Throughout November, the BBC has been running a season of programmes championing 'Black and British'. It has been delving into the country's forgotten black history, questioning whether we'll ever have a black Prime Minister, asking people to nominate their #blackbritishhero on Twitter and celebrating Britain's black music scene.
Sometimes the nation's art can seem overwhelmingly white – both in subject and artist. Here at Art UK we want to share with you some of our favourite black and British artists from the nation's art collection.
The artists here all hail from relatively recent times, and have had a huge impact on the British art scene. They helped to put the work of black artists in the spotlight at a time when it was underrepresented, through forming collectives, working in collaboration and curating powerful exhibitions. Some of these artists have drawn on their heritage to make art that is explicitly political and confrontational; others have produced work completely separate from issues of race. Either way, the British art scene would undoubtedly be poorer without their contributions.
NB – this list is not intended to be definitive or exhaustive – if key artists are missing it is not because we've forgotten about them, but in the first instance we have limited our scope to those whose works appear on the Art UK site.
Alongside other major figures – notably Ronald Moody, Aubrey Williams and Uzo Egonu – Bowling was part of an influential group whose art came out of London in the decades following the end of the Second World War, and who set the stage for the further impact of black British art. After graduating from the Royal College of Art (in the same year as David Hockney), Bowling moved from his early figure paintings to work in abstract – because, he said, abstract painting isn't bound by colour or race.
As Bowling's canvases grew larger he would paint with them mounted to the walls or floor, and in the 1970s he adopted techniques including spilling, dripping and brushing – referring to his work as 'poured paintings'. There are currently 15 of Bowling's works on Art UK – a small fraction of his prodigious output – and looked at together in this way they are a wall of vibrant colour and brilliant abstraction, begging to be seen large, loud and proud.
While Bowling has distanced his work from questions of race, he has nevertheless been a trailblazer in the British art scene: his work Spreadout Ron Kitaj was the first painting Tate Britain ever bought from a living black artist; in 2005, Bowling became the first black British artist to be elected to the Royal Academy, and he is the recipient of an OBE.
The first black artist to win the Turner Prize, part of the Young British Artist movement in the 1990s, and no stranger to controversy: if you've heard of Chris Ofili then you may be immediately thinking of elephant dung, the Virgin Mary and offending the ex-Mayor of New York, Rudy Giuliani, before it was cool.
However, Ofili's work has evolved and changed significantly over the years. In a 2010 mid-career retrospective at Tate Britain, the Guardian reported that: 'There is no dung and no glitter. There are no richly collaged, jangling surfaces. Instead, in the last room in the exhibition, unexpected swathes of colour lash down the canvases: imperial purple dissonant against citrus orange, saffron squealing against sea green'.
The kind of cultural eclecticism we now, perhaps, take for granted can be traced back to the work of artists like Uzo Egonu, who were able to fuse Western and African styles in exciting ways, drawing on the heritage of different cultural traditions to create something new.
Curator and artist Rasheed Araeen described Uzo Egonu as '…perhaps the first person from Africa, Asia or the Caribbean to come to Britain after the War with the sole intention of becoming an artist'. While he lived in the UK from a young age, Egonu's work continued to reflect his West African heritage, and in 1977 he was among a group of black artists and photographers whose work represented the UK at the 'Second World Festival of Black Arts and African Culture' in Lagos.
Elected to the Royal Academy just this year, Sonia Boyce's work has often dealt with themes of race and gender: a visual representation of her experiences being a black woman living and working in Britain. She has worked in mediums including photography, collage, film, prints, drawings, installations and sound, and in 1988 became the first British-based black artist to have a show at the Whitechapel Gallery.
Boyce's work, together with the art and curation of Lubaina Himid (below) caused artist and writer Errol Lloyd to exhalt: 'For the first time in Britain black women artists are exhibiting together'.
An important figure in the emergence and development of black artists in Britain in the 1980s, Himid established a reputation as a curator of black artists' exhibitions, both gender and non-gender specific.
Himid's work Between the Two my Heart is Balanced, while painted in 1991, perhaps has particular poignancy today, with its depiction of migrants crossing oceans. There is a sense of connection with journeys undertaken from Africa: Himid's work has often emphasised the contribution of African migrants to the development of European culture – reflective of the fact that Himid herself was born in Tanzania and moved to England shortly after.
The influential Wolverhampton-based BLK Art Group featured several members whose names are on this list – among them Rodney, Keith Piper and Lubaina Himid – alongside other contemporaries including Eddie Chambers, Ian Palmer and Marlene Smith (not featured as their work is not on Art UK).
Along these other members of the BLK Art Group, Rodney was instrumental in pushing for greater representation of black art in Britain. The group's campaigning saw the landmark exhibition 'The Other Story' staged at Hayward Gallery in 1989. Featuring contemporary artists of African, Caribbean and Asian ancestry, the show revealed how these artists had been marginalised in the West and is described by the Tate as 'a key moment in the British black arts movement'.
Art UK features one of Rodney's early works – How the West was Won – a satire of the film bearing the same name. The white man's grotesque grin, in broad, bright brushstrokes leaves us in no doubt as to the message Rodney is sending. His work was always deeply political and confrontational: his piece Doublethink featured shelves of gold trophies with racist slurs engraved on them, such as 'Black sportsmen have low IQs' and 'Black culture cannot make any important achievements'.
Yiadom-Boakye described her works to the New York Times as 'suggestions of people…They don't share our concerns or anxieties. They are somewhere else altogether'.
Along with his contemporary Donald Rodney (above), Keith Piper made waves in the 1980s art scene. His first solo show was held at the Black Art Gallery in Finsbury Park, and he subsequently underwent a development of style – from a largely painting, collage and print-based practice to use of mixed media and installation and utilisation of technology – helped by the arrival of affordable computers.
Tam Joseph is another artist who has resisted attempts to pigeonhole his work as being only about issues of race, commenting ahead of the exhibition 'This is History' that: 'I wasn't trying to develop a distinctly black art. I was trying to develop myself as a person, through my art…' – and indeed, he doesn't quite sit with the other leading characters from the black art movement of the 1980s.
Nevertheless, one of Joseph's best-known works – which features on Art UK – is his 1983 painting UK School Report, an indictment of the racial stereotyping the artist saw in British schools.
Another largely abstract artist to grace this list, Winston Branch was marked out early as one to watch, with his work shown in galleries such as the Art Lab, the crypt of St Martins-in-the-Fields and the Roundhouse by the time he graduated from the Slade. Branch has lived and worked across Europe and the USA and was recently a key part of the Guildhall Gallery's 'No Colour Bar' exhibition, where his three featured paintings hung at the entrance to the exhibition.


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Love & Hip Hop Hollywood Season 2: Episode 7 Recap
Filed to:Featured
VH1 screenshot
Maaaaaaaaaaaaaaan listen.
I don't even have a good lead in for this episode except that all I kept seeing in my mind when Miles told Amber that he was bisexual was this:
That was effectively Amber's reaction. But let's back up for a bit. When we last left our unsuper villain, Miles, he was at the therapists office spilling his guts about his new boo Milan and this past life where he had done deceivededed Amber and been leading her on. So the White Savior (the therapist, I can't remember her name) asks him if he's ready - he is but he ain't - and then Amber and her weave, which really constitutes an entirely additional cast-member, saunter in and sit down under the guise of talking about their romantical issues, which have gone the way of Teairra Marie's career.
THEY GONE!
Anyway, in a very serious and nervous moment, Miles sits her down and tells her that he's had feelings for men for quite some time. Amber loses her shit. Like completely. Like run out the house and lay down on the sidewalk lose her shit. And to be fair, I imagine hearing some news that you did not want to believe to be true, be true might crush you.
But before she does that, she confronts Miles and he goes all Thomas Shepherd from Above The Rim on that ass. Which is a pun. I totally did not intend it. One thing we've learned about Miles is that he's a runner.
Another pun.
Miles never saw a situation he wanted to deal with so he walks his bum ass right into the bathroom. Oh, the Thomas Shepherd reference? He's Leon's character in the movie who was never quite the same after his man Nutso jumped off a roof - to his obvious demise - trying to touch a higher spot on the ROOFTOP BASKETBALL's backboard. I know it's NYC and rooftop basketball courts are more common than they aren't, but the last thing I'm finna do is try to sky TOWARDS the ledge. Point is, Shepherd is a runner from all of his problems. And likes to play basketball with no ball. Never mind, this ain't about Above The Rim.
Back to LHH and Amber's disbelief. She's out there in the street being held down/consoled by show producers and key grips. She cannot believe it though apparently she's been hearing that he's gay for her entire life and always defended him because folks in love see what they want to see. Message! Amber doesn't want to see him, though she has questions, which mostly works for Miles since he's too busy hiding his head in the sand anyway. White Savior Lady talks to Amber and calms her down a bit, though Amber is in full fuck the world mode. She gon' talk, y'all!! Amber - who is off the sidewalk and in the SUV - is able to leave and say that she loves Miles (if I remember correctly). Miles is back inside on the couch and regrets telling her.
Truth be told, and white lady hit the nail on the head, Amber can't believe he did it like this, but there was never going to be a right time to have that convo. This is part of what upsets Amber but even she has to concede that point. Miles is in there upset and in his feelings and realizes that he's gon' have to tell his family. And he tells his two sisters first who espouse every single anti-gay cliche possible.
No morals. Do you not believe in God? "Make better choices, Miles!"
Poor Miles. I'm sure he feels much better about his decision to live freely by now, but gotdamn, its hard out here to be free when your own family is trying to make you feel like you failed at life. You know, the sucky part about telling people something that is personal and private to you that affects their lives is that you KNOW the minute they're not in front of you they're telling EVERYBODY. I wouldn't be surprised if Amber hit her biggest GroupMe chat group and said, "MILES IS GAY HE JUST TOL ME I LUV HIS WUT AM I WHO IS FABOLUS AND THAT BADDEST BITCH POSED TO DO NOW THATS NOT HOW ITSPOST TO BE I LIKE OMARION HE MAKES GOOD SONGS BUT MILES DUZNT CUZ HE LIED TO ME HEHEHE MARK MORRISON HEHEHEHE IM SO SAD HE GAY GIRLS TELL EVERYBODY"
I'm also sure everybody else in that chat got together in a separate one and coordinated a two word reply that simply said: "we know"
Amber went and talked to her grandmother who knew Miles was gay too. Apparently Amber was the only person in LA who didn't Miles was gay. No wonder she feels lied to, she's been lying to herself. Message.
Speaking of liars. Ray and Teairra meet up at their spot on some ledge at some canyon in some town. Ray ain't shit. But when he's right, he's right. He rightly calls Teairra out on her bullshit play to sabotage what he and Princess had on pretending to be Princess's friend in order fuck her over. Teairra does that mumble over your lies shit niggas do when they're lying and are trying to talk their ways into a plausible lie. Yeah, it ain't work. Ray saw through it as did anybody. Teairra IS a terrible person. She WAS a horrible person to Princess. And she knows it, even if she's trying to pretend like its all part of the game.
Teairra needs Jesus.
Kind of like Nia and Soulja Boy. Soulja is an idiot. Nia is an idiot for trying to be with that idiot and accepting all of his fuckery…which she has. My man told us that he's worth $25 million though as a means of saying he doesn't need her shit, which in an odd way, is kind of true. Except, you put there there dumbass. She's there because of you. Y'all both need to spend some time apart. He's gonnna keep fucking chicks left and right and has realized, smartly, that friends are off limits. Why it took that long is beyond me, but hey, a lesson learned is a lesson learned according to Jesus.
(That might not be according to Jesus.)
Fizz drops some knowledge on Max Lux about wearing his ring that he listens to and buys new rings for he and his pint-sized insanity meter. I kind of hate them. Let's move on.
In the ODDEST part of the episode, Nikki, who seems to insert herself into EVERYBODY else's business for no good damn reason, goes to some type of store event held by Nas to confront her about…hmm…I actually forgot about what to be honest. It almost doesn't matter because these two yamps pick up drinks and before a drink can get thrown…
…Nas is throwing up all over the place. Multiple times. They couldn't even throw drinks (I'm pretty sure because of this, they missed their quota, though the Amber-sidewalk-breakdown probably counts towards their numbers) because of her upset stomach, which I have to admit, I did not see coming. At all.
Which was disgusting. Which warranted quite a few "what's happening right now?" texts.
Love and Hip Hop Hollywood is happening right now.
(Also, I didn't stay up for the "Out in Hip Hop" special because it was past my bedtime and also because this is nothing new in hip-hop.)

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


Air Algérie is the national airline of Algeria, established on 15 March 1947, headquartered in Algiers, Algeria. The company flies to 69 destinations, has its hub in Houari Boumediene Airport.
Weight – 1free cabin bag of 10 Kg maximum weight and 5 Kg for ATR aircrafts.
Charges are incurred if exceeds size and weight limits.
Excess baggage fee of $5.50 (Inclusive GST) will be charged for each extra kilogram in excess of the limit of 15kg or $16.50 per piece if the size-limit 140 cm.
Africa (except Morocco and Tunisia): all classes – 40 kg.
Business & First – 40 kg.
Economy – 2 pieces of checked baggage up to 23 kg each.
Business & First – 3 pieces of checked baggage up to 23 kg each.
Special Charges are incurred. Registration & approval required.
The Handlebars have to be turned lengthwise along the frame, pedals other important parts must be taken separately and pressure of the tires decreased.
Must not exceed 23 Kg and dimensions must be up to 158 Cm.
Pets Allowed in cabin – dog, cat, bird or other domestic animal.
Charges: Algeria – China: 15 000 DZD, China – Algeria: 1 300 CNY, China - Africa 1 700 CNY / 78 000 MRO / 130 000 XOF.
If within 2 days, your luggage it is not found, you may submit a written claim.
Must be declared within 03 days after the aforesaid flight.


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Demarcus Dejuan Holland (* 2. März 1994 in Tyler, Texas) ist ein US-amerikanischer Basketballspieler.

Karriere
Holland spielte bereits an seiner High School in seiner Heimatstadt Tyler Basketball. Im Anschluss spielte er für die Longhorns der University of Texas at Austin. In seinem Sophomore-Jahr wurde er ins Big 12 All-Conference Defensive Team gewählt. Nachdem er im NBA-Draft 2016 unberücktsichtig blieb, spielte er zunächst ein Jahr in der Dominikanischen Republik für Plaza Fernando Valerio. Er nahm nach dem Tod seiner Großmutter danach eine einjährige Auszeit vom Basketball. Im Anschluss spielte er in der NBA G-League für die Farmteams der Los Angeles Lakers und der Los Angeles Clippers, die South Bay Lakers und Agua Caliente Clippers.

Holland wechselte danach zum ersten Mal nach Europa. Seine erste Station war der BC Nokia in der finnischen Korisliiga. Im Januar 2020 wurde er vom deutschen Bundesligisten Hamburg Towers verpflichtet. Bis zum Abbruch der Saison auf Grund der COVID-19-Pandemie in Deutschland kam er auf lediglich vier Einsätze für die Hansestädter. Im Anschluss wechselte er zum thüringischen Verein Science City Jena in die zweitklassige ProA. Er erlitt nach nur fünf gespielten Spielen einen Schienbeinbruch und fiel bis kurz vorm Ende der Hauptrunde aus. Insgesamt kam er auf 13 Einsätze bei den Thüringern. Im Mai 2021 wechselte er zum mosambikischen Verein Ferroviário de Maputo in die Basketball Africa League.

Weblinks
 Demarcus Holland – Spielerprofil auf der Webseite der University of Texas at Austin

Einzelnachweise

Basketballspieler (Vereinigte Staaten)
Basketballspieler (Dominikanische Republik)
Basketballspieler (Finnland)
Basketballspieler (Mosambik)
Basketballspieler (Hamburg Towers)
Basketballspieler (Medipolis SC Jena)
US-Amerikaner
Geboren 1994
Mann

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
Tag: Vietnam War
Vietnam Protests at New Jersey Universities
Dan Hamlin
For many, Princeton is a place of prestige and cultural and educational exceptionalism that only the best of the Ivy League can offer. A university such as this is on the cutting edge of tomorrow, where great minds assemble to become future presidents and Nobel laureates. Such has been Princeton's tradition since colonial times. From founders being founding fathers to multiple presidents, Nobel laureates, and world-renowned physicists, one would be remiss to say that Princeton is not one of the most important and influential schools in the United States, let alone the world. One also cannot overstate the importance of tradition at Princeton University. At a university showcasing James Madison as a notable alumnus on its website,[1]It is clear that Princeton is a place of prestige.
The 1960s and 70s are a particular time in American history where education and student activism became particularly important to the American public. Students were the loudest advocates for change during this time and serve as an excellent example of the value of students taking advocacy in their educational careers. Students in this time would protest in many different ways and about many different things. Issues that concerned students in the 1960s and 70s included civil rights campus issues and the war in Vietnam; these protests would look different at each university depending on the culture and the history of it. So, one would likely expect Princeton: a place of deep and rich American tradition, to be where liberal protest dies, especially in the late 1960s and early 1970s when such protests were well beyond the norm. However, this is not the case. During the Anti-Vietnam War movement, Princeton University experienced an explosion of support from students and faculty sympathetic to the movement. It even boasted its Students for a Democratic Society chapter, which garnered massive student support. However, as the movement got bigger and bigger, tradition started to derail the movement at Princeton University in favor of more modest ways to protest the War in Vietnam. Princeton University is one of New Jersey's most influential colleges and will provide enormously valuable insight into the Student protest movement in New Jersey, as it is representative of how long-established universities in New Jersey were impacted by the student protest movement. Whereas Rider University provided insight into how smaller less established universities in New Jersey were impacted by the movements, Princeton will illustrate "Established Universities" coped with the movement, illustrating how colleges impacted the broader movement.
Princeton University, where future leaders begin their journeys, was one of the earliest universities in New Jersey to speak outright against the war in Vietnam. Although the war in Vietnam began much earlier, in 1955, opposition to the war was minimal at best, and no sources spoke critically of the war. It was in 1962 that the evidence of discontent began to show. It was in April of 1962 that the School newspaper, The Daily Princetonian published an opinion piece about the war after the release of images of the conflict in Vietnam that Princeton began to show some opposition to the war. The article argues that "unless we base our policy on a response to the fundamental problems of the country and thus end the discontent on which the Communists thrive, we will see many more pictures of bodies in fields, ending only in an ignominious withdrawal from a country in which we will have forfeited the popular support without which victory is impossible. The article questions the need for American involvement at home; Americans face many more present dangers."[2]Here, one can see the Princeton students first asking questions about the war and the merit upon which America is involved as time goes on.
However, these questions become action. In the ensuing years, discontent at Princeton will begin to fester, on par with that of other Universities from across the nation.[3]However, on October 8th of 1965, Students for a Democratic society officially arrive at the Princeton campus, signaling a massive upgrade in student support for the Anti-war movement.[4]Despite the step forward, not all campus is united in this mission. Very early on, there were instances of resistance to SDS and increased support against the war in Vietnam. In December of 1965, an SDS banner saying "Even Princeton" was stolen, and at an SDS demonstration, "some came to heckle, some came to argue, some came to support," said the SDS chairman Johnathan M. Wiener. Wiener also later says how "unprecedented" the support has been, especially considering the "traditional Princeton apathy."[5]Later in early 1966, a conservative teach-in about American military strategy occurred, led by the Conservative club and directed by conservative faculty on campus.[6]These instances are undoubtedly reactionary to the more significant campus-wide attitudes but merit inclusion as they are evidence of Princeton's traditional values combatting this liberal movement on campus.
In 1966 the movement began hitting its stride as the protest became a standard fixture on campus. As the movement grew, students' voices grew. In a march 1966 article polling students about the issues they are most concerned about, the Anti-war protest polled near the top however was outshined by campus-related issues, such as food and living conditions.[7] While this says little about the student protest of the war in Vietnam, it reveals two critical things about Princeton at the time. Firstly, Princeton students were incredibly active on campus at this time, inspired by the enthusiasm caused by the Anti-war protest. Secondly, this shows that the most significant external issue to Princeton students was the war in Vietnam, suggesting growth in support for anti-war protests.
As protests grow and time progresses, and anti-movements grow, so too does student involvement in SDS. By May of 1968, SDS had grown to massive heights, leading The Daily Princetonian to raise the question, "SDS or UGA?" The UGA is the student government association elected by students and meant to represent the students. As the article reads, "There is no other strong political interest group on campus, and the UGA has proven itself to be an impotent governing body capable only of reacting to events and unable to cause creative change where change is needed. The SDS has easily and naturally taken over the vacuum in student leadership. There is now a genuine danger that relevant student issues and the entire student power concept will be identified with the SDS banner and that as these issues come of age, the SDS will increasingly be taken as the voice of the Princeton student body." This speaks to the incredible power that SDS had by 1968. This article suggests that SDS was the governing body of Princeton University at the time. As the article states there are "nearly 150 members and well over 200 sympathizers."8 making it the largest student organization on campus. This article illustrates the effect of the anti-war movement on Princeton university, as the SDS, an organization founded to oppose the war in Vietnam, has committed a quasi-coup of the student government, crippling their effectiveness. Princeton is fully invested, and SDS is at the peak of its power on campus. Nevertheless, this success is short-lived.
As students returned in the fall of '68, SDS had a significant setback. At a meeting about protesting the new student government in UGA, SDS had an ideological setback, causing a split into two camps. The "revolutionary" who intended on a walk-out at the UGA meetings, vs. the "Liberal politics" camp who decided for a more moderate course of action. The division "threaten[ed] to cripple the effectiveness of that organization and to interrupt the workings of the student-faculty Committee on the Structure of the University"[8]This ideological the split was the beginning of a slow and unceremonious decline in SDS's popularity on campus. This ideological split was one typical among SDS chapters as the organization progressed into more radical and less palatable avenues.[9]nevertheless, students at Princeton were still appalled by the War in Vietnam and continued protesting the war. However, with the ideological split, this came in different forms.
By April 1969, the radicals are performing more radical actions, fiercely attacking conservative opponents and blocking marine recruiters. These actions cause SDS to be seen as "not working against "the authorities" alone but against other students. This position cuts much of their sympathetic support."[10]SDS is losing traction at Princeton University, and campus life is becoming more volatile. What that does not mean, however, is that students' opinions on the war are changing. It is just saying that they disagree with the extreme methods of one organization. In fact, by this point, Princeton and its faculty are united in a front against the anti-war movement as evidenced by the history department's united efforts to publish an anti-war resolve and include it into their curriculum.[11][12]The splintered movement is a confusing time for Princeton university, as radical acts persist on campus, yet the anti-war movement continues to grow.
Just as Rider had severe reactions to the Kent State killings, Princeton, too, reeled from the national outcry. Over 900 students marched around campus in protest, eventually ending up at the Institute for Defense Analysis. A peaceful protest broke out, protesting the military presence on campus. At the same time, Faculty endorsed a strike of Princeton's involvement with the Department of Defense after the "senseless killing of four students at Kent State." Princeton deciding to cut ties with the military is a significant step for the University, as the government undoubtedly relied on Princeton's prestige to foster new and innovative military thinkers and ideas; an example of Princeton's prestige and culture influencing their protests, as very few other colleges can take this kind of meaningful action against the government, nor can students from many other universities find a place on campus to focus their anger.
Over the next few years and despite SDS's ideological split, the movement does not simmer. As more and more opposition against the Nixon administration occurred, the student body became more and more independent against the war in Vietnam, culminating in massive campus-wide strikes and walkouts in 1972. At this time, the Nixon administration was in the exaggeratedly long process of withdrawing troops, and at Princeton, the anger boiled into legitimate action. The April 20th, 1972 edition of The Daily Princetonian almost entirely talks about the organization of strikes and walkouts due to current events. Peace pamphlets are hung around campus, and important board members resign due to mounting pressure. A "Frivolous spring parade around campus turned into an anti-war protest" that raised around "300 students" marching around campus and breaking into smaller protests late at night. The campus was very active at this time. There are also mentions of a picketing schedule for the upcoming week.[13]after these sporadic instances of protest occurred for the remainder of the war until 1975; This is perhaps because the movement as a whole got bigger and became a national issue, one that was now in the halls of congress.[14]
Princeton is a trailblazing school, one where the undergrads move on to do monumental things post-graduation. This was no different in the late 60s and early 70s; however, the student body had more of a fire lit under them to get motivated—the student body at Princeton University was incredibly active during the Anti-war/social movements around the time of the Vietnam war. However, Princeton, having the tradition and strong minds, never reached the full extent of the protest and demonstrations as a more prominent school. So, as a result, Princeton was greatly affected by these movements, but never to the entirely extreme end that a school like Rutgers experienced.
[1] Princeton University Alumni, ed. "Notable Alumni." Princeton University.
https://princetoniana.princeton.edu/people/alumni/government-and-public-affairs.
[2] Slocombe, W. B. "The Political Side." The Daily Princetonian (Princeton, NJ), April 27, 1962. https://papersofprinceton.princeton.edu/princetonperiodicals/cgibin/imageserver.pl?oid=Princetonian19 620427-01&getpdf=true.
[3] Kennedy, Patrick D. "Reactions against the Vietnam War and Military-Related Targets on Campus: The University of Illinois as a Case Study, 1965-1972." Illinois Historical Journal 84, no. 2 (1991): 101–18. http://www.jstor.org/stable/40192359.
[4] The Daily Princetonian (Princeton, NJ). "Liberal Activist Group to Open Local Chapter." October 4, 1965. https://papersofprinceton.princeton.edu/princetonperiodicals/cgibin/imageserver.pl?oid=Princetonian19 651004-01&getpdf=true.
[5] The Daily Princetonian (Princeton, NJ). "SDS Banner Tempts Thief, Draws Crowd." December 3, 1965. https://papersofprinceton.princeton.edu/princetonperiodicals/cgi-bin/imageserver.pl?oid=Princetonian19 651203-01&getpdf=true.
[6] Durkee, Robert. "Conservatives Stress Military Victory: Teach-ins Urges Vietnam Action." The Daily Princetonian (Princeton, NJ), January 7, 1966. https://papersofprinceton.princeton.edu/princetonperiodicals/cgi-bin/imageserver.pl?oid=Princetonian19 660107-01&getpdf=true.
[7] Miller, Damon. "Student Protests: What Are the Issues?" The Daily Princetonian (Princeton, NJ), March 11, 1966.
[8] Balfor, Richard. "SDS Walk-out Threatens Structure Committee." The Daily Princetonian (Princeton, NJ), October 2, 1968. https://papersofprinceton.princeton.edu/princetonperiodicals/cgi-binimageserver.pl?oid=Princetonian196 81002-01&getpdf=true.
[9] Isserman, Maurice, and Michael Kazin. America Divided: The Civil War of the 1960s. New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2000.
[10] Buckner, Bruce. "Campus Braces for Upcoming Radical Action." The Daily Princetonian (Princeton, NJ), April 23, 1969. https://papersofprinceton.princeton.edu/princetonperiodicals/cgi-bin/imageserver.pl?oid=Princetonian19 690423-01&getpdf=true.
[11] Berkowitz, Ed. "Historians Circulate Anti-War Resolve." The Daily Princetonian (Princeton, NJ), October 2, 1969.
[13] The Daily Princetonian (Princeton, NJ), April 20, 1972. https://papersofprinceton.princeton.edu/princetonperiodicals/cgi-bin/imageserver.pl?oid=Princetonian19 720420-01&getpdf=true.
[14] Isserman, Maurice, and Michael Kazin. America Divided: The Civil War of the 1960s. New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2000.
Posted on January 20, 2023 Categories Research & CommentaryTags New Jersey, Student Protests, Vietnam WarLeave a comment on Vietnam Protests at New Jersey Universities
Orange Haze: Decade of Defoliation
Sean Foley
Its 1963. Imagine going off to fight a war in a foreign land, and being exposed to harmful chemicals intentionally dispersed by the invading country. American soldiers came home from the war, wanting to resume a 'normal' life. Many soldiers wanted to start a family. Consequently after the war, many infants were born with serious birth defects. The US National Academy of Sciences released data that showed a direct correlation between Agent Orange and birth defects. Sprayed extensively by the US military in Vietnam, Agent Orange contained a dioxin contaminant later found to be toxic to humans. In 1996, the US National Academy of Sciences reported that there was evidence that suggested dioxin and Agent Orange exposure caused spina bifida, a birth defect in which the spinal cord develops improperly. The US Department of Veterans Affairs' subsequent provision of disability compensation for spina bifida-affected children marked the US government's first official acknowledgement of a link between Agent Orange and birth defects. More recently by 2017, spina bifida and related neural tube defects were the only birth defects associated with Agent Orange.[1] Many might ask how this could happen to seemingly two healthy parents. When soldiers returned from Vietnam they were not the same people and wondered if those harmful chemicals had something to do with the health problems of their children.
The Vietnam War was a controversial period that consumed American society during the 1960's and 1970's. It has been noted that, "The Vietnam War wasn't some historical undercard match, it was actually a heavyweight championship fight; the United States just didn't realize it at the time."[2] For centuries the Vietnamese had fought to defend their homeland from foreign invaders. Whether it was the Mongol invaders led by Kublai Khan in the 13th century, Imperial Japanese during WWII, the French colonizers post-WWII, or the US which realized that if the French would no longer be able to maintain control, or impose its hegemony on the revolutionary Ho Chi Minh and the uprising Vietnamese they would soon fall to Communist control. After years of defending from invasions Vietnamese grew tired of constant invasion and strove for independence, and so many nationalistic countrymen and women got involved whether they wanted to or not. In 1954 Vietnamese fought and won their independence against the French at Dien Bien Phu, then proceeded to invade Laos and South Vietnam. However, these victories would set off an unprovoked chain reaction from unlikely enemies. From the beginning of the Vietnam War, the U.S. had exacerbated tensions in Indochina. The United States falsely adhered to the paradox of "nation-building" (the creation or development of a nation, especially one that has recently become independent)[3] and the "domino theory" (the theory that a political event in one country will cause similar events in neighboring countries, like a falling domino causing an entire row of upended dominoes to fall.)[4]. Operation Ranch Hand, a defoliation mission implemented under the Kennedy administration, consisted of planes being sent on said missions throughout Southeast Asia. The Air Force set out to destroy any foliage cover for the Viet Cong or National Liberation Front (NLF). By doing so, they sprayed the 'rainbow herbicides' labeled as such because of the colorful barrels in which they were shipped and stored. Agent Orange, or 2,4,5-T otherwise known as dioxin was the most harmful herbicide dispersed which led to untold detrimental health effects upon the environment as well as to humans. This paper will address and evaluate the use of Agent Orange and its effects specifically asking, how did the use of dioxin in Agent Orange affect U.S. veterans and their families, as well as those living in Vietnam? This is important because of the countless sacrifices and tragedies that occurred. This story is worth being told because it is not a mainstream narrative. Future generations need to understand what went on during the darker periods of US history. Controversial elements came about as a result of this war such as a severely damaged economy and extremely low morale of the US. Agent Orange was an unconventional toxic chemical that the U.S. used for nearly a decade during the Vietnam War throughout Indochina, and made it harder for US veterans to assimilate back into civilian life.
The Vietnam Veterans
The veterans that served in the Vietnam War are often portrayed by the American public as rag-tag individuals who fit the 'Rambo' trope during the war effort. However, through research and extensive interest, reconsideration of the typical Vietnam veteran has sparked an enlightening reality check. Most American soldiers who returned home from WWII were acknowledged as war heroes in the US. The homecoming was very different for most Vietnam veterans. They came back to find the US torn apart by debate over the Vietnam war. There were no victory parades or welcome-home rallies. Most Vietnam veterans returned to a society that did not seem to care about them, or that seemed to view them with distrust and anger.[5]
During the course of this process, I interviewed a Vietnam veteran Sgt. Jim McGinnis. He indicated to me that the average age of the Vietnam enlisted soldier was nineteen years old. Socioeconomically, most came from lower to middle class working families. The majority of this cohort of soldiers often saw action. There were no differences among racial or ethnic groups that were found for either service in the Vietnam theater or exposure to combat. However, those who served in Vietnam with less than a high school education at the time of entry into military service were three times as likely to see heavy combat as those with college educations. And those who were less than twenty years of age at the time they went to Vietnam were twice as likely to be exposed to heavy combat as compared to those aged thirty-five years or older.[6]
Black, White, Hispanic, and Asian Americans were all races that were represented within the U.S. Armed Forces. An estimated 5,000 to 7,000 women served in Vietnam. [7] "Approximately 80 to 85 percent of male Vietnam veterans were white, 10 to 12 percent black, and the remaining Hispanic or other. Of those surveys that provided comparison groups, there were no differences in the racial composition of Vietnam era veterans compared to those who did not serve in Vietnam during the Vietnam era."[8] Those lucky enough to return home were not given the warm hero's welcome they had hoped. Rising inflation from war costs caused a whole plethora of domestic issues. This divided the nation with public distrust towards the government especially in light of the 1971 exposure of the declassified Pentagon papers from New York Times journalist Daniel Ellsberg, a whistleblower. These harsh realities were a wake-up call for many Vietnam veterans and American citizens who had been caught up in the theater of war, or were exposed to the bitter truth.
The soldiers were stuck between anti-communist sentiment and toxic nationalism in the highest regard. Many soldiers were misguided being bamboozled with propaganda. This false sense of security believing that they were fighting a winnable war, and the illusion of control echoed throughout the highest command. Barry Weisberg earned a Juris Doctorate and a Ph.D. He passed away in August, and was known as an activist, teacher, and scholar. Weisberg states, "This racism- anti-Black, anti-Asiatic, anti-Mexican- is a basic American attitude with deep historical roots and which existed, latently and overtly, well before the Vietnamese conflict." Being that the United States government refused to ratify the Genocide Convention is proof of this notion. American soldiers use torture on the Vietnamese. One such torture was the "field telephone treatment"[9], they shoot unarmed women for nothing more than target practice, they kick wounded Vietnamese in the genitals, they cut ears off dead men to take home for trophies. "In the confused minds of the American soldiers, "Viet Cong" and "Vietnamese" tend increasingly to blend into one another. They often say to themselves, "The only good Vietnamese is a dead Vietnamese," or what amounts to the same thing, "A dead Vietnamese is a Viet Cong."[10]. Clearly, there was racism in the ranks of the soldiers. This caused indifference to who or what was the enemy in Vietnam. This deeply rooted racism stood at the foothills of most American conflicts. Agent Orange is a prime example of the complete disregard for human life and the ecosystem, and the soldiers fighting this unpopular war will only feel that hate and distrust when they come back home as enemies rather than heroes.
More than Scars & Trauma
The veterans brought home more than just physical scars and psychological trauma. Many male soldiers discuss the hardships especially those affected by Agent Orange and their faulty reproductive capabilities. Reagan states, "When male veterans took biological responsibility for their children's birth defects, they shifted the blame that mothers had traditionally endured, first to themselves and then to the US government and chemical corporations. For men to claim publicly their biological responsibility for birth defects and for pregnancy loss, and to express guilt was unprecedented." Historically, children born with birth defects had long been regarded as the fault of the mothers who gave birth to them. However, the roles were reversed after the war. "Male veterans, American and Vietnamese alike, insisted that they, as fathers, were responsible for the malformation of their children's bodies. Male biological responsibility could be traced back to the herbicides that had been sprayed upon them as soldiers; and that they had splashed through, breathed, eaten and drunk from creeks and rivers. In claiming reproductive responsibility, they broke gender norms that blamed women and required men to hide their own grief about both war and children."[11] This was a big step for breaking traditional gender norms often thought of as the stereotypical scapegoats that women had endured for years prior. After the war male's assumed responsibility for exposure to Agent Orange and resulting birth defects.
The assimilation back into civilian life became more difficult for the American veterans due to the painful effects of the Agent Orange symptoms. "The extent to which these herbicides affect their unintended target is unknown. But the indications are that virtually every aspect of the organic fabric is affected in some way." Weisberg claimed that herbicides can affect people through eating contaminated foods, drinking poisoned water, breathing contaminated air or by direct skin contact. "The results have been described by a Vietnamese: Those who were in the sprayed area found it difficult to breathe, stay awake, got fevers and became thirsty. These symptoms occurred mostly in older people and pregnant women. Many vomited and had colic type pains. Others had muscle paralysis and became numb around the hands and feet." There were other symptoms such as the loss of hair, pains in the heart area, pains in the back, and bleeding in the esophagus reported by Vietnamese. "Those who were directly exposed to the poisonous chemicals had red rashes and blistering skin. Women's menstrual cycles have been effected and many cases of miscarriage have been reported."[12] These described side effects were troubling and a cause for concern in various local Vietnamese communities.
Many Vietnam veterans were exposed to Agent Orange. There was consensus from the American public that these veterans had been unfairly treated and neglected. Agent Orange contained a group of chemically-related compounds that are persistent environmental pollutants made up of carbon, oxygen, hydrogen, and chlorine atoms that poisoned US troops as well as Vietnamese people and the land. "The attention brought some scrutiny to such crucial issues as the massive use by U.S. forces of Agent Orange, a dioxin with extraordinary levels of toxicity that poisoned thousands of American veterans along with the land and people of Vietnam. There was also some recognition of the inadequacy of medical, psychological, and educational benefits for veterans. Then, too, as posttraumatic stress disorder entered the nation's vocabulary, people began to associate it with a list of very real and disturbing symptoms- depression, flashbacks, nightmares, anxiety, extreme mood swings, anger, paranoia, emotional numbing, and so on." [13] Soldiers with PTSD brought attention to the effects of Agent Orange use during the war.
Personal narratives demonstrate the impact of Agent Orange and Dr. Le Cao Dai's perspective is illuminating. Dr. Dai was a Vietnamese doctor who conducted research on the medical effects of exposure to Agent Orange in the Vietnamese population. He worked at the Red Cross office in Hanoi where he ran the Agent Orange Victims Fund. Appy fully captures firsthand accounts of the war in Vietnam from multiple perspectives and angles, giving a detailed overall chronicling of the war. Dr. Dai's intentions were to find out more of the effects of the herbicide, however it was extremely expensive to actually test for dioxin levels in patients. Dr. Dai died in 2002, a year before Appy published his book. Another primary source in Patriots reveals the experience of Jayne Stancavage, the daughter of a U.S. 48 year old sailor in the Navy who died in Vietnam. One of the doctors "off the record" explained that his death had been partly due to exposure to Agent Orange. The family took part in the class-action suit against Dow Chemical and other manufacturers of Agent Orange. Jayne describes her childhood with her father being mostly absent, or haunted from the atrocities experienced in war. "He tried to stay, but he would just hide on the back porch because he was afraid that they were going to get him. He never explained who "they" were. He said once, "the little people." I'd never seen him afraid of anything before. He was just a shadow of himself. It was as though someone else had replaced my dad, as though a cog wasn't catching right in a chain, just slipping and slipping." The mental strain manifested into physical problems. He had become terminally ill with cancer. While in the veterans' hospital he was being treated by a Vietnamese-American doctor which terrified him. "He tried to get out of the bed and hide. I just want to know what happened, what really happened, and feel like it isn't going to happen again so blindly. The government figures their responsibility ends when they hand you the folded-up flag."[14] Narratives such as these delve into the hardships that made it almost impossible to assimilate into civilian life.
The strategic hamlets many Vietnamese were subjected to were less than ideal and segregated families as well as tore their culture to shreds. "We know about these camps from numerous witnesses. They are fenced in by barbed wire. Even the most elementary needs are denied: there is malnutrition and a total lack of hygiene. The prisoners are heaped together in small tents or sheds. The social structure is destroyed. Husbands are separated from their wives, mothers from their children; family life, so important to the Vietnamese, no longer exists." As a result of families being torn apart, the birth rate drops; any likelihood of religious or cultural life is subdued. People were denied the opportunity to work to remain independent. "These unfortunate people are not even slaves; they are reduced to a living heap of vegetable existence. When, sometimes, a fragmented family group is freed- children with an elder sister or a young mother- it goes to swell the ranks of the subproletariat in the big cities; reaching the last stage of her degradation in prostituting herself to the GIs."[15] Most Vietnamese were backed into a corner with very little option to make a living when their homes were destroyed or they were forced into the strategic hamlets.
Agent Orange: Herbicidal Warfare
The United States government authorized the use of Agent Orange in 1961. The president at the time was John F. Kennedy, and he understood what the soldiers were facing in terms of guerilla warfare. Initially, he limited the troops to Special Forces trained in guerilla warfare. However, those troops were still overwhelmed and unprepared to deal with the Vietnamese. The President approved the National Security Action Memorandum No. 115, Defoliant Operations in Vietnam in which states, "The President has approved the recommendation of the Secretary of State and the Deputy Secretary of Defense to participate in a selective and carefully controlled joint program of defoliant operations in Vietnam starting with the clearance of key routes and proceeding thereafter to food denial only if the most careful basis of resettlement and alternative food supply has been created."[16] Historians often portray Kennedy and his cabinet as rational and level headed administrators, but the administration promoted the adoption of a weapon that ultimately proved militarily ineffective and politically disastrous. Agent Orange was the most commonly used herbicide sprayed under Operation Ranch Hand by the US military. "Operation Ranch Hand had two primary objectives: defoliation of trees and plants to improve visibility for military operations, and destruction of essential enemy food supplies." It is important to understand that Agent Orange was used to poison the Vietnamese food supply. This action not only impacted the enemy but the civilian population as well. "Targets for defoliation by Ranch Hand included base camps and fire support bases (specifically constructed sites for storage of artillery in support of combat operations), lines of communication, enemy infiltration routes, and enemy base camps. Clearance of these areas improved aerial observation, opened roads to free travel, and hindered enemy ambush."[17] The war was fought in dense jungles that allowed the VC to ambush and then hide. The thick vegetation enabled the VC to hide in underground tunnels so that they could attack at will. Unfortunately many veterans were exposed to the carcinogenic effects of Agent Orange, and the harmful effects of Agent Orange made it difficult for veterans to revert back to civilian life.
For nearly a decade the US military began initializing defoliation spraying missions to use their superior technology to combat the dense jungles of Southeast Asia. "Twelve million gallons of Agent Orange were sprayed on Vietnam; five million acres of forest killed. At the time, Vietnamese doctors and newspapers reported an unusual number of malformed stillborn babies, but the US government dismissed these reports as communist propaganda and reiterated that the herbicides were harmless.". Veterans worldwide soon suspected that Agent Orange caused not only chloracne – the rashes and open sores – but also their cancers, respiratory diseases, early deaths and painful reproductive experiences. [18]
There were dichotomous viewpoints that contradicted much of the US policymakers decisions. "The first two represent a failure by war planners to grapple with the political and military realities of their counterinsurgency efforts in Vietnam. The last, however, is more complicated. In hindsight, it seems absurd to believe that policymakers could separate the "physical person" of the enemy or, for that matter, of civilians from the physical environment in which they lived. How could the sprays being used to defoliate forests and destroy rice crops and fruit trees be considered any more separable than civilians and combatants in a guerilla war?"[19] Vietnamese livelihood largely depended on agriculture and farming. To separate and destroy civilians' livelihood and land genuinely believing that Operation Ranch Hand will win over the 'hearts and minds' of Vietnamese seemed irrational and counterproductive.
Military advisers closely worked with top scientists to develop ground clearing formulas. As historian David Zierler identifies, this latter issue marked a paradigm shift about the use of chemicals in a military context: "Whereas early research in plant growth manipulation required a cognitive leap to shift the field from growth promotion to weed killing, the idea that herbicides could become a military weapon necessitated a similar reorientation of the social function of plant physiology in a time of total war. Just as the idea to favor herbicides over growth promoters required new ways to unlock the potential of biochemistry, so did the notion of herbicidal warfare require innovative thinking about national security and the environmental dimensions of battle." There was no distinction between military and civilian herbicides. Chemical companies worked closely with scientists and the military. This collaboration of research allowed for the development, and testing of a variety of chemicals that had potential military uses.[20] These innovative approaches inspired many in Washington to reconsider traditional viewpoints of warfare. The mindset of these policymakers and military officials forced many to reassess the particular parameters of warfare. The use of herbicides was a rather new biological aspect of unorthodox warfare.
After the US realized that these chemicals had harmful effects on the environment and humans those in Washington needed to cover their tracks. "In October 1969, the Department of Defense restricted the use of Agent Orange to areas remote from populations. This action was prompted by a National Institutes of Health report that 2,4,5-T could cause malformations and stillbirths in mice." By the end of the 1960's the US government became aware of the harmful effects of dioxin. The US accumulated scientific data proving Agent Orange caused birth defects in newborns of Vietnam War veterans. "In December 1969, the American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS) declared that recent research showing that 2,4-D and 2,4,5-T could cause birth deformities in experimental animals supported the conclusion that 2,4,5-T posed a probable health threat to humans."[21] It was not until the early 1970's that the US banned the use of herbicides. At this point, the damage was far reaching and impacting a generation on those who unknowingly participated in the Vietnam theater. "According to DOD records, on February 12, 1971, MACV further announced that herbicides would no longer be used for crop destruction in Vietnam, and the last fixed-wing herbicide-dispensing aircraft was flown. […] The last U.S.-authorized helicopter herbicide operation was flown on October 31, 1971. (NAS, 1974)."[22]
Near the end of the war the US had a huge stockpile of rainbow herbicides that needed to be disposed of. "In September 1971, the Department of Defense directed that all surplus Agent Orange in South Vietnam be removed and that the entire 2.2 million gallons be disposed of by an environmentally acceptable method. The 1.37 million gallons in South Vietnam was moved to Johnston Island, in the Pacific Ocean, for storage." The US Air Force researched how to properly dispose of the stockpile of Agent Orange. Some of the ideas for this disposal included incineration and burial. [23]
Agent Orange was also dispersed using backpacks and sprayers on a small-scale. In these areas no records were maintained by the military on its use. "According to official documents, the "small-scale use of herbicides, for example around friendly base perimeters, were at the discretion of area commanders. Such uses seemed so obvious and so uncontroversial at the time that little thought was given to any detailed or permanent record of the uses or results" (U.S. Army, 1972)." The Department of Defense used the same precautions that were used at the domestic level prior to the war. However, the DOD considered troop exposure to Agent Orange to be a low health hazard. [24] Agent Orange may have been discontinued before the war ended, however its lingering effects on Southeast Asia and veterans still remain.
Class Action Case: The Fight for Accountability
The veterans and their affected families filed a class action lawsuit against Dow, Monsanto and other chemical companies that produced the defoliant and sold it to the government. The families became involved whether they wanted to or not as many children of veterans were born with birth defects or underlying medical conditions due to their parent's tainted reproductive capabilities. "Their children, especially those who used wheelchairs or had 'skeletal deformities', had political value. If they gained attention and provoked pity, they might win the needed action. When the class-action lawsuit against Dow, Monsanto and the other chemical companies that produced Agent Orange for the US military began in 1979, one newspaper reported that, 'the spectators' gallery of the nondescript federal courtroom was jammed yesterday with playfully squirming children – one with a cleft lip, another with a misshapen hip and another with a congenital heart defect'." Vietnam Veterans Against the War, a non-profit organization assembled in Washington, DC in 1982, several hundred people rallied outside the White House to hear the speeches of mothers and wives of Agent Orange victims. "They then marched in a silent picket line and left photographs of American and Vietnamese children affected by Agent Orange for President Ronald Reagan. They wanted 'to remind him not only of what has happened in the past but what his policies can mean for the future.'" [25] The children affected by Agent Orange due to their parent's service could win hearts and minds by pity from politicians and the media as well as the American public five years after the war ended. This resulted in a plethora of unwanted flashbacks filled with grief and regret. The children affected were a constant reminder of the impacts of war which made it harder to assimilate back into civilian lives.
There was a lack of data showing that these chemical companies were responsible for the birth defects related to Agent Orange. "George Wald has suggested in this connection that companies such as Dow Chemical are in some sense as responsible for War Crimes as is the Military." [26] The accountability from chemical companies had been nonexistent until the veterans and their families started putting serious pressure on them. The veterans and the chemical companies ended up settling out of court on a $180 million settlement fund established for those affected by the herbicides. The Vietnamese would never see a penny of that settlement compensation. Years later, the Vietnamese worked with the US and several other countries to fund the clean up of hotspots where dioxin levels were highly concentrated such as Da Nang airport.
The Agent Orange Working Group was established in the 1980s by a group of international non-governmental organizations to support and research victims and veterans affected by the herbicide. In a memorandum to Secretary of Defense, Health and Human Services, Director of Management and Budget, as well as the administrator of Veterans Affairs stating, "Since 1981, the Agent Orange Working Group of the Cabinet Council on Human Resources has served to coordinate federal government activities concerning Agent Orange, a herbicide used in Southeast Asia. This group has now presented a status report to the Domestic Policy Council, describing some 155 studies which have been done, at a cost of $150 million, and a dozen other studies to be completed in the 1988-1989 period. It is important that the Administration continue the commitment to a full investigation of the effects of Agent Orange." [27] Veteran activists and the Agent Orange Working Group are prime examples of community members coming together to advocate for those who have sacrificed their lives and well-being for their country. This is a result of these groups coming together to advocate and aiming to resolve the legacy of Agent Orange and provide humanitarian assistance to Vietnamese war victims.
Ecocide in Indochina: Only we can Prevent Forests
The Ecocide in Indochina was an overshadowed controversy of outrage over the My Lai Massacre, the anti-war protests at home, and the war itself. Defoliation was a newly adopted method of warfare by the U.S. deemed effective for deforestation of the thick jungles of Southeast Asia, however Weisberg indicated that the defoliation spraying missions was going on before the US officially enacted the program.
Birth defects were beginning to correlate to the large amounts of herbicides being dropped in Southeast Asia. "Many international agreements seem applicable to Americans' involvement in Indochina. But the US still refrains from ratifying most of them, such as the 1925 Geneva Protocol against "asphyxiating, poisonous or other gases…" To date, some 84 nations have ratified that Protocol. And although the World Health Organization has condemned the use of herbicides and tear gas in warfare, as well as suggesting that 2,4,5-T was a "possible cause of birth defects in children," the United States continues to employ 2,4,5-T in Vietnam in complete disdain for possible pathological consequences, even when officially banned from use in Vietnam by Secretary of Defense David Packard on April 15, 1970: … in a quarter of a century since the Department of Defense first developed the biological warfare uses of this material (2,4,5-T) it has not completed a single series of formal teratological tests on pregnant animals to determine whether it has an effect on their unborn offspring." [28] These untested and unregulated chemicals were an indication that the military was not using traditional modes of warfare. By not conforming to global norms, the US was able to get away with a lot of heinous acts that were often considered chemical warfare also known as ecocide. Ecocide, a term that Weisberg coined when discussing herbicides effects on the ecosystem. The government's lack of transparency was evident throughout the Vietnam conflict. As a result, it made it harder for soldiers to buy into the system in which they served.
The ecological ramifications were not unforeseen during the decade of defoliants sprayed. The application of herbicides and other chemicals in Southeast Asia caused permanent environmental damage. This destruction also triggered changes in ecology that, many scientists believe, may irreparably reduce the once-fertile fields in Vietnam to dust bowls. "Lateralization, a process which occurs in tropical regions when the organic material and chemicals that normally enrich the soil are washed away because of lack of protective growth, thus resulting in a reddish soil which hardens irreversibility into a brick-like consistency upon exposure to sunlight, has begun in some areas in Vietnam." [29] This depletion of soil made it much harder for Vietnamese to cultivate the land, and return to an agrarian society.
War has featured growth in scope and scale as well as made communication more efficient. As early as WWI, war could no longer be contained to one area. It had to spread globally. Weisberg stated, "In 1967, this process was intensified. The ties of the "One World," on which the US wants to impose its hegemony, have grown tighter and tighter. For this reason, as the American government very well knows, the current genocide is conceived as an answer to people's war and perpetrated in Vietnam not against the Vietnamese alone, but against humanity." [30] The war displaced an entire ethnic group as a result making it nearly impossible to go back home and restart their lives.
Many years have passed since the Vietnam War ended. However, the residual effects of Agent Orange remain. "There is some evidence that even if the spraying were to be stopped now, the process of lateralization would likely continue for some time in the future. Fred H. Tschirley, assistant chief of the Crops Protection Research Division of the U.S. Department of Agriculture and former adviser to the U.S. The Department of State in an article entitled "Defoliation in Vietnam" in the February 21 issue of Science, wrote: Strips of mangroves on both sides of the Ong Doc River, sprayed with Orange in 1962, were of particular interest. The treated strips were still plainly visible. Thus, one must assume that the trees were not simply defoliated, but were killed… 20 years may be a reasonable estimate of the time needed for this forest to return to its original condition." [31] Today there is not a lot of evidence to support that the Ong Doc river has recovered almost 60 years later.
Conclusion: Uncertain Horizons…
In conclusion, this tumultuous period of US history is a reminder of what happens when the government puts policies over people. Not thought out policies and harmful effects from Agent Orange left a fragmented history and relationship with the US and its citizens as well as Vietnamese. American and Vietnamese soldiers had a much harder time reintegrating within their respective societies and cultures. This was partially due to Agent Orange's carcinogenic effects. Some of these effects left the soldiers on both sides with health issues that manifested itself and their children. Agent Orange remained as a reflection of the war crimes committed in Southeast Asia as a painful reminder of what the US and its allies did to a developing region of the world. Through dropping millions of dioxin chemicals otherwise known as rainbow herbicides in the forests of Vietnam, it impacted untold numbers of Vietnamese and U.S. Vietnam War veterans along with some of their children being born with birth defects or disabilities.
Ultimately the uses made by the U.S. were intended to destroy the thick vegetation of the jungle so the North Vietnamese and allied forces would not be able to use it any longer for cover and guerilla warfare tactics as well as to cut off their food supply. However, this not only diminished the forest, but any animals that came in contact were dead within days, and many of the Vietnamese who were exposed by it developed serious illnesses even years after the war, and some of their children inherited adverse health defects. However, not until decades after the war did the U.S. even acknowledge its actions and was held accountable for war crimes and ecocide in Southeast Asia resulting in several class-action court cases on the manufacturers of Agent Orange settlements and liability fees. For many Vietnamese and U.S. veterans the damage is already done, and no amount of money or chance of redemption will ever reconcile or redeem the war crimes and genocide committed.
Primary Sources:
336th Aviation Company Sprays a Defoliation Agent on a Jungle in the Mekong Delta- 7/26/1969
Agent Orange Working Group Memorandum
Appy, Christian G. Patriots: The Vietnam War Remembered from All Sides. London, UK: Penguin Books, 2004. Pgs. 138-141 & 532-33
National Security Action Memorandum No. 115 Defoliant Operations in Vietnam- 11/30/1961
Weisberg, Barry. Ecocide in Indochina; the Ecology of War. San Francisco, CA: Canfield Press, 1970.
Secondary Sources:
Reagan, Leslie J. "'My Daughter Was Genetically Drafted with Me': US-Vietnam War Veterans, Disabilities and Gender." Gender & History 28, no. 3 (November 2016): 833–53. doi:10.1111/1468-0424.12252/
Frey, R. Scott. "Agent Orange and America at War in Vietnam and Southeast Asia." Human Ecology Review 20, no. 1 (2013): 1–10. http://www.jstor.org/stable/24707567.
Martini, Edwin A. Agent Orange : History, Science, and the Politics of Uncertainty. Culture, Politics, and the Cold War. Amherst, MA: University of Massachusetts Press, 2012. https://search-ebscohost-com.rider.idm.oclc.org/login.aspx?direct=true&db=nlebk&AN=1245436&site=ehost-live&scope=site.
Gammeltoft, Tine M. "Potentiality and Human Temporality: Haunting Futures in Vietnamese Pregnancy Care." Current Anthropology 54, no. S7 (2013): S159–71. https://doi.org/10.1086/670389.
Appy, Christian G. Working-Class War: American Combat Soldiers and Vietnam. United States, NC: The University of North Carolina Press, 2000.
O'Brien, Tim. The Things They Carried. London, UK: 4th Estate, 2019.
Chou, Cecilia. "The Embryo Project Encyclopedia." Agent Orange as a Cause of Spina Bifida | The Embryo Project Encyclopedia, March 9, 2017. https://embryo.asu.edu/pages/agent-orange-cause-spina-bifida.
Home : Oxford English Dictionary. Accessed November 15, 2021. https://www.oed.com/.
Stilwell, Blake. "5 More of the Most Unconquerable Countries in the World." We Are The Mighty. We Are The Mighty, May 8, 2021. https://www.wearethemighty.com/mighty-history/more-impossible-to-conquer-countries/.
Bookshelf Institute of Medicine (US) Committee to Review the Health Effects in Vietnam Veterans of Exposure to Herbicides, "History of the Controversy over the Use of Herbicides," Veterans and Agent Orange: Health Effects of Herbicides Used in Vietnam. (U.S. National Library of Medicine, January 1, 1994), https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK236351/.
"Agent Orange/Dioxin History," The Aspen Institute, accessed December 7, 2021, https://www.aspeninstitute.org/programs/agent-orange-in-vietnam-program/agent-orangedioxin-history/.
Stapleton, John., Stapleton, William John. Agent Orange: The Cleanup Begins. UK: eBookit.com, 2013.
[1] Chou, Cecilia. "The Embryo Project Encyclopedia." Agent Orange as a Cause of Spina Bifida | The Embryo Project Encyclopedia, March 9, 2017.
[2] Blake Stilwell, "5 More of the Most Unconquerable Countries in the World," We Are The Mighty (We Are The Mighty, May 8, 2021).
[3] Oxford English Dictionary
[5] Christian Appy. Working Class War. Pg. 15
[6] NCBI Bookshelf. Demographics. Pg. 6
[9] The portable generator for a field telephone is used as an instrument for interrogation by hitching the two lead wires to the victim's genitals and turning the handle. (author's note.)
[10] Barry Weisberg. Ecocide in Indochina. Pg. 43
[11] Leslie Reagan. 'My Daughter was Genetically Drafted with me': U.S. Vietnam War Veterans, Disabilities, and Gender. Pg. 834
[12] Barry Weisberg. Ecocide in Indochina. Pgs. 19-20
[13] Christian Appy. Working Class War. Pg. 320
[14] Christian Appy. Patriots The Vietnam War Remembered From All Sides. Pgs. 532-533
[16] DocTeach. National Security Action Memorandum No. 115 Defoliant Operations in Vietnam. 11/30/1961
[17] NCBI Bookshelf. The U.S. Military and the Herbicide Program in Vietnam- Veterans and Agent Orange. Pg. 8
[18] Leslie Reagan. 'My Daughter Was Genetically Drafted with Me': US-Vietnam War Veterans, Disabilities and Gender. Pg. 833
[19] Edwin Martini. Agent Orange: History, Science, and the Politics of Uncertainty. Pg. 61
[21] NCBI Bookshelf. The U.S. Military and the Herbicide Program in Vietnam- Veterans and Agent Orange. Pg. 13
[22] Ibid. Pg. 13
[26] Barry Weisberg. Ecocide in Indochina. Pg. 6
[27] Edwin Meese. Agent Orange Working Group. Library of Congress
[28] Barry Weisberg. Ecocide in Indochina. Pgs. 2-3
Posted on February 13, 2022 February 13, 2022 Categories Lessons & ResourcesTags Agent Orange, Chemical Warfare, curriculum, Defoliation, Inquiry, Vietnam WarLeave a comment on Orange Haze: Decade of Defoliation
Student Take-Over at Columbia University
by Kyle Novak
A. Life was different at Columbia University in 1968. There was a war and a draft. There were ROTC drills on South Field, military and CIA recruiters on campus. The Civil Rights movement, led by the Black Panthers, captured students' imaginations. Dr. King had just been killed and the cities were in flames. You couldn't ignore all this.
B. On April 23, several hundred students gathered at the sundial on the Columbia campus to protest the Vietnam War because the university had a relationship with the Institute for Defense Analyses and supported other war related activities, such as ROTC drills on campus. The students were also outraged by the lack of sensitivities of black New Yorkers, as the University attempted to construct a gym that usurp a portion of Morningside Park and be accessible to neighboring Harlem residents mainly through an ignominious (embarrassing) back door.
C. By morning, African American students continued to occupy Hamilton, while other Columbia and Barnard students, mostly white, took over President Grayson Kirk's office in Low Library. Soon student protesters took over three other buildings—Fayerweather, Mathematics, and Avery. The protesters were demonized as ill-tempered and self-righteous radicals who resorted to militant disruption when other means of protest were still available. On April 30th, the New York City police arrested more than 700 protesters.
In Paragraph A, what couldn't be ignored at Columbia University?
According to Paragraph B, what groups led the protest on April 23?
What happened to the students in Paragraph C?
How were the students described in Paragraph C?
In your opinion, Is this an accurate description of the events? Why?
In your opinion, did the students act appropriately? If not, what could they have done differently?
Sources: http://www.columbia.edu/cu/computinghistory/1968/
http://www.columbia1968.com/history/#more
https://www.nytimes.com/2018/01/17/nyregion/columbia-university-1968-protests.html
NY Times: 300 protesting Columbia Students Barricade Office of College Dean (April 24, 1968)
A. Three-hundred chanting students barricaded the Dean of Columbia College in his office yesterday to protest the construction of a gymnasium in Morningside Park and a defense oriented program participated in by Columbia University.
B. The students say that construction of the gymnasium would be "racist" because it would deprive Negroes in the area of recreational facilities. The charge against the defense program, the Institute for Defense Analysis, was that it supported the war effort in Vietnam.
C. The protest, organized by the leftist Students for a Democratic Society, had the support of other Columbia campus groups. Representatives of several Negro organizations unrelated to Columbia joined the protest.
D. The protesters marched throughout the campus, where Mr. Mark Rudd addressed the group at the sundial. "We're going to have to take a hostage to make them let go of I.D.A and let go of the gym" he shouted.
What was occurring in Paragraph A?
According to Paragraph B, why were the students protesting?
What does Mark Rudd suggest in Paragraph D?
In your opinion, how would Civil Rights organizations impact the protest?
NY Times Editorial: Hoodlumism at Columbia (April 25, 1968)
The destructive minority of students at Columbia University, along with their not so friendly allies among community militants, have offered a degrading spectacle of hoodlum tactics-the exaltation of irresponsibility over reason. Whatever causes these students to claim to be supporting have been defiled by their vandalism.
The student action, organized by the extremist forces of the Students for a Democratic Society, sabotages that search for a constructive course. By turning down the administration's invitation to discuss their grievances and demands, the self-styled student leaders have shown their true purpose of disruption.
Massive student participation in the Presidential campaign has given a persuasive demonstration that young people can apply their political power in meaningful ways through legitimate and legal forms of expression. The students at Columbia and elsewhere, undermine academic freedom and the free society itself by resorting to such junta methods as wrecking the university President's office and holding administrators and trustees as hostages.
According to the editorial, what has vandalism done to the protest?
In Paragraph B, how does the editorial describe the Students for a Democratic Society?
In Paragraph C, how does the author characterize the student participation in the presidential campaign?
Do you agree or disagree with the editorial depiction of the student strike? Explain.
NY Times: Columbia Halting Work on its Gym (April 26, 1968)
Columbia University announced early this morning that it's halting work on the gymnasium that had set off a student protest. It also said it was closing the university until Monday, and was postponing and police action on campus. Despite the announcement students remained in the buildings they had occupied.
Yesterday afternoon, Dr. Grayson Kirk, the university president, refused to grant demonstrating students their key demand- an amnesty covering all participants in the protest, which is primarily directed against the construction of a new gymnasium in Morningside Park.
Complicating efforts to end the campus dispute was a split between Negro students holding Hamilton Hall and white students led by the Students for a Democratic Society holding the other three buildings and conducting picketing.
Student leaders and university sources said that although the objectives of the two groups were largely similar, they had broken over tactics, with the Negroes advocating more militancy than the whites were prepared to accept.
According to Paragraph B, what did Dr. Kirk refuse to grant?
What is complicating efforts to end the dispute based off the information in paragraph C?
In your opinion, why did Dr. Kirk not want to grant amnesty to the protesters?
How do you think the student groups were able to continue the protest for several days despite having different tactics?
Times Editorial: Citadel of Reason (April 29, 1968)
A. It was apparent from the start that the youthful junta which has substituted dictatorship by temper tantrum for undergraduate democracy neither cared about nor has received support from the majority of students. That isolated it from even the shadow of moral right to demand amnesty for its irresponsibility.
B. But Columbia's slowness to do what it is now doing should not permit the rebels slogans to obscure the facts underlying the present test. The university administration offered to discuss all grievances with the dissidents before they staged their coup.
What is the definition of "junta" in paragraph A?
What is the opinion of the author in paragraph A?
According to paragraph B, How did the university attempt to address the protesters?
In your opinion, is this excerpt biased? Provide evidence supporting your opinion.
NY Times: 1,000 Police Move onto Columbia Campus to Oust Students (April 30, 1968)
As the hour for the police assault approached, tension mounted sharply on the campus as groups of students held informal meetings. At 1:45am, when word reached Mathematics building that "a bust" or police raid, was imminent, student demonstrators began strengthening their barricades and girding themselves for the assault. The police commanders were said to be carrying written instructions from Police commissioner Howard R. Leary to use necessary force but to show restraint in their handling of the students. The police acted in response to a request from the administration of the university it was understood. Under normal procedure, the police would take no action on the campus, which is private property, unless formally authorized to do so by university officials.
Question: In your opinion, should police have been called to oust the student demonstrators? Explain.
What is happening in the photo?
Based on the description above and the photo, would you have participated in the take-over if you were a student at Columbia?
How long did the protest last?
What is the definition of "amnesty" on April 27?
In your opinion, did school administrators and the the police act appropriately on April 30th? Why or why not?
Tuesday April 23 Noon: SDS sundial rally2:00 pm: Sit-in begins in Hamilton Hall, Dean Henry Coleman restrained by students2:50 pm: 6 Demands formulated, students refuse to leave until demands are met
Wednesday April 24 6:15 am: Students break into Low Library3:30 pm: Dean Coleman released8:00 pm: Administration makes unsuccessful compromise offer
Thursday April 25 2:00 am: Fayweather Hall occupied by Students4:00 pm: Ad Hoc Faculty Group, first proposals to end demonstrations8:00 pm: Strikers reject Ad Hoc Faculty proposals
Friday April 26 1:05 am: Mathematics Hall occupied by Students3:20 am: Gym construction suspended, police action cancelled1:10 pm: H. Rap Brown and Stokley Carmichael enter campus
Saturday April 27 1:00 am: Mark Rudd rejects mediation that does not include amnesty for striking students11:30 am: Faculty cordon around Low Library established to prevent access to demonstrators
Sunday April 28 8:00 am: Ad Hoc Faculty group announces final resolution6:00 pm: Demonstrators attempt to pass food through counter-demonstrators cordon into Low Library
Monday April 29 6:30 pm: Strikers reject final resolution
Tuesday April 30 5:30 am: NYCPD remove students from occupied buildings and clear campus, 712 arrested, 148 injured8:00 pm: Students hold strike meeting in Wollman Auditorium
Posted on January 6, 2019 January 18, 2019 Categories UncategorizedTags Black Panthers, Student Protests, Students for a Democratic Society, Vietnam WarLeave a comment on Student Take-Over at Columbia University


text:
Gli STEMM sono un gruppo metal statunitense, originario di Niagara Falls, New York, in passato legato all'etichetta Catch 22 Records.

Contesto

I primi anni
Formatisi nel giugno 1998, per mano di Joe Cafarella, Russ Martin, Jimi e Louis Penque, riusciranno - in un arco di tempo relativamente breve - ad incidere due canzoni da includere nel primissimo EP d'esordio, intitolato Further Efforts, che in soli quattro mesi venderà più di 600 copie. Inizialmente, il sound degli STEMM incorporava elementi ibridi sia di hardcore che di rapcore, stili per molti versi simili a quelli in uso nella band E.Town Concrete. Dopo aver assoldato tra le file, nel luglio 2000, il secondo chitarrista Rich Spalla, gli STEMM debutteranno sul panorama musicale pubblicando il loro primo lavoro indipendente, intitolato "Dead to Me" pubblicato nel 2002.

UFC e il combattimento televisivo
Sempre nel 2002, gli STEMM si assicureranno un contratto di collaborazione con la UFC, un'organizzazione di arti marziali statunitense, che incorporerà la loro musica durante gli eventi live dall'Agosto 2002.. Tra le canzoni incluse per ogni combattimento pay-per-wiew di The Ultimate Fighter troviamo "Holding On", "Fallen" e "Face the Pain". Quest'ultima sarà usata come tema portante della colonna sonora del UFC 2009 Undisputed, e verrà inclusa nella compilation ufficiale della UFC, denominata UFC Ultimate Beatdowns Volume 1, assieme a band del calibro di Fear Factory, Slayer e Shadows Fall. Recentemente, gli STEMM hanno anche stipulato un contratto per trasmettere la loro musica sulla stazione televisiva canadese The Fight Network.

Transizione
Il 2004 vedrà la formazione del gruppo subire alcuni importanti cambiamenti: Jimi Penque lascerà gli STEMM, a causa di divergenze sia creative che musicali, e qualche mese dopo Louis Penque seguirà lo stesso destino per motivi familiari. Questi imprevisti getteranno le basi per l'inizio della collaborazione tra i membri rimasti degli STEMM e il gruppo metal di Buffalo 5 Years Gone. Il batterista Dan Nelligan e il cantante T.J. Frost inizieranno così a comporre nuovo materiale, mentre il chitarrista degli STEMM restituirà loro il favore sostituendo i due chitarristi che da poco avevano abbandonato il gruppo di Buffalo. Dopo aver allontanato anche il bassista Russ Martin, le due band finiranno infine per fondersi, imboccando da lì a poco una nuova direzione musicale. Nonostante questo discosti il gruppo dal lavoro precedente in termini di influenze e stile, il nome resterà comunque invariato, vista la grande rilevanza che gli STEMM avevano riscosso grazie alla UFC.

Un nuovo inizio
Dopo aver riassemblato la formazione, gli STEMM firmeranno un contratto per l'etichetta Triple M Management, fondata da Rob Arnold, il chitarrista dei Chimaira. Grazie al suo aiuto, nei primi mesi del 2004 vedrà la luce "5", contenente per l'appunto 5 pezzi, dove si segnala l'apparizione del cantante dei Chimaira Mark Hunter come special-guest nella canzone "13 Years". Il nuovo EP arriverà a vendere più di mille copie in un paio di mesi, grazie anche al grande lavoro di promozione sul palco della band durante i concerti di apertura per i Sevendust, e lungo tutto il tour nazionale con Chimaira e Trivium. Gli STEMM faranno da apripista per lo show dei Damageplan, il giorno prima che un fan uccidesse sul palco Darrell "Dimebag" Abbott,, ed apriranno i concerti per i Bleed the Sky, dell'etichetta Nuclear Blast, nel leggendario locale Whisky a Go Go. Inoltre, nel 2005 prenderanno parte anche al New England Metal and Hardcore Festival, al fianco di pesi massimi come Soilwork, Danzig, Dark Tranquillity and Mnemic. Nel novembre dello stesso anno, la band pubblicherà il secondo album indipendente, dal titolo "Songs for the Incurable Heart".  Quattro tracce già incluse nel precedente demo, sommate al nuovo materiale prodotto, inclusa la canzone "The Day the Earth Stood Still" come tributo alle vittime degli attacchi dell'11 settembre, a cui il cantante T.J. Frost era sopravvissuto.

Contratto finale
Nell'Agosto 2006, la band annuncerà sulla propria pagina di MySpace d'aver ufficialmente stipulato un contratto di registrazione con la "I Scream Records" per ristampare il loro secondo album, "Songs for the Incurable Heart." Gli STEMM continueranno per un altro anno ad aprire i concerti di Godsmack e Stone Sour, finché, il 30 luglio 2007, il cantante T.J. Frost non abbandonerà il gruppo per "dissapori personali."  Con la sua partenza, il gruppo assolderà il chitarrista Alex Scouten dei 3 Minutes of Hate (che aveva precedentemente collaborato con loro nel 2003) per sostituire Rich Spalla, e affiancare Joe Cafarella, passando quest'ultimo dalla seconda voce direttamente al ruolo di cantante.

Catch 22 e Blood Scent
Dopo essersi assicurati una solida formazione, la band incomincia a lavorare su nuovo materiale per il terzo album: "Blood Scent". La canzone "Poopmouth", rinominata e in seguito inclusa nell'album come "Broken Face Masterpiece", verrà inserita in un CD allegato all'edizione di maggio della rivista Metal Edge Magazine. Nei primi di luglio verrà annunciata la fine dei lavori, ma si dovrà aspettare metà ottobre per veder terminate le rifiniture sulla scaletta e i lavori di grafica per la copertina. Allo stesso tempo, il gruppo rivelerà di aver firmato per la Catch 22 Records, una filiale della MVD Entertainment, che avrebbe gestito l'uscita del nuovo lavoro. Secondo le stesse parole del cantante Joe Cafarella, questo album sarebbe stato il loro equivalente di "Vulgar Display of Power"., facendo così un paragone diretto con il ben noto capolavoro dei Pantera. L'affermazione, però, non voleva forzare un confronto tra le due opere, bensì puntare il dito sul modo in cui questo li rappresentava per completezza nell'insieme. "Volevamo solo fare un CD che non ci avrebbe costretto a sottostare ad un certo cliché di stile. Diciamolo chiaro, i Pantera lo hanno fatto durante le loro performance dal vivo. Mentre MTV mandava 'Walk' e 'This Love', le nostre teste si scuotevano per Fucking Hostile e Mouth for War." Blood Scent verrà pubblicato l'11 novembre 2008. In un comunicato stampa della UFC, l'organizzazione annuncerà che la canzone "House of Cards" sarà usata come colonna sonora per lo show UFC Wired. Il primo singolo, "Awake", sarà accompagnato da un video prodotto e diretto dalla GDM Video Production company.

L'unione delle forze con la Trans-Fusion Entertainment
Nel tardo 2008, gli Stemm troveranno finalmente un'agenzia di booking in grado di proiettarli al di là del mercato locale,  permettendogli così un tour per tutti gli Stati Uniti per l'album Blood Scent.

Ride Or Die Tour 2009
Nel giugno 2009, la band annuncerà la propria partecipazione all'Ride Or Die Tour con le band His Name Was Yesterday e Adakain.

Probabile scioglimento (fine 2012)

Membri della Band

Line-up corrente
Joe Cafarella - voce, chitarra ritmica (1998 - 2012)
Alex Scouten - chitarra solista, beat box (1998 - 2000) (2007 - 2012)
Mario Nobilio - basso (2011 - 2012)
Dan Nelligan - batteria (2003 - 2012)

Ex membri
Louis Penque - voce (1998 - 2003)
Russ Martin - basso (1998 - 2003)
Jimi Penque - batteria (1998 - 2003)
T.J. Frost - voce (2003 - 2007)
Rich Spalla - chitarra (2000 - 2008)
Stephen Crowl - basso (2003 - 2011)

Discografia

Curiosità

Il primo concerto di apertura degli STEMM per l'etichetta dei Sevendust è stato uno tra i maggiori in assoluto.
Gli STEMM utilizzano i modelli di chitarra ESP, le Jagermeister e i Mesa Boogie.
Hanno vinto il Buffalo Music Award nella categoria Best Hardcore/Metal per 3 anni consecutivi. (2001, 2002, & 2003)
Tom "T.J." Frost è stato il cantante dei Buffalo, per la band death metal Baphomet (divenuta poi Banished),ed anche tecnico chitarrista per Chimaira e Ill Nino.

Note

Collegamenti esterni


Let's say you wanted to bake a cake. Chances are you would make a plan, choose a recipe and buy the necessary ingredients. To make your cake even more spectacular, you might pick out the highest quality ingredients, or go to a cookbook written by a baking expert like Gale Gand. You would follow her directions to the letter. When your cake is done, if you followed your plan, it will likely garner rave reviews. After everything you've put into it you'll feel a sense of accomplishment and satisfaction.
Groups that adhere to a development model are much more likely to be resilient and effective at reaching their goals. In the food co-op sector, development experts have created frameworks for expansions and startups based on deep experience and shared knowledge that accrues best practices to make growth possible in do-able stages.
Bill Gessner has spent three decades with the CDS Consulting Co-op helping hundreds of co-ops grow and develop, and as author of the Expansions and Relocations toolbox, he developed a four-stage process for existing co-ops working on growth: feasibility, preparing for leasehold improvements or construction, implementation of construction, and preparation for opening. Gessner was also instrumental, along with other sector cooperators Marilyn Scholl, Denise Chevalier and Kevin Edberg, in developing the groundbreaking Four Cornerstones in Three Stages model for startups. The model is based upon the four cornerstones of vision, talent, capital, and systems that are each within three stages of food co-op development: organizing, feasibility and planning, and implementation.
The vision for both of these development models is to support faster and more efficient start-ups by providing a way to see the whole and make sense of the parts throughout the development process. The Four Cornerstones in Three Stages, as well as the four-stage expansion process for existing co-op growth, comprise a process for developing a cooperative retail food business, a process that includes recognition of necessary support systems and decision points.
"I think it's helpful to clarify and define the stages and to look at development in terms of decision points," Gessner said. Without a model, he said, launching a project can be like stepping into quicksand. People can get sucked in and stuck—in part because projects can easily go off track. Adhering closely to a development model provides a stable foundation and tools to focus the work of the cooperative.
It also sounds counterintuitive, but Gessner said every project resists the model. There's always some unique or special circumstance related to a co-op expansion or startup, but it's the task of the group involved to keep their work contained within the model. He said one best practice is to do things in sequence, and not blur the stages. This takes discipline. For example, Gessner said, you wouldn't want to sign a lease or buy property before your financing is in place. "Once you get out of sequence, it can be hard to rein things in," he said.
Gessner also advises that co-op leaders get a good understanding of the Sources and Uses budget, and to use that as a tool to help people through the stages. "Once you begin to envision the cost and where the money comes from you can start systematizing your project." Another benefit of taking a systematic approach is that it helps professionalize the plan, increasing its fundability and its ultimate success.
Jeanie Wells also works with cooperatives in organizational growth transitions. "Whether it's an existing co-op or a startup, the value in having a structured way to work is that you can view all the tasks, details and decisions along the way," she said. Wells believes that the rigors of adhering to a development model and arriving at specific decision points gives co-ops a clearer view of the big picture and the how-to for reaching their goals.
Wells noted that sometimes people can also get fixated on the project's site or construction, and focus all their development energies on that while overlooking the important work of internal readiness. That's another area where adhering to a model can keep the co-op focused on all the things that go into a successful project, like planning, staffing and promotion.


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Like so many restorations of older movies, the reconstructed version of the late Samuel Fuller's 1980 World War II epic, "The Big Red One," plays much more smoothly than the hastily truncated edition that was first released to theaters.
Even though it has gained more than 45 minutes, it doesn't feel longer. Scenes that were choppy or half-baked are now allowed to play out as Fuller intended. Thanks to critic/filmmaker Richard Schickel, who dug through the Warner Bros. vaults to find the missing footage, this reconstruction includes 15 entirely new sequences, plus pieces of 23 other scenes.
Originally rated PG, the movie is now rated R for scenes and bits of scenes that reveal a war-is-hell depravity only hinted at in the 1980 release.
"The Big Red One: The Reconstruction," with Lee Marvin, Mark Hamill, Robert Carradine. Written and directed by Samuel Fuller.158 minutes. Rated R for violence, profanity. Northwest Film Forum.
As before, Fuller's autobiographical script follows a leathery sergeant (Lee Marvin) to North Africa, Sicily, Omaha Beach, Belgium, Germany and the liberation of a Czech concentration camp. Surviving along with him are a sensitive kid who freezes in battle (Mark Hamill), a callow teenager (Kelly Ward), a moody wisecracker (Bobby Di Cicco) and a gruff, cigar-chomping writer (Robert Carradine), who narrates the film and clearly represents Fuller.
One of the disappointments of the earlier version was the sketchiness of these characters, especially Ward and Di Cicco. There's still not much more to them, but Carradine's character has been given a few perverse twists, Marvin's bonding with war orphans plays a more important role, and the film now builds more naturally to a devastating scene, full of pity and bloodlust, that expresses the soldiers' reactions to what they find at the death camp.
This reconstructed version is still not "The Big Red One" that Fuller envisioned. Apparently he started with a 270-minute version that was whittled down to 113 minutes for the 1980 release. Schickel and his restoration team were able to find only about an hour of missing material, which they edited to conform to Fuller's shooting script. Unless more pieces are found, it's likely to become the definitive edition.