A. R., Grant, A. R., Sievers, A. J., & Thorpe, M. F. (2000). Spectral Function of Composites from Reflectivity Measurements. Physical Review Letters, 84(9), 1978-1981. https://doi.org/10.1103/PhysRevLett.84.1978
Spectral Function of Composites from Reflectivity Measurements. / Day, A. R.; Grant, A. R.; Sievers, A. J.; Thorpe, M. F.
In: Physical Review Letters, Vol. 84, No. 9, 28.02.2000, p. 1978-1981.
Day, AR, Grant, AR, Sievers, AJ & Thorpe, MF 2000, 'Spectral Function of Composites from Reflectivity Measurements', Physical Review Letters, vol. 84, no. 9, pp. 1978-1981. https://doi.org/10.1103/PhysRevLett.84.1978
Day AR, Grant AR, Sievers AJ, Thorpe MF. Spectral Function of Composites from Reflectivity Measurements. Physical Review Letters. 2000 Feb 28;84(9):1978-1981. https://doi.org/10.1103/PhysRevLett.84.1978
Day, A. R. ; Grant, A. R. ; Sievers, A. J. ; Thorpe, M. F. / Spectral Function of Composites from Reflectivity Measurements. In: Physical Review Letters. 2000 ; Vol. 84, No. 9. pp. 1978-1981.
@article{d1de0b0ffdbf49a6b6057ccf37caf04d,
title = "Spectral Function of Composites from Reflectivity Measurements",
abstract = "We demonstrate a method of calculating the spectral function of a composite from measured reflectivity data. To solve this inverse problem it is necessary for the reflectivity data to be taken through a strong, high Q, resonance. By analyzing the reststrahlen region of different fill fraction KCl-diamond composites at three different temperatures, we find accurate spectral functions that are independent of temperature with the low temperature data giving the best resolution. These spectral functions are then used to successfully predict the optical response of RbCl-diamond composites.",
author = "Day, {A. R.} and Grant, {A. R.} and Sievers, {A. J.} and Thorpe, {M. F.}",
T1 - Spectral Function of Composites from Reflectivity Measurements
AU - Day, A. R.
AU - Grant, A. R.
AU - Sievers, A. J.
AU - Thorpe, M. F.
N2 - We demonstrate a method of calculating the spectral function of a composite from measured reflectivity data. To solve this inverse problem it is necessary for the reflectivity data to be taken through a strong, high Q, resonance. By analyzing the reststrahlen region of different fill fraction KCl-diamond composites at three different temperatures, we find accurate spectral functions that are independent of temperature with the low temperature data giving the best resolution. These spectral functions are then used to successfully predict the optical response of RbCl-diamond composites.
AB - We demonstrate a method of calculating the spectral function of a composite from measured reflectivity data. To solve this inverse problem it is necessary for the reflectivity data to be taken through a strong, high Q, resonance. By analyzing the reststrahlen region of different fill fraction KCl-diamond composites at three different temperatures, we find accurate spectral functions that are independent of temperature with the low temperature data giving the best resolution. These spectral functions are then used to successfully predict the optical response of RbCl-diamond composites.


For a new Rails app running the Rails runner prefixed with jruby -S make Rails.root get the value uri:classloader:/. Starting without the jruby -S prefix works as expected.
$ ruby -S rails r "puts Rails.root"
$ rails r "puts Rails.root"
The effect is the same with JRuby installed via RVM or by downloading and unpacking the JRuby 9.0.0.0 tarball.
Reproduced on OS X 10.10.4 and Centos 5.11.
Same behaviour using Java 8 or Java 7.
needs rvm to reproduce it !!!
the only workaround I know is to use "rbenv" instead of "rvm"
@mkristian do you know what rbenv does differently?
@donv rbenv installs the bin stubs in JRUBY_HOME/bin (which is actually the default from dist install as well) - not sure where rvm installs them. but JRUBY_HOME/bin is the first location it looks for bin files. then comes the classpath where things fail for rails.
jruby -S rails r "puts Rails.root"
$ jruby -S bin/rails r "puts Rails.root"
$ jruby -S rails r "puts Rails.root"
it there leads to uri:classloader:/bin/rails which can have side effects.
looking first on the filesystem ./bin will find bin/rails instead.


In 1942, the founders of Camp Kinneret envisioned a Jewish camp where kids of all family backgrounds would develop a profound commitment to their Jewish and Zionist identities while having fun and creating lasting friendships and memories. They also vowed to ensure that this experience was accessible to families of all financial backgrounds.The founders chose to affiliate with Canadian Young Judaea, which was and is still, Canada's largest and most vibrant Zionist Youth Movement. In 1972, Camp Biluim, Canadian Young Judaea's Leadership Development Institute for 16 year old campers from across Canada, moved from Perth Ontario to the Kinneret site in Mont Tremblant where both Kinneret and Biluim continue to operate as Camp Kinneret-Biluim.
Camp Kinneret-Biluim began modestly with only a few dozen campers and now operates at capacity with over 250 campers per session – and there are wait lists! Some of our campers from back then are the parents – and grandparents – of our current campers! In the beginning, the site was simple with few buildings and activity areas yet now offers a wide variety of athletic areas, aquatics options, and activity spaces. Every year, the camp further develops the site with the support of alumni and current camper families.
Camp Kinneret has provided a supportive and dynamic environment in which Jewish youth can explore, grow and mature. It strengthens Jewish identity and fosters devotion to Israel. Camp Kinneret instils in its campers a strong and meaningful commitment to the Jewish, Zionist and humanist values upon which Canadian Young Judaea was founded. Enduring friendships are created at camp through its emphasis on teamwork. Camp encourages individual achievement and heightened self-esteem and leadership skills. Through experiences designed to encourage a lifetime commitment to Judaism and Israel, Camp Kinneret-Biluim fulfils its mission: to educate, inspire and enrich the lives of its campers.


Paws Walk is the New Hampshire SPCA's largest grassroots event that raises critical funds to support our life-saving programs. Paws Walk is also a day full of meaningful fun for everyone. Family, friends, kids, co-workers, and dogs alike! Enjoy a day of delicious food, outdoor activities, and interesting vendors, while spending time with other local animal lovers and their canine companions. Don't have a canine companion? Don't worry about it! Four-legged friends are welcome, but not required. Register March 1st at www.nhspca.org and get started fundraising!
Sunday, June 3rd: 10 AM to 3 PM Walk begins at noon!


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In 1155 vaardigde paus Adrianus IV de pauselijke bul Laudabiliter uit waarin hij koning Hendrik II van Engeland heerschappij over Ierland schonk.

Authenticiteit
Hoewel de bul genoemd wordt door de twaalfde-eeuwse geschiedkundigen Johannes van Salisbury en Geraldus Cambrensis, werd de authenticiteit van de tekst het onderwerp van een academische discussie in de 19e eeuw. Het originele document bestaat niet meer. Toen kardinaal Caesar Baronius de bul publiceerde als ex codice Vaticano, was de codex in kwestie een vertaling van de kroniek van Matthew Paris. Ernest Henderson merkte in 1896 op dat de bul "in vorm en woordkeuze afwijkt van andere pauselijke bullen uit die tijd".

De woordkeuze van de kopie van de bul versterkt een pauselijke claim op zowel Ierland als Engeland: "Het lijdt geen twijfel, zoals uwe hoogheid ook erkent, dat Ierland en alle andere eilanden die verlicht worden door Christus de Zon van Rechtvaardigheid, en die de doctrines van het Christelijke geloof ontvangen hebben, toebehoren aan de jurisdictie van St. Petrus en de Heilige Roomse Kerk."

Gevolgen
In 1171 viel Hendrik II van Engeland Ierland binnen en gebruikte daarbij de bul om soevereiniteit over het eiland te verkrijgen. Hij dwong de Cambro-Normandische krijgsheren en enkele van de hoge koningen van Ierland om hem als hun heer en meester te accepteren. Adrianus' opvolger, paus Alexander III, bevestigde de gift van Ierland aan Hendrik II in 1172 en tijdens de Synode van Cashel op 2 februari 1172 accepteerden de Ierse bisschoppen de bul.

Hendrik II schonk zijn Ierse territorium uiteindelijk aan zijn jongste zoon Jan die daarbij de titel Dominus Hiberniae ("heer van Ierland") kreeg. Toen Jan onverwacht zijn broer Richard I Leeuwenhart opvolgde als koning Jan zonder Land, kwam Ierland direct onder de Engelse kroon te vallen. De heerlijkheid Ierland bleef bestaan tot 1541, toen Hendrik VIII de titel koning van Ierland aannam en Ierland het Koninkrijk Ierland werd, een staat in personele unie met Engeland.

Externe link
Lyttleton, Life of Henry II., vol. v p. 371: tekst van Laudabiliter als afgedrukt in Ernest F. Henderson, Select Historical Documents of the Middle Ages (London, George Bell & Sons, 1896) met Hendersons opmerking: "Dat een pauselijke bul rond deze tijd naar Engeland gestuurd is, betreffende deze zaak, is zeker. Dat dit de daadwerkelijk gestuurde bul was, wordt door velen betwijfeld."

Geschiedenis van Ierland
Pauselijke bul
Christendom in de middeleeuwen
Document uit de 12e eeuw
1150-1159

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


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Marvel's Captain America: The Winter Soldier Blu-ray/DVD Release
Lyne | June 9, 2014	| 3 Comments
MARVEL'S CAPTAIN AMERICA: THE WINTER SOLIDER arrives on Disney Movies Anywhere on August 19th and on 3D Blu-ray Combo Pack on September 9th! This release is armed with explosively entertaining bonus features, including Making-of Featurettes, Audio Commentary, Never-Before-Seen Deleted Scenes, Bloopers and more!
ABOUT MARVEL'S CAPTAIN AMERICA: THE WINTER SOLDIER
After the cataclysmic events in New York with The Avengers, Marvel's Captain America: The Winter Soldier finds Steve Rogers, aka Captain America, living quietly in Washington, D.C. and trying to adjust to the modern world. But when a S.H.I.E.L.D. colleague comes under attack, Steve becomes embroiled in a web of intrigue that threatens to put the world at risk. Joining forces with Natasha Romanoff aka Black Widow, Captain America struggles to expose the ever-widening conspiracy while fighting off assailants sent to silence him at every turn. When the full scope of the villainous plot is revealed, Captain America and the Black Widow enlist the help of a new ally, the Falcon. However, they soon find themselves up against an unexpected and formidable enemy—the Winter Soldier.
Based on the ever-popular Marvel comic book series, first published in 1941, Marvel's Captain America: The Winter Soldier is produced by Kevin Feige, p.g.a., directed by Anthony and Joe Russo, from a screenplay by Christopher Markus & Stephen McFeely, and stars Chris Evans, Scarlett Johansson, Sebastian Stan, Anthony Mackie, Cobie Smulders, Frank Grillo, Emily VanCamp and Hayley Atwell, with Robert Redford as Alexander Pierce and Samuel L. Jackson as Nick Fury.
Bring home the movie that changed everything and expand your Marvel collection in the following formats with bonus features as listed:
Bonus Materials Overview for These Products:
Digital 3D, HD, & SD*
3D Blu-ray Combo Pack (3D BD + Single Disc BD + Digital Copy)
· Making-of Featurettes
· Audio Commentary
· Never-Before-Seen Deleted Scenes
· Bloopers
· And More…
ABOUT DISNEY MOVIES ANYWHERE (DMA)
Disney Movies Anywhere (DMA) is a cloud-based digital movie service that offers a hassle-free way for consumers to buy, watch, and manage Disney digital content across platforms and devices via the easy-to-use DMA app or atDisneyMoviesAnywhere.com. A DMA-eligible digital title purchased from an iTunes-connected account or redeemed in DMA will be accessible in a user's DMA and iTunes lockers. There are currently over 400 films from Disney's rich history available through DMA for streaming and download, including Disney Branded Animation, Disney Live-Action, Pixar, and Marvel titles, along with exclusive, original content. For more information or to redeem Digital Copy codes to build your library and earn Disney Movie Rewards Points for digital purchases, visit http://www.disneymoviesanywhere.com.
Tags: 3D blu-ray, Blu-ray, Disney, Disney Movies Anywhere, DVD, featured, Marvel's Captain America: The Winter Soldier
Category: Arts/Entertainment, Disney, Family, Kids, Living
Lyne is a Certified Infant Massage Instructor (CIMI), Certified Professional Wedding Consultant, and an Event Planner. It has always been her dream to create a website dedicated just for Moms since her children were young. Thus, after 10 years, she finally accomplished it, and the Ottawa Mommy Club was born in May 2011. She loves all things Disney and is an avid chocoholic. She was also the Queen B of the BConnected Conference, Canada's Digital Influencer and social media Conference in Ottawa and Toronto. She coordinated the Annual Infant Information Day/Early Years Expo for the City of Ottawa for 8 years. She was also the co-chair of the Navan for Kraft Hockeyville 2009-2011 committee that organized five community events within 6 months, and helped Navan reach the top 10 finalists in Canada. In April 2011, she received the City of Ottawa Mayor's City Builder Award.
Yuen C says:
Yay its finally out!
Fan R says:
This movie has spectacular fights, strong men and long time friendship.
Debbie White-Beattie says:
I loved this movie and especially Chris Evans
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We all have a rough idea on how much our young ones sleep, in the early days especially when you try to grab as sleep time yourself before the interruptions!
New research has highlighted another reason for us to keep any eye on their sleep patterns. It has proven that children who sleep less tend to eat more increasing the risk of obesity and the problems that can cause in later life.
The actual findings show that a 16 month old who slept for ten hours or less per day consumes ten per cent more calories on average than those that slept for more than 13 hours.
While the research agrees that the exact causes remain unclear, the regulation of appetite hormones are likely to be disrupted by a shorter sleeping pattern, the study suggests.
The obesity problem in the UK continues to grow and any breakthrough in alleviating the problem must be welcomed and understood.
The study was the first to directly link sleep to energy intake in children under the age of three. It involved monitoring over 1,300 families with researchers monitoring sleep when children were 16 months old and their diet when they reach 21 months old.
Take a look at our previous blog post on useful tips for children who won't sleep.


Elk Meadows Ranch-Over 90 usable acres full of trees and lush horse pasture with seasonal stream. Plans to build a new contemporary main home shall be included in the sale. The home will have unbelievable views of three surrounding mountain ranges. Watch herds elk, cattle, bear, deer, bobcats etc... Access to the Uncompahgre National Forest. Horse barn, 3 vehicle garage and storage shed and corral.
GARRETT SIMON of Telluride Real Estate Corp.


text:
Liow Joseph Chinyong* , Tan Kah Kee Chair Professor in Comparative and International Politics, Nanyang Technological University
LIST NEXT
For Southeast Asia, the halcyon days of the Obama "pivot," which saw the president initiate the US-China Strategic and Economic Dialogue, accede to ASEAN's Treaty of Amity and Cooperation on the way to joining the East Asia Summit, and visit almost all Southeast Asian countries (the only exception was Brunei, which he would have visited in October 2013 if not for the government shutdown in Washington), are over. Southeast Asia is now staring at the prospect of a significant shift in the tenor of relations with the United States.1 The reality of this shift was brought home in January 2017, when the United States inaugurated an unapologetic "America First" nationalist as its president. Donald Trump, the real estate mogul and reality TV star, has positioned himself as a staunch critic of the Obama administration. He has also made unequivocally clear his expressed desire to reverse a host of Obama era policies, including encouragement of international free trade, support for regional allies, and commitment to multilateralism.
The election of Trump was not without controversy. By playing a populist hand and appealing to the white working class even as he sought to challenge traditional bastions of American political power, including within his own party, Trump fomented a polarization of the country arguably unseen since the difficult years of the Vietnam War. Needless to say, this state of domestic disarray has already had a devastating effect on policy-making, whether on healthcare, tax reform, climate change, or foreign policy.
These discomfiting cadences have doubtless been picked up in Southeast Asia, and have cast doubt over American global leadership and its reliability as a longstanding partner and an ally. Against this backdrop, this article argues that an assessment of how the Trump administration's outlook and policies towards the Southeast Asia have thus far been received (and perceived) in the region will show that while elements of policy continuity can be discerned, the absence of clear engagement strategy and the risk of distraction cause concern for the uncertainties and unpredictability that characterizes the Trump administration. Concomitantly, this state of affairs should hasten—and have hastened—introspection by regional states as to the need to recalibrate their strategic options.
Policy Disruption… and Continuity
The inauguration prompted a mood of foreboding for the uncertainty it portended. In Southeast Asia, several obvious issues loomed large. First, the positions articulated by the president on his campaign trail prompted concern that the new US government planned to reduce attention to Southeast Asia as Washington reassessed its commitment to Asian allies. Second, the new administration appeared intent on turning its back on the trade liberalization agenda that had been the mainstay of regional economic integration for the last three decades, and the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) was identified as the likely victim of such a policy shift. Third, there was growing apprehension that the Trump administration might use the South China Sea as leverage in its dealings with China, perhaps in return for greater pressure on North Korea over missile tests and denuclearization. Fourth, Trump seemed prepared to engage in a trade war with China.
The US-Southeast Asia relationship started off on rocky footing as one of Trump's very first actions as president was to withdraw from the TPP, which had been long in the making. While the TPP did not encompass the entire region of Southeast Asia, it did include four Southeast Asian countries—Malaysia, Vietnam, Singapore, and Brunei—with several others, particularly Indonesia and Thailand, expressing interest to become members in the near future. TPP has been left in limbo with the US withdrawal, and discussions are now ongoing among members as to the wisdom of proceeding without it. For some observers, the American withdrawal was cast as nothing short of ceding crucial economic initiative to China, which was already the number one trading partner with all countries in the region. As the House Committee on Foreign Affairs, Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific, surmised: "Our strategy for engaging Asia, particularly Southeast Asia, relied so heavily on the TPP that when the United States withdrew, there was not much of a policy left."2 Indeed, at that hearing in May, aptly titled "Revitalizing U.S.-ASEAN Relations," discussion centered around curbing growing Chinese influence in Southeast Asia. It was during this hearing that Walter Lohman presciently reminded listeners: "What the Chinese seemingly understand better than the United States, however, is the connection between their economic and strategic goals."3
More Continuity than Change in Security Policy?
Yet, in contrast to the president's initial bluster or withdrawal from the TPP, the administration's security policy towards East Asia appears hitherto more illustrative of continuity than disruption. Relations with Japan were quickly placed back on an even keel, thanks in no small part to Prime Minister Abe Shinzo, who was quickest off the blocks to engage Trump in order to forestall any chance of the United States gravitating away from its traditional commitment to Japan. Meanwhile, Secretary of Defence James Mattis made a successful early visit to Tokyo, where he reinforced American commitment to Japan and regional security, and to Seoul, where he reassured his hosts that the United States would stand by them in the event of North Korean aggression.4 It was the calibration of relations with China, however, that arguably met with the biggest sighs of relief across the region.
As a candidate, Trump took a cantankerous line on China during the campaign, although this is, admittedly, hardly unusual for US presidential campaigns of late. On China, his campaign message was simplistic yet compelling in its populist appeal for certain segments of American society: China was responsible for the economic woes that afflicted the American heartland because low-wage Chinese industries were siphoning jobs away from hardworking Americans. Developments in bilateral relations soon after the elections were ominous. The persistent threat to label China a "currency manipulator" loomed large as a decidedly hawkish trade and economics team was assembled in the cabinet. Receiving the congratulatory phone call from the independence-leaning Taiwanese president, Tsai Ing-wen, followed by capricious comments about possibly reviewing Washington's longstanding One China policy added further to the adversarial climate. Meanwhile, during his confirmation hearings, Secretary of State Rex Tillerson suggested that efforts should be made to prevent China from having access to the artificial islands it had built in the South China Sea.5
After persuasion from interlocutors and members of his inner circle, Trump was compelled to pull back from the brink. Relations with China were set on a more stable path with his declaration that his administration would abide by the One China policy, reportedly a necessary gesture that paved the way for a much-anticipated telephone conversation with President Xi Jinping.6 This, in turn, set the stage for a summit in Mar-a-Largo. Though still early in the day for the administration, it marked a highpoint in bilateral relations as Trump sang the praises of Xi and publicly declared: "Long term, we will have a very, very great relationship and I look very much forward to it."7
After an initial flurry of foreign policy activity directed at Northeast Asia, engagement with Southeast Asia was gradually ramped up. Vice-President Mike Pence visited Jakarta in April, pushing Southeast Asia up on the Trump agenda. During the trip, Pence visited Southeast Asia's largest mosque, Istiqlal, where he made the symbolic gesture of praising Indonesia's practice of "moderate Islam" in a calculated move to dampen fears about Trump's harsh rhetoric towards Islam. It was further reported that despite talk of the president's intention to renegotiate trade deals with Indonesia, $8 billion worth of energy deals were signed during the Pence visit.8 While in Jakarta, Pence also met with the secretary-general of ASEAN, Le Luong Minh, and committed Trump to visits to the region in November for the East Asia Summit, the US-ASEAN summit (both in the Philippines), and the APEC summit (in Vietnam). Needless to say, given the president's expressed reticence towards multilateralism, this early commitment to participate in the region's annual multilateral meetings was well-received across Southeast Asia.
The vice-president's visit to the region was followed by Mattis' participation in the Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore in June, where he reinforced Washington's longstanding commitment to the security of the region, including greater engagement with ASEAN. As the first explicit statement of intent on regional security made in Southeast Asia by Trump's defense secretary, Mattis' speech was carefully parsed by pundits and observers, most of whom concluded that it provided the necessary reassurance given the absence of clear strategy emanating from the White House (a subject to which we shall return). Be that as it may, it has also rightly been noted that American reassurance to the region has always been a structural, rather than situational, matter; there will often be little by way of policy specifics that will be publicly articulated.9
In a further demonstration of the administration's desire to engage the region, Tillerson hosted ASEAN foreign ministers in Washington D.C. on May 4. The meeting provided an opportunity for Tillerson to publicly request from ASEAN a firmer stand on North Korea even as he reiterated the US position in support of freedom of navigation and in opposition to the rising conflict in the South China Sea. Significantly, in view of the US withdrawal from TPP, signs of life in US-Southeast Asia trade relations could be discerned when the parties conducted on-the-record discussions around the US-ASEAN Connect, the Trade and Investment Framework Arrangement, and the ASEAN Connectivity through Trade and Investment program. Tillerson's meeting with Southeast Asian counterparts in Washington was followed by his visit to the region in August to participate in a series of ASEAN ministerial meetings on the occasion of the fiftieth anniversary of the founding of ASEAN: a trip that included stopovers in Malaysia, Thailand, and the Philippines. Tillerson's visit to the region—his first as secretary of state—sought to accomplish four objectives: "First was to demonstrate the U.S. commitment to the Asia Pacific region; secondly was to advance our key security priorities in the multilateral fora that are offered through ASEAN; third, strengthen our alliances and partnerships; and fourth, underscore our commitment to a rules-based approach to the region."10
Trump has personally met or communicated with several Southeast Asian leaders. In April, he spoke on the phone with the prime ministers of Thailand and Singapore, as well as the president of the Philippines. He also met briefly with President Joko Widodo of Indonesia and Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong of Singapore on the side-lines of the G-20 Summit in Berlin. More symbolic than substantive, these meetings nevertheless went some distance to assuage fears that the president was uninterested in the region. Vietnamese Prime Minister Nguyen Xuan Phuc was the first Southeast Asian leader to visit Washington D.C. in May, and managed to secure $8 billion worth of commercial deals.11 Significantly, during the visit, Phuc urged the Trump administration to continue its predecessor's policy of engagement not only with Vietnam, but with ASEAN widely.
Prevailing Anxieties
Notwithstanding signs of continuity, anxiety still remains in the region regarding the US role. It derives from the absence of strategy to guide and frame how the present administration has thus far handled issues of consequence for the region. The US approach to two closely watched matters on the regional agenda, the South China Sea disputes and relations with China, are instructive in this regard.
South China Sea. Because the United States under Trump is proving to be a distracted power, the administration has struggled to think and act strategically on global affairs. In Southeast Asia, this is evident in how discussions on the US role in regional affairs tend to center myopically on one thing: freedom of navigation operations (FONOPS) in the South China Sea. To be sure, FONOPS are an important function of an increased US naval presence in the region, a vital expression of commitment. The US Navy is reportedly on course for 900 ship hours in the South China Sea in 2017, up from a previous peak of 700 towards the end of the Obama administration.12 At this rate, there is on average more than two US navy vessels in the South China Sea on any given day. But to talk FONOPS without accompanying conversations on strategy is to put the proverbial cart before the course.
Domestic distractions aside, this absence of strategy begs the deeper question: Just how important is the South China Sea for the United States?13 The inconvenient truth is that US interests in and commitment to the wider Southeast Asian region have been a matter of debate in Washington's corridors of power since the withdrawal from Vietnam in 1973. Moreover, even if there happens to be consensus (which there is not) that the South China Sea is a matter of American national interest, the ensuing question would be: How much of a priority is it in the larger scheme of US foreign policy preoccupations? On this, the numbers do not lie. The United States spent $425 million over five years on the Maritime Security Initiative designed to boost the maritime capabilities of Southeast Asian partners. In comparison, they spend more than $10 billion a year alone on Afghanistan.14
None of this is to suggest the United States should downgrade the South China Sea in its order of priorities. On the contrary, there are ample reasons to still take seriously the US role in the South China Sea as a non-claimant but interested party. Quite apart from the potential oil and natural gas deposits there, which obviously would be of interest not just to the United States, at stake is the principle of freedom of navigation in a body of water through which a significant amount of commercial shipping passes to drive the economies of important trading partners. The American political and military leadership recognize this with their common refrain: "The U.S. will fly, sail, and operate wherever international law allows." Moreover, it has always been a US strategic objective to prevent domination of any given region by a single power.
It bears repeating that a US naval presence is imperative for the stability and security in the region, and FONOPS are an important reminder of this presence, however imperfect they may be for purposes of deterrence and reinforcement of international law. Yet it is precisely for these reasons that the absence of any wider strategic edifice to frame and guide American policies in Southeast Asia has been a cause for consternation. The US Navy's presence and activities in the South China Sea must be part of a broader, holistic engagement strategy. FONOPS should not be the strategy, nor the sole or even dominant currency of US commitment.
The arid reality is that under Trump, the United States lacks a comprehensive, multi-pronged, long-term strategy through which its interests in the region can be articulated and pursued. This absence of a strategic approach not only dilutes the message of American commitment, in the eyes of some, it may also be cast in a negative light by creating the impression that the United States is just as culpable for the militarization of the South China Sea. Moreover, because of Trump's self-described transactional approach to foreign policy, some regional states remain less than convinced by assurances from administration officials that Washington has no intention to use the South China Sea as a bargaining chip in its dealings with Beijing.
China. The stability of Sino-US relations features prominently in discussions on regional security taking place anywhere in Southeast Asia. The inconsistency and unpredictability of Trump's approach to China has been a source of anxiety not only for Beijing, but for the entire region as well. Notwithstanding the seeming upturn in bilateral relations following the Mar-a-Lago Summit, there remain legitimate concerns that the United States might still be consciously setting a course for a trade war with China. Indeed, Trump's frustration at what he perceives to be the lack of Chinese effort to help check the nuclear ambitions of North Korea, prompting the White House to revive accusations against Beijing of inequitable trade practices, have done little to indicate otherwise.15 This mood was captured in two of the president's recent tweets: "I am very disappointed with China. Our foolish party leaders have allowed them to make hundreds of billions of dollars a year in trade, yet they do nothing for us with North Korea, just talk. We will no longer allow this to continue. China could easily solve this problem!"16
Underlying this administration's anti-China worldview on trade is an implicit yet crucial assumption: the United States has sufficient economic leverage to hurt China more than China can hurt US interests. This is a dangerously misguided assumption. Let's consider some facts. China is currently the third largest market for US exports, letting in almost $170 billion worth of goods in 2016.17 Even though this figure has dipped over the last couple of years, with the size of the Chinese market and its increasing affluence, not to mention the presence of a rising middle class, the Chinese market will still be a consequential destination for American goods and services. China is also a key node in the global supply chain on which much of US industry relies. While the Trump administration could in theory replace Chinese labor with American workers, it is certain that this would drive up labor costs for US companies, which in turn could have a further negative effect on productivity, which has already been on the decline. In other words, the cost of production for US industry will doubtless increase under circumstances which Trump seeks to create, and this cost will ultimately be transferred to the American consumer. Whether President Trump is aware or prepared to admit it, Americans have become avid consumers of Chinese goods. The United States is the largest market for Chinese products, which in turn accounts for the considerable trade deficit between the two. While China would obviously be hurt by higher tariffs, they would also have a significant impact on consumption patterns of the average American. At the same time, China currently holds in access of $1.2 trillion of US treasury bonds. Given the ballooning budgetary deficits the Trump administration is staring at if he intends to make good on his ambitious promises to revamp American infrastructure, continued Chinese purchase of treasury bonds would be crucial to underwrite this enterprise.
Another issue that has vexed the Trump administration is alleged Chinese currency manipulation to keep the RMB (Renminbi) depressed in order to afford Chinese goods an unfair advantage internationally. On this, Trump and his economic advisors have again missed the mark in their assessment of current trends and objectives of Chinese monetary policy. As numerous analysts have surmised, the RMB may in fact be overvalued.18 This has been so since the advent of the Xi Jinping administration, which has witnessed concerted reform efforts aimed at shifting the Chinese economy away from an export-oriented model to one that is domestic consumption-driven. This effort has required Beijing to promote a strong RMB. In point of fact, any manipulation of the currency has in fact been to shore up its value and the international image of the RMB's strength with its sizable foreign reserves in order to demonstrate that it rightly belongs to the basket of Special Drawing Rights currencies.19
All this is to say, the narrative that the White House has spun on China defies simple economic logic. More to the point, because the domestic popularity of Trump has precisely been predicated on this ill-informed narrative, any trade and/or currency war would be just as damaging for the American people as it would be for China, and most likely, even more. It is also likely to have detrimental effects for the region, for whom stable Sino-US diplomatic relations, a Chinese economy that is growing, and an American economy that is integrated into the region's trade and production networks, set the fundamental conditions for growth and prosperity.
Diversification and Introspection
Because the United States has long been accepted as a key regional actor that has contributed to the stability and prosperity of the region, it stands to reason that the uncertainty that still clouds the Trump administration's view of and approach to Southeast Asia would prompt regional states to recalibrate their own policies and strategies. This recalibration is evident at two levels: it is manifested in greater diplomatic, economic, and strategic activity between Southeast Asian states and other extra-regional powers, as well as in how it lends greater urgency to the cause of ASEAN unity and cohesion.
Diversified Engagement. Quite apart from the fact that they provide important trade routes for Japan to the Southeast Asian region, Tokyo has long considered its ongoing dispute with China in the East China Sea a mirror of the South China Sea disputes. In fact, Japanese strategic thinking views both seas as a continuous littoral. This provides the basis for Japan's harder security interests in the region.20 By dint of these shared outlooks and concerns, Southeast Asian claimant states such as the Philippines and Vietnam have recently entered into strategic partnerships with Japan. Vietnam has moved to increase cooperation with Japan in a strategic move to counter Chinese influence.21 Meanwhile, Japan had improved security ties with the Philippines under Benigno Aquino, through the sale of new naval vessels and joint exercises, although this appears to have stalled under Rodrigo Duterte.22 It has also engaged in capacity-building in Myanmar, and may also be discussing humanitarian assistance and disaster relief (HA/DR) cooperation.23 In 2015, Japan signed defence cooperation agreements with Indonesia (which included maritime security and capacity-building) and Malaysia (involving a strategic partnership on defence equipment and maritime safety).24 While these agreements may have predated Trump's election, they have acquired greater salience in light of it.
In much the same way, Southeast Asian states have also moved to strengthen relations with India. India's Maritime Security Strategy in 2015 highlighted an "increased focus," among other things, on the "importance of maintaining freedom of navigation and strengthening the international legal regime at sea, particularly the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS)."25 Following the Act East policy that expanded the regional scope of India's economic interests, the Maritime Policy also added the South and East China seas and the entire Western Pacific to its areas of maritime interest.26 This accelerated the already steadily increasing number of maritime deployments in the region, and strengthened the Andaman and Nicobar Command.27 Securing partnerships with several Southeast Asian nations therefore increased in priority, where it had identified the Malacca Strait as an important chokepoint in Indian trade routes. In 2016, Prime Minister Modi visited Laos (for the India-ASEAN Summit), Myanmar, and Vietnam, where it offered Vietnam a $500 million line of credit (an increase from $100 million in 2014) for defence purchases in exchange for a "comprehensive strategic partnership."28
An important feature of this regional recalibration is the state of relations with China. China's rapid growth in the 2000s was a boon to all of Southeast Asia. It overtook the United States as virtually every country's largest trading partner within a decade. However, it lagged in foreign direct investment to these countries, particularly behind the United States. To facilitate greater trade relations, it also began to work extensively on infrastructure development, and this gradually formed the basis of China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), now extending far beyond the region.
Malaysia and the Philippines, hitherto steadfast Western allies, have gravitated closer to China in recent years, drawn to the benefits Chinese friendship can bring. The ability of China to flex its economic muscle to achieve its interests may best be exemplified in Cambodia. Since 2012, when it first openly supported the Chinese stance on the South China Sea, trade has more than doubled.29 China is presently lending at highly concessionary rates to Cambodia, Laos, and Myanmar, which are now among the fastest growing Southeast Asian economies. Even Vietnam, which had tried to diversify its economic strategy away from over-reliance on China through the (now-stalled) TPP, has ended up receiving increased Chinese investment.30
On infrastructure, Malaysia has so far been a major beneficiary of the BRI, which sees China supporting a variety of port projects but also a highly visible $12.8 billion East Coast Rail Link from Port Klang through Kuantan to Pengkalan Kubor at the tip of the Thai border with Peninsular Malaysia and numerous real estate projects throughout the country. Significantly, Malaysia's eastern states of Sabah and Sarawak also now enjoy direct flights to Chinese cities even as Chinese investments there increase exponentially, and both countries have committed to spending a combined $50 billion on BRI infrastructure projects over the next ten years. Opponents have criticised the lack of oversight of such large projects, yet this also points to the enormous clout China has in Malaysia that they can lead such strategically important projects.31 In Indonesia, China won the 2015 bid for the Jakarta-Bandung High Speed Rail over Japan, which had tabled an impressive bid with JICA development financing and their famed shinkansen (bullet train) technology. Observers suggested the award was driven as much by politics as the technical merits of the proposal.32 In exchange, Japan was said to have been offered the chance to take the Jakarta-Surabaya rail project, which, confusingly, was also suggested to China.33
China's main security issue in the region is its sovereignty claim in the South China Sea. This potentially sets it at odds with all the rival claimants in the region, as well as unsettling non-claimant states who nevertheless have economic interests in open and safe sea lanes of communication. China's strategic stance has been to actively mitigate these inherent tensions, and this has provided an opportunity for many countries to enjoy China's economic largesse.34 Despite China's insistence that the South China Sea disputes are a bilateral issue, the main claimant states have tried to work through multilateral frameworks at times, particularly on a Code of Conduct (COC) to govern the dispute. Since President Duterte came to power in the Philippines however, Manila has tempered its opposition to Chinese activities in the South China Sea and drawn closer to China while it distanced itself, at least in rhetoric, from the United States. Thailand, now under a military junta, has also gravitated to China.
ASEAN Centrality and Unity.
If deepening and diversifying regional engagement efforts with major extra-regional powers forms one side of the coin, then internal unity and cohesion among Southeast Asian states must surely be the other. Throughout its modern history, Southeast Asia has always found itself at the junction of great power contention. This is a function of the region's geopolitical destiny being located at the crossroads of major political, economic, and cultural interactions, and as such, is not likely to change. It is therefore in the interest of all regional states to ensure some measure of strategic autonomy in order to prevent domination by a single power. It is this strategic objective that underpins the notion of ASEAN Centrality on which Southeast Asian regionalism is anchored.
Simply put, ASEAN Centrality signals the attempt of Southeast Asian states to manage the changing distribution of power and regional balance so as to create strategic latitude and autonomy while minimizing the prospects of the region being overwhelmed by great power politics. Centrality has come to be expressed in ASEAN's organizational capacity evident in its creation and hosting of a raft of regional processes such as those mentioned above. Significant in these respects is ASEAN's ability to extend its institutional and diplomatic model to encompass issues and actors from the wider Asia-Pacific region. Centrality also applies to agenda-setting and chairing (or co-chairing) of these processes, and the acceptance of the organization's Treaty of Amity and Cooperation, where current signatories include all the major regional powers, as the foundational premise for the regional security architecture. The uncertainty caused by the challenges that bedevil American approaches to Southeast Asia described above has doubtlessly injected greater urgency for ASEAN Centrality.
An even more fundamental point needs to be registered with regards to the practice of ASEAN's diplomatic centrality. The effort to accent centrality ultimately turns on the ability of members of the organization to at least speak with one voice even if they cannot think with one mind. The harsh reality is that as the institutional expression of collective regional aspirations, ASEAN is challenged by questions about its unity and coherence. Indeed, one must be cautioned not to read into ASEAN's narrative of community a unity of outlook and purpose when, in reality, the membership of the organization is given to divergent, and at times competing, interests and strategic outlooks, exacerbated by both material changes in the balance of power as a consequence of economic interdependence as well as residual mutual suspicion between member states. Trump's impact may suggest greater urgency to cooperating more closely together, but the forces of divergence have gained so much momentum and its causes have penetrated so deeply that the absence of a clearer US regional strategy and a more engaged leadership only intensifies divisions.
1. For a comprehensive survey of U.S.-Southeast Asia relations during the Obama administration, see Joseph Chinyong Liow, Ambivalent Engagement: The United States and the Security of Southeast Asia After the Cold War (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution Press, 2017).
2. Ted Yoho, "Revitalizing U.S.-ASEAN Relations: Opening Statement of Chairman Ted Yoho," Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific, House Committee on Foreign Affairs, Washington, D.C., May 17, 2017.
3. Walter Lohman, "Southeast Asia: The Need for Economic Statecraft," Congressional Testimony before the Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific, Committee on Foreign Affairs, U.S. House of Representatives, Washington, D.C., May 17, 2017.
4. Bryan Harris, "Mattis to reaffirm US alliances on trip to South Korea and Japan," Financial Times, January 25, 2017.
5. "South China Sea: Tillerson says US should block China from new islands," BBC, January 12, 2017. http://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-38593034.
6. Euan McKirdy and Katie Hunt, "Donald Trump commits to 'One China' policy in phone call with Xi," CNN, February 10, 2017. http://edition.cnn.com/2017/02/09/politics/trump-xi-phone-call/index.html.
7. Toluse Olorunnipa, Jennifer Jacobs, and Nick Wadham, "Trump Hails 'Friendship' with Xi on First Day of Summit," Bloomberg, April 7, 2017. https://www.bloomberg.com/politics/articles/2017-04-06/trump-s-xi-summit-tests-his-promise-to-win-on-trade-north-korea.
8. Fedina S. Sundaryani, "US-Indonesian deals during Pence visit related to energy," Jakarta Post, April 20, 2017.
9. Prashanth Parameswaran, "What Mattis' Shangri-La Dialogue Speech Revealed About Trump's Asia Policy," The Diplomat, June 6, 2017. http://thediplomat.com/2017/06/what-mattis-shangri-la-dialogue-speech-revealed-about-trumps-asia-policy/.
10. Foreign Press Center Briefing on Secretary Rex Tillerson's Recent Trip to the ASEAN Regional Forum, the Philipines, Thailand, and Malaysia by W. Patrick Murphy, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Southeast Asia, Washington, D.C., August 11, 2017.
11. Mark Landler, "Trump Hosts Prime Minister Phuc of Vietnam and Announces Trade Deals," The New York Times, May 31, 2017.
12. These figures were cited by respected South China Sea watcher Bonnie Glaser during her presentation at the annual South China Sea Conference at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, Washington, D.C., on July 18, 2017.
13. This section is drawn from Joseph Chinyong Liow, "Five pillars for a U.S. strategy in the South China Sea," Straits Times, August 1, 2017.
14. These figures were cited by Ely Ratner in the CSIS meeting mentioned previously.
15. "Trump 'disappointed' with China after North Korea missile test," BBC, July 30, 2017.
16. Donald J. Trump @realDonaldTrump, July 30, 2017.
17. Statistics available at https://ustr.gov/countries-regions/china-mongolia-taiwan/peoples-republic-china.
18. "Fall in China's forex reserves 'good news', yuan been overvalued – central bank advisor," Reuters, January 9, 2017.
19. Neil Gough, "China Manipulates Its Currency, but Not in the Way Trump Claims," The New York Times, September 30, 2016. While there was a cycle of devaluation in 2015 with the intervention of the People's Bank, in hindsight it was not the trigger for a period of sustained devaluation that some anticipated, nor did it indicate a fundamental detour from the structural economic reform agenda of the Xi administration. In any case, the move to make the RMB more responsive to market forces with an eye to an eventual floating exchange rate was welcomed by the International Monetary Fund as it would not only lend credence to Chinese ambitions for its currency, but also contribute to global economic and financial stability.
20. Celine Pajon, "Japan's 'Smart' Strategic Engagement with Southeast Asia," The Asan Forum, 6 Dec 2013, https://asanforum.shoplic.site/japans-smart-strategic-engagement-in-southeast-asia/
21. "How China boosts Japan's security role in Southeast Asia," Japan Times, May 17, 2016.
22. "The Emerging Japan-Philippines Security Partnership", The Diplomat, June 6, 2015, http://thediplomat.com/2015/06/the-emerging-japan-philippines-security-partnership/
23. "Japan, Myanmar Eye Stronger Defense Ties", The Diplomat, June 8, 2016, http://thediplomat.com/2016/06/japan-myanmar-eye-stronger-defense-ties/
24. "Japan's Southeast Asia Charm Offensive," International Policy Digest, September 2015, https://intpolicydigest.org/2015/09/07/japan-s-southeast-asia-charm-offensive/
25. "Ensuring Secure Seas: Indian Maritime Security Strategy," October 2015. https://www.indiannavy.nic.in/sites/default/files/Indian_Maritime_Security_Strategy_Document_25Jan16.pdf, 6.
26. Ibid, 32.
27. "India's Maritime Acts in the East," Asia Maritime Transparency Initiative, June 18, 2015, https://amti.csis.org/indias-maritime-acts-in-the-east/
28. "India's Partnership with Southeast Asia Nears Its Limits," Stratfor, September 20, 2016, https://worldview.stratfor.com/article/indias-partnership-southeast-asia-nears-its-limits
29. "China is Transforming Southeast Asia faster than Ever," Bloomberg, December 6, 2016, https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2016-12-05/china-transforms-frontier-neighbors-with-cash-for-rails-to-power
30. "Southeast Asia's Dance With China," The New York Times, May 26, 2016, https://www.nytimes.com/2016/05/26/international-home/southeast-asias-dance-with-china.html
31. "Malaysia's biggest railway, China's biggest coup?" Nikkei Asian Review, August 9, 2017, https://asia.nikkei.com/Politics-Economy/International-Relations/China-begins-works-of-largest-railroad-in-Malaysia?page=2
32. "Race for Indonesia's high-speed railway part of a big game," Jakarta Post, August 22, 2015, http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2015/08/22/race-indonesia-s-high-speed-railway-part-a-big-game.html
33. "Indonesia also considering China for Japan-backed rail project linking Jakarta to Surabaya," Straits Times, July 6, 2017, http://www.straitstimes.com/asia/se-asia/indonesia-also-considering-china-for-japan-backed-rail-project-linking-jakarta-to
34. "China tries chequebook diplomacy in Southeast Asia," Financial Times, November 8, 2016, https://www.ft.com/content/abb35db2-a4cc-11e6-8b69-02899e8bd9d1
TAGS : APEC summit, BRI, Donald Trump, FONOPs, South China Sea, TPP, UNCLOS, US-ASEAN Summit
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Spirit of Ecstasy is the name of the mascot that decorates Rolls Royce radiator ever since 1911. Designed by Charles Sykes, based on actress and model Eleanor Thornton. The sculpture depicts a woman bending forward with her arms stretched backwards, her clothing wave and look like wings.
Material is metal, 11 cm total height including the pedestal.
Pedestal is 6/6 cm black granite.
Is sent by registered post.
Beautiful horse, a pleasure at each sight and very quick delivery. Thank you so much!
Correct verpakt, vlug verzonden. Reageerde sympathiek op mijn mail. Juiste omschrijving van het item .Betrouwbare verkoper.
Snel en goed verpakt geleverd. Bedankt!
Flying the Flag already !
Very pleased with the service from Catawiki & the seller .
Je n'ai pas reçu l'objet. Ce vendeur ne répond pas à mes messages. Eviter ce vendeur.
I have not received the parcel and the seller don't respond to my mails.


The Florida legislature is considering expanding the state's "stand your ground" law to encompass "threatened use of force." Specifically, the bill is intended to shield those who brandish a gun or fire a warning shot in self-defense from the state's 10-20-Life law, which imposes mandatory minimum sentencing guidelines for felony crimes involving a firearm.
Wow, that is some weapons grade stupid… It defies the basic, common sense, rules of firearms safety and the laws of physics. I can understand, and probably support shielding law-abiding citizens from prosecution for brandishing, but not discharging a firearm in self-defense. But the warning shot provision which states "the discharge of a firearm for the purpose of a warning shot, does not constitute the use of deadly force…" is monumentally bad idea.
All firearms are always loaded.
Clearly identify your target, what is in line with it and what is behind it. Never shoot at anything that you have not positively identified.
Bullets don't suddenly become less deadly just because politicians say so — a bullet fired as a warning shot is going to go somewhere.
It doesn't matter if that bullet is fired into the ground, into a wall, or into the air… bullets can ricochet of rocks, they can go through walls, and what goes up must come down. Bottom line; that bullet is going to go somewhere with potentially deadly results.
This is really simple: if you are not justified in using deadly force, you are not justified in firing warning shot… and if you are justified in using deadly force you're not going to be firing a warning shot.
This is simply a bad piece of legislation aimed fixing another piece of bad piece of legislation, namely Florida's "10-20-Life" law, that has come under fire again after Marissa Alexander was sentenced to 20 years for firing a "warning shot" at her husband's head.
Sadly, politicians on both sides of the isle seem intent on passing this foolishness.
Edit: I've been sitting on this story for a couple of days while trying to confirm some of the details… it appears the current draft of CS/HB 89 removes the "warning shot" provision.


Today I spent a wasteful amount of time attempting to "jailbreak" my iPhone after applying the much-touted 1.1.3 software update from Apple. Jailbreaking is process by which hackers devise methods to gain access to the phone's UNIX file system so you can install third party applications beyond those provided by Apple. Apple has their own plans to provide these applications, likely for a fee via iTunes, so they're very much inclined to make this process challenging, thus forcing most iPhone users to get their applications only through Apple-approved methods.
Each time a software update is released, previous methods to gain access to the file system are patched and hackers must find new windows into the phone. This process takes about a week or so, and then various methods begin to appear on the Internet, allowing users to "jailbreak" their phones. Once you have a number of third party applications to which you've become accustomed, you have to carefully weigh the decision: do I upgrade to the new software and lose my applications, or keep my applications and miss out on cool new Apple features?
This last update was a tough call. Apple provided a really cool pseudo-GPS that's pretty darn accurate, the ability to customize your screen, the ability to put bookmarks on your desktop (called the "Springboard" in iPhone parlance) and a variety of other interface enhancements. Balance this against the number of fun games, Netflix-management tools, and other erstwhile unapproved applications that I found really useful, and you have a real dilemma on whether or not to upgrade.
Over the weekend, hackers released the latest jailbreak method allowing me to upgrade and re-install the applications I enjoy. I probably jumped on this too early as the process was not for the feint of heart, requiring multiple firmware flashes, a bevy of UNIX commands and moving fils around over wireless FTP. Today a one-click version of the jailbreak was released that took out most of the angst and made the process quite easy. I'm in the process of finishing that as I write this, so I'm not 100% sure yet if its a success but I'm hopeful.
You might have read or heard about "unlocking" the iPhone. This is a different hack where users attempt to use the phone and all its features (sans visual voicemail) on a carrier other than AT&T. There may be good reasons for wanting to do this that I'm not appreciating; perhaps you live in a place like Vermont that doesn't have AT&T coverage, or you live in Canada or Japan or some place that doesn't yet sell "official" iPhone service. I supposed some enjoy the thrill of "sticking it to the man" and going their own way. As an Apple shareholder, I'm opposed to unlocking. Apple gets about $10 month from each iPhone/ATT&T subscriber. This lucrative revenue sharing is easy money and really makes the iPhone profitable.


Greenwich, CT is home to 62,695 people and the Greenwich population has increased 2.5% since 2010, according to the US Census Bureau July 2015 report. The age distribution in Greenwich is similar to the national average with 6.1% under 5 years old, 26.7% under 18 years old and 16.5% over 65. Females constitute 52.4% of the Greenwich population. Over 2,200 are veterans and a strong 21.9% are foreign born, with 27.7% speaking a language other than English at home. Greenwich is a highly educated town with a full 66.4% having a bachelor degree or higher as compared to 29.3% nationally. Of those people over 16 years old, 62.5% are in the civilian labor force. 51.5% of women who live in Greenwich are also a part of the labor force.
There are 108 Open Houses on Sunday. I will be hosting an Open House at 47 Mimosa Drive. I would be delighted to see you!
Enjoy your friends and neighbors at a Fireworks Display in Greenwich! The Town of Greenwich will sponsor a fireworks display on July 2nd at dusk at Greenwich Point and Binney Park in Old Greenwich. Greenwich Point will be closed at 8:30PM or when the maximum number of cars for available parking is reached. Rain date, July 3rd. Enjoy!
Given the July 4th holidays there will be no weekly next weekend.


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Deadly bombings target Christians in Iraq
December 25, 2013 / 5:59 PM / AP
BAGHDAD -- Militants in Iraq targeted Christians in three separate Christmas Day bombings in Baghdad, killing at least 37 people, officials said Wednesday.
In one attack, a car bomb went off near a church in the capital's southern Dora neighborhood, killing at least 26 people and wounding 38, a police officer said.
A council member stands guard while women walk through the site of a bombing in a Christian section of Baghdad on Wednesday, Dec. 25, 2013. Karim Kadim, AP
Earlier, two bombs ripped through a nearby outdoor market simultaneously in the Christian section of Athorien, killing 11 people and wounding 21, the officer said.
The Iraq-based leader of the Chaldean Catholic Church, Louis Sako, said the parked car bomb exploded after Christmas Mass and that none of the worshippers were hurt. Sako said he didn't believe the church was the target.
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There was no immediate claim of responsibility for the attacks, but Iraq's dwindling Christian community, which is estimated to number about 400,000 to 600,000 people, often has been targeted by al Qaeda and other insurgents who see the Christians as heretics.
Along with Christians, other targets include civilians in restaurants, cafes or crowded public areas, as well as Shiites and members of the Iraqi security forces, attacked in an attempt to undermine confidence in the Shiite-led government and stir up Iraq's already simmering sectarian tensions.
A medical official confirmed the casualty figures. Both officials spoke on condition of anonymity because they are not authorized to talk to the media.
Wednesday's bombings came amid a massive military operation in Iraq's western desert as authorities try to hunt down insurgents who have stepped up attacks across Iraq in the past months, sending violence to levels not seen since 2008.
The Christmas Day attacks brought the total number of people killed so far this month in Iraq to 441. According to United Nations estimates, more than 8,000 people have been killed since the start of the year.
First published on December 25, 2013 / 10:59 AM


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Baltimore County to raise water, sewer rates on July 1
Business, Politics
Posted on June 28, 2018 by Chris Montcalmo
Baltimore County Executive Don Mohler announced on Thursday that the Metropolitan District Charges for water and sewer service will increase on July 1 by an average of 13.9 percent.
While this is the average increase, actual rates will vary. Some will be more, and in some cases, it will be less.
"I recognize that any time government raises a specific charge, it rightly comes under scrutiny," said Mohler. "I am absolutely convinced that Baltimore County has no choice but to increase water and sewer rates immediately to pay for critical improvements to the water and sewer infrastructure across the County that will prevent water main breaks and raw sewage from pouring into the Chesapeake Bay and leaking into homes."
Although the County will need to continue to increase rates annually for the next few years to maintain the required funding levels, those increases should level off to approximately 6 percent.
Since 2011, the Baltimore County Government has invested nearly $1.8 billion to upgrade its aging infrastructure. A significant portion of that investment is also going to upgrade sewer infrastructure. This $1.8 billion dollar investment does not include necessary major improvements on the horizon, including the construction of a new Fullerton filtration facility and a rehabilitation of the water filtration plant at Montebello. Costs for these necessary system wide projects will ultimately be shared with the City and other County jurisdictions.
County to Provide Credit
In order to minimize the financial impact of these rate increases, Baltimore County will provide credits for any property owner whose home is assessed by the Maryland State Department of Assessment and Taxation (SDAT) at $250,000 or less, which is 125 percent of the median housing price in Baltimore County. With the applicable credit, nearly 80 percent of County residential property owners will see an increase of no more than $100 for the Combined Sewer Service Charge and Water Distribution Charge.
What is the Metropolitan District?
The Metropolitan District Fund is a self-sustaining fund that is not part of the County's operating or capital budget. Failure to maintain adequate revenue in the fund to support the County's construction projects would lead to a downgrade of Baltimore County by the bond rating agencies and the loss of its triple AAA bond rating, costing County taxpayers millions of dollars in increased interest payments and bond debt.
The Metropolitan District sewer and water-operating district was created as a separate and financially self-supporting entity in 1924 under the jurisdiction of the County to supply water and to provide sewerage and drainage systems to residents of the County living within certain prescribed areas. The water system is actually an extension of the Baltimore City system, which draws water from county reservoirs, treats the water, and then returns it to County residents at cost.
The Metropolitan District in Baltimore County consists of 3,151 miles of sewer lines and another 2,108 miles of water lines. Sixty percent of the County's water and sewer pipes are more than 50 years old, which is the design life span of a water and sewer pipe. More than half of all the County's pipes were installed before 1970, with the greatest percentage installed in the 1950s.
County users also pay for the County's portion for the operation of water and sewer treatment facilities located in the City that benefit all users. The Back River Treatment Plant was completed in 1911, and the Patapsco treatment facility became operational in 1940. The City's Montebello Water Filtration Plant No. 1 was built in 1915, and the Montebello Filtration Plant No. 2 was built in 1928. The City's Ashburton Water Filtration plant was completed in 1956.
Water Delivery Charges
County property owners receive quarterly water bills from the City of Baltimore. These bills are based upon the amount of water that County property owners use. Baltimore City's water rates charged to County property owners are increasing by 6 percent beginning July 1, 2018.
Baltimore City has been working to address the issue of incorrect water meter readings, and is making significant progress. While the new electronic meters appear to be generating accurate readings, some property owners may see increased bills, in large part due to the fact that they have actually been undercharged for years. For example, in some cases, the old meter readings often reported low or no water consumption in a home. The new meters are expected to alleviate that issue in the future.
Sewer Service Charges
The sewer service charge is based on a volumetric rate, similar to the water delivery charge. The equation is basically "water in equals water out." The sewer service charge appears on the County residents' annual property tax bill in July. Baltimore County sets the sewer service charge rate based upon the readings on the water meters provided by Baltimore City.
Water Distribution Charge
A water distribution charge is placed on every property having a connection with the Metropolitan District's water and sewer system. The charge pays the expenses of constructing water supply, sewage systems, as well as operating and other expenses such as principal and interest on bonds. The water distribution charge is a fixed rate that does not vary with water usage.
Where do these charges appear?
Four of the Metropolitan District Charges appear on County property tax bills, which arrive approximately July 1. The Water Delivery Charge is billed quarterly by Baltimore City.
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Nenagh (An tAonach in irlandese) è la county town del Tipperary.

È situata sull'omonimo fiume a  dal Lough Derg. Originariamente chiamata An tAonachm (in Inglese Ormonde, ovvero East Munster) essa diviene presto una "market town": vengono così chiamati i paesini di campagna dove si tengono i mercati rurali e verso i quali convergono i contadini di ampie aree agricole. Nenagh è una cittadina vivace e colorata che nelle proprie scuole, uffici ed aziende (e nei pub durante i fine settimana) accoglie gli abitanti della vasta campagna circostante. Da Nenagh passano la linea ferroviaria e la strada nazionale (deviata dal centro grazie ad una tangenziale realizzata nel 2002) che collegano Dublino a Limerick. Oltre alla centrale del latte e alla "meat factory", Nenagh è sede di uno degli stabilimenti industriali della Procter & Gamble più grandi in Europa. Tuttavia voci sempre più insistenti (2007) ne accreditano la futura chiusura e lo spostamento nell'est europeo.

Tra le attrattive turistiche ci sono la Cattedrale di Santa Maria, il Nenagh Castle (costruito dai Fitzwalter nel XIII secolo), la Courthouse e le vie centrali per i loro negozi e ristoranti.

A pochi minuti da Nenagh si trovano località turistiche come:
 Dromineer, paesino di pescatori che si affaccia sul lago Dergh (che altro non è che un allargamento del fiume Shannon);
 Capparoe, caratteristico paesino rurale;
 Garrykennedy, provvisto di un piccolo porto sul lago.

Lo sport più seguito, come in gran parte del Munster è l'hurling, seguito dal calcio gaelico e dal rugby.

Amministrazione

Gemellaggi

Note

Altri progetti

Collegamenti esterni

Capoluoghi irlandesi


text:
Tue Dec 20 2016
Dow takes another shot at 20,000
U.S. stocks eased off their session highs in early afternoon trading on Tuesday, but the Dow was still within spitting distance of 20,000, a level it has never breached. The Nasdaq and the Dow had hit fresh records earlier in the day, with the blue-chip index falling just 13 points short of scaling the historic mark.
U.S. stocks have been on a tear since the Nov. 8 presidential election, with the Dow up 9 percent and the S&P 500 more than 6 percent on bets that President-elect Donald Trump's plans for deregulation and infrastructure spending will boost the economy."It's just the momentum since the election," said Jeff Zipper, managing director for investments at Private Client Reserve at U.S. Bank in Palm Beach, Florida. "The market is focused on the Trump agenda, which is tax cuts, infrastructure spending and deregulation. There's not a lot of selling going on."
However, volumes were muted as the last full trading week before the holiday season gets underway where movements may be pronounced. There are also concerns that the post-election rally may have gone too far too soon.
"We're a little bit concerned that market trends may be extended a little bit and market prices need to convert to fair value," Zipper said. "It's not unusual to see a pullback after such a move."
The S&P 500 is trading at 17.9 times forward 12-month earnings, above the 10-year median of 14.7 times, according to StarMine data.
At 12:46 p.m. ET (1746 GMT) the Dow Jones Industrial average .DJI was up 77.46 points, or 0.39 percent, at 19,960.52. The S&P 500 .SPX was up 6.69 points, or 0.29 percent, at 2,269.22. The index came within five points of its intraday high of 2,277.53. The Nasdaq Composite .IXIC was up 23.38 points, or 0.43 percent, at 5,480.82.
Advancing issues outnumbered decliners on the NYSE by 1,819 to 1,077. On the Nasdaq, 1,769 issues rose and 1,023 fell. The S&P 500 index showed 34 new 52-week highs and no new lows, while the Nasdaq recorded 180 new highs and 24 new lows.
Eight of the 11 major S&P sectors were higher, with the financial index's .SPSY 0.81 percent rise leading the advancers. The index has risen about 18 percent since the election, buoyed by Trump's deregulation plans and the prospect of higher interest rates.
Goldman Sachs (GS.N), which was up 1.1 percent, gave the biggest boost to the Dow. Wells Fargo (WFC.N), Bank of America (BAC.N) and Citigroup (C.N) boosted the sector.
The consumer discretionary index .SPLRCD was also up 0.80 percent.
Brent oil prices rose to a one-week high on forecasts of a steep draw in U.S. crude stocks that could indicate global oversupply is starting to shrink.The dollar climbed to a 14-year high after Federal Reserve Chair Janet Yellen's comments about the labor market reinforced the notion of a faster pace of U.S. interest rate hikes next year than had been expected.
Volatile markets end 2020 strong with vaccines, stimulus in sight
The function of the margin of safety is, in essence, that of rendering unnecessary an accurate estimate of the future. If the margin is a large one, then it is enough to assume that future earnings will not fall far below those of the past.
— Benjamin Graham
DOW 30 FUTURES 30,632.00 -0.50 0.00%
USD/JPY 103.89 +0.01 +0.01%


text:
Donations to Haiti - Bullshit
Ok so for those living under a rock, Haiti was hit with an earthquake, lots of tragedy, etcetera etcetera, you've heard the story before a hundred times. Fill in the blanks of location, # injured/dead, and otherwise it's the same thing. We're not here to discuss natural disasters, we're here today to discuss politics, economics, and hypocrisy. We're here to discuss why it's unreasonable to donate to these victims.
Chances are, you read that last sentence and thought that I'm an asshole, right? Well, listen up, because you're about to be hit with a whole lot of logic. Will you actually admit that I have a point? Probably not. But if you don't, then you're a lost cause and I hope someone hits you in the head with a mallet so you don't fuck this world up anymore than it already is.
Americans are in an economic crisis right now. We are essentially in a new Depression. Thus, we have lots of monetary concerns. So right there, when your entire country is in shambles when it comes to money, the last thing you should be doing is donating. You can get back a loan, but you don't get back a donation. All these rich people in the country that were donating thousands or millions of dollars...where was their checkbook when they pass by the homeless people in their cities? You need to put yourself above the needs of others when you're in a mess and the same applies to the entity known as the United States. America should always look at itself as being it's #1 importance, as should every other country for itself. China, under no circumstances, should look at the world and say any other nation comes before itself in terms of preservation or necessity. Nor should France. Nor should Afghanistan. So on and so forth. If America had millions of dollars of surplus, it would be a different story. But now that Haiti gets fucked up, we suddenly are losing money, and for what? You're probably thinking right now that helping Haiti out improves our image to the world...you're wrong.
What's the overall outlook the world has for Americans? They think we're slovenly, we're uncultured, we're rude, and we're selfish. No one from other countries ever seems to look at the USA and thinks "they're helpful, nice people who want to make the world a better place". We've done thousands of charity missions since our inception to try to help out dozens upon dozens of countries in different ways, yet no matter what, we're always looked at in negative eyes. Helping out Haiti isn't going to change that at all. The Haitians that were being helped did chant "USA! USA!" which is great, but that's them. You don't see Russians or Germans in the streets chanting our country's name in praise (nor should you if they themselves have helped as well). A few months from now, this will all be in the past and nobody will give a shit anymore. There will be no decrease in anti-American thought whatsoever...just a decrease in American finance.
Then there's the issue of "you scratch my back, I'll scratch yours". Have you ever found yourself in a relationship that is all one sided in the give and take, where one person always gives, the other always takes, and there's no middle ground whatsoever? America always gives and gives, yet we never take. We loan money to other nations that we'll never be paid back. We give aid to other countries and receive none in return. An earthquake occurs in Haiti and several days later, there's a charity fund on roughly every TV station in America asking for donations. Where was the massive charity fest held outside of the United States for the victims of Hurricane Katrina or Hurricane Ike? What about the September 11th terrorist attacks? I don't know about you, but I didn't hear of the United Nations passing a big collection plate and filling it to the brim. I certainly didn't hear about Haiti tossing their change in a tip jar for the US.
So here's the recap: we're giving a portion of what little money we have during an economic crunch away to a country that doesn't help us in any way to look better to a world that equally doesn't help us nor will even say thank you after we do this as they will just continue considering us the opposite of charitable.
Does it suck what happened? Yes. Is it a tragedy? Yes. If you gave me the power to choose whether or not something like that would happen to a country, would I choose to not have it happen? Of course. But the argument here isn't that helping the PEOPLE of Haiti that were affected is a bad thing, as it's very humane and very nice of those that help. The issue is that we need to weigh our options. If we're able to spend our time, resources, and our money on helping out someone else and receive nothing in return, then we're obviously not in as much of a bind as we thought we were, and if we're not, then something is seriously wrong here. If you're struggling to pay to put food on your table, the last thing you do is give your wallet to someone else, especially if there's no other people in the world willing to lend you a dollar when you're starving.


text:
Executives on How to Succeed in Engineering
Photo: IEEE Women in Engineering
By: Joanna Goodrich
THE INSTITUTEThe aim of this year's IEEE Women in Engineering International Leadership Conference (IEEE WIE ILC) was to increase the number of women in middle- to senior-level positions. I attended several sessions that offered career advice to attendees about how they could rise up the ranks. The event was held on 23 and 24 May in Austin, Texas.
"This conference is all about following your passions and making sure women thrive in technology," said IEEE WIE ILC chair and Senior Member Kathy Herring Hayashi in her opening remarks.
Eighty-five percent of women in electrical engineering quit in the first 15 years of their careers because they feel unsupported or undermined at work, according to Herring Hayashi. She recalled that at one time in her life, she too thought about leaving engineering because she felt isolated. Today, she's an engineer at Qualcomm in San Diego.
Leslie Robertson
The first keynote speaker was Leslie Robertson, vice president of Oracle Cloud Infrastructure. She shared 10 lessons she'd learned during her rise to the top, including seeking feedback, asking questions, and not letting fear hold you back.
In a panel about empowering women, three representatives—so-called ambassadors—of the Clean Energy Education and Empowerment Initiative recounted their experiences with mentoring other women. This initiative, a collaboration among the U.S. Department of Energy, Texas A&M University's Energy Institute, MIT's Energy Initiative, and Stanford Precourt Institute for Energy, works to close the gender gap in the clean energy industry by increasing participation by women and encouraging their promotion to leadership positions.
"More women are graduating with degrees in engineering, but the percentage of women in top executive positions hasn't changed since the 1980s," said Catherine Jereza, C3E ambassador and moderator of the panel. The initiative sends its ambassadors to conferences to talk about their personal experiences with moving up to high-level positions and counsel others on what it takes to be promoted.
Karen Butler-Purry
IEEE Fellow Karen Butler-Purry, another panelist, said a teacher from high school encouraged her to pursue engineering. "I wanted to be a math teacher, and through my mentor, I discovered engineering in my junior year of high school," she said. Butler-Purry mentors several women through her position as professor of electrical engineering at Texas A&M as well as through C3E.
IEEE Senior Member Heather Quinn, technical staff member of Los Alamos National Laboratory, gave tips about how to overcome imposter syndrome. They included determining your goal, whether it's changing your career or moving up to a managerial position. Also to identify tasks you need to complete to reach your objective. "This will make the goal less intimidating," she said. "Make sure you have a support team that is made up of people who can be sounding boards, accountability partners, and truth tellers to help keep you on track."
The conference also included several sessions on cutting-edge technologies, including artificial intelligence and space exploration.
Candace Worley
Keynote speaker Candace Worleyvice president and chief technical strategist of McAfee spoke about the benefits of AI but also brought up concerns such as bias in code and privacy. Using AI comes with risks such as privacy breaches, and automated systems that provide recidivism scores to judges who determine criminal sentencing have been shown to be biased against blacks. But AI can also be used to better society through advanced medical research and improved cybersecurity.
The future of human space travel was also covered. According to speaker Negar Feher, vice president of product and business development at Momentus Space, several companies are looking at new types of space programs. She said there are now about 140 startups working on building habitats for humans on other planets, mining asteroids for water, and cutting the cost of making spaceships so that tickets for space tourism can be more affordable.
This article originally appeared in IEEE Spectrum on 31 May 2019.


text:
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Return To Hallmark
by Robert Arnold
Book Cover & Preview Text
CHAPTER 1 One Year Older It was a fast year at school for the children. Linda was placed with Richard and Vicky. With help she learned to enjoy school work. Junior had lots of complaints. He had to dress nice, the long hours of sitting in a chair, the inactivity, the constant fighting between the senators and learning how to keep books. He said. I can't wait for vacation. I'm sleeping the first week. Tabor said. It's not going to be that easy. You have years of laws and proclamations to go over. Junior said. Why should I have to do all that? New Haven has a counsil for that. I'll be spending most of my time with the Queen's harem. Gaberial said. You'll spend time in the Eastern Isles and checking on my Iron woods. You are a royal prince and your father's represenative. Fionia, Gordon and his parents came for a visit. Linda said. It's been so long I thought you forgot. I have so much to say and don't know where to start. Grandfather would you like to fight? I promise not to hurt you. Aunt Rose and Olivia said that we could fly with the white dragons on vacation, you have to be nice to maw maw Gillian, Aunt Ashley says she's going to have a baby. Her grandfather asked. What one is Gillian? We met so many people. Gordon said. Gillian is Tabor's second wife the one mama thought was nice. Gaberial is the pretty one with long yellow hair. You couldn't stop talking about her coffee. "Yes the one that shut your mother up. Lifted her right off the ground. Where is she?" Fionia said I'll find her. Gaberial was in the kitchen fixing supper. "Hello mother don't get upset but Gordon's parents are here too. It's Alice's birthday I could tell them I couldn't find you." "Her birthday already, we didn't know, of course we knew. We have a present for her." Fionia said. Catch me up on her her grandparents want to take her out for a meal and let her have some wine. Gaberial said. The meal is going to have to wait till tomorrow. She does well in school and with her training. When her and Mabry have a good day they split a bottle of wine. She likes to go to Grabhow's they have darts and she can practice her bow waiting for a meal. She eats a big breakfast, a light lunch and a decent supper. She told Alice she's watching her figure. She's friendly with one of the guards he gives her pointers on her weapons. You had better clean up supper is almost ready. The woman started to sit. Alice said. It's not our turn yet maw maw, the king sits first then the men then as guest we sit. Gaberial started carrying out food. The woman said. You would think they could have servants to do that work. Alice said. She does most of the cooking that's her job. Uncle Mac helps run the country, Aunt Ashley runs the household the others have chores and duties the house runs well. Gordon said. We are taking you out tomorrow night for your birthday. Order anything you want and we'll go anywhere you want. "Can I invite a friend? He's very nice." Fionia said It's your day. Tell us about your school work. Alice said. Last week we went to the telegraph and learned orc talk. Richard caught on quick, nobody knows why orcs get it so quick. Richard said. It's the clicking like a drum beat. Gaberial said. Any more interruptions and it's five minutes. The man said. Young fellow you've finished one plate and started on another you eat a lot. Alice said. That's Uncle Hap he always eats more than anyone, Aunt Susan says he has a hollow leg. This week was all about maps and geography. We learned about roads and rivers. How long it takes for things to get from one place to another so you know how long to wait and the different city names. The woman said. Nothing about the dragons states where you are going to live, your people and queen? Alice said. That's next year along with the North Country, Western Continent and the Eastern Isles. Gaberial said. Children come help with dessert and coffee. Mabry carried out a big chocolate cake, Vicky and Richard carried out a white cake that said Happy Fifteenth. Gaberial brought out two pots of coffee. Louise said. Make a wish blow out the candles. Jack said. Now time for our presents, we didn't forget. Linda said. Look Mabry my first long sword with my name on the scabbard a matching dagger with my initals. Fionia said. Diamonds, rubies, sapphires and emeralds. It must have cost a fortune. Gennie said. Not that much we all chipped in. Hunter said Try it on. We wanted to get you a bow too but those things are hard to wrap and the arrows keep making holes in the paper. Linda said. About the same weight as my short sword a bit longer, I'll have to learn how to walk and use it. Gaberial said. I made a pant and shirt for you for tomorrow. It's not leather as you like but it should do.
Publication Date : 18/07/2019
Format : Softcover
Dimensions : 6x9
Page Count : 538
Return To Hallmark is about a family led by Gaberial in their pursuit to bring the world to peace. There are many sword fights, magic and dragons. The love of family along with it's problems are also dealt with.
Mr. Arnold was born in Baton Rouge, LA in 1958. He finished high school a year early and joined the navy at age 17. He served on a few ships as a boatswain mate. He now lives back in Baton Rouge with his mother and four dogs.
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